announcement the college music society is undertaking the publication of a new series, bibliographies in american music, which will initially concentrate on the subject areas of composers, regional studies, and special topics. the first group of projects planned for publication includes: george gershwin by charles schwartz (hunter college); louis moreau gottschalk by john g. doyle (mansfield state college, pa.); charles lues by frederick freedman (vassar college); john knowles paine by kenneth c. roberts, jr. (williams college); and horatio parker by william kearns (university of colorado). other projects are also in the planning stage. anyone interested in submitting a project for consideration should contact frederick freedman (chairman, publications committee, college music society) at the music library, vassar college, poughkeepsie, n.y. 12601. 55 special project musicology and the musical composition part ll, the musical composition cherrl seltzer, editor in the preceding issue current musicology initiated a special project, "musicology and the musical composition." the purpose of this symposium is to increase our understanding of the musical work in western tradition by evaluating modes of musicological description and explanation. patricia carpenter and richard crocker explored, from different points of view, the notion of a musical composition. they considered, in historical context; such questions as the conceptualization and apprehension of music, the nature and criteria of a musical entity, music as object and music as process, and our assumptions about musical form. commentaries on these papers were solicited from individuals representing the field of music and other relevant disciplines. leo treitler, ruth halle rowen, edward cone, david burrows, psychologist rudolf arnheim, and bernard stambler, from the field of literature and cultural history, contributed the first group of responses. in the present issue saul novack, responding to professor crocker's question, what is a musical piece, investigates the cohesion ofmuiti-movement compositions and the criteria of musical structure. maria rika maniates evaluates miss carpenter's distinction between music as object and music as process and sketches the historical factors which have conditioned our conceptualization and apprehension of music. in regard to miss carpenter's discussion of the historical emergence of the objectified musical work, architect kenneth kaiser considers analogous developments in the conceptualization of an architectural entity. treating the apprehension and description of the musical work, philosopher arnold berleant proposes a distinction between experiential and conceptual realms of musical perception. the nature of music in its relation to man's emotional experiencing of his world is discussed in a historical context by philosopher robert hall. finally, we present professor crocker's reply to the initial group of papers and miss carpenter's response to the discussion as a whole. further exploration of this topic will follow, and current musicology's readers are invited to participate with their letters. (for a comment on the project, see the letters section of this issue.) 85 dissertations from. abroad the research chronicle no.3 of the royal musical association has published a list compiled by paul doe, detailing all postgraduate theses written at british universities since 1945; the list will be up-dated in subsequent issues. to avoid duplication of effort, current musicology will cease with this issue its own listing of theses written at british universities. dissertations written at the rijksuniversiteit in utrecht and published from 1938 to 1958 can be found in music in holland (ed. e. reeser, amsterdam 1959), p. 116. 198 cambridge university the style and structure of frescobaldi's keyboard ricercari and fantasias, with reference to the related instrumental forms of his predecessors. a. p. lessem. 1966. erik satie: his studies, notebooks, and critics. w. p. gowers. 1966. thomas linley, juniorhis life, work, and times. g. e. beechey. 1965. the songs of william byrd. p. brett. 1965. la querelle des bouffons. a. m. whittall. 1964. eustache deschamps: his life and his contribution to the development of the rondeau, the virelai, and the ballade. 1. s. laurie. 1963. english organ music and the english organ under the first four georges. p. f. williams. 1963. purcell's stage works. a. m. laurie. 1963. in progress the early history of the english chapel royal. 1. d. bent. old hall manuscript. m. h. bent. a critical edition of the keyboard music of william byrd. a. m. brown. the evolution of english opera from 1656 to 1695, a reinvestigation. j. m. buttrey. the operas of francesco cavalli. d. k. elcombe. berlioz and the romantic movement. h. j. macdonald. a critical edition of the keyboard works of giles and robert farnaby, with a discussion of giles farnaby's music and a new account of his life. r. k. marlow. the technique and performance of plainsong during the 15th and 16th centuries. mother thomas more. sources of english cathedral music ca. 1600-1640. .i. m. morehen. musical notation in the 20th century. r. h. ortoc';. religious music in northern italy in the early 17th century. .i. l. a. roche. .. shorter notices harold brook porter an integrated course in music literature, theory, and ensemble performance for talented high school students ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 64-10,462), 1964 (cniversity of arizona diss.) cortland hultberg in an age in whieh one is too often assailed by educational panaceas to offset or destroy the sins of our stumbling forebears, it is refreshing indeed to read a fully-baked plan that makes a good deal of sense and offers some very practical advice to music educators. mr. porter's dissertation is commendable not only for its knowledgeable appraisal of the problems inherent to the high school music program but also for a well-conceived, scholarly, and thorough plan of action which could do much to foster, at long last, musicianship in the school program. well aware of the almost insurmountable difficulties in curriculum changes and scheduling, mr. porter plans to inject already existing high school ensembles with a good dose of music history, practical theory, and performance practices. although not completely original with mr. porter, the idea of integrating literature, theory, and performance on a chronological basis appears to be a very useful approach. it provides musical materials in an easily assimilated form; and running as it does from gregorian chant through the renaissance, baroque, and classic periods, it gives the student an opportunity to identify with some of the most important contributions to the musical art of the western world. mr. porter lists nine works from this period to be listened to, studied, taken apart, synthesized, rehearsed, and finally, performed in a sort of secondary-level collegium musicum lecture-recital. like all good educational schemes, mr. porter's is dependent upon a rare ingredient: effective and dedicated teaching. the instructional staff is, in mr. porter's words, the "single most important factor to be considered" in implementing his program. the lack of suitable teachers for such a program is quite understandable when one considers the number of graduates each year from our institutions of higher learning who are really not prepared to enter into any program of integrated study, since such integration is almost unknown on the university campus. "splinter" courses in theory, ear-training, solfeggio, keyboard harmony, period history courses, and isolated performance ensembles have actually discouraged students from viewing their university experience as an integrated whole. if we believe in the ultimate effectiveness of mr. porter's plan for the high school music program, then we must take steps to provide this type of instruction at the college and university level. however, the state of music at the north american university is not as abysmally black as might be inferred from the preceding. a few signs of change 192 away from the "traditional" splintered program are in growing evidence. the trend which now seems to be asserting itself is towards exactly that which .mr. porter urges, a plan which integrates music theory, history, and performance. universities that are starting or have already begun such programs will be producing a brand of high school music teacher who will more easily be able to fully implement the "laboratory in musicianship" that harold brook porter describes. at institutions such as the university of british columbia, evidence of the superiority of an integrated program is already at hand after only two years of operation. through its chronological organization from ancient greece to the present, students in this comprehensive plan arc well aware of historical development. as an important adjunct, especially in the light of mr. porter's dissertation, they can take with them into their subsequent teaching a better understanding of a wealth of musical literature. cortland hultberg is professor of music at the university of british columbia, vancouver, canada. john malcom tait the significance of musical understanding in music education columbia university ed.d., 1963 gary m. martin the purpose of john tait's study is to examine authoritative views regarding musical understanding and to propose a definition of the same. he then attempts to relate this definition to the educational process of the public schools. musical understanding is defined as a process in which a person re-creates the sounds he hears in terms of his own feelings, knowledge, and imagination. five areas of musical understanding are identified as follows: (a) hearing music: aural recognition of the components of music, such as, rhythm, melody, harmony, form, and so forth. (b) seeing music: visual recognition of musical relationships when they are presented in a musical score. (c) imagining music: (sec below) (d) feeling music: imagining and feeling music are the most intangible of the five aspects of musical understanding. music elements suggest to individuals concepts which may form a bridge between the music and life itself. these concepts (or bridges) are formed by individuals as an out-growth of the interaction between music and their feelings and background. (e) knowing music: knowledge of music history, music theory, musical instruments, and musical forms. tait acknowledges that, in the opinions of some musicians, more than one 193 report: the current status of the copyright revision bill rose rosengard although it is unlikely that the present congress will act on the 1"1 new copyright bill, significant progress has been made this session towards the bill's completion and ultimate passage. the sub-committee of the house judiciary committee has now completed its work and made its report to the full judiciary committee, which in tum has approved the report. if a bill were written and introduced in the house this session, however, the senate would not have time to consider a companion bill at the same time; moreover, in addition to reading the house report, the senate may wish to hold its own hearings on the subject. thus, since without senate action the house would have to reintroduce the bill next session in any case, it will probably refrain from acting this session. the senate notwithstanding, it is questionable whether the house could resolve certain controversial issues with sufficient speed to allow presentation of the final bill this session. in fact, only one portion of the bill seems to have been completely settled at the present moment: it is reasonably certain that congress will extend the present copyright term to include the life of the author plus fifty years thereafter. the problems of copying, duplication, storage, and retrieval with computer and photo-copying devices, on the contrary, will have to be settled by a compromise which will undoubtedly prove less than satisfactory to all parties concerned. this situation is hardly surprising, considering the disparate objectives of writers and publishers on the one hand and copying interests in the educational world on the other. in addition to research needs of scholars, the "fair-use" section of the bill involves the desire of educational television interests to obtain broad exemptions from payment of fees for the use of copyrighted works. writers and publishers seem willing to make certain concessions to these interests, but the educational broadcasters apparently want more. the matter is still being negotiated and some compromise is likely. telecasts by the community antenna television systems (catv), which are judged to serve only as supplements to local coverage, will probably be exempted from royalty payments, but payment will almost certainly be exacted for broadcasts in areas not otherwise covered by local stations at the same time. this too is still under negotiation. the jukebox industry opposes the latest provision calling for a payment of 3 cents every three months for use of a work in a machine. while the matter is still being negotiated, it seems clear that the exemption currently enjoyed by rose rosengard is a doctoral candidate in the department of music, columbia university. 175 tht' industry will be repealed and that some royalty payment will be required. it is t'qually clear that whatever the industry does pay will be provided for in the statute. \vhether provision will also be made to renegotiate an increase in tht' statutory rate at some later time is not yet known. if it is not and if the history of the 1909 statute is considered as precedent, it could mean that no increase in the jukebox statutory rate will be effected until the copyright law is again revised that is, perhaps not for another sixty years. the fee of2 cents a side required by the 1909 law for every recording made of a work will be increased to 2.5 cents or one-half cent per minute, whichever is greater. the recording industry has raised little opposition to the increase, but writers and publishers are very much dissatisfied by the %-cent increase, which they feel bears no relationship to the rise in the cost ofliving since 1909 and is inadequate in comparison with the high salaries earned by recording artists. the rate is a ceiling; therefore, negotiation of a higher rate is forbidden, although there is nothing to prevent recording companies from negotiating lower rates. in effect, the recording company is being protected, although it is the copyright owner whom congress is charged to protect. information about the present state of the so-called manufacturer's clause (requiring manufacture of an item in the u.s.a. in return for full copyright protection) is now available. thus while the relevant material has been collected from all interested parties, further compromises will have to be reached before the house committee is ready to report out its bill. assuming that the new congress does not differ significantly from the old in its attitude towards copyright practice, a new law will in all likelihood be passed during the coming session. 176 eddie covington bass-thematic procedures in the symphonies of berlioz ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 65-3988, 1964. (673 pp., university of north carolina diss.) charles suttoni considering the amount of prose that has been given over to berlioz the man and the composer, relatively little has been devoted to an analysis of the music itself. eddie covington bass's thematic procedures in the symphonies of berlioz is a welcome sign of growing interest in the music, and though its analytical approach is too limited to provide a truly satisfactory account of berlioz's thematic structure, it does offer a thoroughly documented study of one method of constructing a melody. bass opens his study with a brief, but adequate, historical account of the four works involved: the symphonie fantastique, harold in italy, romeo and juliet, and the funeral and triumphal symphony. the justification for considering these works as a group is the fact that berlioz, himself, called them "symphonies" and, given berlioz's great familiarity with beethoven's compositions, "it is not likely that there could have been any confusion of genre" (p. 2). this statement implies that there is some feature of berlioz's symphonic writing that sets it apart from his other works. the implication is misleading, because the author is well aware that berlioz often mixed genres and that he transferred music originally written for overtures, operas, and cantatas to the symphonies; the symphonie fantastique and harold in italy are prime examples. bass, however, skirts the point and makes no attempt to differentiate the themes of the symphonies from those of other works. the "symphonies" of the dissertation's title is merely a means of limiting the analysis to the four works named. beethoven's eroica and liszt's faust symphony are also included in the study to provide some degree of historical perspective for the berlioz works. as the study is basically analytical, however, little is made of the historical comparison between berlioz and beethoven or liszt. the heart of the dissertation consists of separate analyses of berlioz's initial statement of themes and his later development of them. the analysis adopts a method employed by edgar alden in an earlier dissertation ("the role of the motive in musical structure," university of north carolina, 1956). this method deals almost exclusively with repetition within the melodic lineeither exact or modified-as a thematic procedure. for all the value such an analytical method may have in the study of motives, it presents an unbalanced view of berlioz's themes because it shunts aside such other essential characteristics as phrase length, cadence patterns, harmonic direction, and chromatic alteration. in essence, it would appear that bass started with the method and applied it to berlioz, rather than starting with berlioz and working toward an analytical approach that would best explain the material. in 109 the end, the analysis falters in its attempt to elucidate berlioz's melodic structure. given this major limitation in the ·basic method, the analysis presented is orderly and comprehensive. in the chapter on initial thematic statements, for example, bass distinguishes seven different forms of repetition: exact transposed, but non-sequential modified pitch contour modified rhythmic contour minor modifications of pitch and rhythm sequential thematic transformation. his review of the extent to which each form of repetition can be found in the symphonies is further subdivided by the size of the musical unit involved (short motive, long motive, phrase) and by whether the repetition is successive or not. the chapter on thematic development repeats the same group of categories and adds several other alternatives for handling thematic material, such as fragmentation of a theme before or after its first appearance, motivic relationships between themes, the transfer of a theme from one context to another (the idee fixe and the "harold" theme), and contrapuntal combinations of thematic material. again, each section of the chapter is subdivided by the size of the musical unit and the various forms each procedure may take. with this analytical approach, bass is able to highlight those types of repetition the composer favored and those he rarely used. berlioz, for example, "characteristically made minor modifications in phrases of the same theme" (p. 70). berlioz also employed transposed repetition relatively often because it "provided a means of thematic continuity between phrases" of a modulating theme (p. 46). observations such as these-and there are many in the study-have some value, but tend to fall short of defining the major characteristic of a typical berlioz theme: continuous and subtle modification of all elements. the analytical method can identify a point of chromatic alteration but ,does not go far enough with the harmonic implications of the change or with the nature of the alteration that propels the melodic line forward. in the end, bass himself concludes that the themes are "essentially non-repetitive," and that for all the rigorous analysis the study presents, "berlioz's melody remains elusive" (p. 211). bass clearly knows these works wen. he has diligently searched out each instance of each procedure he discusses and gathered them conveniently into an appendix. there are many musical examples, and each aptly illustrates the point under discussion, a virtue not to be taken for granted. as it stands, the work is a thorough study of one rather limited aspect of berlioz's melodic lines. 110 reply to michael kassler matt c. hughes i wish to thank you and mr. michael kassler for the review [current musicology 1966: 82-86] of my unpublished thesis, tonal orientation in skriabin's preludes: an analjsis on the basis of information theory. there are, however, several inaccuracies and many sections of the review that i feel are unnecessarily complicated-all of which warrant comment. my thesis makes no claim that this type of analysis would either partially or fully chronologically organize any group of compositions. the purpose of this type of analysis, as devised in my thesis" is to pinpoint varying degrees of tonal complexity. it can readily show differences in this regard (if there are any) among any given group of compositions notated in "primitive symbols of current common musical notation" (p. 82). the fact that they should fall in exact chronological order would appear j.nlikely, although not impossible, depending upon the sampling. as every analytical tool has its limitations, those of quantitative musicological research are obvious and should warrant no comment. mr. kassler writes: "however, as will be evident, hughes's characterization of his treatment of the skriabin preludes as information-theoretic in the shannon tradition is mistaken" (p. 83). indeed, it would be mistaken, and at no time do i make such a claim. my procedure was not only inspired by a basic idea proposed by the esteemed wilhelm fucks but extends it as given by f. winckel in "die informationstheoretische analyse musikalischer struckturen", (die musikforschung 17: 1-14, 1964). i think dr. fucks's name should have been mentioned in the review, as his idea was certainly an important factor in the development of this technique. in a footnote mr. kassler states: "i have made no attempt to check hughes's numerical calculations in general, though ... i did find some errors. occasionally decisions were required by the calculator that are not included in the calculation procedures hughes presents. for example, in the left-hand part of the antepenultimate measure of op. 11, no.1, hughes apparently assigned to each note the bit value of 1/3, whereas the bit value 2/5 seems to me correct" (p. 83). mr. kassler is correct in assuming that the bit value in question is 1/3. although the rather unorthodox arrangement of the beat offers an interesting performance problem, it does not mathematically. since op. 11, no.1 contains nearly six measures of this type of unconventional arrangement at the end of the composition, and if performance were possible according to mr. kassler's calculations, i find that the right hand would finish approximately one measure before the left. "because some of hughes's verbal constructions are idiolectal and unkeyed to standard english, i am unsure that i have reproduced always the meaning he would convey" (p. 83). likewise, this statement may also serve as a characterization of mr. kassler's writing style. i wonder whether his terms 'note-type' and 'note-type-type' are an essential contribution to musicological terminology. "hughes writes that tonal orientation 'is meant to be the occurrence of each note and its durational value' (p. 15). but this is not of much help" 143 (p. 85). assuredly, one sentence is of little value; but perhaps the rest of the paragraph from which the quotation was lifted would elucidate matters, particularly since i continue after the above quote that this would be discussed later. "we find that hughes neither articulates any specific hypotheses about skriabin's preludes nor puts the data to any significant use" (p. 86). the hypotheses concerning my thesis are clearly stated on p. 14. the question arises as to what mr. kassler expected my thesis to prove. i intended it to show concise amounts of what i call and define as tonal complexity. "and surely hughes deserves criticism for having become engaged in a data-collection procedure ... without justification of the unconventional measurement criteria" (p. 86). apparently, mr. kassler is undecided in this criticism. mter having stated my main concern, namely, "tonal orientation" versus "tonal organization", mr. kassler continues: " ... the necessity for unusual measurements should cause no surprise" (p. 85). " ... and with hardly any comment on the results other than 'they are here'" (p. 86). any analysis can only show what is there. the question, however, is what is there? reply to matt c. hughes michael kassler matt c. hughes austin, texas mr. hughes's reply accuses me ofinaccuracies, but the accusation appears to be gratuitous, for he mentions none. some comments by way of surrebuttal: 1. the phrase 'information theory' has come to mean specifically the field whose development stems from the classical shannon articles and whose current state is illustrated by the content of such journals as the ieee transactions on information theory. to speak today of information theory not in the shannon tradition is oxymoronic. 2. re opus 11, no.1: footnote 2 of my review indicated the presence of a rhythmic problem caused by the composition's being noted not in the current common musical notation (ccmn). hughes has interpreted (for instance) the measures excerpted in ex. 1 as if ex. 2 were their ccmn equivalent; in my review, i said that "the bar placement seems to disallow hughes's 'fiveagainst-three' interpretation"-if the bar had been placed after the second note of the left-hand group of three notes, rather than before, i would have left hughes's interpretation unquestioned. example 3 is the ccmn equivalent of ex. 1 i would tentatively propose (based only on consultation of the edward b. marks reprinted edition). since my version clearly does not have the right hand finishing befqre the left and does have a left-hand note 'bit value' of2/5, hughes's finding of an error in my commentary must be 'lost'. 3. hughes apparently believes that merely by naming the results of his internal-evidential procedures a 'measure of tonal complexity' he has 144 i8th-century music and the problems of its history gerald abraham i t is arguable that the first important step 'in the direction of a comprehensive history of the music of the 18th century was taken the year after paul henry lang's birth, when in 1902 hugo riemann published a volume of mannheim symphonies in the second (bavarian) series of denkmiiler deutscher tonkunst. up to then the 18th century had seemed to consist musically of "the age of bach and handel" and "the age of haydn and mozart," with .little but gluck and c. p. e. bach in between; that, at any rate, was the impression given not only by late 19th-century histories like naumann's but also by the original oxford history of music (1901-05). even the heroes who exelusivelyfilled the stage were seen neither whole nor correctly in detail, neither in perspective nor in relation to each other and the period as a whole. bach was just being wrongly re-drawn as a pre-romantic; handel's operas were regarded as dead; gluck was the reformer of opera (and his non-reformed operas of all periods were conveniently forgotten); c. p. e. bach was mainly interesting as a forerunner of haydn and beethoven; haydn himself was known almost ex:elusively by his last symphonies and quartets and the two great oratorios; and 'mozart, like haydn, was a "forerunner" of beethoven who composed music that was divinely innocent and beautiful but lacked emotional depth. it was riemann's discovery of the mannheimers, followed some years later by guido adler's discovery of the viennese symphonists, which first obliged thinking musicians to recognize that the baroque wave exhausted itself by mid-century, that a new wave-of rococo or sentimentality, two aspects of the same style-was all the while forming itself to mount and break in turn. and this recognition led in turn to the perception that gluck's dramatic reforms, the elements of sturm und drang that came to light in c. p. e. bach and haydn the more one studied them, and the element of the diimonisch in mozart to which hermann abert first drew attention in 1919, were the symptoms of yet another wave that was to pile up in beethoven and then curl over and break in the flurry of romanticism. unfortunately, so far as the concert and opera repertories are concerned, we are still hardly out of the pre-riemann conception of the 18th century. 49 delimitation by centuries is an arbitrary way of measuring off history, but all ways of delimiting historical periods are arbitrary; the frontiers, even the seemingly natural ones, like 1600, always cut across something vital. but the 18th century with its two great "ages"-or, as we now see it, its three great stylistic waves-baroque/rococo/pre-romantic-iooks temptingly neat. too neat. these are still only the convenient abstractions of the historian's mind, and before we can hope to write a really valid account of the century's music as it really was, we need to get further behind these abstractions, find a great many more facts and ask a great many questions about them. the facts are mostly purely musical ones, the questions are also partly musical but also generally cultural, social, even economic or political. the number ofimportant 18th:..century composers whose work we still know only in part is enormous. all but a few of the operas of even such a key figure as alessandro scarlatti are terra incognita to all but a few scholars. vivaldi's vast corpus of instrumental music has been well studied and a large proportion of it is now readily available in modern editions, but his nearly fifty operas remain virtually unknown even to specialists. and alessandro scarlatti and vivaldi are not secondary figures. the position with minor but not negligible composers is naturally just as bad; it could hardly be worse. and attention is still much too firmly focused on italy, the german-speaking lands, and france. they are central, of course, but even if we knew all we need to know about their music our picture of the 18th century would still be very incomplete. british and american scholars do not forget england-though the british sometimes forget america-and the scholars of every peripheral country can be relied on to remember their own cultural heritage; but no one takes a grand synoptic view for the very sound reason that no one yet is in a position to take it. it is only a few years since barry brook moved the french symphony into our line of vision, but a truly synoptic view of the symphony in the 18th century would have to take into account also the really peripheral, almost domestic symphonies written in poland during the second half of the century and only now unearthed in any quantity and published and studied. it is the peripheral countries-scandinavian, slav, iberian-that should fill in the background. and like the celebrated incident of the dog that didn't bark in the night, the weakness or absence of some particular form of 50 musical culture in a particular environment may guide us to the true reasons for its flourishing in another. these reasons are often non-musical, sometimes even non-cultural. however as an art music may appear to be, it is seldom to appreciate accurately and sympathetically the music of any country or period in detachment from its social and general cultural background. we must beware of detecting superficial, and sometimes absurd, pseudo-parallels with other atts, and instead trace the noumenal origins of the phenomena. i myself once described the young mozart's church music as "the precise musical equivalent of such rococo churches as balthasar neumann's vierzehnheiligen"; i think this is so-but the question the musical historian must ask is "why?" what was the essence of the religious nature that found expression in such music and such churches? of course all 18th-century :church music, like that of other centuries, must be explained in terms of religion itself-in the protestant field alone, in terms of german pietism, anglican latitudinarianism, and anglo-american nonconformist "enthusiasm." . to observe and collect facts about compositions, and test evidence for this or that manner of performance, is basic but it is not enough. far too much contemporary musicology is devoted to this kind of labor for its own sake. it is indispensable groundwork and, as i have already observed, much remains to be done. but it is only groundwork, the raw material' of history, not true history itself. why the decline of solo song in italy during the century, the gradual death of the solo concerto? we must first establish by research that solo song really did die out, that our assumption rests on something more than our ignorance of the sources in which 18th-century italian solo song is preserved; but before we can go on to write the true history of 18th-century italian music, we must make at least a determined attempt to explain why solo song died. perhaps if we could make up our minds as to what are the grand problems of musical history in the 18th century, we'could profitably reorientate and provisionally delimit the dire1ctions and scope of our basic research. 51 paul henry lang: an enlightened critic of the enlightenr.nent otis 17ellows voltaire, with a touch of awe usually reserved for the illustrious dead, once called his very much alive contemporary and fellow encyclopedist, denis diderot, a pantophile, this is to say, one who knows about and is interested in everything. with the appearance of music in western civilization in 1941, it became apparent that paul henry lang was also such a man. on that occasion virgil thomson wrote, "it is really a history of music adorned with constant references to the other arts, to political events, to social conditions and to those customs both local and general that are nowadays referred to as cultural patterns." warren d. allen noted, "not since the appearance of two great histories of music by dr. charles burney and sir john hawkins, back in 1776, has there been anything in the english language which can compare with lang's colossal achievement." and eric blom stated, " ... a vast and impressive book ... enormously large and rich .... to have planned such a work at all is to be acclaimed a man of rare intellectual courage and zeal; to have carried it out so well is to take a high place among contemporary musical scholars." recently lang's wide-ranging intellect has borne new fruit: a remarkable biography of the great master handel. lang's interests, his appreciation, and his authority seem to lie everywhere. for those like myself who are primarily interested in the french 18th century, it is manifest that he excels in the so-called age of enlightenment. his judgments are sure, his insights brilliant. among dr. lang's investigations of themes related to music in 18th-century france, there immediately comes to mind a host of topics: la q,uerelle des bouifons, music of the french rococo, j eanphilippe rameau's squabbles with the philosophes, the encyclopedists' forays into the history, science, and aesthetics of music, and, more explicitly, the concern of such figures as d' alembert, grimm, d'holback, rousseau, and diderot with musical theory and practice. all of this is indeed part and parcel of the french enlightenment. the term "enlightenment," it will be recalled, commonly 84 designates a revolution in the history of ideas and especially in 18th-century france. this includes, on the one hand, the popularization and dissemination in literary form of scientific knowledge and, on the other, an all-pervasive philosophical and critical spirit. those in the forefront of the movement were generally referred to as philosophes, although most of them shunned the construction and elaboration of systems of philosophy. they believed that human progress was a distinct possibility through the use of the experimental method in science and the free exercise of god-given reason in all matters pertaining to man. moreover, most of them were encyclopedists as well, in other words, contributors to the encyclopedic, that stupendous intellectual and publishing enterprise of the age. specialists in this area-an area with intricacies of thought and feeling and with the darkness of still insufficiently explored corners-are brought up short by the spectacle of a musicologist adroitly overcoming the difficulties of its topography, and penetrating its recesses with consummate ease. but the musicologist is paul lang and, as the french would say, c'est tout dire! scattered throughout his writings is evidence of his masterful understanding of the age. two recent articles clearly demonstrate their author's comprehension of and insights into the period in question. the first of these is "diderot as musician,"l and the second, "the enlightenment and music."2 professor lang's vast erudition, ,which he wears so lightly, is everywhere apparent in these pages. he has that singular gift of being at once lucid, interesting, and challenging to enlightenment specialists and cultured lay readers alike. in "diderot as musician," the author effortlessly seizes the various facets of denis diderot's exceptional mind. he traces the evolution of the philosophe's thoughts and speculations on music in all their manifestations. the reader is afforded a crisp account of diderot, a highly knowledgeable amateur of music who was drawn into the field first as a musical scientist, a mathematical acoustician, then as a lover of music as a purely artistic expression. professor lang reminds us that diderot arrived reasonably late at the conclusion that music is the most violent of all the arts. we also see the impact of diderot, as editor-in-chief of the encyclopedic, on the aesthetics of music and, more specifically, the role he played in bringing about operatic reform. it is here that professor lang renders no mean service to students· of the '85 enlightenment by setting them straight in a few, carefully choaen words on the thorny problem of rameau's relations with diderot, rousseau, d' alembert, and others of the encyclopedic group. lang tells us "i dwelt on this unhappy episode at some length because music historians are too ready to put all the blame on the philosophes who wronged a great composer, while the literary historians cannot fathom rameau's exceptional qualities as composer-scholar." professor lang's "the enlightenment and music" is-for those concerned with french 18th-century history, science, philosophy, and literature-a most useful pendant to the preceding article, and a veritable treasure-trove of information. we are properly convinced that music-dealing as it does with mathematics and art, physics and aesthetics, tied up as it is with the human mind and human emotions-is heir to a hundred definitions, all more or less true, none wholly so. we are, in consequence, led to believe that it is perhaps the most complex of all man-made disciplines. furthermore, we are duly persuaded that, with the enlightenment, the regarding the origin and growth of the involved phenomenon that is 'music are abandoned in favor of concrete theories. music is now viewed or conceived as a rational discipline with melody as its essence, and leibnitz's definition is called to mind that music is "a hidden mathematical exercise of the spirit unaware of its counting while making music." in short, its double functionthat of a science and that of an art-becomes strikingly clear. even the layman is at last able to see in music, as in other disciplines, a serious attempt being made to bring reason and nature into some sort of unison; such an effort is, as professor lang points out, characteristic of the enlightenment. in all this, precisely what was accomplished in the age under scrutiny? before entering into specifics, professor lang has this to say: the desire to understand and explain the world of appearances was as strong in music as in the other fields during the enlightenment, but since music without the conceptual associations does not express anything but itself, the philosophers and musical theorists hit upon a formidable obstacle. they explored the scientific properties of music, and here the achievements of the enlightenment are extraordinary. these achievements, as well as the mote technical aspects of 86 the article itself, might befittingly summarized by lang's concluding sentence: "the enlightenment gave us all our modern theories and concepts of music; it codified tonality, it created the system of harmony by recognizing the dualism of major and minor, and, above all, it created musical logic." the men of the french enlightenment knew full well that the performing arts as a whole and music in particular were an ennobling "means of addressing mankind" (mussorgsky). of this too, both in the above-mentioned articles and in his writings in general, paul henry lang has been eminently successful in convincing the interested reader. notes 1 diderot studies 10:95-107 (1968). 2 eighteenth-century studies 1 :93-103 (september 1967). 87 introduction and overview leonie rosenstiel, project editor in 1968, at an informal gathering of musicologists and performers, a casual discussion revealed to me that there were serious misunderstandings and, in some instances, tensions between the two groups. there was neither a consensus of opinion on the functions and interrelationships of musicologyl and performance, nor a clear conception of the functions and interrelationships of composition, criticism, and pedagogy. previously, while i had been studying violin and chamber music with louis persinger,2 he had used some of the concepts of musicology (though not under that name) as an integral part of his pedagogical method. he had, therefore, been giving me a simultaneous exposure to both musicology and performance. in fact, these two branches of music were so closely interwoven in his teaching that i did not even realize they were considered separate fields. when i entered graduate school, however, the term "musicology" began to be applied to a certain aspect of my work, and i found that many performers were skeptical of its value and meaning. conversely, many musicologists tended to harbor negative stereotypes of performers. further discussions on this subject convinced me that a genuine need existed for open and honest communication among specialists in all aspects of music. some experts actually believed that they had nothing to say to those in other branches of the discipline! i felt that this situation was impeding the free interchange of ideas so necessary to the health and growth of music as a whole, and that, ifit were to continue unchecked, it could lead to the isolation of each specialty and would ultimately be detrimental to all. the need to develop a more effective means of improved mutual comprehension was urgent. when, early in 1971, the editorial board of current musicology began to consider proposals for special projects for the 1972 and 1973 issues, i submitted a plan to provide a forum for composers, performers, musicologists, critics, and pedagogues. the main goal was to discover how, in each contributor's opinion, based on his own experience and training, the various specialties are interrelated. i hoped that those who contributed articles to this project would discuss the functions of these specialties and the ideal balance among them.3 the suggestion was approved by the board, members of the staff were asked to submit the names of those they felt would make meaningful contributions, and efforts were made to contact a representative crosssection of the musical community in the united states, europe, and latin america. the response to our invitations to contribute articles was so overwhelming that the project itself, originally planned for this issue alone, has had to be expanded to include the following issue as well. our editorial policy in this symposium has been not to include any previously published material. 81 all such offers, whether they were of articles or excerpts from books, were, therefore, declined. in attempting to give our contributors freedom to express their thoughts, we have tried to impose as few restrictions as possible, of either format or content. some authors chose to discuss one specific problem or question in depth, others to survey the general musical scene. still others requested and were given a list of questions, and were invited to discuss any or all of them in their articles. the staff felt that this diversity of approach would, ultimately, reveal what each contributor considered most important, and that one article might pose a problem to which another might suggest a solution. this is, indeed, what has happened. some articles illuminate, comment, and expand upon subjects that others have treated in a more summary fashion. thus this collection has become an intricate mosaic which must be considered as a whole rather than a series of independent parts. concern for the present state of music, the history of communication (or lack of it) among specialists in different areas of music and related fields, and the assessment of the effects of such communication today occupied every author in this project. not all approached these subjects from the same point of view, nor did they necessarily arrive at the same conclusions. nevertheless, such an emphasis on these topics is, in itself, significant. another major trend which manifested itself was a deep concern for the scope and quality of music education, not only as it affects the specialized musician, but also as it helps to form the attitudes and tastes of the general public. over two-thirds of the authors who contributed articles to this issue chose to discuss one or more aspects of the problem (anderson, arlt, cazeaux, doris, hedges, koston, lesure, little, loeb, rabin, stevens, and tureck). performance practice was another area treated by composers as well as musicologists and performers. although more authors discussed the place of musicology in preparing performances of early music (arlt, cazeaux, doris, fuchs, hedges, little, menuhin, stevens, and tureck), its uses in later repertoire were also mentioned (fuchs, hedges, landau, loeb, menuhin, and rabin). even its potential misuses were not ignored (fuchs, landau, menuhin, rabin, and stevens). the philosophy and psychology of various aspects of music and the assumptions of their practitioners were also scrutinized. some articles examined the philosophical and psychological components of more than one branch of the discipline and the different psyches and general philosophies of musicians of the past as well as the present (anderson, arlt, cazeaux, fuchs, gonzalez, hedges, landau, lesure, little, menuhin, newman, rabin, stevens, and tureck). many of the contributors to this issue have included in their articles predictions of the direction which their particular specialty (or specialties) may take in the future. some have also singled out various current and potential problems and made specific suggestions for their resolution 82 (anderson, cazeaux, hedges, koston, lesure, little, loeb, menuhin, rabin, stevens, and tureck). three authors also chose to discuss music criticism (cazeaux, landau, and rabin). based on this evidence, it would appear that musicians in all aspects of the discipline, as well as in different parts of the world, share common concerns. an interest in communication, the present and future of music as both art and science, education, performance practice, philosophy and psychology, and a self-critical approach are apparent throughout the entire collection. this is certainly a hopeful sign. in our age of specialization, it has become increasingly difficult even for those working in different branches of the same discipline to communicate with each other. when people cannot communicate, or when they simply believe that they have nothing to say to one another, each group is likely to develop derogatory stereotypes of the others. this situation, in turn, creates artificial, psychological barriers which impede communication. in this respect, music has been no exception. the first step toward reestablishing and improving lines of communication is to reassess the entire field. once the groups directly involved (or, in this case, a representative sample thereof) have considered their interrelationships and decided what they now expect from themselves and from each other, they can consider what their ideal relationships should be. in this process existing prejudices may be unearthed and examined, so that any unwarranted negative feelings can be eliminated, while at the same time any legitimate grievances may also be aired. it is my hope that this symposium will help to pinpoint the problems and open the way for further meaningful communication among members of the music world. notes 1 it has been the policy of current musicology to consider as musicology "all serious speech communications about music of high and low cultures, of the east or of the west, whether their bias is historical, esthetical, ethnomusicological, meta-theoretical, psycho-acoustical, or interdisciplinary in other possible ways." see current musicology (spring 1965), i: 42-43. 2 louis persinger (1887-1966), from 1930 until his death master teacher of violin and chamber music at the juilliard graduate school of music, was, in addition, a concert violinist and pianist as well as an arranger and conductor. 3 current musicology had already prepared for publication a short report on an english regional conference devoted to a consideration of some aspects of this problem. see anthony hedges, "report from sheffield," current musicology (1971) 11: 65-66. 83 serial procedures in schoenberg's opus 23 john graziano the decade that began with 1915 was critical to the history and development of twelve-tone music. it should be clear to anyone who thinks about this subject that the twelve-tone method of composing could not have appeared, as it were, full-blown from schoenberg's head. there must have been many experiments before schoenberg reached the point where he felt that the technique was sufficient for him. it would appear that when all the sketches become available for study, some determination of the order of events leading to the twelve-tone row will be possible'! until that time, one can at least examine and classify the kinds of techniques schoenberg was using in his various works. toward that end, one can note that the five pieces of opus 23 provide a compendium of four of the procedures which led to the twelve-tone row. this article is primarily an exposition of the technique used in the first piece of this opus.2 however, in order to understand the piece in its larger context, we will briefly summarize the techniques used in the other pieces of opus 23. the approach will be to proceed from the simpler to the more complex techniques. the simplest procedure contained in these five pieces provides the basis for the third piece. schoenberg introduces in m. 1 a five-pitch motive, which, in various inversions and transpositions, generates a large portion of the remainder of the piece.3 in the fourth piece schoenberg extends this concept to include more than one basic cell,4 the various cells (see ex. la5) are used both at their original pitch level and at transpositional levels to form new combinations throughout the piece. an example of a new grouping of the cells at po level can be observed in mm. 20-21 (ex. ib). the divisions given in example la are as they appear in maegaard. example 1 a. 58 b. p the second piece utilizes two rows; because of their length and the way in which they are used, one can no longer refer to them as cells. in this movement schoenberg experiments with the concept of repeating an extended series of pitches.6 opus 23, no.1, develops this last-mentioned concept more fully. here schoenberg introduces three different rows, which are, however, intervallically related.7 all three rows are presented simultaneously here, whereas, in the second piece, the two rows are used consecutively. example 2 presents the three rows, labelled rows a, b, and c, respectively. example 2 row a rowb rowe a few brief comments regarding these rows are in order at this point. row a is constructed from twenty-one pitches. however, only ten pitches of the chromatic scale are presented. the pitches and bb are missing. row b contains twenty pitches. once again, only ten discrete pitches are presented. the missing pitches andf:lt. row c is somewhat shorter; it is constructed from thirteen pitches. in this last row there are only eight discrete pitches, the missing ones and g:lt. it will be observed that in each row the missing pitches are chromatically consecutive, and that in both rows b and andf:lt are among the missing pitches. beyond that point, it can be observed that when the missing pitches from all three rows are combined, they comprise all the pitches of the chromatic scale through bb. it would appear, then, that schoenberg was aware of the peculiar construction of his rows and that the omission of these pitches was not accidental. at this time, however, without a thorough examination of the sketches, his purposes cannot be clearly understood. as hypothesized in maegaard,8 there seems to have been a lapse of time at one point during the composition of this piece. the break appears to occur at m. 22. this hypothesis seems to be well-founded if one examines the piece in detail. 59 example 3 following the presentation of the three rows (mm. 1-6), shown in example 3, there is a free section (mm. 7-12) based on the opening material. most prominent is the melodic cell which commences row b; it can be observed in the middle voice (m. 7) and the upper voice (mm. 9 and 11). there is also some use oftransposition and retrograde, though not with any apparent system. see, for example, pitches seven through sixteen of row a, at p 3 transposition, in mm. 9-10, or the retrograde of row c in m. 7, at pu transposition. a middle section follows (mm. 13-21), in which a simple accompaniment (possibly derived from the sixth through ninth pitches or the seventeenth through twenty-first pitches of row a) first complements pitches one through seven of row a, and then pitches one through nine of row c. at the end of m. 21 there is a short pause, after which the opening material is tentatively reintroduced. it is at this point that schoenberg is thought to have stopped. the closing bars of this piece (mm. 23-35) are composed quite differently from those which precede them. the three rows again move simultaneously, and pitches not connected with any of the rows are added only when schoenberg finds it absolutely necessary for his purposes. in mm. 23-25, the three rows are presented in their entirety. as may be observed in example 4, there example 4 60 are only three pitches (on line 4) which are not attached to one of the three rows. it is interesting to note that these added pitches (m. 24) continue the series of alternating sevenths and thirds that develop from row b, which, in turn, links this final section with the middle section through its accompaniment figuration. by his reintroduction ofthe accompaniment figuration from the middle section in this final section, schoenberg has provided a link which unifies the entire piece. in m. 25 schoenberg also reorders pitches 15 and 16 of row a, to maintain the figuration. example 5 measures 26-28 (ex. 5) present the three rows once more. the added pitches again complement the rows to provide the accompaniment figuration mentioned above. in mm. 26 and 27 these free pitches are combined first with row c and then with row a. (the completed figuration is given on line 5 of ex. 5.) in the second eighth-note beat of m. 28, the added pitches are combined with row b to complete the figuration; however, those added in the last half of the measure do not serve a similar function. schoenberg's treatment of the rows themselves in m. 28 also deserves some discussion. since the three rows are not constructed to be complementary with regard to the ordering of the pitches, there is some overlapping in this measure. in other words, at this point some pitches are functional in two rows at the same time. for example, pitch 10 of row c (shown in parentheses in ex. 5) is not directly stated as part of that row but rather as pitch 13 of row a. other similarly functioning pitches are also shown in parentheses. in this same measure schoenberg uses one pitch (the sixteenth) to function also as the first pitch of that row. thus, this pitch provides the link to the remainder of the piece, since it starts row a once again, even as that row is being completed. the final sections (mm. 29-31 and mm. 31-35) use incomplete versions of the rows. in the first of these sections (ex. 6), schoenberg uses the first thirteen pitches of row a (while at the same time presenting a retrograde of the first seven), the first fifteen pitches of row b, and the first six pitches of row c. in terms of intervals, the added pitches complement row a to produce 61 example 6 i it : ; the middle section figuration. two pitches in this section function in dual capacities. both occur in m. 30. the first pitch is a d# shared by rows a and b. the second is an eq (the thirty-second note in row a at the end of the measure), which starts the retrograde (shown in brackets) and at the same time continues the row as its tenth pitch. example 7 i , i j i :@ i , in the section which follows (ex. 7), schoenberg uses the first ten pitches of row a, the first three pitches of row b, and the first ten pitches of row c. the free pitches are again complementary (see line five of ex. 7). at the last eighth-note beat ofm. 33, schoenberg skips from the tenth pitch of row a to its last three pitches. however, pitch 21 is again used to function as pitch 3 (see mm. 28-29). by this substitution, schoenberg can return to the beginning of row a once again (m. 34). pitches 19-21, as a unit, also provide the basis of the free pitches used in m. 34. the final measure starts the three rows once again. 62 in the final piece of this opus, schoenberg uses a twelve-note row as the basis of the entire movement. while this is not the first piece completed in the dodecaphonic technique,9 its inclusion in this set of pieces brings schoenberg's circle of experimentation to a close. notes 1 in the article "a study in the chronology of op. 23-26 by arnold schoenberg" by jan maegaard in dansk aarbog for musik forskning (1962), pp. 93-115, there is a preliminary attempt to date chronologically all the movements of these works. while maegaard's attempts clarify certain relationships among the various pieces, a detailed examination of opus 23 seems to contradict a number of his conclusions. 2 the earliest analysis of this piece is contained in musikbliitter des anbruch, 13 september 1924, in the article "neue formprinzipien" by erwin stein. on p. 295 he states that the piece is really a three-voice invention. there follows a brief summary of the larger formal divisions of the piece. 3 a detailed exposition of this piece appears in josef rufer's composition with 12 notes (london, 1954), pp. 71-75. 4 maegaard, op. cit., p. 96. 5 musical examples in this article are by the author. 6 a discussion of this piece appears in george perle's serial composition and atonaliry (berkeley, 1968), pp. 49-51. 7 for a discussion of the intervallic relationship between the rows in the opening measures of this piece, see perle, op. cit., p. 10. s maegaard, op. cit., p. 96. 9 n. slonimsky, music since 1900 (new york, 1949), pp. 580-81. maegaard quotes portions of the letter referred to by sionimsky. 63 would also have been interesting. as the study stands, there is no consideration of any given antiphon as a musico-liturgical entity. in summation, dr. bailey treats the ceremonies of the processions of the sarum rite very well. the treatment of the ceremonies of the whole western church, though more cursory, is still useful. however, the discussion of the chants provides only a tantalizing introduction to a very large and interesting repertory. jay weldon wilkey-certain aspects oj form zn the vocal music oj alban berg ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 65-10,911, 1965. 281 pp., indiana university diss.) fred hauptman the music of alban berg presents an unusual challenge to the analyst. berg's eclecticism and stylistic freedom prevent a totally systematic approach and lead writers to unfounded generalizations. most of the writing on berg is by authors who are not theoreticians, and real weaknesses in the older analyses have been exposed by recent critical works, such as that of george perle. therefore, extended theoretical studies, such as that undertaken in this dissertation, are necessary if the elements of berg's expressive but elusive style are to be finally clarified. the purpose of the study is "to trace the development of two formal phenomena in the vocal music of alban berg, namely his use of serial technique and his use of traditional forms" (p. iii). dr. wilkey examines all of berg's published music with voice, including der wein and the two operas. after introductory chapters on the schoenberg school in general and on the basically romantic nature of berg's early works, there are five chapters that attempt to show a clear line of serial development from the sieben friihe lieder to lulu. the "phenomenon" of "traditional form" is then discussed in two chapters, one on "contrapuntal procedures," the second on "sectional forms." these are followed by a summary and bibliography. the topics discussed in the dissertation are important ones. indeed, each of the "aspects" chosen could profitably be the subject ofa separate volume, and their alliance here seems somewhat arbitrary, causing the author to discuss most works twice in order to maintain his two-part organization. this would be a minor inconvenience to the reader if the study achieved its aims. unfortunately, despite some insights, it leaves a great many questions unanswered. the first chapter teaches us nothing new about the relationship of the 112 schoenberg school with the past. after making the assertion that atonality (!) and serial composition were the "innovations" of schoenberg and his followers, dr. wilkey states that "analogies can be seen between concentrated thematic development and serial composition" (p. 6). this is to be the main thrust of his attempt to show that the earlier works of berg have serial tendencies. the chapter discussing berg's early romanticism makes valid reference to the influences of brahms, schumann, and wolf without ever being detailed enough for this type of ostensibly exhaustive study. what is there about schliesse mir die augen beide that reminds one of "robert schumann or a young johannes brahms?" in this section the author comes to grips with the question of french impressionist influence on berg. there are many aspects of berg's music that seem to bear out the relationship-whole-tone melodies and harmonies, parallel chords, instrumental refinements, etc. yet berg apparently had little interest in french music. in his published lecture on wozzeck (reprinted in redlich's biography) berg speaks of the "vague and bottomless sonorities" of the impressionists. dr. wilkey hypothesizes that berg was influenced instead by franz schrecker and refers to berg's piano reduction of schrecker's der ferne klang for universal edition, as well as the friendship of the two composers. this is an interesting idea which is left hanging, perhaps because it does not bear upon the central premises of the dissertation. again, some specific reference to der ferne klang, a score explicitly cited by dr. wilkey, would have been most useful. the analyses of berg's early songs contained in the next chapter constitute the most valuable part of the dissertation. each of the sieben fruhe lieder and the vier lieder, op. 2, is discussed from the point of view ofmotivic organization. these discussions make it amply clear that schoenberg's principle of "continuous variation" was thoroughly applied by berg and that op. 2 is harmonically unified in a manner similar to that employed in many schoenberg works, such as erwartung. errors do creep in: there is an f minor triad in schilflied (bar 17); and the opening of traumgekront is not tonally "obscure" but clearly an elaboration of the dominant ofg minor, with an augmentedsixth impression that strengthens rather than weakens the tonal pull. however, since there has been no comparable study of these songs published, students and performers would do well to seek out dr. wilkey's explications of the complex motivic manipulations so characteristic of berg. the applicability of these analyses to the theory that the early songs show serial tendencies is less certain. the idea that motivic economy is a precursor of the twelve-tone technique inevitably leads to a tiresome search through music history for precedents of dubious relevance. on page 31 bach and mozart (why those two?) are cited as showing the historical roots of serial thinking, and on page 3 isorhythmic motets are marshalled as evidence. if there are any uniquefy pre-serial devices in the early berg songs, they are not uncovered in the dissertation. the example of "octave-displacement" found at the end of nacht is irrelevant-the repetition of a 113 cadential figure in a different octave is hardly evidence of serial thought. the analyses of berg's song are valuable although they do not prove wilkey's thesis. the fourth chapter deals with the altenburg lieder, op. 4. in light of the availability of leibowitz's analysis of these songs in the musical quarterly xxxiv (1948), as well as a dissertation by mark devoto on op. 4, the material in this chapter does not contribute much that is new. dr. wilkey admits that leibowitz was a "great aid" to him, and, in fact, his analysis is basically an extended rewriting of the leibowitz article. however, a few new points are made, and some of leibowitz's errors are corrected (for example, his misreading of the final pedal chord of the fourth song). n evertheless, dr. wilkey's approach is too derivative to be valuable as original work. the chapter on wozzeck is divided into three parts: thematic usage, harmonic practice, and specific serial techniques. the first two sections add little to the sum of our knowledge of the opera, but the final portion includes, among other things, a detailed study of the passacaglia in act i, scene 4, and a good analysis of act iii, scene 1. there are some weaknesses-the derivation of the passacaglia theme from the harmonic series of act i, scene 2, is unconvincing owing to the confusion over transpositions; the top brace of example iii is accidentally left untransposed (it should be a minor third higher); and the note b, although absent from the actual canon beginning in bar 97 of act iii, is present as a pedal throughout its duration. despite these flaws the chapter does succeed in throwing some new light upon a much discussed score. der wein, on the other hand, has been scantily treated by writers on berg; published analyses are limited to discussions of the formal structure and sketchy descriptions of the serial techniques. dr. wilkey fills this lacuna with some success, especially in providing examples of serially derived harmony. he is unfortunately prone to vagueness here, and blanket statements such as "the vocal line consists primarily of various presentations of the basic set" (p. 160) are surprising in the context of this dissertation, in which the author was most careful with the early songs. one would have hoped to find a closely worked study of melodic material in der wein as a means of uniting berg's pre-serial and serial works. similarly, since dr. wilkey is later revealed as a defender of reich, it is curious that he does not discuss the pertinent section of the reich book, with its printed facsimile of berg's hand showing a different form of the row as prime (actually 19 of the prime given by other analysts and dr. wilkey, himself). lulu is the most complex and controversial of berg's serial compositions. dr. wilkey's views on the work are somewhat perplexing. in a summary of the published literature on lulu, he defends reich's statement, ostensibly derived from berg himself, that the opera is based on a single twelve-tone row. george perle's article in jams (1959) is exhaustively paraphrased, but perle's argument that the secondary sets were not derived by the obtusely numerical means reported by reich but chosen for "compositional" reasons 114 (such as partial identity or similarity with each other and the basic series) is apparently rejected. the second part of the chapter presents analyses of three sections of the opera: the prologue, the closing theme of the sonata in act i, and the "lied der lulu." in this section dr. wilkey purports to supplant perle's "new analysis" by producing a "newer" one. however, his description of the opera's serial structure seems to be merely a combination of reich and perle. reich's set derivations are faithfully followed. the sets not discussed by reich (athlete, schoolboy, casti-piani) are derived in a similarly numerical fashion, drawing on a passage in perle in which these three sets are derived "after the manner of reich, for those who prefer the authorized analysis" (perle, p. 196). the authority for all this is apparently berg, with reich as his mouthpiece (dr. wilkey thinks that berg "perhaps forgot" about the sets omitted by reich), yet berg's other form of the der wein set was not mentioned. the choice of the prologue for analysis was unfortunate, as that section is treated in some detail by perle (it is the only section perle discusses fully) and there is little left for dr. wilkey to add. the material in the other two analyses is worthwhile in that it presents some examples of serially derived harmony in a work not noted for its strictness. the reader expecting a "newer analysis," however, will be disappointed. the two chapters on form seem to be a sort of appendage, belying the original double purpose of the dissertation, as they consist of unconvincing attempts to connect the use of a "traditional form" with textual interpretation. the conclusions are occasionally convincing, but these chapters are serviceable only as a catalogue offorms in berg's vocal music. as usual in the dissertation, when original analyses-in-depth are present, they are much more interesting than the contextual material. the analysis of dr. schoen's strophic aria in act ii of lulu is a case in point. in general, dr. wilkey's dissertation is weakened by its duality of purpose. furthermore, such important questions as the use of pitch or "tonal" relations in berg's larger forms (the sonata form in lulu, for example), are virtually ignored. nevertheless, the berg student searching for information will find some of the analyses quite useful. 115 au brey s. garlingtonthe concept oj the marvelous zn french and german opera) 1770-1840 ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 66-4182,1965. 571 pp., university of illinois diss.) james d. freeman this is a careful and accurate study of the principal volcanic eruptions, magical rites, dei ex machina, snowstorms, ghosts, floods, battles, and other manifestations of "ie merveilleux" in opera from gluck and mozart to meyerbeer and marschner. garlington shows the marvelous (which in his discussion includes any sort of spectacular stage effect, natural or supernatural) to have been a consistently dominant trait in the history of french opera in addition to having provided the motivating force in the development of german romantic opera. in accord with august von schlegel and e. t. a. hoffmann, he feels that fantasy, as much as music itself, lies at the heart of the nature of opera of all countries. garlington's thesis is that the marvelous as a dramatic idea changes very little in these seventy years but that composers' concepts of its musical significance are continually changing. his method is to trace the occurrences of the marvelous in the most successful operas of the era and to examine the developing relationship between music and the fantastic events on the stage. he produces a survey that treats some areas more conclusively than others. late 18th-century france, for instance, receives very thorough coverage, while the same period in germany, though teeming with singspiel subjects on magic and fantasy, is largely brushed aside in deference to the importance of zauberjiote. 1 his nearly complete abstinence from any discussion of italian opera and its relationship to the north (idomeneo and don giovanni are treated as examples of mozartean rather than italian opera) is partly to be expected in a dissertation dealing specifically with france and germany. yet italian opera was still flourishing in paris, vienna, dresden, and munich and was, thus, an influential part of the operatic scene in both frenchand german-speaking countries. moreover, the rossini craze that held northern europe in a decade-long trance from 1820 on had a much greater effect on non-italian music of all types than berlioz, for one, would have liked; and even he was not entirely untouched by it.2 garlington does deal briefly with rossini's french operas and revisions, of course; but such important italian contributions to the concept of the marvelous as carafa's gabriella di vergy (1816), pacini's l'ultimo giorno di 115 pompei (1825), salvatore vigano's spectacular milan ballets, as well as rossini's own mose in egitto (the earlier version of the french moise) and semiramide, go unmentioned. concerning late 18th-century italy, both opera seria and opera buffa had tended to avoid fantasy as an integral part of a dramatic work, the one because its best librettists most often treated fantastic events as off-stage occurrences to be pondered later in recitative and aria, the other because its subject matter was more often concerned with the intrigue of everyday life than with cataclysmic events. but italian stage design had remained justifiably famous for its aesthetic as well as spectacular qualities.3 italian audiences were certainly not unaccustomed to spectacular scenery when j. s. mayr and some of his contemporaries around 1800 began to make use of french subjects that incorporated the marvelous directly and emphatically into the drama. mayr's elisa (1801) and his second setting of lodoiska (1800), for example, were based on earlier texts used by cherubini and kreutzer in paris. stefano pucitta's vestale (1809) seems to have relied heavily on spontini's opera of 1807. some twenty years later, donizetti and bellini were often still borrowing from french sources but had begun to have their own special success with a type of spectacle that was peculiarly human and needed few stage accessories: the mad woman. as garlington notes, however, the effectiveness of the stage apparatus was usually at least as much responsible for an opera's success as was the music, whether in france, italy, germany, or anywhere else. in order to assure the most realistic and impressive sets, theaters sometimes went so far as to send their stage designers abroad to familiarize themselves with the machinery that other theaters had used for similar subjects or to acquire a first-hand acquaintance with the actual locale of a particular subject. ciceri, the opera's decorateur for auber's la muette de portici (1828), for instance, was sent on such a mission in order to prepare for the opera's final scene, an eruption of vesuvius.4 yet garlington derives most of his information concerning stage action only from the plots of operas and from stage descriptions included in published scores. he does not concern himself with a systematic review of stage design and spectacle within the period he covers. he includes no pictorial examples of sets or machinery, very little discussion of development and change within the area of stage design, and most disappointingly, no attempt to unravel the relation of composer, librettist, designer, and impresario to each other and to the creation of the marvelous. garlington points out a continually growing tendency throughout this period for the composer to write more exciting music for spectacular stage events in order to achieve a more immediate connection between stage and orchestra. he rightly considers an undramatic musical treatment of a fantastic event to be old-fashioned after 1780. unfortunately, his natural preoccupation with the marvelous often leads him to judge an entire opera on the basis of its use of the marvelous, even though such use sometimes consists of a page or less of music. some serious exaggerations result. carafa's masaniello (1827), for instance, on the same subject as auber's 116 la muette and produced only two months prior to auber's opera, is dismissed by garlington as "a complete failure" (p. 192). yet loewenberg claims 136 performances for carafa's work, hardly a sign of a failure;5 and the revue musicale of 1828 mentions several times that the opera was having a long and quite brilliant success.6 in a similar comparison between cherubini's lodoi'ska and rudolphe kreutzer's opera on the same subject, garlington condemns the kreutzer work because of its less interesting battle music. he adds that "since this opera was performed scarcely a month following cherubini's triumph, kreutzer obviously had little time to piece the work together if he intended to capitalize on public sympathy for this type of story" (p. 93) and that the attempt to compete with cherubini's opera "was as foolhardy an act as can be found in the annals of operatic history" (p. 86). actually, the two operas were produced exactly fifteen days apart, surely too little time for kreutzer, librettist, and stage designer to compose an imitation opera that also still needed rehearsal time. much more likely, the two productions were prepared more or less simultaneously. moreover, fetis states that kreutzer's lodoi'ska was received with enthusiasm;7 and, in fact, it would seem that kreutzer's work actually enjoyed a greater success than cherubini's, at least in france.s in any case, its production was clearly far from being a foolhardy venture. garlington's analyses of the music for stage spectacles often tend to be overly simple, sometimes naive. for example, the music for the marvelous in cherubini's lodoiska and elisa, rossini's tell, and marschner's vampyr, as well as the storm in beethoven's pastoral symphony, is each in turn described as being nothing more than an extremely involved development section that has neither exposition nor recapitulation. there are some good reasons why descriptive music for battles, storms, floods, etc., tend to be continuous rather than periodic, but garlington does not state them. despite the occasional oversimplification and exaggeration, however, garlington has written a basically sound, scholarly, and useful work. there are a few obvious errors of dates and attributions, but these seem to be proofreading slips in a work otherwise well written and carefully prepared. the majority of his ideas are well taken; there is some very thoughtful consideration of the relation of fantasy to romanticism; and the author is obviously quite familiar with the thorough bibliography he presents. finally, garlington makes it clear that a study of "ie merveilleux" does, indeed, provide a valid and effective perspective on the rapidly changing ideas and styles of emergent romanticism. notes 1 garlington discusses dittersdorf's hieronymous knicker and mentions hiller's die jagd, andre's das wiitende heer, neefe's zemire und az;or, winter's unterhrochene 0pierfest, and wranitsky's oberon. unmentioned but among the most successful works dealing with fantasy 117 or the marvelous are benda's melodramas ariadne auf naxos and medea, \vinter's das labyrinth, zumsteeg's geisterinsel, and siissmayr's spiegel von arkadien. 2 for an opinion on this see edward dent, "the romantic spirit in music," proceedings qf the musical association (1932-33) 59: 92. 3 see edward o. d. downes, "the operas of johann christian bach as a reflection of the dominant trends in opera seria," unpublished ph.d. dissertation (harvard university, 1958), p. 115. 4 revue musicale (1827) 1: 574. 5 alfred loewenberg, annals of opera (cambridge, 1943), col. 710. 6 2: 548, 565, 605. there was clearly a certain amount of competition between the opiracomique (carafa) and the opera (auber) concerning the production of these two operas. auber's work had been scheduled for performance early in 1827 but was continually delayed by the lack of progress of the dicorateurs. reports on their progress in 1827 refer to the opera as "mazzaniello," but after it becomes known that carafa is producing an opera with the same title, auber's opera becomes la muette. 7 biographie universelle des musiciens, 2nd ed. (paris, 1860-65), v, 106. 8 loewenberg, op. cit., col. 491. roger jacques kamien-the opening sonata-allegro movements in a randomly selected sample oj solo kryboard sonatas published in the years i742-i774 ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 64-9458, 1964.310 pp. in 2 vols., princeton university diss.) thomas warburton roger kamien has contributed a valuable service to musicology by showing how one might apply statistical methods to a study of sonata-allegro movements. in his dissertation he has methodically observed specific qualities in a random sample of seventy works. these have been drawn from a total population of 1090 works published between 1742 and 1774. many previous studies of sonata-allegro movements have involved either the historical evolution of the concept of the sonata in general or the tonal dispersion of musical materials in particular. kamien, by contrast, has attempted to bridge the gap between the specific and the general. having surveyed previous discussions of sonata movements, kamien observes a lack of objectivity among writers in their descriptions of sonata form. he deplores the inexactness of such terms as "rarely found" or "not uncommon" or "frequently appear" to qualify the occurrence of musical properties. he even refrains from using the term "sonata form" past his second chapter. through an application of statistical methods, he hopes to determine and describe the incidence of musical events in a more precise language. (in appendix ii he describes the specific technical procedures he has employed.) further, he attempts to attain a frame of reference with 118 all 38,000 music educators of the menc be questioned on "what basic philosophies and attitudes music educators should hold." before marching over the precipice of that objective, mr. johnson should learn that sampling procedures are designed expressly to avoid having to deal with entire populations and that you can't discover what music edu-:ators should believe by finding out what they do believe. one can only hope that this dissertation is not typical of music education doctoral studies. arthur daniels is assistant professor of music at oakland university. josiah darnell an evaluation of the bachelor of music education curriculum at murray state college through an analysis of the opinions of its teaching graduates ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 64-2257), 1963. (indiana university, ed.d.) james mckinnon this dissertation is an evaluation of a particular curriculum, and logically enough the author begins by explaining why one undertakes an educational evaluation. he does so by quoting what various authorities have to say on the subject. for example, troyer and pace write: \vhat are some of the purposes and values of evaluation? why do we evaluate? one very clear reason is in order to judge the effectiveness of an educational program.l and leonhard informs us that: evaluation enables the teacher to ascertain the effect of the learning experiences of his students and the validity of his teaching methods. 2 thus we learn that the purpose of evaluation is evaluation, and in case the lesson is not grasped it is repeated later in a paragraph which defines educational evaluation: ... the process of judging the effectiveness of educational experience. it includes gathering and summarizing evidence on the extent to which educational values lmaurice e. troyer and c. robert pace, evaluation in teacher education, washington, d.c. 1944, p. 2. 2charles leonhard, "evaluation in music education," basic concepts in music education, fifty-seventh yearbook of the national society for the study of education, part i, chicago 1958, p. 313. 186 are being attained. such evaluation seeks to answer the question: "what success is our educational program?" one cannot argue with the truth of these statements; after all one does evaluate in order to evaluate. yet certainly they are so obvious as to be meaningless. while written in language which gives the impression of saying something serious, they are without content. in all fairness, however, it should be pointed out that the first authority went on to present another reason for evaluation: we undertake to evaluate the program because we hope thereby to improve it. by knowing its strengths and weaknesses we are enabled to plan more intelligently for its improvements. but how much does this add? do we really need to be told in formal language that we evaluate something so that we can improve it? perhaps there is a danger that the layman, unless informed by expert opinion, will think that one undertakes an evaluation of something in order to make it worse. one turns to the body of this study with the hope that it is more substantial than its platitudinous introduction. the idea behind it is certainly sound. mr. darnell proposed to evaluate the bachelor of music education curriculum at murray state college, kentucky, where he is a faculty member. his first step was to draw up a list of what he calls competencies, that is, any skills, proficiencies, or knowledge a music teacher ought to bring to his work, such as, the ability to conduct with a baton or a familiarity with easy music for chorus. a list of 222 "competencies" was compiled and sent to all graduates of murray from 1947 to 1959 who were actively engaged in teaching music. the graduates were to evaluate each "competency" (1) as to its importance in actual teaching and (2) as to the effectiveness of the murray state teacher-training curriculum in inculcating it. the task of the author was then to compare the first of these evaluations with the second and draw the proper conclusions about the improvement of the murray state curriculum. an example of the finished product is that the "competency" to develop music reading ability in the elementary grades was rated 2.8 (on a scale of 0.0 to 3.0) as to its importance and 2.0 as to the effectiveness of the murray state preparation. the implication is that murray state must improve its program in this respect. mr. darnell has done an effective and orderly job in the preparation of this questionnaire and the tabulation of its results. his idea of making the opinion of the graduates the basis of his results strikes me as particularly sound. moreover, the subject of the survey is an important one, and the replies present a wealth of raw material for music educators to ponder. unfortunately, his interpretation of the data is singularly lacking in penetration, and the formalistic character which marks the introduction prevails throughout the entire project. mr. darnell does not really interpret the data at all. he first presents it in approximately 100 pages of tables, and then in nearly 200 pages of commentary he simply summarizes verbally what appears in the tables graphically. certainly with his experience as an educator he must have interesting and relevant reactions to the statistics he presents, but he never expresses them. particularly disappointing is what he offers under the heading "some implications of the findings." he does no more than compare 187 the importance rating with the effectiveness rating; and if the latter does not measure up to the former, he concludes that improvement is indicated. anyone could simply glance at his columns of figures and draw similar conclusions. that this passivity in the face of statistics is inadequate and that the insight of an active interpreter is necessary can be seen in the following examples. "the techniques and attitudes necessary for successful work with" "parents of your students," "local townspeople," and "music merchants" were given importance ratings of 2.9, 2.8, and 2.6, respectively, while the effectiveness ratings were much lower-2.2, 2.2, and 2.1. the author concludes that "the difference ... between the importance and effectiveness scores would seem sufficient cause for foc·using more attention on this area of teacher training at murray." this example, which can be parallelled by dozens of others, constitutes a reductio ad absurdum of his method. the fallacy involved becomes clear when one takes the reductio a step further and invents a fictitious example. if "the ability to find one's classroom in the morning" were listed as a "competence," it would have to be given the top rating of 3.0 because it is utterly essential that a teacher reach the classroom. yet murray's effectiveness rating might be quite low, say 1.1, since it neglected this item in the curriculum. the implication would be that murray must improve its training in this respect. what is wrong with my example, is that it deals with a skill which, while essential, is not amenable to treatment in a college curriculum. if a teacher does not have a knack for finding his classroom in the morning, even graduate work in the subject would probably be wasted. this is, admittedly, an outrageous example, one for which mr. darnell is in no way responsible. yet the fallacy it illustrates is present to a greater or lesser degree in his own example of "the techniques and attitudes necessary for successful work with music merchants" and in literally dozens of others, such as, "arranging for the stage lighting of public performances," or the "ability to select band uniforms.' , another question which cries out for discussion concerns value judgments. what would strike many people as trivia are treated with great solemnity. mr. darnell writes: the sharp contrast between the importance and effectiveness scores of2.5 and 1.4 for 'drum majoring classes' suggest a definite need for more attention to this phase of the training at murray state college. indeed the graduates give significantly higher importance ratings to "the ability to select and evaluate football show materials" and "the ability to organize and teach baton twirling classes" than to "understanding of and familiarity with" the music of the romantic, classic, and baroque periods. the implication is that baton twirling is more important than the music of 1vlozart and bach. more important also are "the business aspects of music teaching" and "costuming casts for public performances," not to speak of the ability to deal successfully with music merchants. i cannot understand how mr. darnell accepts these implications at face value. it would seem to me that he should call upon his insight and judgment as an educator to question these patent absurdities instead of simply bowing to the statistics before him. there are any number of questions that should be asked. foremost among them is whether the statistical results really reflect the teachers' value judg188 ments. if questioned directly would they actually say that selecting band uniforms is more important than familiarity with mozart's music? or is it possible that the typical murray graduate in the field has no notion of influencing public taste but rather looks upon his task as one of conformity to popular standards? perhaps this is so. perhaps he values conformity above all else as evidenced by the extremely high importance rating of 2.9 he gives to "the techniques and attitudes necessary for successful work with your administrators." i would hope not, but what is mr. darnell's opinion? unfortunately, we have no way of sharing his thoughts on this and on many other interesting questions raised by his survey. james mckinnon is assistant professor of music at the state university of new york at buffalo. peter meyer bela bartok) s ady-lieder) op. 16 winterthur: verlag p g. keller, 1965. (95p., price not given; university of zurich diss.) halsey stevens in this country dissertations dealing with music of the 20th century are still relatively infrequent, and when they appear at all, are likely to take a life-and-works form or to deal with a substantial segment of a composer's work. not so with that of peter meyer, who chose for examination the ady songs of bela bart6k, offering a restricted view of the composer's achievements. the songs composed by bart6k playa rather minor part in his catalogue. aside from a number of songs from his student years composed to german texts (heine, siebel, ruckert) and a few more in hungarian (p6sa, peres, havas, stank6), there are only two sets of "composed" songs: opus 15 (1915-16) on unidentified hungarian texts and opus 16 (february-april, 1916) on texts by endre adyl by far the greater contribution or bart6k to song literature is the large number of folksong transcriptions, ranging from the relatively literal harmonizations of 1906 to the highly imaginative settings of 1929. in his preface dr. meyer (working under the supervision of dr. kurt von fischer at the university of zurich) considers the place of the song in bart6k's creative work, dealing first of all with folksong itself and folksong transcription and briefly cataloguing the "original" songs. in this context he 'points out that one must not confuse the german words original and originell as often happens, though they arc not equivalent. idr. meyer. lists the liebeslieder of 1900 "for two-part chorus (with piano accompaniment?) ," these liebeslieder, on poems by ruckert, are for solo voice with piano; they have been published in der junge bartok (1962). 189 handel and keiser: further borrowings winton dean reinhard keiser's opera die riimische unruhe, oder die edelmiithige octavia, produced at hamburg on august 5, 1705, has long been known as a source of handel borrowings. chrysander prepared the score as the sixth supplement to his handel edition, but died before it appeared, with a preface by max seiffert, in 1902. seiffert identified ten passages used by handel, all in early works. eight of them occur in music composed during the italian period (i.e., before 1710), the other two in the opera silla, produced at burlington house in june 1713. several turn up in more than one context, and six found their way, mostly via other works, into the score of agrippina (1709). handel had appropriated all ten within eight years of the production of keiser's opera, which he undoubtedly heard at hamburg and in which he probably played (he was a member of the theater orchestra). he had another reason for remembering it: the subject was identical with that of his own second opera, die durch blut und mord erlangete liebe, oder nero. this had been staged six months before octavia, on february 25, 1705, and unlike his first opera, almira, was a failure; the music is lost. it seems probable that keiser, who brought out his own almira in 1706, was deliberately challenging his young rival. a recent inspection of the score of octavia revealed two further borrowings of much later date, which seem never to have been noted. they show that nearly thirty years after the hamburg production handel was still drawing sustenance from this old source. 1 early in act i nero's mistress ormoena, who plays a part not unlike that of poppea, addresses him in a love song, "vaghi lumi del mio bene," of which this is the opening ritornello: ex. 1 affettuoso . violins, violas unison r 6 73 handel used this in act ii scene 5 of ariodante (composed between august and november 1734), where polinesso's aria "se l'inganno sortisce felice" begins as follows: ex. 2 " ,...." i i i i v -,j4;j. ""'-f -...... pp -: the initial phrase (two bars in keiser, four in handel) is almost identical except for a slight change in rhythm, and both composers give it to the voice (keiser after a long-held d); but in other respects the two arias could scarcely be more different. keiser's is a love song for high soprano, handel's a cynical mockery of virtue for contralto (one of the many male parts in his operas composed for a woman). the greater richness of handel's aria in invention and development emerges with the introduction of contrasted material (and su btler harmony) in the second half of the ritornello, and still more in the aria itself, a superb delineation of po lines so's envious and vicious character. it may be 74 thought too that the downward creeping motive is more suited to express the emotion handel injected into it than that which evoked it in the first place. the second borrowing is a sententious little aria about the unpredictability of fortune, "chi non sa della fortuna," sung by nero in the final scene of octavia, which begins: ex. 3 1 ;rdzi:: 1 :i: i; 6· 6 this was to inspire one of the noblest arias in orlando, completed in november 1732. soon after the start of the opera the hero, urged by the magician zoroastro to follow mars instead of cupid, decides to gain his glory in the service oflove. mter all, hercules and achilles were no less brave for their enjoyment of the softer pleasures ("non fit gia men forte alcide"). this is the ritornello: ex. 4 3* 75 ------again there is no parallel in the words or the dramatic situation. keiser's aria is for bass voice, handel's for alto castrato. again only the first phrase is common ground (four bars of 3/8 in keiser, two of 6/8 in handel), though this time the key is the same and the notes (apart from a modification to the bass) identical. keiser does almost nothing with his motive except give a simplified variant of it to the voice. handel also bestows it on the voice, but he spins a whole aria, of considerable length and consummate beauty, from keiser's germ. once more the beginning of this process can be glimpsed by comparing the continuation of the two ritornellos, bare and commonplace in keiser, pregnant and rhythmically flexible-and sensuously scored for two horns, two oboes, and four-part strings-in handel. both examples conform to the dominant pattern of handel's borrowings, whether from his own work or other people's. he . takes a short incipit and uses it as a basis for new development, in the manner of an improvisation. he draws from it possibilities that cannot have been suspected by its creator, much as a great sculptor releases the secret life in a block of stone. the borrowing is repaid at compound interest. another remarkable detail emerges from a study ?f handel's dealings with octavia. one of the passages to which sieffert draws attention is livia's aria "kehre wieder!" a love song in act i scene 7, used by handel in the cantata aminta e fillide (fillide's aria "fiamma bella!") and act ii of agrippina (agrippina's aria "ogni vento"). here again handel takes keiser's first two bars, changing nothing but the key, and continues quite differently, with an irresistible phrase in the rhythm of a waltz that completely transforms the piece. but there is a second borrowing here, which appears not only in the two arias mentioned by seiffert but in at least four other works spread over the whole extent of handel's career, a period of a full halfcentury. towards the end of the first half of "kehre wieder!" 76 keiser sets the words "meine seele seufzt nach dir" to a striking phrase based on the interval of a ninth: ex. 5 andante ?f if::;:-;; ::::s:: 6 6 6 6 6 5 4 2 . e::=:::;::; t if;:: 6 this seems to have haunted handel's imagination, for he reproduced it again and again, in different keys and time signatures, and not always in contexts associated with keiser's incipit. there are a number of minor variants, but the essential phrase remains unaltered. the passages are worth quotation for the light they throw on the ,hidden processes of creation.2 interior borrowings of this kind, which are not uncommon in handel, are not a matter of improvisation but of the sudden precipitation into consciousness of a musical idea stored in the memory. aminta e fillide (1708), "fiamma bella!": ex. 6 77 agrippina (1709), "ogni vento": ex. 7 all fr i""""r-. fr gli span -de il noc chier, span .... aii ?vns. unls. fr r-fr ... w· -.. -: ..... '-'-i all ,....,...,. w· -de .... /111 ,....,..., ... . ... -: ..... rodelinda (1725), act ii, eduige's aria "de' miei scherni" (second part) : ex. 8 78 allegro del em pio fa ro, del em pio fa rci fie 6 6 2 ro_· _ scem 76 n berenice (1736-37), act ii, selene's aria "si poco e forte": ex. 9 andante solomon (1748), act i, queen's aria "with thee the unshelter'd moor i'd tread": ex. 10 all larghetto ., v v thy love -ly form a lone_ i prize, 'tis_ thou_ thal canst im part i ,,.....,. i ,---i ... 1 r r r,\ v ,r r r f\ i 1 i strings '\.j ji \j jj .j/ r j j j .d .d : ..." io,jl i i r the triumph of time and truth (1758), act i, deceit's aria "happy beauty": ex.11 ' a fr fr . ... still ... ""--'= 4-' joys the sweet_ a -pril of life, "a vn. i r-r-., 4-' ... .r: -... .-:-.. "' 79 ii -. ... , ... still en joys ___ the_sweet a-pril of life._ en (joys) "'" ei .. .. .-.fi• :.-"' this last aria was added to the triumph of time and truth in the last year of handel's life, and although it is to some extent a conscious reworking of earlier material3 its enormous length (293 bars) and sumptuous orchestration (two horns, two oboes, independent bassoons, violins in three parts, viola, and bass) entitle it to consideration on its merits. it was presumably dictated to]. c. smith and must be one of the very last products of handel's brain. of these six ari'as, keiser's incipit launches examples 6, 7, and 11, and (less conspicuously, abbreviated and in a minor key) example 8, and plays a subsidiary part in example 9, but does not occur at all in example 10. only in example 9 is the quoted phrase anticipated in the initial ritornello. it is difficult to say what specific emotion, if any, handel associated with it. the texts offer no common denominator, though some (notably example 10, where alone the passage is fully harmonized) seem more appropriate than others. but there is a peculiar aptness in the fact that in extreme old age he set the words "still enjoys the sweet april of life" to music he first encountered 53 years before in the dawn of his career. even if he had long forgotten its origin, he never ceased to repay his debt to reinhard keiser. notes' 1 these are not the latest keiser borrowings. the minuet in the overture to samson (1742) is based on a movement in keiser's claudius (1703), though it may have appeared in another handel work in the interval. it is a safe assumption that the unpublished or lost operas of keiser (and others) contain material that handel at some time gathered into his net. 2 three of them are quoted in my book handel's dramatic oratorios and masques (1959), pp' 519-20. i was not then aware of the other three, nor of their source in keiser. . 3 not only the keiser incipit used in "fiamma bella!" and "ognivento" but an aria ("piacer che non si dona") in the unpublished cantata 'amarilli ve;;;;;;osa' on which he drew for another agrippina aria, "col peso del tuo amor" (rudolfewerhart, "die handel-handschriften der santini-bibliothek in miinster," in handel-jahrbuch 1960, pp. 125-26). it will be seen that example 11 returns closely to' handel's earliest form (examples 6 and 7); 80 musicians donna k. anderson in the vast and complex discipline of music, there are, to be sure, many areas of specialization, such as musicology, composition, performance, and music education, all of which require detailed study. each has its unique problems, each its unique solutions, and each makes a unique contribution to the enhancement of musical experience and understanding. yet these specialized areas are only segments of a larger whole-music. on the one hand, these areas are separated by their uniqueness. on the other hand, they are irrevocably interrelated and inseparable, because music as an art and as a discipline does not exist except as the sum total of all its parts. therefore, we are first and foremost musicians, who specialize in such areas as musicology, composition, performance, or music education. there must be a very close relationship among all specialists-an "informational-inspirational exchange," as it were. for example, the musicologist can contribute a great deal to a performer's understanding of musical style; a composer can directly or indirectly provide compositions to aid the music educator in his work; the performer can contribute to the composer by bringing his works before an audience; through his teaching, the music educator can contribute to all by making music a vital part of the cultural environment. all musicians, be they musicologists, composers, performers, or music educators, should share a common bond and, one would hope, a common goal-to enhance musical experience and understanding, and to do this not merely among their colleagues but among all those who share an interest in and a love for music. musicology is perhaps the least understood area of musical activity. musicians have long viewed it with suspicion because of its connotations of stuffiness and "nit-picking scholarship." traditionally, there has also existed a sentiment that music is a mysterious phenomenon, with its own truth that can be neither fathomed nor demonstrated (in contrast to that of science, for instance). therefore, some musicians have feared that the scholarly approach to music would somehow rob it of its romantic, veiled image. fortunately, these ideas are losing popularity, since today's musicologist is generally a competent performer as well as a scholar, and most musicians now realize that musicology has contributed a tremendous amount of exciting, viable information and useful performing editions to the world of music. one of the most valuable tasks that the musicologist performs is to make available to the "practical" musician compositions which for one reason or another have been lost to the musical marketplace. notation is the special language of the composer, and it is the language of the composer which the musicologist must be able to understand. he, more than any other musician, must comprehend the notations of the past and the present. one cannot expect today's performer or general music teacher to be expert in such fields as medieval or renaissance notation, for example. it is the musicologist, 84 therefore, who must transcribe unfamiliar notation into a notation which the performing musician can readily understand. the activities of musicology have made the public aware of and interested in music that has been "buried" for hundreds of years-music that would have remained lost if scholars had not discovered its existence, studied its relationship to the artistic, political, social, economic, religious, and even geographic conditions of its time, and then made the music available to the performer (who in turn awakened the interest of the concert-going public). thus, everyone cooperates and gains: the composer, who started it all by writing the music, but who must have an audience if his music is to have meaning; the musicologist, who has had the great satisfaction of "reviving" the music and learning to "know" the composer and his era; the music educator, who can apply this knowledge and music in his teaching; and the performer, who also comes to know the composer and his era and then presents the music to the public. this cooperative venture brings to all participants the ultimate satisfaction and, i think, the ultimate purpose of all musical creativity and research-the hearing and experiencing of the music itself. the recent, highly successful international josquin festival-conference illustrates my point most forcefully.l it is obvious that scholarly research and performance must be closely related and that it is as important for the musicologist to be a competent performing musician as it is for the performer to have an interest in research. scholarship enhances the performance of music, and the musician who bases his performance on deep and careful study is the one whose art is ultimately the most convincing. and, of course, playing and experiencing music is absolutely essential to the scholar if he is to infuse factual knowledge with excitement and meaning. performing musicologists (musicians) are no longer rarities in the music world. today one can seldom accuse the musicologist of dealing with all aspects of music except the music itself. and the old myth of the "dumb singer" or the "athletic performer," who relies more on muscle than heart and brain, has been shattered by a considerable number of today's performers. the notion that scholarship and creativity are incompatible should no longer exist in the world of music. the composer occupies a rather special position in the music world. it is he who provides the materials which occupy and nurture the rest of his fellow musicians, materials which, i feel, must ultimately reach and nurture the audience. in some instances, however, composers in the 20th century have adopted an attitude of "artistic freedom," which is concerned only with the artist's self-expression. in search of this freedom the composer often ignores not only his audience but also his fellow musicians. a composer who writes only for himself, no matter what his motivations, seems to me to be as illogical and misguided as a performer who plays to an empty hall, a teacher who lectures to an empty classroom, or a musicologist who commits his research to the wind. certainly there must be individuality, experimentation, and innovation in all areas of music. freedom and individuality are basic 85 requirements for creativity, but no one can enjoy absolute liberty. freedom depends on the circumstances of the moment; it is an adjustment to or a consideration of the freedom of others. unfortunately, the world no longer allows anyone the serene isolationism permitted in the past. the composer cannot exist in isolation any more than can his fellow musicians. each must make a viable connection between music and the life about him. to the musicologist, the composer, the performer, and the educator, the enhancement of musical experience and understanding should mean a knowledge of music not as an entity in itself, separated from the broad ebb and flow of culture and history, but as an integral part of the history of mankind and as an important factor contributing to the evolution of man's ideas and progress. i would think that every musician wants music to become a vital part of man's cultural environment, not only to provide him with a pleasing aesthetic experience-for we know that pleasure is as vital to man as food and shelter-but also, even more importantly, to give him a stimulating intellectual experience which can increase his understanding of all human activity. the enormous task of making music an integral part of every man's environment must be shared by all musicians, or it will be forever unattainable. a large part of the responsibility lies with the music educator, who deserves and can rightfully expect help from all his colleagues in the other specialized areas of music. in a general education, music most often takes the form of some group activity in which the social aspect looms large. in these groups the spirit of fair play, cooperation, and united effort are all stressed. this is not a good reason for including music in a curriculum and cannot lead to a truly musically literate man. any idea that music in the curriculum should be justified essentially for nonmusical reasons is not only foolish but dangerous as well, for it can only divert the student from a true understanding of the music itself. musicology has made available to the music educator a vast amount of material that should be utilized to broaden the scope of music which is taught at all levels of education. the play of daniel, for example, could be made just as meaningful and entertaining for elementary school pupils as bobby goes to the zoo. a recent publication called the juilliard repertory library2 represents a cooperative venture among composers, musicologists, performers, and educators to provide a repertoire offolk and pre-renaissancethrough-contemporary music for the elementary school (but it is certainly appropriate through high school and represents an important step forward in music education). at the earliest stages, music may be introduced at a level which involves cursory listening, often with cxtramusical perceptions. this must be the beginning of the musical experience, but it is absolutely essential that we do not remain at this level for long. in essence, what the music educator must do is widen his student's musical horizons and equip him with the proper skills for acquiring an understanding of and a liking for music. a major goal 86 should be musical growth in which taste and intelligent listening are ultimately shaped by the individual's own knowledge and judgment. musical growth depends upon the study of and experience with music itself-all kinds of music, whether "classical," "folk," or "popular"-not only with its sounds but also with its symbols, its historical evolution, and its relationship to the society which nurtured it. this approach would make it unnecessary to bastardize such works as mozart's symphony no. 40 and beethoven's ninth in order for them to become popular and meaningful in american culture. whether we like to admit it or not, the future of music, its position in our culture, and its place in the lives of all our citizens, lies mainly in the hands of the elementary and high school music teachers. these music educators will ultimately guide and form the early attitudes of future concert-goers and can either help to make music an integral part of our environment or inadvertently create a cultural void in which music is a superfluous luxury for a small minority. if the music educator is not aware of what specialists in his own field can offer him, music education will face a crisis. moreover, it seems a shame that certain specialists who are well qualified musically for the task rarely have an opportunity to teach in the public schools. often they are not welcome; often they teach their specialty only to graduate students and tend to ignore the problems and needs of the music educator. this situation widens the serious gap between such specialists in music and the general music teacher in our public schools, a gap that ought certainly to be eliminated if we are to guarantee music its rightful place in our environment. i think it is imperative that all specialists in the various areas of music develop a close, cooperative working relationship. each of the areas is obviously important in its own right. however, they are far more important as they interrelate and contribute to one another and as they together promote a widespread understanding and enhancement of the art and discipline of music. notes 1 see the report in this issue, pp. 47-64. 2 cincinnati: canyon press inc., 1970, preface. "the juilliard repertory project began through a grant from the united states office of education to thejuilliard school of music to research and collect music suitable for use in grades kindergarten through six. the research consultants collected works that were generally unavailable to the classroom teacher. the purpose was to enrich existing materials and to provide works of greater variety relative to historical era, ethnic validity and musical scope." 87 toward a rapprochement of musicoloey and music education: some practical considerations frederick d. mayer and jack sacher i t is most u,fortunate axo more tha:-; a little straxge that those who consider themselves primarily scholars and those who consider themselves primarily teachers should consider each other little short of mortal enemies. in american education, the musicologist rarely regards the practicing teacher or professor of music education as his colleagw", much less his ally; indeed, at many schools (auburn and columbia universitics, for example) the departments of music cducation and musicology are completely removed from each other. .making matters worse are the stereotypes of the musicologist as a denizen of the world of ivory-towered intellectualism, and of the "educationist" as a nai\'e performer totally ignorant of music history, structure, and style. ':\;lusical study, of course, is a healthy blend of theory and practice. both the educator and the musicologist work within the same basic frame of reference but with different emphases. it is significant that both have the same ultimate goal: for professionals, the cultivation and refinement of a comprehensive musicianship; for amateurs, the cultivation and refinement of taste through knowledge and understanding. why, then, the hostility and distrust? why should the two national organizations (the music educators ;\'ational conference and the american musicological society) continue to regard each other with thinly-veiled dislike? why, indeed, the unfortunate breakdown of communication between two professions deeply concerned with the condition of our musical culture? perhaps the most important factor in creating the schism is the frustration which must result from the mistaken idea that both have the same immediate goals, and the equally mistaken idea that there is little difference in how these goals are to be reached. 1\lusic education is committed to three fundamental concepts: music is a means of affecting the attitudes and behavioral patterns in people; music education in the public schools is designed to benefit every child; a vital musical culture will exist in america only when many creative people dedicate themsehts to music through study, composition, and performance. musicology, for its part, is yitally important in providing the knowledge and skills needed to understand music. frederick d. mayer is currently on kave from his post as assistant professor of voice and choral music, teachers college, columbia university. during his leavc he will be singing with the chicago lyric opera. j.\ck sacher, assistant professor of music at montclair state college, was director of music for the public schools of north bergen prior to assuming his present position in the fall of 1964. 140 .. before discussing the ways in which musicologists and music educators might recognize their interdependence and benefit from each other's work, let us examine some of the unique qualities of public school music education and of the training of its teachers. perhaps the most important cause of the musicologist's distrust is his failure to recognize the enormous scope of music education in america and the special problems which teachers-and those who teach teachers-have to solve. even though music occupies a very small portion of the typical public school curriculum, there arc still too few musicians available who have devoted themselves to public school education. literally hundreds of jobs go begging every year because vast numbers of children swell the schools and only a minute number of musically-trained college graduates choose to teach them. schools of education arc therefore faced with the incredibly difficult problem of training the general classroom teacher to do a job which cries out for a trained specialist. if the teacher-training institutions with departments of music were to admit only students with thorough musical and humanistic training, the number of music educators would be lessened tremendously, and the problem of staffing schools with music teachers would become insuperable. the teachers college, therefore, must not only train the music specialist, but must also provide the general classroom teacher with musical skills and musical confidence, since both specialist and teacher arc needed if music is to be adequately taught. another factor overlooked by those who lament the state of music education is the variety of situations which teachers must face throughout the country and even withii,l the confines of a single school system. some students come from homes with the worst possible musical environment, while others listen to opera on the radio every saturday. some administrators arc forced to schedule music classes in boiler rooms, while others provide deluxe suites with professional equipment. in spite of great differences in the quality of individual schools and in the abilities of students, we must make every effort to meet the demands of our youngsters, whatever their talents, for to organize our music curricula around the needs of the intellectually-gifted alone would directly oppose one of the overriding commitments of american education. to carry this point a step further, it should be realized that the typical high school must offer two types of courses: the required and the elective. students who take elective courses will usually have both the prerequisites and the motivation for undertaking more advanced work. on the other hand, students in required courses usually titled "general music" or "music appreciation" must be accepted regardless of background, attitude, and ability. this course must not only provide basic information, but also present material in such a way that the child will recognize the intrinsic worth of the subject and want to learn more. music, therefore, is often "sold" to students. the introductory course in music must be especially well-taught and attractive, as it is usually the last such course the average high school students will take. teaching music in the public school is quite a different cup of tea from teaching literature, history, or mathematics, all of which have a hallowed-place in the curriculum. the great diversity of standards and situations affects not only the role music plays in the curriculum as a whole, but also the knowledge, techniques, and skills required to teach it. music teachers must have an exceptional range 141 of attainments in order to function effectively in a given school community. musicians and musicologists are especially ignorant of the different procedures required for teaching music at, say, the third-grade, junior high, and eleventh-grade levels. one challenge, for instance, is the selecting and editing of materials to suit the abilities of students of various ages, yet many critics take music educators to task for using materials which have been altered to meet the specific needs of different groups of children. for example, many choral masterpieces make demands of stamina and tessitura which boys in junior high can meet only at the risk of damaging their voices. faced with the choice of either performing fine compositions or not performing them at all, we think it far better to perform the music, even if altered. \\'hile it seems to us not at all improper to arrange compositions to suit the ages, backgrounds, and abilities of the children who will use them, therc are those who insist that there is enough great music in its original form for the musical education of all children. of particular interest in this connection is the juilliard repertory project, which has the avowed goal of "revising the curriculum and repertory of the schools in america." the work of this panel, which is made up of some of our most distinguished musicologists, is eagerly awaited by all music educators for, if successful, it will have produced a series of books for grades one to six suitable for every intellectual background and ability, and organized to promote consistent musical growth. since the compositions included in these books will be untouched by the arranger's pen, it will be interesting to see how effective they will be in comparison to arranged materials. at any rate, the j uilliard project can only be constructive, for every public school teacher of music should be grateful for the revelation of un hackneyed compositions. the problem of materials is but one concern of music education in the schools. equally important is the music teacher himself, who is presented with a breadth of tasks unique in the teaching profession. the school teacher of general music, for example, must not only know music literature with respect to history, structure, and style, he must also be competent in such areas as the learning process, the psychology of the adolescent, and the use of teaching aids. if the teacher is to meet the needs of the school, it is essential that he play the piano. to teach instrumental music, he must be able to play at least seven or eight instruments, and teach the basic techniques of the four classes of instruments. if he teaches vocal music, he must sing well himself and also be able to analyze the vocal problems of various age groups. as a conductor of choral and instrumental ensembles, he must master baton technique, be armed with effective rehearsal procedures, be temperamentally equipped to handle discipline problems without dampening the enthusiasm of his charges, and be familiar with a wide repertory of compositions suitable not only for the stimulation of musical growth and for concert performance, but also for the irritating series of pep rallies, sports events, and rotary club luncheons which continually intrude upon the conduct of school music activitit's. admittedly, there is much curricular clap-trap, duplication, and timewasting in many of our liberal arts and teacher-training colleges. to sweep catalogues clean of methods courses, however, is as dangerous and pointless as to avoid any teaching of subject matter. teaching music is a skill which 142 requires not only a knowledge and love of music, but also an understanding of the best ways to reach children and a mastery of teaching and performing techniques. even if every teacher of music were versed in musicology as well as in music education, another factor bars the way to the establishment of a musical elysium. that is the prevailing attitude toward the arts of boards of education, school administrators, college deans of admissions, guidance counselors, the general short, of everyone who has a voice in determining curriculum. this attitude is accompanied by others which hold the arts to be either european (hence, worthy of suspicion), the playthings of the moneyed few (hence, undemocratic, irrelevant to the general good, or both), or effeminate (hence, to be contemptuously ignored). the american public school curriculum has stressed the basic tools of business and citizenship, with the result that music, art, and drama have been squeezed into the curriculum only when time is left from "more important" studies. a particularly insidious example of this occurs in california, where state legislators have limited the number of class periods per day in such a manner that there is no room for courses other than english, foreign languages, science, history, mathematics, and physical education. since all students must take each of these courses every year, it is impossible for them to elect courses in the arts. compounding this curricular imbalance is the typical list of courses that liberal arts colleges require for admission. few, indeed, are those colleges which recommend or approve the study of the fine arts as part of a high school curriculum preparatory for college. whether colleges will not accept high school courses in music because the courses are given too little time and attention, or the courses are weak because the colleges will not accept music courses is a case of the chicken and the egg. it is dismaying to find that the best students in high schools shun music because it is granted no status by desirable colleges; that high schools continually upgrade literature, science, and mathematics at the expense of courses in art and music; and, perhaps worst of all, that music educators are forced to justify the place of music in the educational scheme of things. because of this monstrous predicament, school music has taken a disastrous turn in the last decade or so. we have already mentioned the need for "selling" music to students. music teachers, too, have often been forced to dress up the music program in the outlandish garb of the marching band, simply to persuade the community to support the music program. it often happens, then, that music educators find themselves as much in the entertainment as in the education business, a hapless condition resorted to for reasons of survival. let us turn, finally, to a brief discussion of the mutual interest educators and musicologists have in each other's work. those teaching in the public schools are desperately in need of accurate, in teresting books wri tten specifically for children of varying ages. such books can only be written by those who are free of the papa-haydn-the-jollypeasant syndrome. it is most important, however, that authors consult with educators about the problems of vocabulary, motivation, background, and ability found at the various age levels for which these books are to be written. most of all, books intended for youngsters in the schools must take into ac143 count the nature of public school education, particularly its universality. in the realm of performance practice, it would be a boon to music educators if more musicologists would contribute articles to the music educators journal on, for instance, how to add modern instruments to voices in the performance of renaissance choral music. teachers would be grateful if editions of choral, band, and orchestral music included clear indications of performance practice. musicologists might find it rewarding to cooperate with school performing groups by suggesting repertoire, visiting rehearsals, or attending clinics to learn the particular condi tions of teaching music to children of various ages. an especially potent way in which musicologists may help educators is to further the acceptance of music as a curricular study in the schools. it would be most beneficial to teachers, children, and eventually to musicologists themselves, if colleges and schools could jointly agree on the characteristics of a good program of music education so that colleges would then accept music as a course of study as valid as a course in mathematics. the stress here must be on "jointly agree." neither educators nor musicologists are so omniscient as to be able separately to dictate on these matters. however, it is not enough to communicate with those already persuaded of one's own view. the essential traits of a sound course of studies in the arts, and the justification for it, must be communicated to deans of admission, members of the american association of school administrators, the national parent-teachers association, in short, to those who pay the bills and make the decisions. music education may also be of direct assistance to musicology. a broad program of music education reinforced by creative experience in composition and performance will eventually produce outstanding recruits for the field of musicology, provided that our schools and colleges add the background in language, history, and philosophy necessary for musicological study. a more immediate benefit of a well-planned and well-taught program of music education is the creation of a larger, more sophisticated music community able to assimilate the fruits of musical research, and an increasing body of composers and performers willing to cultivate them. 144 .. report from fairfield: the committee for jesuits in the fine arts raoul orceyre from august 15 to 19, 1966 a group of jesuit artists and scholars met at fairfield university in connecticut to discuss jesuit involvement in the fine arts. thc group, known as the eastern committee for jesuits in the fine arts, is one product of a renaissance of both the scholarly and practical cultivation of the arts in the american jesuit community. the committee includes composers, musicologists, and performers whose influence will be of the greatest importance in shaping the future role of musical education in jesuit high schools and colleges. father clement mcnaspy (ph.d., toronto, 1948) did post-doctoral work at oxford under professors westrup, wellesz, and rubbra, subsequently became dean of the college of music at loyola in new orleans, and has taught periodically at solesmes abbey. through his numerous articles and books he is now a familiar figure in the forum of the liturgical arts. father thomas culley completed his doctoral work at harvard two years ago; his dissertation discussed the jesuit german college in rome during the 17th century. other musicians on the committee are studying at the peabody conservatory and at columbia, yale, and ncw york universities. leslie]. schnierer, a harpsichordist at peabody, presented a paper entitled "some prospects for the jesuit musician." it did not attempt to be exhaustivc, but merely outlined what schnierer considers to be major questions facing the jesuit musician in the realms of scholarship, performance, and education. he emphasized the need for broadly-based sources of information and for energy and ideas in attacking the problems of catholic liturgical musicians in an era of renewal, as well as the practical difficulties faced by the individual musician in attempting to inaugurate a musical program in an educational institution. subsidiary aspects of the paper concerned performance prospects, some specifically christian aspects of musical education, and the field of popular religious music. the paper clearly pointed out that the difficulties confronting the jesuit community are on a level quite different from those facing established musical institutions. they are problems not of continuing or strengthening but of beginning. one of schnierer's ideas is especially worthy of note in this regard. he proposed that the high school and college musical life be centered on an artistin-residence rather than on an expensive and problematic curriculum. schnierer cites the example of the city of flint, michigan, which engaged the pianist coleman blumfield, a student of vladimir horowitz, as artist-inresidence. he suggested that the concerts and workshops which bcnefit the city are easily extended to the college community. schnierer hopes such an raoul orceyre, s.]., is a jesuit seminarian and a student ofmusieology in the department ofmusie, columbia university. 173 approach would stimulate vital interest in the arts and thereby lead to more specialized study. the realization of this goal and the emphasis which it would lend to the active musical experience would, according to schnierer, be most welcome innovations on the] esuit campus. schnierer's artist-in-residence proposal does not, however, solve the problems of education in the arts faced by large institutions. instead, it satisfies only one aspect of musical education: instruction in performance through close contact with a professional artist. but music education cannot stop there; it must proceed to reflective inquiry into the musical experience and into music itself. a meaningful and responsible music program requires the facilities of any rigorous discipline and so must have a faculty of musically-trained and literate teachers and a comprehensive library of scores, sound recordings, periodicals, and historical, theoretical, and critical literature. a music department also requires musical instruments, considerable electronic equipment for public and private listening, and acoustically-designed classrooms. but it is unlikely that an artist-in-residence plan would bring such facilities in its train. despite the re-awakening concern the vast majority of] esuit faculties in this country are still only remotely engaged with the fine arts. the financial load of providing the requisite material and personnel for an adequate music program is considerable and is a major stumbling block. some jesuit schools have avoided these costs by affiliation with other institutions, but this solution leaves the great majority of students untouched. it provides little or no basic undergraduate education in music but only advanced study for those already musically -trained. ifthe]esuits are to attain their limited goals, it would appear that they must undertake a thoroughgoing review of the fine arts and make better use of their own creative talents. more musician-musicologists are needed in music, men whose musical and intellectual abilities would instill a genuine understanding and love of music in their students. the problem offacilities cannot be resolved quickly, but the problem of trained personnel needs to be resolutely approached at once. we may conclude that an educational community with long experience and a modicum of creative talent is awakening to the pressing need of a practical cultural life. the success of its endeavor is dependent on the study, concern, and support of those experienced in educational problems of the arts in general. 174 marvin c. genuchi-the life and music of jacob french (1754-1817), colonial american composer. volume l' background, biography, style study. . volume il' music supplement of anthems, psalm tunes, and hymn tunes ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 64-7918), 1964. (state university of iowa diss.) charles h. kaufman the weaving of a fachliteratur that treats of american music (and music in america) proceeds at slow shuttle speed. it is indeed pleasurable, however, to report that dr. genuchi's dissertation has patched one of the many holes that weaken the fabric of biographical studies of our native composers. one regrets that his work has not done an equivalent service in the field of style analysis. the dissertation is organized with an eye toward making its use a comfortable experience. in the foreword, genuchi explains that he has placed his text and french's music in separate volumes in order to make it possible for readers who are mainly interested in one to be unencumbered by the other. he alerts the reader to " ... one significant fact [that] is apparent in the music of jacob french: william billings may have had less influence on his contemporaries than has previously been surmised" (p. iii). it is hardly significant that billings "may" have had less influence-he "may" have had the same amount or more. genuchi bases this claim solely on the fact that french, in his middle years, dissociated his musical style from that of billings and. aligned it with the music of the english school of psalmodists. this well-taken observation proves that billings' influence on french was not permanent, but hardly provides sufficient evidence for as sweeping a statement as the author chooses to make. it is unjust to contend that, barring the discovery of another "free spirit" like william billings, the puritan music of colonial america probably "can be expected to produce mediocrity" (p. v). one must begin by treating history accurately. jacob french is specifically not a "colonial american composer." dr. genuchi tells us that french's first composition " ... was written for the 1783 publication of oliver brownson's select harmony" (p. 44). this date is seven years after the dissolution of our colonial status. french retired from teaching and composition at the age of sixty-one (1815). therefore, his first composition was published after we had fought one war to establish the republic, and he retired the year after the peace of ghent ended a second war (the war of 1812) that was fought in order to preserve it. since dr. genuchi refers to french as a "colonial american composer," one assumes that he considers the colonial period to encompass the years from 1783 iii though 1815. if so, his dismissal of sacred music written by post-revolution american composers as merely an imitation of mediocre british models is tantamount to denying the existence of what is probably the most individual indigenous body of music in our heritage. one cannot ignore the distinctively american character of tunes such as supply belcher's ''jubilant,'' jacob kimball's "marblehead," and timothy swan's curiously attractive "china," with their predilection for open fourths, fifths, and octaves (particularly at cadences), their tendency toward parallelism that tints the music with an organum-like cast, and their frequent use of hexatonic modes. the numerous notational systems developed during the federal period reveal earlyamerican leanings toward "tinkering" and inventiveness, and also demonstrate an independence from old world procedures. some of these systems are still used in rural areas as are a number of late 18thand early 19thcentury tunes. a hasty survey of the 1966 edition of the original sacred harp (cullman, ala.) reveals that no less than thirty american psalm settings and \ hymn tunes of this genre (dated 1817 or before) are still in the contemporary repertory. "mediocrity" does not describe this persistent american idiom. the music is of its own time and culture and should be judged in terms of both. chapter i, "the evolution of church music in new england between 1620 and 1800 ... ," is as good a survey of this subject as can be found in any current study. genuchi evidences sensitivity to the changes undergone by the music he discusses and good sense in the choice of composers and tune books that make up the frame of his structure. although this section contains more than one-quarter of the total text, it is well worth the space devoted to it. one would have liked a few more words relative to social aspects of the singing schools. gottlieb graupner is mentioned simply as "a boston publisher" (p. 31), despite the fact that, between 1800 and 1836, he founded the boston philharmonic society, was co-founder of the handel and haydn society, and led boston's active musical life as teacher, conductor, performer, publisher. in the highly pertinent list of definitions from william billings' new england psalm singer (1770) the spelling of the straightforward italian term "pieno," correctly defined by billings as "full, or all together," is questioned by genuchi thus: "[biene ?]" (p. 19). chapter ii, french's biography, is short, but again dr. genuchi has done his work well. the terse directness of this section is complemented by a lengthy, succulent quotation from a pertinent document of the period. this document (designated w16578d by genuchi) contains information provided by french's widow in an effort to establish her late husband's revol utionary war record. she found this necessary in obtaining the pension to which she was entitled. in her deposition mrs. french allows us the few personal glimpses of her husband that we have: we read how french, dangerously ill after the battle of ticonderoga, despaired of ever returning home. genuchi assumed that his readers would find useful a survey of musical development in new england, and he thoughtfully provided an excellent 112 one. the years encompassed by french's life were among the most yeasty in american history; yet, however well genuchi has treated their musical aspects, his treatment of them, from the standpoint of social and political history, is unleavened. french, as a musician and as a man, appears to have existed in a cultural should dr. genuchi consider revision of his text for publication, he would do well to provide a historical framework for french's life similar to the one he provided for french's music in chapter i. chapter iii presents the "general characteristics of the anthems, psalm tunes, and hymn tunes of jacob french." under the headings of poetic meter, length, form, tonality, melody, and musical evaluation, the stuff of french's music receives broad descriptive treatment. quotations that delineate various characteristics of the english anthem have been extracted from daniel's the anthem in new england before 1800 (1966), and they lead into paragraphs that demonstrate how french's anthems fit (or do not fit) daniel's matrix. genuchi's treatment is quite accurate. more could be made of the fact that in this music the texts are a prime element of control, particularly since many of them are rhymed and metrical. occasionally the author uses descriptive terms that he neither explains nor clarifies through example. the expression "adjunct (limited angularity) melodies" (pp. 59 and 63) is not clear, nor can one be certain bfwhat dr. genuchi intends by declaring that certain psalm and hymn tunes are "capsular versions" of anthems (p. 64). unfortunately one must lower the lance at the disappointing fourth chapter: "analysis of twelve anthems and fifty representative psalm and hymn tunes." dr. genuchi discusses aspects of each piece under the following formal headings: text, length, form, tonality, melody, meter and rhythm, and musical evaluation. the material presented under all but the last heading is understandably more descriptive than analytical and frequently shows that dr. genuchi is a keen observer of his subject matter. but the hoped-for analytical amalgam in musical evaluation rarely arrives, and in its place one finds an application of subjective standards that are not fully clarified. the foreword offers some elucidation of the procedures followed in musical evaluation. the author states that these evaluations are his alone "and afford a possibility for wide difference of opinion" (p. iii). they are, according to him, reached on a comparative basis: i.e., french's music is compared to that of his contemporaries. the evaluations are "an earnest attempt to assign some sort of standard to colonial american music, with the understanding that the composers who wrote it (french in this case) were basically self-trained" (p. iii). dr. genuchi is correct. his evaluations afford the possibility for a considerable difference of opinion, owing to the fact that they are highly subjective. he assigns the following values to french's works: excellent, very good, good, fair, and poor. one is reminded of the questionable value in a similar approach taken by lomax in his cantometrics project. unfortunately the reader is not given an overview of how french did relate to his contemporaries, and there are only rare explanations of the standards 113 being applied by dr. genuchi in order to elicit a judgment of "excellent," "fair," etc. there is no question about the earnestness of the author's attempt; perusal of this study reveals that a great deal of painstaking research went into its compilation, but there are no standards established here-only personal value judgments that are frequently free-standing without styleanalytical buttressing. here are a few examples taken from "musical evaluation," except for the first and excerpts which are drawn from "meter and rhythm" and "melody," respectively. "i beheld and lo" [this is one of french's most popular anthems and is generally known as "the heavenly vision." perhaps it would have been advisable to list it under the more familiar title.] · .. the dotted half-notes used in ! meter on the words "holy, holy." this gives the music a pleading, plaintive expression ... (p. 80). i beheld and lo begins to show traces of english influence, through the passing-note ornaments of the melody and through rhythmic patterns associated with the english school. ... [dr. genuchi provides a catalogue of these english influences (p. 63): dotted rhythmic patterns and ornamentation of the melody by melisma, passing notes, and neighboring notes. inspection ofthe score (vol. ii, p. 4) reveals few dotted patterns and only one melisma fittingly applied to the word "flying." thismelisma carries through only one measure. auxiliary tones are present but not to the degree that one's attention is drawn to them. might these not be the composer's attempt to offer a little relief from a heavily syllabic setting and not necessarily the assumption of a foreign style?] "righteous art thou" the melody has less tendency toward scalewise movement than did the first two anthems; leaps of thirds, fourths, and fifths are common throughout the work ... (p.83). [but] .the melody has more interest in it than has that of any of the other anthems of this period, attributable no doubt, to the scalewise nature of its progression ... (p. 84). "why dost thou sit solitary, 0 jersualem" · .. could be classed as a very good, though not excellent anthem · .. (p. 87). [how does one establish the border between the two categories ?] "now mter these things" 114 · .. which might be classed as only good,'. . (p. 89). [does dr. genuchi mean "nothing more than good" or that there is nothing bad about the piece?] "athens" · .. has strong modal tendencies ... (p. 11 0). [is this good or bad, typical or atypical?] "abysina" · .. a fair hymn tune ... (p. ill). [why?] "providence" · ... the melody is weak and the rhythms are not effective enough to carry the melodic weakness (p. 153). "coventry" · .. is an excellent hymn tune. the melody is strong, the harmonies are effective and the meter is especially well chosen for this particular setting (p. 143). "retribution" the melody is strong and the harmonies and rhythms are effective ... (p. 155). "sabbath" the melody is strong and the harmonies and rhythms are effective ... (p. 156). "babylon" · .. is an excellent psalm tune. the melody is strong, the harmonies are effective, and the rhythms carry the mood of the melody very well ... (p. 138). "winthrop" · .. is a very good tune. the melody is strong ... (p. 158). the appearance of "hedging" words, such as "might" and "could," dilutes one's confidence in the firmness of dr. genuchi's conclusions, and the adjectives "weak," "strong," and "effective" should have been utilized only if the author had made clear his interpretation of them. many of the author's analyses are satisfactory, but too many fall short of fulfilling the basic requirements of sound, style-analytical technique. after analysis of the music, one looks for general conclusions drawn from the numerous specific investgations. here they are presented first in chapter iii. a more logical order would result from reversing the positions of chapters iii and iv. french's new american melody (1789) provides most of the material for chapter v: "performance practice of the french compositions." this material is helpful and well presented. it will serve admirably as a companion to the volume of transcriptions, particularly for choir directors who wish to have french's music performed. the bibliography of primary sources, listed chronologically, is a comprehensive reference tool. one can attribute the slimness of the secondarysource bibliography to the fact that genuchi's study is basically analytical and that his historical references are mainly primary sources. 115 j' the transcriptions contained in volume ii are clear and well organized. the author drew them from the psalmodist's companion, new american melodji, and the harmony rif harmony. the few that this reviewer checked were accurate. a title index indicates the source of each selection. in the foreword to volume i dr. genuchi describes volume ii as containing french's anthems and " ... a majority of his published psalm tunes and hymn tunes" (p. iii). the author is entitled to make selections, but he does owe his readers a complete list of french's works with at least one primary source for each. it might be of interest to have a transcript of the "corrections suggested by french in his own errata lists" (p. ii), since the author incorporated them in his copies of the music. dr. genuchi does not inform the reader whether these were corrections of errors or compositional changes suggested by french. there is a disagreement between dr. genuchi and professor robert stevenson relative to the anthem "0 sing unto the lord." in his protestant church music in america (p. 72) professor stevenson, citing the same source as dr. genuchi, finds an italian augmented-sixth chord in measure five .of this piece, whereas dr. genuchi copies out only the outer voices descending in quarter-note parallel tenths (inner voices are silent). was this changed by dr. genuchi as a result of suggestions in french's errata list, of which professor stevenson was not aware? despite lapses in analytical technique, this dissertation is a felicitous addition to the historiography of american music. one hopes that it will be part of a rapidly growing literature that serves to illuminate our indigenous musical culture. the viennese classical school: a challenge to musicology . jens peter larsen it seems unlikely that there is any other important period of western music for which a common basis of real knowledge is still lacking so much as in the case of the viennese school of the second half of the 18th century. of course i do not mean to say that there has, not been much written about it,including many valuable' books and articles, especially about the leading composers, mozart and haydn. nevertheless, i do think that so much remains to be done that my statement retains its validity. i should like to sum up in this article some of the points which i consider essential to forming an opinion on this matter. a few remarks on the general approach to this period and the present stage of development of research in its music may help to make my point of view clear. first of all, since we are still so close in time to this music, it is a rather common belief that we are able to evaluate it unbiasedly from a normal concert-goers' point of view-but that is certainly not the case!l performing traditions have changed so much in the course of the 19th and 20th centuries that we more often than not hear performances which tend to modernize 18th-century music. a brilliant performance is not necessarily a performance which brings us closer to the spirit of the music and of the composer. in short, if we wish to study the music of the classical period seriously, we must try to adjust ourselves better to its music. we must approach it as we do medieval or renaissance music, as a style in its own right, complying with laws which we must discover in as unbiased a manner as possible. in this respect musicology has not yet made very much progress. in contrast with an unbroken research tradition for medieval and renaissancemusic-with three or four generations' of scholars like bellerman, jacobsthal, wolf, ludwig, besseler, bukofzer, reese, and others-no similar research traditions in our field exist. what has been done until now is mainly the work of single scholars, and mostly about problems in special fields. ifwe wish to give an outline of what might be done to establish a similar research tradition within the realm of viennese classical music, we may sum up our considerations primarily under three 105 headings: source foundations, historical background, and musical analysis. source foundations obviously the primary problem in investigating the viennese period, as with any other period, is to compile the sources-the manuscripts and printed editions of music which form basic material for any reconstruction of the original version (and possible later versions) of any single composition. though this might seem self-evident, we are far from having arrived at even an inventory of sources. how much has to be done is revealed by admirable single efforts, such as barry brook's la symphonie franfaise, william newman's the sonata in the classic era, or warren kirkendale's fuge und fugato in der kammermusik des rokoko und der klassik. jan· larue has laid the foundation for a real repertorium of the classical'symphony, which will be of central importance. but even when we have compiled a complete catalogue of sources of this' kind, comprising all the relevant material in austrian, czech, hungarian, german, italian, french, british, american, and other collections, it will be only the first step. we will not have considered the difficult problem of authenticity, especially that of a single work ascribed to two or three different composers. and even at this stage of a research plan we would have to face the problem of making limiting decisions, leaving out works and composers of presumably only local importance. but we have to be careful. (as an example of this we may mention wenzel raimond birck [1718-63], a not unimportant composer, given due credit -by kirkendale, but unknown to mgg, grove, or riemann.) once we have completed-as far as it can ever be completeour inventory of sources, the next step would be to have microfilms made oeall relevant sources. this is above all a large-scale practical and financial effort. some substantial microfilm collections have already been set up, such as the specialized haydn collection in haydn institute in cologne, but a comprehensive collection of sources from the viennese school in general would of course be of much larger dimensions. the next step to be taken is again primarily of a practical and financial nature: the scoring of all the works handed down to us only in single parts, which is the case for the greater part of the 106 instrumental music from the classical period. the scholar who deals primarily with vocal music (opera, church music) can scarcely imagine how lost one may feel amongst mountains of unscored symphonies. the scoring of this microfilm material would of course be an immense help to scholars, and in this connection we must add still a fourth step. ifwe have in mind the establishment of a real research tradition, we must issue a publication which would enable scholars in different parts of the world to make use of the scored material. the editions of various sorts of monumenta, indispensable as they are, always have to limit themselves to selections-and we know from existing editions that such selections are of necessity insufficient for the specialist. it might be possible, through some sort of copying procedure (microfilm, microfiche, xerox, or the like) to organize the distribution of copies to a certain number of leading music collections in the various countries. this would certainly be expensive, but not nearly as expensive, and not requiring nearly as much labor, as the preparation of printed editions. historical background in one of his remarkable articles on the great epochs of music, blume talks about the different impressions obtained from close and distant views of a mountain. the baroque, he tells us, is like a mountain. if one sees it from a distance, it may look as monolithic as a great massif, but when one comes near it, the unity dissolves into so many details that it approaches chaos.2 i am afraid we shall have to admit that most of the current thinking about the viennese classic period is determined by the fact that we are just beginning to come closer to the mountain. we shall find out that things look different when we come close enough to form an impression founded on real observation, not on traditional cliches. ifwe are to find out what really happened in the development of the viennese classical tradition, there is one thing which is \ urgently needed, and which is very difficult to grasp: chronology. we must try to gain exact knowledge about the composers in question, their life and work, from whom they learned, what music they really heard and played. and we must try to get even closer. we must try to be able to date single compositions 107 much more exactly that we can do now. one example may show the importance of precise dating. we know that a quite decisive development took place around 1770. the traditional cliche, as far as haydn is concerned, is "the romantic crisis" -or sturm und drang-period, though nothing points to an explanation of that kind. rather, it was the breakthrough of the classical style-the final synthesis. and just at this stage of development we are left without important details of chronology. it would seem that along with haydn, vanhal was one of the most important pioneers. but we cannot tell to what extent haydn learned from vanhal or vanhal from haydn. it would be most valuable if we could date the symphonies of this period with greater exactitude, but so far we have not been able to do so. here again, important pioneering work is being done. the primary sources which can give us the most exact dating will most often be manuscripts and printed editions. in the case of manuscripts, only dated autographs can give us really exact information, but in many cases we are faced with undated copies. much has been done in recent years to establish methods of determining the age of manuscripts through research in watermarks, copyists' handwriting, etc. and as far as printed editions are concerned, we have gotten fine information by dig. ging out material about old publishing firms and their catalogues. but still it must always be remembered that the composition itself can be of an earlier date than any known copy or print. even taking into account the great progress that has been made through the work of scholars like deutsch, weinmann, larue, garijohansson, landon, barry brook, and others, there is still a great deal to be done if we want to come closer to finishing our complex jig-saw puzzle. of course there are many other questions relating to historical background about which further information is needed, but scarcely any that are as basic as the problem of chronology. as far as performance practice is concerned, much depends on the collection of purely historical material, but the real problems are so much bound up with questions of musical interpretation that they call for quite special consideration. musical analysis compared to the work on source problems, which has really 108 made wonderful progress in the years since the last war, the studies in style problems have not been very conspicuous or revo,. lutionary. of course it might be said that as long as the material is available only to a rather limited degree, there is no point in turn,. ing to the problems of style and musical analysis. but i do not think that the real difficulty in working along these lines is related to the incompleteness of the material. the greatest obstacle for renewed activity in this field is an old and deeply rooted tradition of regarding and judging music of the classic period with preconceived expectations of form in the manner of a 19th-century textbook, and not regarding it as the object of unbiased historical investigation. not only does this result in a considerably narrowed viewpoint, but on the whole it is an application of analytical means and methods which cannot lead to a real understanding of the problems we wish to investigate. in the center of any discussion of formal structure, we usually find the so-called sonata form, the form of the first movement of almost any symphony or sonata and also the form of many other movements. the more conspicuous shortcomings of analyzing this form according to traditional textbook notions can be summed up as follows: 3 (1) the textbook type of sonata is not an 18th-century concept, but a 19th-century reconstruction of a form mistakenly thought to be the common basis for the music of haydn, mozart, and beethoven. moreover, it was codified to serve the purpose of teaching composition, not of explaining any historical development in music. (2) this sonata-form type is in most cases regarded as a model, not merely as a framework. deviations from the fixed type are explained as anomalies, as signs of imperfect, immature handling of the form, when they should rightly be seen as variations in style and form, as varying ways of filling out the frame. (3) the whole conception of this form is linked with a rather one-sided focusing on certain thematic ideas, on the assumption of a fixed construction, based on a "principal" and a "subsidiary" theme as indispensable formal pillars.4 this limitation of viewpoint alone would make impossible any real understanding of the development ofform in the music of haydn. ifwe wish to make clear the stages and variations in the process of formation of the viennese classical style in music, we must widen our analytical base and improve our tools. let us consider a few points where further investigation might be useful. 109 (1) there are two fundamentally different types of form included under the rubric of sonata form: a type introducing only a few motives and aiming at a basic impression of formal wholeness; and its counterpart, a form based on the introduction of several individualized themes or episodes, and aiming at an impression of change and contrast. the first of these two types is characteristic of haydn, the second of mozart. (2) the 18th-century interest in what was later to be called sonata form rested more on the demonstration of periods than on the nomination of "themes." the enumeration of themes has not too much to do with sensing the formal "happening." the distinction made between liedtypus and fortspinnungstypus in fischer's famous article, "zur entwicklungsgeschichte des wiener klassischen stils" (1915)-one might also think in terms of w6lffiin's o.ijene and geschlossene form-could certainly be utilized to greater advantage. (3) a very important question, which has not been given enough attention, is that of texture. besides purely homophonic style, the main types of texture that seem to have been generally accepted are true polyphonic style (the finale of mozart's jupiter symphony) and "thematic development." the very common, more "linear" development, where either a bass line or a melodic outline takes over the leading role for a while, needs further stressing. so also do the patterns of tutti-development. these often constitute an important part of the sonata form, distinct from or in direct contrast to the. opening theme and other thematic episodes. (4) the art of thematic invention should be studied much more attentively. here again, beethoven draws a dividing line in sonata tradition. in beethoven we have to deal with strongly individualized themes, some of them worked on for years before the final version was found. but in mozart and haydn, we have to deal more with traditional types of theme formation related either to opera, to chamber music, to concerto style, to church sonata tradition, or to various other melodic idioms. a famous example, the similarity between the beginning of mozart's symphony in g minor, k. 550, and cherubino's "non so pili cosa son, cos a faccio," could scarcely be overlooked. the whole art of melodic invention needs further investigation and would certainly repay any labor. tendencies of expression and style of performance fall into 110 various categories: there are those that look back to baroque traditions, or to the so-called pre-classical style (in my article quoted above i use the more neutral term, "mid-century style"), and those that foreshadow the classical style. we must be concerned with the division of phrases into periods-of the development from the unbroken fortspinnung of the baroque, through the endless chain of two-bar constructions of the "mid-century style," on to the harmonically based thematic, coherent, period formation of the classical style. the harmonic conception must also become one of the primary fields of investigation, and here the analysis of "harmonic rhythm," which has been the especial province of american scholars, comes into the picture. as far as expression is concerned, we cannot overlook allimportant features like tempo and rhythm. everyone studying the development of haydn's symphonic art must be aware that the stylistic change around 1765-70-the so-called "romantic crisis" -has two especially important sides: harmonic expression and rhythmic "drive." even if we must admit that we approach domains where solid facts alone will not do, but where some sort of musical intuition or interpretation is needed, we cannot stop there. more than anything else, the changing stages in the development of the viennese classical style are characterized by changing means of expression. but here, as with the concept of sonata form itself, we must remember that we should investigate expression as understood in the 18th century, not in the 19th or 20th century. the relativity of 18th-century contemporaneous descriptions is too often forgotten. when, for example, schubart, in his ideen zu einer asthetik der tonkunst, writes of the mannheim orchestra, "its forte is a thunderstorm, its crescendo a cataract," we must of course view this description in the light of the orchestral style of 1770, and not that of 1870 or 1970. without a doubt, research of the kind that is suggested here can succeed only if it is undertaken by a very highly qualified team of musician-musicologists. some recent conferences, such as those that took place in brno and kassel in october 1967, have provided the opportunity for discussions between musicians and musicologists, who are especially interested in historically oriented performance practice. future conferences of this kind might contribute to the formation and solution of questions such as those i have enumerated. iii this, then, is the shape of my dream for the future of research in the music of the classic period: given the needed (substantial) financial support, the right scholars to carry out the project, and very careful organization, i envision the following developments: (1)' the preparation of an inventory of sources, (2) the establishment ofa source collection, (3) the scoring of all the works, (4) the collection of documentary background materials, (5) the initiation of a specialized style-analytical research project, and (6) the investigation of problems of performance practice. a crowning achievement of the project would be the supplemental distribution of copies of all the scores to a circle of leading libraries. this would clear the way for the preparation of editions and recordings by publishers and recording societies. will this dream one day become reality? notes 1 see my remarks on this subject in "some observations on the development and characteristics of vienna classical instrumental music," studia musicologica 9: 115 if. (1967). 2 f. blume, syntagma musicologicum, p. 217. 3 see also "sonatenform-probleme" in festschrift f. blume (1963) pp. 221 if. 4 "sonata" in grove's dictionary, 5th ed., 7:886if. (1954). 112 4 james s. ackerman, "'ars sine scientia nihil est,' gothic theqry of architecture at the cathedral of miian," art bulletin, 31 :85-111 (1949). 5 erwin panofsky, gothic architecture and scholasticism (latrobe, 1951). otto von simson, the gothic cathedral (london, 1956). the use of these terms derives from panofsky's introductory essay in studies in iconology: humanistic themes in the art of the renaissance (new york, 1939), later published as "iconography and iconology: an introduction to the study of renaissance art," in meaning in the visual arts (garden city, 1955). panofsky distinguishes routine identification of the meaning of conventional motifs in art (iconography) from the "synthetic" analysis of the fundamental symbolic values of works of art in broad cultural contexts (iconology). his pursuit of this distinction between sign-language and nonconventional symbols may have originated in his contact with ernst cassirer at the warburg institute in hamburg where cassirer worked on the second volume, "mythical thought," of his philosophie der symbolischen formen (berlin, 1925) .. the earlier volume (1923) was a study oflanguage. it could be wished that studies in iconology would develop into a psychoanalysis of form in art which could carry our understanding of "meaning" far beyond, for example, the study of leitmotive in music, the identifying attributes of gods or saints .in art, or the typology of buildings in architecture. unfortunately, in art history proper, no really new analytic methods, corresponding to the suggestions in cassirer's work, have been evolved. the tendency today is to announce any study which delves into cultural contexts, in the tradition ofthe warburg institute, as "iconology." summaries of the field are provided by jan bialostocki, "iconography and iconology," encyclopedia of world art and by william s. heckscher, "the genesis of iconology," stit und tjberliejerung in tier kunst des abendlandes, bd. iii theorien und probleme, akten des 21. lnternationalen kongressfiir kunstgeschichte in bonn 1964 (berlin, 1967), pp. 239-61. 6 rudolfwittkower, architectural principles in the age ofhumanism (london, 1949, third ed. 1962). 7 erwin panofsky, "die perspektive als 'symbolische form'," vortriige der bibliothek warburg (1924-25), pp. 258-330. 8 williamjordy, "the symbolic essence of modern european architecture and its continuing influence," journal of the society of architectural historians 22: 177-87 (1963). arnold berleant, music as sound and idea despite the serious obstacles that stand in the way of discussing such questions as what constitutes a piece of music, the papers by miss carpenter and professor crocker deal sensitively with the issue and make useful and important observations. my comments are intended to assist in clarifying and furthering these discussions. let me proceed by identifying and then applying two demands that this sort of question calls forth, the first conceptual and the second substantive. there is opportunity here to develop only some conceptual suggestions, and i shall merely be able to indicate the direction in which a substantive contribution might proceed. when one faces the task of talking about music, as about any art, one encounters a double dilemma. either you remain silent and safe, or you make use of words which, as a foreign medium that is used here primarily for a nonaesthetic end, must necessarily differ in kind from the art one is speaking of. if you do elect to communicate, you run headlong into a different problem, 95 for the language available for talking about art is remarkably unsatisfactory. such language is almost always an unsuitable medium, composed generally of metaphor and evocation, and grounded usually on false analogies with linguistic functions (such as communication), with psychological explanations (such as catharsis, sublimation, and expression), or with intellectualistic attributes (such as symbolism, meaning, and truth). furthermore, if one wishes to avoid these pitfalls of conventional terminology, one is faced with the awesome task of devising new, more directly descriptive concepts. the problem is especially difficult in the case of music. unlike literature and the fine arts, music employs materials not commonly associated with language and the conceptual process, and it suffers most from being talked about. often the most that is done is to apply to music the alien speech of another, more easily verbalized art. yet this difficulty, which music shares with the literary arts, actually helps us avoid a confusion to which the theory of literature is especially prone. because it is directly and immediately perceptual, music raises the insistent demand to be taken on its own terms as experience. moreover, music sharpens for us the differences between the ways in which art is experienced and the ways in which those experiences are understood and conceptualized. by noting and applying this basic distinction between the full perceptual experience of music and the concepts and linguistic medium through which that experience is codified and explained, we may thus hope to avoid the first dilemma, that which results from the need to talk about an art that is basically non-linguistic. in applying this distinction to the notion of a "piece of music," then, we must make clear the differences that exist between the musical object as a perceptual whole and the musical object as a conceptual whole. for music comes first and foremost as experience. indeed, in certain respects it epitomizes the perceptual qualities of all art, for in comparison with other artistic media the musical experience is less fraught with resemblances, relationships, and associations which distract and mislead us. this problem, unfortunately, occurs in the visual arts and is particularly grave in the literary ones. in the directness of our experience, music appears as a phenomenal object. here it is a perceptually congruent grouping of sounds, silences, and secondary visual, kinesthetic, and other active-passive sensory events. in this form, music is grasped in its intuitive experiential immediacy. when we proceed to describe and understand musical experience, we can employ broad perceptual categories such as sound and motion, or more specific ones such as pitch, timbre, dynamics, tonal succession, and juxtaposition. these categories are the musical concepts with which the composer works. however, music may also be described in conceptual categories like sonata-allegro form, harmonic rhythm, thematic relationships, style, and so forth. these are the concepts that the musicologist and theorist use in analyzing a musical work. it is certainly true that the perceptual and conceptual categories can and do overlap; yet the difference between them lies in the primary reference either to 96 immediate auditory-experiential qualities or to the activities of analysis and organization. these categories resemble one another, however, in that they comprise referential symbols that are conceived apart from the actual perception of music and that depend on language rather than on sound. the composer occupies an ambiguous position: as a worker in musical materials he operates in the phenomenal medium of musical perception; yet when he pauses to reflect on or to explain what he is doing, he shifts to perceptual (and occasionally to conceptual) categories. still, there is a striking consistency in the testimony of creative artists about their reliance on purely perceptual qualities for making creative decisions. they simply "like it that way" because "it sounds better." there is, i believe, a good deal of evidence that favors the adoption of this distinction in the musical object between the experiential and the categorial. the history of music abounds with examples of ingenious technical bravado incorporated into a musical work which simply does not succeed in performance. and we all recognize how the aural integrity of a musical piece need not necessarily correspond with a unity that can be discovered by analyzing the work. if we wish, then, to be clear about what a musical piece is, we must decide whether we mean the object as heard or the object as analyzed. professor crocker's paper offers several illustrations of the difficulties that result from the failure to notice and observe this fundamental distinction. his discussion is knowledgeable and illuminating through the range of illustrations he brings forward to test various proposals for locating the musical piece. yet it shifts between the piece as an experienced unity, which he describes by referring to time span (five minutes plus or minus), and the piece as a structural entity (multi-movement works, sonata form, motet, aria). similarly, he moves from the formal units through which we are exposed aurally to a composer's extended composition (the acts of operas, the movements of symphonies) to our knowledge of who he was and the intentions he had (as in our unwillingness to part from our conviction that a piece should have only one composer) for purposes of questioning whether the multi-movement trope and introit can be considered a single piece. the same ambiguity pursues professor crocker's discussion of chopin's preludes op. 28 and webern's op. 5, for while we often hear the individual pieces which comprise each opus played straight through (perhaps changing the order in the case of the chopin), neither of these works was intended as a multi-movement composition. the same perceptual-conceptual distinction is overlooked when we are led directly from considering the beginning, middle, and end of a piece as they sound, to the search for a of. form, 'perhaps. unknown, but nonetheless there. our pursuit of the muslcal piece might be aided somew?at ·f k ew what it is we were seeking-sound or idea. i would opt for locatmg iwen . ." ". ". th the primary sense of the notion of "musical object or piece m .. e t i experience and ass. igning the significance of formal, styhstlc, percepua, . i . i intentional and other features to their effects on the muslca expenence. n 97 any event, some such decision must be made, for the distinction can hardly be overlooked. miss carpenter's broadly developed paper contains a wealth of suggestion, and i could not presume that a brief commentary such as this can do justice to its many observations and insights. her paper is an attempt to deal with the problem of the musical object in essentially traditional terms, and my comments may contribute most by noting how a careful avoidance of the second difficulty that was mentioned above-speaking of music in language originally designed for other, quite different purposes-might serve to carry the discussion forward in a somewhat less misleading fashion. miss carpenter approaches the problem of determining what a piece of music is by contrasting music as process with music as object. she associates a piece of music with music taken as an object, since only when it is an object does music have a clearly articulated structure, with its form as its objective aspect. she illustrates music as process with john cage's variations for orchestra and dance, a work which demands the participation of the perceiver in a flow of organized sound, and music as object with edgard varese's ionization, whose closely knit formal organization enables the listener to remove himself from what is going on by stepping back and interposing "distance" between himself and the piece. it is this ability to disengage oneself and distance the piece that she finds cultivated during the period when the independent musical work began to emerge. what in general seems to characterize the musical object is our awareness of form that carries one beyond the constant motion of the musical process to the perception from a distance of an object as a whole-the product of perceptual form. now i think we can all recognize a vast range in degrees of formal coherence. what is at issue, however, is the extent to which formal integrity is necessary for music to become an object, and, even more basic and important, what the nature of such form is and how it can best be described. the first question, i suggest, is largely empirical. the kind of coherence relevant to a discussion of music is primarily auditory, and it is in the light of the experiential (and not analytical) orderliness of music that this must be appraised. it is indeed possible that the cage vtiriationspossesses minimal aural coherence sufficient to be fairly regarded as a musical piece. that tight organization is not essential for this is shown by our willingness to take certain through-composed songs of, say, schubert and debussy as pieces. m?reover, the .use. of chance techniques may itself provide a measure of uulty, an order m disorder, to give a work aural coherence as 10 't . h . . ngasllste perceptton of form that we are concerned with then our answe l' . h . f h· "rs ie in t e region 0 t e psychology of musical perception. . mo:e to the purpose of this discussion, however, is the question of the wa s m which the formal features of music are described m' a y eag t h . iss arpenter ap,nears er 0 t e tendency of our language to spatializ d . . r: .notmg that this is somethin done to t e an objectlfy time, issue is whether this tendency is ill . process. the point at uidmatmg objectificat' . 98 lon or a distorting j one for describing i should like to suggest that it is the latter, and doubly so, first, since misrepresents musical perception by treating it in :'visual second, since it exerts the unfortunate influence of the historical tenden'::y to associate visual perception with cognitive' apprehension. miss discussion constantly moves the musical object to the level of the physical object perceived visuaiiy,in space in order to consider it. for instance, she makes repeated use of the notion of distance in considering the perception and identification of a musical piece, as, for example, in the notion of music as product, and she frequently seems to use "distance" in a literal sense. this usage is quite foreign to the intent of edward bullough, who gave the term currency through his concept of "psychical distance." 1 bullough took this as the characteristic feature of the appreciative attitude toward art, that is, as a trait of the perceptual experience of art, and he took pains to distinguish it from actual physical and temporal distance, both of which applications he regarded as derivative at best. furthermore, he typically and most successfully applied the notion of psychical distance to theater and the fine arts rather than to music, and for reasons that are obvious. yet miss carpenter, in defending the musical object against the musical process, interprets object, piece, form, space, and distance in visual, often physicalistic, terms. to be sure, there are places in part iv in which this relationship appears to be inverted, when hearing asserts its perceptual individuality and becomes the model for vision. still, the dominant impression of the visual metaphor remains. for example, in part vi miss carpenter interprets the fugue as a musical object in the light of visual perception, in which time becomes unessential and the spatial perception ofform compelling. indeed, she claims that we must apprehend the fugue from a distance by a single imaginary act. yet if we take hearing as the paradigm in the perception of artistic form, a development miss carpenter notes approvingly in part iv, we might rather then justify inverting the relationship and all art, assimilating painting to music (that is, to the movement of perceptual experience) instead of spatia ii zing music and assimilating it to a conceptual abstraction. it is difficult to interpret her citation of walter pater in any other way, for in taking music as the paradigm of all art, he is carrying to a logical conclusion his glorification of the intensely moving flux of sensory experience. these observations bring me finally to consider briefly the substantive task that this kind of discussion requires in order for it to be carried forward on sound ground. any clarification of what a "piece of music" is must necessarily involve reference to musical experience. consequently it is the characteristics of such experience which must first be determined. miss carpenter makes some valuable observations on this subject in her discussion of the psychology of perception in parts iv and v. this approach must be developed and extended, but with a clear concern fof examining musical experience in its own l>efceptual terms and not through the use of a visual of any other" 99 ! \ . . analogy. for our understanding of music has, i thi1;tq longbeen by the tendency to assimilate it to the other more familial!;' and readily verbalized arts, just as our understanding of art in general has sorely hallaicapped by our propensity to explain it in the light of concepts: and objects of a wholly",,different and foreign sort. i have elsewhere 2 used the',j(oncept of "surrogate theories of art" to denote attempts of this sort, and the applies equally to the substitution of the conceptual object for the perceptua:l one, ,and the visual experience for the musical one. once a path is charted around these"' pitfalls, we must devise concepts and categories that are taken from musical experience. only in the light of these can we hope to acquire a clearer understanding of the musical object. it would be presumptuous to do more than suggest a direction here, but perhaps that will be sufficient to provide a positive close to this discussion of two thoughtful and provocative papers. notes 1 edward bullough, "'psychical distance' as a factor in art and an aesthetic principle," british journal of psychology, 5:87-98 (1912). this well-known paper has been reprinted in a number of anthologies in aesthetics, including melvin rader, ed., a modern book of esthetics, 3rd ed., (new york, 1960), pp. 394-411; morris weitz, ed., problems in aesthetics (new york, 1959), pp. 646--656; and eliseo vivas and murray krieger, eds., the problems of aesthetics (new york, 1953), pp. 396-405. :i arnold berleant, "surrogate theories of art," philosophy and phenomenological research, forthcoming. saul novack, some thoughts on the nature of the musical composition (further considerations of professor crocker's reflections) the questions that professor crocker has engaged are of overwhelming import. within an obviously enjoyed bit of speculation, he has shown his wisdom by allowing them to remain unanswered. at this moment, limited by a response which is even briefer than professor crocker's exposition, i cannot offer anything beyond a few suggestions as to possible directions further inquiries might take, well aware of the lack of sufficient amplification and support of some of my observations. the word "piece" is a curious one, and its implicit meanings were perhaps not originally intended. distinction should be made between "piece" and "composition." the former implies any musical time-space which is either inorganic, or organic but subservient to a higher musical unit. the term composition (componere: to collect together a whole from several parts) involves much more than a collection of the several parts. if we limit the 100 some desiderata and goals for the study of 18th-century italian opera donald jay grout it is only within the past two decades that opera seems to have emerged from its former lowly status as a step-child of musicology. a few scholars-notably, romain rolland, egon wellesz, hugo goldschmidt, h. c. wolff, and edward dentproduced valuable studies of 17th-century opera, andh. abert in 1919 brought out the first comprehensive general history. but the 18th and 19th centuries remained-and still remain-an all-but-impenetrable jungle except for a few clearings around the names of the "masters," especially handel, gluck, mozart, verdi, and wagner. recently, however, there are encouraging signs of progress: the 17th-century composers are being re-studied with modern techniques, and a few brave souls have even begun to bring order out of the chaos of the 19th century. but the 18th century still remains obscure, even though here too some encouraging beginnings are being made. i suspect that there have been several reasons for this longstanding neglect: one perhaps is the idea that opera, that "impure" form of music, isa less respectable subject than, say, the early history of the symphony or the sonata; also, many historians may be still unconsciously laboring under the old notion that 18th-century italian opera before gluck was a regrettable episode best forgotten unless to heave a few objurgations at its "abuses" -this of course being easier than to find out what it was that unaccountably made these works flourish in a society which, one suppose, was not made up altogether' of intellectual and musical morons. but the main cause of our present ignorance of 18th-century italian opera is more objective: it is simply the almost total lack of modern critical editions of the scores. until such editions are available for at least a few composers beyond handel, gluck, and mozart, we shall be in the position that, whatever general statements we may make about the history of italian opera in this period, it will be almost literally the case that we don't know what we are talking about. the production of editions of operas by such composers as the bononcini's, a. scarlatti, vinci, leo, and hasse (to mention only a few names 88 from the earlier half of the century) is the first order of business if we ever expect to make any real progress in this area. unfortunately, such editions are both laborious to prepare and extremely expensive to publish. on the latter point i have nothing to say here, but i do want to enumerate a few things that would make the actual preparation of an edition somewhat less uncertain and less wasteful of time than it is at present. it may be said that these desiderata are so obvious that it is hardly worth while to set them down, and that in any event they are not likely to be realized. nevertheless, i shall list them, in the hope that someone who wants to earn the everlasting gratitude of his contemporary and future colleagues in the field of opera history may be moved to undertake one or another, or part of one or another, of the following publications: . 1. a collective catalogue of scores with locations. (we may have this when rism completes its series of manuscript sources.) short of a collective catalogue, special catalogues: holdings of particular libraries, or full lists and locations of opera scores of individual composers. 2. the same for the printed librettos: in brief, bringing the library of congress catalogue up to date and applying the same high standards to cataloguing librettos in other libraries. dr. claudio sartori has already such a card catalogue, which it is to be hoped he will soon be able to complete and publish. indexes: by author, composer (if named), date, city, and printer. 3. lists identifying librettists, singers, impresarios, scene designers, and patrons. (these could be included in no.2 as additional indexes.) 4. lists of "personaggi," perhaps combined with a dictionary of dramatic subject-matter and motives in the manner of riemann's opernhandbuch. 5. (a) catalogue of music incipits. this is an opportunity for collective enterprise: the incipits to be expressed by all collaborators according to a uniform system adaptable to use in computers. (b) similar catalogue of text incipits. 6. search of miscellaneous aria collections ("arie scelte" and the like) by individual effort or preferably by computer, with the aim of identifying either additional sources or settings of aria texts from operas, the music of which is not otherwise preserved. 89 7. catalogue of 18th-century scribes, with description and illustrations of characteristic features of their. handwriting. 8. catalogue of papers used in with reproductions of watermarks; index of the latter, with places and dates insofar as determinable. that will do for the present. i rather imagine the last j udgment will be upon us before the above program is realized, but every little step toward it would be helpful. in the meantime, we had better get along with our editions, making use of whatever bibliographical or other aids are available, abandoning any idea of final, unsurpassable perfection and doing the best we can as soqn as we can with what we have. by way of conclusion, here are a few questions that may be answerable when we have a sufficient number of editions of representative 18th-century italian operas: 1. it should be possible eventually to study and compare the opera repertories of particular italian cities in the 18th century. among other matters, this would probably settle the questionwhich despite a number of recent assertions and revocations stiu remains unanswered-was there, in fact, such a thing as "n eapolitan" opera and if so how did it differ from opera in rome, venice, florence, milan, or other italian cities, and how (if at all) did it affect other contemporary styles? 2. comparative style studies of the music should provide a more secure basis than we now have for periodization of 18thcentury opera. does the "classical" period of opera seria begin after 1760, or is it already there as early as 1730? how long and in what cities did the older opera style as represented by a. scarlatti maintain itself? to what extent, where, and when did the new style (of which l. vinci may· have been the first important representative) begin to supersede the old? 3. we lack at present any comprehensive study of the 18thcentury opera seria libretto. what earlier or contemporary literary influences does it reflect? what was its influence on contemporary italian litefature? what is the relation between changes in the libretto and changes in the musical style of opera in the course of the 18th century? 4. how do these operas, text and music, relate to or reflect the social structure, manners, and ideas of their time or place? 5. what connection is there between opera and the early 90 18th-century symphony? are the style and structure of symphonic movements derived from the opera aria? did instrumental idioms in turn penetrate the vocal lines of opera? the above few suggestions and questions are offered not as new or startling discoveries but simply as reminders of some of the work that lies ahead for historians of 18th-century opera. 91 ernest h. sanders-medieval english polyphony and its significancefor the continent ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 65-7472), 1963. (465 pp., columbia university diss.) j. e. maddrell the amount of scholarly work on medieval english music published since the 1920's is quite daunting inits sheer bulk, and production in post-war years has increased to such an extent that one can hardly call the subject neglected. articles and monographs have, however, tended to concentrate on isolated questions; they leave one conscious of the need for a study which would treat the subject as a whole. dr. harrison's invaluable music in medieval britain did not entirely meet this need, for while it deals extensively with other matters, the account it gives of english polyphony from 1100 to 1400 is a mere 50 pages than an eighth of the whole book. this dissertation does not supersede music in medieval britain (it will be a while before anything does), but complements it, offering a detailed account of english polyphony in the 13th and 14th centuries. the work is all the more acceptable because it has been done with exemplary care, thoroughness, and responsibility. sometimes dr. sanders permits himself an aside: it is ext,raordinary how the field of english medieval music particularly is littered with the fractured bones of theorists, who, for the sake of a theory, are presumed to be of limited competence (p. 314,f.n.). we may not be too happy about the metaphor, but it is reassuring to know that one is dealing with an authority who will give due weight to primary sources. a willingness to do so is perhaps the great strength of the dissertation, for although dr. sanders has obviously profited from the work of apfel, bukofzer, dittmer, and other investigators, he is not afraid to brush their conclusions aside when they have too tenuous a relevance to the facts as presented by the music. one very pleasing result is the excellent editing of latin texts, on which dr. sanders rightly prides himself. i shrink from summarizing the complex argument of chapter i, which discusses the rhythmic ambiguity .of certain early english pieces in mensural notation; dr. sanders' conclusion, based on a close study of theoretical and paleographic evidence, is that these doubtful pieces indicate an english variant of the third rhythmic mode, which he terms "alternate third mode": j rather than or n. his reconstruction of the "irregular modes" of anonymous iv seems,· on balance, more convincing than dittmer's, but (as dr. sanders acknowledges) there can be no absolute solution to a problem of this kind. his argument-inevitably-leaves one without a criterion for deciding which rhythm to apply in transcribing any of the 209 numerous english pieces which appear to go well in either duple time or the alternate third mode. i myself share his preference for the latter, although i cannot agree that his trail$cription of campanis cum cymbalis (pp. 106-07) is better than dittmer's binary transcription. be that as it may, dr. sanders deserves credit for having refuted the view that sumer is icumen in was originally in duple meter. one might previously have had objections to the extremely awkward articulation of the text produced by bukofzer's transcription but there remained the undeniable fact that the original notation showed pairs of breves. dr. sanders has now made it clear that such pairs can be read .i j. it is gratifying to find one's instincts corroborated by someone else's scholarship. the second, third,·· and fourth chapters consist largely of analysis of polyphonic techniques used by english composers of the period. all the analyses are impressively carried out, and it would be difficult to fault them as such; but they are not all equally relevant. chapter ii, for example, on the worcester fragments, is invaluable, demonstrating, inter alia, that the tenors, or pedes, of freely composed pieces in the worcester repertory are remarkably similar, particularly the ostinato tenors in f, and that some of them may have been taken from popular song. it shows, too, that the english practice of altering a cantus firmus, which begins in the 13th century, was adopted in the interests of what dr. sanders calls "tonal unity." on the other hand, the following chapter (c. 1285-1325) strikes me, after repeated readings, as being merely a collection of technical analyses with little wider purpose; its findings would be obvious to all if a complete, performing edition of the music were available. similarly, chapter iv opens with a useful reconsideration of the terminology used by scholars in discussing 14thcentury english music (gymel, conductus, etc.,) but ends with a superfluous rejection of bukofzer's "english discant" theory-superfluous because that theory has already been convincingly refuted by others. it is a pity, too, that fuller treatment was not given to the eleventh fascicle of ms wolfenbiittel 677, especially in view of dr. sanders' interesting suggestion that the second notre dame generation was strongly influenced by english music; a closer examination would have further strengthened the first part of chapter v, which makes a useful distinction between continental works which show english influence and works of english origin in continental sources. in general, dr. sanders' dissertation is an admirable example of its genre. one's criticisms therefore center not on the question of his competence, but on the limitations of the genre itself. what one misses is any sense of the relation between the music and the culture which produced it and gave it purpose, as if music, in the middle ages of all periods, existed in a vacuum. indeed, when he ventures outside the field of musical technique, dr. sanders runs into trouble; on p. 95 (f.n. 49) he suggests that the addition of the latin text to sumer is icumen in may have been due to franciscan influence, a statement which betrays no more intimate knowledge of franciscan literary activities (which consisted chiefly of converting secular material into religious 210 poems in the vernacular) than can be picked up at second or third hand from music in medieval britain and the new oxford history of music. besides, the other contents of ms harley 978 show that the song belonged to quite another area of medieval culture. the limitations of the approach associated with the term "history of music" are most evident in the concluding half-chapter. its main contention is plausible enough: because of the preference for major tonality, for tonal unity, and for the consonance of the third characteristic of english medieval music, england may be regarded as the home of western tonal music. but dr. sanders insists on taking an evolutionary view which he has to bolster with a long and somewhat specious argument, a large part of which appears between quotation marks. one highly questionable feature is the emphasis he gives to the role of so-called "instrumental elements" in the evolution of tonal harmony; it ignores what is perhaps the most important single aspect of medieval music, namely, the fact that it is essentially rooted in the possibilities and limitations of the human voice. if, moreover, one were looking for exceptions to the general rule (no chromaticism, avoidance of unvocal intervals, etc.), one would turn not to english music, but to the work .of machaut and his french contemporaries. the fact is,. of course, that the idea of evolution in music is at best a metaphor from biological science, and at worst a gross oversimplification of the ways in which human sensibility manifests itself; it has long been recognized as unhelpful in the other arts. in dr. sanders' evolutionary scheme, 18th-century tonality represents a kind of zenith in european music; he may well be right, but the two inferences most naturally drawn from his concluding argument are (a) that a composition is only interesting as a rung in the ladder of evolution and (b) that any tonal composition is better than any modal one. i refuse to believe that so capable a scholar as dr. sanders accepts either of these absurdities; but there they are, inescapable side-effects of a muddled argument which is patently lacking in the qualities shown by the rest of the dissertation. some minor blemishes, remarkable in a work which maintains so high a standard of competence, must be pointed out. they are all avoidable characteristics of a lot of musicological work on medieval subjects. there is, for example, an overconfident misuse of such words as "certainly," "doubtless," and "unquestionably" when probabilities, possibilities, or even hypotheses are being discussed. one has qualms about blaming dr. sanders for a trick which seems endemic among medievalists in all disciplines, but it is a trick, even if the writer is unaware of it-a trick to blackmail the reader into feeling as convinced by the writer's theory as he is himself. i do not expect to find a sympathetic audience for my view that sigla, over-abbreviated titles, and the like are pedantic paraphernalia, but i am convinced that these devices (outside a bibliography or catalogue) hardly justify themselves. they are supposed to save space -though there are plenty of pages in this dissertation which have large blank spaces between text and 211 they decidedly do not save the reader's time. even more annoying is dr. sanders' reluctance to refer to a composition by its title or incipit; instead, he gives the number of the piece in its manuscript or appropriate edition, so that unless the reader has at hand a fair number of editions of continental and english music, he has often no means of knowing what composition is being cited. after searching through an edition only to find that the piece cited has been in one's performing repertory for years, one may be forgiven for regarding this practice as an attack on sanity. finally, i must warn intending readers (who will, i hope, be numerous) of two nuisances for which dr. sanders is not responsible. on the film, several musical examples are partly illegible; and pp. 321 and 332 are missing. the latter annoyance seems quite unnecessary; if frames informing us that a page is missing can be inserted into the film, at the point where the page should be, why cannot those frames show the pages themselves? professor sanders replies; perhaps the most complimentary comment in mr. maddrell's thorough and largely favorable review is that my dissertation complements as singularly important a work as frank ll. harrison's music in medieval britain. i am somewhat taken aback, therefore, by his criticism that it fails to convey "any sense of the relation between music and the culture which produced it and gave it purpose." for any doctoral candidate in 1961 or so to have set himself such a task would have involved a great deal of presumptuous duplication of the subject matter of dr. harrison's book. moreover, its execution would have had to be slipshod, since the stated aim of this dissertation was to provide a first comprehensive as well as analytically detailed investigation of all extant english polyphony of the 13th and 14th centuries and to assess and define its varying influence on continental composers. in its conception, orientation, and execution a dissertation often differs markedly from a book. the author of this dissertation found it desirable to limit himself to the examination in depth of a large, relatively homogeneous, and insufficiently explored topic. these considerations explain the plenitude of what mr. maddrell calls "technical analyses with little wider purpose." if one proposes to bring a body of music into focus, one has to analyze it. that the resultant findings were not truisms to be taken for granted is easily proved by a critical reading of much ofthe relevant musicological literature published prior to c.1960. moreover, the very fact that most of the music was not available in reliable performing editions indicated the desirability of providing ample and detailed substantiation for the conclusions, which were neither commonly known nor obvious,e.g., the striking diversity of motet types in medieval england, such as the variation motet and the rondo motet; the circumstances that helped bring about the placement of the tenor as cantus-firmus carrier in the middle, of the polyphonic fabric; the clarity with. which the english repertoire demonstrates isorhythm to have originated .as a means of underscoring the strophic phrase organization of motet superstructures, etc. similarly, the rejection of bukofzer's "english distant"· theory did not strike me as superfluous; while mr. maddrell claims that it had already been refuted by others, the only substantialcontributioil to a very beclouded 212 field was an article (" 'english discant' and discant in england," mq (1959) 45:26-48), in which the author, sylvia w. kenney, uncovered bukofzer's misreading of the theoretical sources, which in any case postdate the in question. it was the detailed examination of this repertoire that showed bukofzer to have subjected the musical evidence to a twofold misinterpretation. a further important consideration is that painstaking examination of the sources necessarily confers a specialized expertise,! which, in turn, gives rise to evaluation and conclusions. it seems to me that a reviewer cannot very well accept some of these, while rejecting without presentation of commensurate evi<;ience to the contrary. thus, mr. maddrell is gratified that my discussion of the rhythmic interpretation of 13th-century english notational devices corroborates his instinctive musical attitudes toward the summer canon, but sees no need, presumably for similar reasons, to. reject a method of "binary transcription" of campanisf honoremus. that it must, in fact, be discarded is overwhelmingly indicated by the pre-franconian notational evidence. there is, however, a larger issue that is implicit in the twin complaint about what might be called lack of ethnomusicologically relevant treatment on the one hand and the pervasiveness of "technical analyses" on the other. the globalization of western culture has bestowed on the discipline ofethnomusicology an entirely novel and embracing importance, which gives the demand for "anthropomusicological" investigation of western music greater relevance than ever before. yet, i should like to take this opportunity to emphasize as strongly as i can the specific tendency of the western tradition towards divorcing music from its intrinsic ancillary functions as an ingredient of processes, and, concomitantly, toward the view of music as an autonomous art, whose purpose is the conception and facture of finite products, of structured objects, by means of notation. this seems to me to be the unique (and ethnologically significant) glory of western music; it follows that the careful, loving, and expert analytical exploration of any part 6f this huge repertoire is inevitably a primary musicological obligation, as it revea'ls the concepts that gave rise to any given graphic fixation. the medieval view of ars musica is elucidated by the writings of the contemporary teacher-reporters ("theorists") and by the works of the composers. a dissertation dealing with aspects of this traditioll necessarily has a predetermined focus, and mr. maddrell rightly stumbles over the irrelevance of my suggestion that the addition of the latin text to the summer canon may have been due to franciscan influence, even though it is appropriately buried in a footnote. the fact that as an obiter dictum it is not substantiated or developed need not, however, be taken to indicate a lighthearted disregard of our knowledge of franciscan activities in 13th-century england. the franciscans strove to spiritualize and "re-christianize" all social groups with which they made contact, including the monastic and secular clergy. while it is true that a large part of their efforts was directed to the laity and therefore produced religious poetry mainly in the vernacular, there is sufficient direct and indirect evidence that in the proper environment the influence of the franciscan spirit may well have caused a secular song to be equipped with a secondary sacred text in latin. i should think that the contents of the harleian manuscript would support the notion of the reformation of a secular piece under such circumstances. one major section of the dissertation (its final half-chapter) does go beyond the description and evaluation of the immediate evidence, since it attempts to address itself to the larger implications of the significance of medieval english polyphony for the continent.2 i am distressed that mr. 8-c.m. 213 maddrell misunderstood two salient thoughts expressed in that chapter. (i) it was (and is) my contention that the genesis of counterpoint required a rational ordering of the tonal material, i.e., a process that loosened the primal bonds tying pitch to language by considering pitch as a separate entity to be defined precisely (numerical ratios). this is impossible without the intercession of essentially instrumental factors; the voice can be "fretted" only after the model of a string, e.g., the monochord. this notion of an instrumental seedbed as the basis for the proper conception of polyphony obviously has nothing to do with the manner (usually vocal) in which any given medieval composition was performed. significantly, music, no matter how it was realized in performance, was in the middle ages generically referred to as "musica instrumentalis." (2) it seems to me that a teleological view of the history of western music is defensible. the advantage of historical hindsight is that, without falling into etiological traps, it can and must at least suggest, _if not plausibly demonstrate, curves of evolution; indeed, mr. maddrell grants that i "may well be right." however, that meliorism has nothing to do with this position seemed to me so manifest that i quite spontaneously refrained from belaboring the point in the confident expectation that an evolutionary view would not become alloyed with valuational connotations. the inferences (a) and (b) that mr. maddrell nevertheless draws from the concluding chapter of the dissertation are patently unjustified. notes 1 to say so is no proof of pride; unless expertise is to be taken for granted, there is no point to academic publishing. ii it has appeared in afmw (1967) 24:24-53 ("die rolle der englischen mehrstimmigkeit des mittelalters in der entwicklung von cantus-firmus-satz und tonalitiitsstruktur"). editorial note: our readers may examine several of dr. sander's central theses in the following articles derived from his dissertation: "duple rhythm and alternate third mode in the 13th century," jams (1962) 15:249-91; "peripheral polyphony of the 13th century," jams (1964) 17:261-87; "tonal aspects of 13th-century english polyphony," acta musicologica (1965) 37: 19-34; "cantilena and discant in 14th-century england," musica disciplina (1965) 19: 7-52; "die rolle der englischen mehrstimmigkeit des mittelalters in der entwicklung von cantus-firmus-satz und tonalitiitsstruktur," archiv far musikwissense/w.jt (1967) 24:24-53. 214 adjunct editors: general editing: business manager: reports: l. michael griffel, associate editor mary obe1kevich, associate editor 0 r-ci''jt\:", if f} margaret r. griffel, associate editor bar.bargj.misholy"assista.,ilj stephen willis, assistant editor associate editor jay rahn, assistant editor-domestic emmanuel leemans, assistant editor-foreign articles: isabelle emerson, associate editor ,.judith gaull, assistant editor dissertations: josephine m. cooper, associate editor susan testa, assistant editor bibliographica: shai bursztyn, associate editor lillian s. fraker, assistant editor secretary: virginia papper faculty advisor: denis stevens copyright © 1969, department of music columbia university, new york printed in great britain '7 fll!lfrld .. kl,.'1 $rdwh. ut1fv'€r>i, hl.ay .. c1 7 . u .... corresponding editors domestic "--""raymond kelton boston university, boston, mass. h f' ,-6aniel l. .. fa .. .. university, waltham, mass. --. it 1\""7 .• bryn mawr college i .... (' carnegie-mellon university-t<.'4wi];1)"l ::. -. '¥ -' • '. d. dinwiddie case western reserve university, cleveland, ohio ""'7-gary l. zeller catholic university of america, washington, d.c. -""stuart chasnoff city university ofn ew york, brooklyn college, brooklyn, n.y. dam 2 fi!!!j)li:jt.ilj/;;ser ,city university of new york, city college, new york, n.y. m r -rojrs. college, flushing, n.y. rr' . tir' ,.. 1'-11 (),g oj ... ia iv elvl .. or u-l •. ,,1"3 q';jh()(' lila lallll@tie od'!el 'uruverslty, ifhaca, 1'1.. • we'lner _ <;;('0:;11 dartmouth college, hanover,-n,h. aparttri./l"t bj. '3 -lucy dyal florida state university, tallahassee, fla. 1.<-. /)f} bvq.o el'\ 'gb '. camb.ridge, c. 3$"t kh i ... michael williams' \!ndlana uruverslty, bloommgton, ind. i'> ex; 0.... _ william penn/michigan state university, east lansing, mich. ----:j. theodore johnson new york university, new york, n.y. nortj! texas state university, denton,tex. ;-howell price ohio state university, columbus, ohio no it l'\>\ q lrk,'ngland university of zurich, zurich, switzerland uppsala university, uppsala, sweden westf'alische wilhelms university, miinster, germany communications to the corresponding editors should be addressed care of the music department of the university unless otherwise noted. published the music department under the aegis of columbia university new york .. ,'( bea friedland john m. jennings frederick rimmer gerald abraham friedrich blume kenneth cooper winton dean vincent duckles otis fellows donald jay grout daniel heartz egon kenton jens peter larsen jan larue maria rika maniates 7 reports from the domestic editors: events on campuses corresponding 14 american 27 new york: ph.d. program in musicology at cuny from the foreign corresponding editors: 35 new zealand: music in the universities 39 glasgow: scottish music archive 42 announcements 43 letters 47 49 52 65 73 81 84 88 92 96 105 113 117 articles i8th-century studies in honor of paul henry lang foreword 18th-century music and the problems of its history musicology in german universities il teatro aua moda, or a safe and easy method of producing baroque operas according to modern practice handel and keiser: further borrowings thoughts 011 writing a comprehensive history of 18th-century music paul henry lang: an enlightened critic of the french enlightenment some desiderata and goals for the study of 18th-century italian 'opera approaching a history of 18th-century music the music of the 18th century: a retrospective view a challenge to musicology: the viennese classical school the mapping of musical classicism, a little-known and dangerous period sonate, que me veux-tu?: the enigma of french musical aesthetics in the 18th century alfred mann william j. mitchell leonard g. ratner alexander l. ringer denis stevens j. a. westrup walter wiora 141 artist and teacher 147 giuseppe sarti and mozart's quartet, k. 421 154 approaches to musical historiography of the 18th century 158 mozart and the j osephian era: some socio-economic notes on musica1 change 166 utrecht: class of '52 169 aspects of the 18th century 174 zur stellung bachs on weltbild der goethezeit 178 bach's place in the world-view of the goethe era neal zaslaw 183 handel and leclair dissertations theodore karp 193 'finn mathiassen the style of the early motet chester fanning smith 197 leon crickmore c. p. e. bach: six harpsichord concertos jane r. stevens the keyboard concertos of c. p. e. bach mark devoto 200 laurence david berman the evolution of tonal thinking in the works of claude debussy j. e. maddrell 209 ernest h. sanders medieval english polyphony and its significance for the contin: ••. ... •.. .. :'t,;.jih. . <.",'l r.. . ';'" f •. ..,..., ......... '-.' ¢ ..... '.;;::.:;',;.'..:: ... ", . .0/"':'.: ft;'.;" . . :-;:.r.:fj ;;,: :.::::l, ".: .. ,; '{,;)",:!)'.,,-:. .. .. " .lq".,:p. ... . .... '1"": ,.t;.,<>. ,)' . .:,. .. :. zt-' ... 9 ...... .... -!jj!'*' ... ...,.'; .. '.;. \",1" .. _" ... af!" ..... jtrfo 'wii' . • '-." t_,' : .. a. '.; .":. ,!j: ' •.. ' ...... ":t:' -'" .. 'jl-.j>. .... 1:1 .' ,'.' ",. fig.3 leonardo da vinci, drawing circa 1490. the divisions of the figure are rational measurements on the scale drawn below the square. (accademia, venice) 90 circle and the square for the plans of churches bore the same sacred iconology of perfection and divinity (fig. 3). contrasting their work with gothic building, we see a strong shift from semiotic to symbolic meaning, matching the change from ritualized building "activity" to the self-conscious "piece." it seems fairly certain that the exploitation of numerical proportions in building depended heavily on the idea of central perspective, particularly for a theory of proportional diminution with distance. the likelihood that brunelleschi invented both systems links them further. renaissance buildings are definitely to be seen in perspective space-in picture space-as the painters represented them, but, at the same time, we should not feel we are missing some more. "global" experience. panofsky has argued that the appearance of central perspective in art (or its disappearance) speaks first of all for an anthropocentric mode of thought (or its demise).7 conceiving buildings or musical compositions as unified entities in visual space may be a habit eminently suited to the human mind, and an inherent characteristic of humanistic eras. the variations in architectural expression through subsequent periods are less interesting for our purpose than the recent challenge to the very basis of "renaissance" design staged primarily by le corbusier between 1923 and 1929. his remarkable book vers une architecture of 1923 was an odd mixture of old french academic themes with an extremely original bid for modernity. his conception of what the significance of this architecture should be was so novel that it escaped the english translator, and most readers over the decades have followed suit, mistaking the book for a functionalist tract. le corbusier's incessant references to modern machines-aircraft, ships, and automobiles-do not suggest that the essence of architecture is the efficient, rational design found in machines. he wanted, rather, to illustrate that architecture should have the objective quality which he found at that time only in machines. his eulogy of the parthenon includes the claims that it belonged in the realm of the mechanical, that it was totally unsymbolic! his notion (and hegel's) was that at the peak of classic art, the building was "the pure creation of the spirit," untrammeled by any reflective or conventional meanings. in these years he worked to rid his buildings of the very language of the old symbolism-the renaissance paper design with its calculated unities. asymmetry, dynamism, and surprise were the rule; exteriors and interiors were of uncertain extent; perception depended not on a controlled viewpoint, but on proceeding around and through. his bid for the "object" quality of the machine was made with a proliferation of common objects in the buildings (fig. 4).8 mass-produced factory windows, bare plumbing pipes, standard radiators, crude electrical fittings, common steel handrails, and thonet furniture were all openly displayed for their commonness. these were le corbusier's equivalent of the objet trouvb of the dadaists. the building was art only in the sense that it was the artist's collage of common non-art objects. le corbusier's ideas were immediately put to use by gropius and others 91 in germany, where before the first world war there had been an attempt to rally a new architecture around the word sachlichkeit. the results had been disappointing. in practice, sachlich might describe a perfectly ordinary house with some unexpected doric columns at the entrance and unusual neobiedermeier interiors. it was at the entrance and in the interiors of an ordinary house that some art nouveau filigree would have indicated, a few years before, a different progressive ideological allegiance. biedermeier was pursued for its simplicity and cleanness, not for the "commonness" implied in derogatory usages of the name. occasionally this prewar sachlichkeit involved the direct imitation of machine forms in building, but a strong traditional hierarchy of genres in architectural thought made this practice strictly inappropriate for anything . . ....... ... •• • • 0 ... . ..... :.. • ,flo fig. 4 le corbusier, drawing for the interior of a house, 1922. but factories or other rather utilitarian building. it is incorrect to speak of "modern architecture" at all in ,germany (that is, building of all types, from factories to churches, made to express a unitary image of modernity through a canonlcal vocabulary of simple, rectangular, machine forms) until this hierarchy of genres broke down. it did not give way even in the work of gropius and the bauhaus until 1925, and then under the impact of le corbusier. the dream of an architecture expressive of an utterly new world, experienced vitally and instinctively, not statically and reflectively, was very old, but means of realizing the dream were late in coming. for gropius, the cultural salvation of mankind depended on adherence to the achievements of the new architecture, but other leading architects quickly became bored with the ideals of the great campaign, while the plodding followers carried its results over most of the globe. 92 the buildings themselves, "masterpieces of the twenties," first touted fon, their universality and rationality, aged poorly. 'they are again fascinating today, but fascinating as the most highly calculated of fine-art, aesthetic objects! they no longer exude modernity, and their effects seem more delicate than dynamic-change a color from white to buff, or close the window shades, and the architectural effect is utterly changed. in short, the radical compositional methods and the new millennial iconology did not rid architecture of an old and persistent ailment: aestheticism. since the 1850's, when a few architects first departed from established classical or medieval vocabularies, original creations and novel devices had raised questions of credibility, taste, and tradition that could not be answered in the old ways. designs seemed to call for painterly evaluations which even today have as yet no established place in architectural thought. '13 10 a 221 140 1& fig.5 le corbusier, le modulor, 1950. two interlocking scales of dimensions are based on fibonacci series expansions from the "golden ratio." the particular choices made by architects in the twenties made them especially vulnerable to aestheticism. like contemporary artists in other fields, they believed themselves to be past "the end of a mimetic tradition." the only valid expression would be totally new. their choices, machine objectivity, modernity, "the spirit of the times," were all vague concepts of higher generality than the particular use of the buildings. but in architecture, despite the collapse of other traditions, buildings always tend to be mimetic of use. the aestheticism of the twenties, then, is precisely that the symbolism of the buildings often bore no relation to their use. the collision of the two is the anomaly of the period. le corbusier's own later works and books may be the best criticism of the modernist program. from the thirties on he returned to composition of mass and space in more distinct pieces. his buildings became more decisively mimetic of use. with their eccentrically personal sculptural effects, the buildings could no longer be viewed as "ordinary life" transformed into art. his formal theory of proportion, le modular, which appeared only in 1950, 93 is the first in the history of architecture to propose scales of fixed measurements suitable for the dimensions of the human body (figs. 5-6). all previous systems had dealt in ideal ratios which the designer could apply at any absolute size. le modulor speaks implicitly for an empathetic response to the object in the observer. one can doubt that it is these modular scales of measurement that give his buildings (at chandigarh, for example) an empathetic quality, but few would deny that these buildings have this quality to an extraordinary degree. in this the late buildings are utterly different from his earlier collages of common objects. fig. 6 le corbusier, le modulor. an illustration of the suitability of the of dimensions to human needs. the best designers today feel that the attempts to liberate design from the limitations of the set academic "piece" (symbolized in germany by the insistence on the word baukunst in place of architektur) resulted in a program with its own severe, inherent limitations. therefore, they are again open to all the possibilities evolved in the past for the designing of objects, isolated or common. notes 1 paul frankl, "the secrets of the medieval masons, with an explanation of stornaloco's formula by erwin panofsky," art bulletin, 27:46-60 (1945). 2 in the imperial roman period standard measures were enforced and considerable use, was obviously made of planning on paper. we know also that charlemagne tried to standardize measures throughout his empire and that he was successful enough so that the "ideal" plan for the monastery of st. gall, developed in 816 and 817, was recorded in a modular drawing on parchment based on a scale of one sixteenth of one carolingian inch on the drawing equal to one carolingian foot of the building. see walter horn and ernst born, "the 'dimensional inconsistencies' of the plan of saint gall and the problem of the scale of the plan," art bulletin, 48: 285-308 (1966). evidence from later centuries, however, suggests that the technique of scale drawing was abandoned. 3 maria velte, die anwendung der quadratur und triangulatur bei der grundund aufrissgestaltung der gotischen kirchen, (basel, 1951). 94 4 james s. ackerman, "'ars sine scientia nihil est,' gothic theqry of architecture at the cathedral of miian," art bulletin, 31 :85-111 (1949). 5 erwin panofsky, gothic architecture and scholasticism (latrobe, 1951). otto von simson, the gothic cathedral (london, 1956). the use of these terms derives from panofsky's introductory essay in studies in iconology: humanistic themes in the art of the renaissance (new york, 1939), later published as "iconography and iconology: an introduction to the study of renaissance art," in meaning in the visual arts (garden city, 1955). panofsky distinguishes routine identification of the meaning of conventional motifs in art (iconography) from the "synthetic" analysis of the fundamental symbolic values of works of art in broad cultural contexts (iconology). his pursuit of this distinction between sign-language and nonconventional symbols may have originated in his contact with ernst cassirer at the warburg institute in hamburg where cassirer worked on the second volume, "mythical thought," of his philosophie der symbolischen formen (berlin, 1925) .. the earlier volume (1923) was a study oflanguage. it could be wished that studies in iconology would develop into a psychoanalysis of form in art which could carry our understanding of "meaning" far beyond, for example, the study of leitmotive in music, the identifying attributes of gods or saints .in art, or the typology of buildings in architecture. unfortunately, in art history proper, no really new analytic methods, corresponding to the suggestions in cassirer's work, have been evolved. the tendency today is to announce any study which delves into cultural contexts, in the tradition ofthe warburg institute, as "iconology." summaries of the field are provided by jan bialostocki, "iconography and iconology," encyclopedia of world art and by william s. heckscher, "the genesis of iconology," stit und tjberliejerung in tier kunst des abendlandes, bd. iii theorien und probleme, akten des 21. lnternationalen kongressfiir kunstgeschichte in bonn 1964 (berlin, 1967), pp. 239-61. 6 rudolfwittkower, architectural principles in the age ofhumanism (london, 1949, third ed. 1962). 7 erwin panofsky, "die perspektive als 'symbolische form'," vortriige der bibliothek warburg (1924-25), pp. 258-330. 8 williamjordy, "the symbolic essence of modern european architecture and its continuing influence," journal of the society of architectural historians 22: 177-87 (1963). arnold berleant, music as sound and idea despite the serious obstacles that stand in the way of discussing such questions as what constitutes a piece of music, the papers by miss carpenter and professor crocker deal sensitively with the issue and make useful and important observations. my comments are intended to assist in clarifying and furthering these discussions. let me proceed by identifying and then applying two demands that this sort of question calls forth, the first conceptual and the second substantive. there is opportunity here to develop only some conceptual suggestions, and i shall merely be able to indicate the direction in which a substantive contribution might proceed. when one faces the task of talking about music, as about any art, one encounters a double dilemma. either you remain silent and safe, or you make use of words which, as a foreign medium that is used here primarily for a nonaesthetic end, must necessarily differ in kind from the art one is speaking of. if you do elect to communicate, you run headlong into a different problem, 95 an annotated translation of moriz rosenthal) s franz liszt, memories and reflections elise braun barnett introduction otto deri often used to discuss programs for piano recitals with me. more than once he expressed surprise that the late piano compositions of liszt were performed only rarely. he recommended their serious study since, as he pointed out, in these pieces liszt's conception of melody, rhythm, and harmony are quite novel and anticipate debussy, ravel, and bartok. these discussions came to mind when a friend of mine, mrs. oscar kanner, a relative of moriz rosenthal,! showed me an article by the pianist entitled "franz liszt, memories and reflections," which had appeared in a 1911 issue of the journal die musik,2 and also a handwritten, unpublished autobiography written in new york during the last years of rosenthal's life, 1940 to 1946. rosenthal's concerts in europe and america are still remembered by the older generation. his musical conceptions, emotions projected on the piano with an amazing technique, remain an unforgettable experience. he is also remembered as having been highly cultivated, witty, and sometimes sarcastic. his skill in writing is less known, but his autobiography and essays reveal a most refined, fluent, and vivid german style. he is able to conjure up the "golden days," when unity of form and content was appreciated. it is my hope that the following annotated translation of rosenthal's article will provide a worthy tribute to the memory of otto deri. translation in october of 1876, as a youngster of thirteen, i played for franz liszt during one of his frequent visits to the schottenhof in vienna,3 and i was admitted to his much envied entourage as perhaps the youngest of his disciples. at that time his highly promising evaluation sounded like words of magic which seemed to open wide the gates of the future and art, and i followed him, the great magician, to weimar, rome, and tivoli, where he stayed at the villa d'este as a guest of cardinal hohenlohe. i usually found liszt surrounded by his flock of faithful students and admirers. he moved in their midst with the benevolence and grandezza of a ruling sovereign. his gentlemanly, brilliant appearance always produced a fascinating effect, whether he was engagingly amiable or, occasionally, critical and witty. he appeared to me totally different, in a warmer, highly artistic light in tivoli near rome, where i was fortunate to be his only student and to receive daily instruction in the fall of 1878. every afternoon i appeared at the villa d'este, where i found the master composing either in his study or 29 sometimes on the terrace, where he was gazing forlornly into the blue. the glowing roman autumn, the picturesque beauty of the area, the master's noble instruction-all these things blended into an ecstasy which i still feel today. what was especially interesting in his teaching was his clarification of musical structure, his emphasis on hidden subtleties, and his explanation of the historical relation of each work to the evolution of art, for he looked at everything with the eye of a creator. when i played for him the first etude from opus 10 by chopin, he remarked: "gounod has composed a 'meditation' to the first prelude of bach's well tempered clavier. one day i would like to write a countermelody to this study, but it would be a 'jubilate' and not a 'meditation.''' he had boundless admiration for chopin, and once when we were talking about the dioscuri of the romantic era, he commented in his quick-witted way: "schumann is more broad-shouldered, but chopin is taller." with respect to contemporary music, the russians interested him because of their modern orientation in harmony and instrumentation. he thought very highly of camille saint-saens and told of his marvels as an organist.4 rubinstein, in spite of his great inventive faculties, seemed to liszt to be too unconcerned and casual. "we are no geniuses, we have to work," he often remarked humorously when the compositions of the russian master were played to him.5 brahms he described as "not exciting and very hygienic."6 nevertheless, when i brought the paganini variations to him soon afterwards, he praised their polyrhythm and said: "they are better than my paganini etudes; however, they were written much later and after knowing mine."7 some months later, shortly before i concertized in paris and st. petersburg, he asked me to play for him rafael joseffy's second danse-arabesque,8 which he liked very much because of its graceful melody and harmonic delicacy. he improvised on the main theme in an ingenious way and then performed compositions by schubert, as well as the etude in c# minor of op. 25 and several preludes of chopin, with such tenderness and boldness of feeling and expression that even six years later i mentioned to the master the unforgettable impression which his playing had made upon me. with a modesty that only a liszt could permit himself, he said with a smile: "one always exaggerated the quality of my playing a little." my memories take me to the year 1884. i had not seen liszt for years. i had heard from many musicians and critics that his compositions were to be considered mere farces and that the best one could attribute to him was a certain talent for brilliant piano transcriptions, vide the second hungarian rhapsody! these vehement attacks produced in me the opposite effect. i thought with enthusiasm of mazeppa's death ride, of tasso's triumph, of the transcendental etudes, of the bacchic passion of the mephisto waltz, that lisztian mephisto who appears in the piece as the ever-affirming spirit. soon the old pied piper had brought me under his magic spell again. i was seized 30 with an irresistible longing to see and hear him again before it was too late. i traveled to weimar but met him already in leipzig, where he had come to hear the opera helianthus by goldschmidt.9 the master received me with his old affection and love and suggested that i play the six-pronged monster called hexameron10 as an 'hors d'oeuvre' for the beginning of the lucullian music dinners which his host of students prepared for him twice a week. the number of great talents who assembled under his banner (some of whom were to achieve great fame in europe) had increased considerably since 1878. i mention here the names of ansorge, friedheim, lutter, reisenauer, sauer, siloti, van de sandt, weingartner. they were joined later by lamond, stavenhagen, and thoman.ll the crowd of mediocre students had also grown alarmingly, especially thefeminini generis; they surrounded the master like a swarm of mosquitoes, and he tolerated them with an inexplicable gentleness.12 the names of some of those for whom he did not care had slipped his memory completely, and he called them by their native country. "now play your sonata, norway," he would say, for instance. sometimes he waved me into the adjoining room and asked: "what is the name of the lady who is playing just now?" and after i told him her name, he shrugged his shoulders contemptuously or cried out, "holy smoke!" frequently he asked us to play new pieces prima vista.13 on such occasions many students carefully stayed near the door from whence they could retreat, if necessary, a retreat which was not exactly brave, but one that was as ingenious as that of general moreau ... .14 when one of the more "important" students performed the "ride of the valkyries" in the arrangement by tausig,15 he said to me in a low voice: "when tausig played this piece for me the first time, i was afraid that he would break the piano strings. in the case of this gentleman, that fear seems unfounded." it was the pride of a superior, stronger individuality which brought forth these words. he imagined himself in passionate youthfulness, tossing the "ride of the valkyries" and the "magic fire spell" down to his audience from the concert podium .... what were the effects which the young liszt produced in his audiences, and how did he achieve them? when cortez was conquering mexico, he aimed his firearms at the indians. they took off in wild flight, because they believed that the white men were gods, since they evidently could command lightning and thunder. it did not occur to any of these children of nature to examine and calculate the caliber and strength of the firearms. in the beginning they submitted in awe to the superior culture of old europe. when liszt, after an interval of several years, stepped before the parisian public in 1834, the technical and artistic abilities which he commanded were so superior that the audience could not help surrendering without reservation to his phenomenal appearance. hardly anyone at that time was able to judge how technically perfect his playing was, a technique which was handed down to us through his transcriptions. there were no points of comparison, and most of the compositions he performed were published only later. were liszt's innovations really stimulated by paganini? i realize that all 31 biographies share this point of view, and that liszt did not contradict it. however, if one considers the effects with which paganini fascinated his audiences, one finds that they cannot be transferred to the piano. indeed, they have no relation to the nature of this instrument. the rapid raising and lowering of the pitch ofthe strings, the sound effects of the pizzicatos, and the passages consisting of alternating coll'arco and pizzicato tones (as they occur, for instance, in the "non piu mesta" variations),16 the flute-like tones in double stops, etc., have no counterpart in piano playing. they could only intensify the pianist's ambition greatly but were not able to open up new vistas for his creativity. these effects were more dazzling and exciting on the violin but, at the same time, of a more superficial nature. under these circumstances, should liszt, who, in his spiritual and musical importance towered high above the genoese, owe so much to him and to no one else? i will answer this question without reservation. in the year 1830, at the age of twenty, chopin had come to paris, ignorant of the ways of the world, amiable and modest, but as the creator of an irresistible phalanx of etudes, two concertos, his don giovanni variations, the polish fantasy, and other works which broke all the limits of traditional technique and which, through their spiritual content, were to found a new era in art. in the first of his etudes, dedicated to liszt, we find for the first time harmonies and passages in widely-stretched finger positions in strict legato; in his op. 25, no.6, for the first time, double thirds played with a most original, revolutionary fingering; and a previously quite unheard-of "con bravura" technique of skips in his don giovanni variations (which schumann later used in the «paganini" section of the carnaval). and, moreover, there are new possibilities for the left hand in the same work, as well as in both of his c minor etudes, and grandiose climaxes which are full of volcanic passion, although they are fashioned with iron logic. at this point, one needs only to compare the great transcendental etude no. 10 in f minor and the arpeggiated chords of the magnificent harmonies du soir by liszt with the previously published etudes in f minor and major of op. 10 by chopin to see the many stimuli liszt had received from the genius of chopin, in spite of the former's originality. liszt, however, appears as an innovator and pioneer in the orchestral effects of his transcriptions for the piano, a progeny which was not to find any epigone. a native instrument, the cimbalom, probably gave him the idea to distribute whole octave passages and runs in both hands in such a way that each hand plays alternate notes. this offered the performer possibilities of enormous strength and explosions of speed. liszt matchlessly builds up tonal climaxes to their utmost brilliance and, in a splendid manner, thunderously projects the entire orchestral mass onto the keyboard. "the piano glows and sparkles under its master," wrote schumann. this wonderful musician and poet did not report only about the boldness and power of liszt's playing but also about the enchanting delicacy, which schumann appreciated even more. and it was just this delicacy which the master retained in his ripe old age. 32 pieces such as his liebestraum and consolations still exuded a fascinating charm. they seemed like a sublime sacrificial haze which rises, then drifts away .... yet sometimes he presented one or more works from his very last period of composition in which the heartfelt sounds, expressing his deepest beliefs and convictions, now and then lapsed into the falsetto of an almost childish naivete. i heard him in public only once, as a matter off act in 1880 in vienna. if i am not mistaken, it was an evening put on by the wagner society, and the bosendorfer saal was filled to capacity with the most elegant viennese audience. the platform was decorated with flowers; everywhere one saw the dazzling sparkle of precious jewels and the eyes of beautiful women-these were the surroundings which liszt, as a man of thirty, had loved for his then still very worldly art. all this disappeared completely as the master stepped onto the stage and sounded the first measures of his au lac de wallenstadt! over the moonlit, silvery lake of magic glided the boat, escaping the troubled waters of this world and pressing toward purer springs.17 the master appeared like a high priest of music as, in a reverent trance, he let the last measures fade away. he responded to the enraptured pleadings of his listeners with an improvisation of the chopin-liszt chant polonais in major, whose printed edition he embellished, moreover, with the most delicate fiorituras that glistened like a rain of pearls. there is a big step from the poet and singer of au lac de wallenstadt to the sharp, ironic franz liszt. nevertheless, before i touch on the excellent features and minor weaknesses of his compositional style, allow me to mention an episode which shows the master as a man of the world, a man possessing an ingenious superiority. the scene is the tonkunstlerverein in vienna, in the year 1885, i believe. rarely had a small salon seen a meeting of a triumvirate of such significance: brahms, liszt, and rubinstein at one table. and since they were sitting near one another, a stimulating and interesting conversation could have developed easily, but for reasons unknown to me it did not. when in the course of the evening a neighbor of rubinstein's asked him for an autograph, the titan of the piano drew from his pocket a calling card and handed it to her. the peculiar "autograph" was passed on to liszt, who wrote below the printed name of rubinstein: "et son admirateur f. liszt." this was only a lever de rideau. a very pretty and well-known pianist, whose ambitions were higher-reaching still, and who was eager to cut a lock from each of the three "world-famous" men as a souvenir, approached anton rubinstein, clanked her scissors, and uttered her request persuasively in the most tender sounds of their mutual native country. rubinstein, who in his opera nero18 had already proved his aversion to any cruel emotion and the extreme kindliness of his character, bent his head to the beautiful petitioner. with the sails of hope billowed by fresh breezes, she turned to liszt, who said with an indulgent bow and a sardonic smile: "samson and dalila! but do not fear, madame; i shall not knock down the pillars of your conjugal happiness." somewhat derailed but still not quite crushed, dalila intruded vehemently on master brahms. but he wholeheartedly declined 33 such antiquated homage offaded cliches and tried to keep her offwith words and gesticulations-and hurt his finger on the curl-guillotine. embarrassed silence followed, and a chilly breeze blew over the assembly. presently the music publisher albert gutmann hastened along with a glass of water, caught a few drops of blood, and exclaimed with pathos: "whoever tastes of this blood will understand hanslick's language!" the situation was saved. on the way home 1 overheard a great musician say to a young pianist, since he evidently thought that the homage of the evening was misdirected: "i always have the feeling that those old composers like lachner19 and liszt will all die about the same time." the speaker was, as 1 said, a great musician, johannes brahms-but the parallel sounded worse than parallel fifths, and the double stop was wrong. lachner is dead, but it seems to me that liszt becomes more and more alive and that the flock of his followers grows daily. 1 confess candidly that his favorite problem, namely to condense the multi movement symphony into a one-movement form, does not seem to me to be successfully solved at all times. the basic theme may lend wings to liszt's imagination, but it hinders him when he works out a composition, and (as with the big mazeppa etudes) paralyzing the musical effect, it causes the composer to take a desperate step: to give the poetic program a new meaning or sometimes even to overthrow it, as liszt did in the ideals, taken from schiller.2o liszt's imagination, also, does not always flow in a free and proud current, as with the heroes of the classical and romantic periods, and his astounding harmonic experiments do not always make the grade. but in many of his works one can hear the winged spirit of a genius and, above all, one feels the spell of an individual and magnetic personality. how remarkable and full of contrasts are the life and work of that ingenious man! the most ambitious virtuoso, he abdicated at the zenith of his fame.21 the most illustrious, worldly artist of his time, he knelt down at the feet of the catholic church.22 he wrote masses and oratorios which, according to his own words, he created by praying rather than composing. but he also seduced and enticed with his sensual mephisto waltz, with his sinful transcriptions, and with the blinding fireworks of his ungodly genius. however, he always served faithfully the progress of true art, furthered newcomers, and thought ofhimselfleast. with his mastery he intoxicated others and gave happiness to the world. we, his disciples, who were permitted to ripen the fruits of our diligence under the rays of his genius, who were deeply sensitive to his lofty mind, preserve his memory as an indestructible possession. notes 1 moriz rosenthal was born in lwow (lemberg), poland, in 1862 and died in new york in 1946. he studied piano with karol mikuli from 1872 to 1874 in lwow, with rafael joseffy from 1874 to 1876 in vienna, and with liszt from 1876 to 1878 in vienna, rome, and weimar. he undertook concert tours all over europe, including russia. his first american tour was in 1888, and he settled in the states permanently in 1937. he taught piano at ilie curtis institute in philadelphia, and his pupils include robert goldsand and charles rosen. 34 2 moriz rosenthal, "franz liszt, erinnerungen und betrachtungen," die musik (1911) band 57, 11: 46-51. 3 rosenthal had seen liszt before playing for him in 1876. he describes the event in his autobiography: and finally the day, or rather, the evening arrived when i saw him, the great, the magnificent, the invincible franz liszt! frau toni rab, one of his students from graz, was making her debut in the biisendorfer saal. shortly before the official beginning, which was set for 7: 30, there arose a whispering, a murmuring, a rustling. ludwig biisendorfer, the piano maker, as he liked to be called, appears at the entrance of the hall, makes his way through the surging, curious audience, and leads a tall, slim, white-haired man with an aquiline profile and jovian glance to his seat of honor bedecked with wreaths. a storm of applause wells up, liszt declines it amiably, points to his pupil. his mere presence lends magical splendor to her debut. but the ovations of the audience are brought under control only after the master has appeared four times on the platform to acknowledge the applause. according to professor p. ciilestin rapf, o.s.b., archivist and librarian of the schottenstift, liszt lived in one of the buildings of the schottenhof, in the apartment of relatives. he never stayed in the schottenhof convent, however. 4 in 1876 liszt transcribed saint-saens's danse macabre, op. 40, for the piano. the latter had composed it originally as a song and, in 1874, as a symphonic poem. liszt also conducted the first performance of samson et dalila at weimar in 1877. 5 speaking about liszt, rubinstein described their reunion in 1871 as follows: "we met as old friends sincerely attached to each other. i knew his faults (a certain pomposity of manner for one thing) but always esteemed him as a great performer-a performer-virtuoso, indeed, but no composer." see harold c. schonberg, the great pianists (new york, 1963), p. 255. 6 the first meeting of liszt and brahms took place in weimar in 1853. brahms visited liszt, who was surrounded by musicians, pupils, and admirers. the former felt himself to be out of place, though liszt seems to have been very kind to him. in 1860 brahms was one of the organizers and signers of a publication which, in strong words, denounced the musical tendencies of the so-called "neudeutsche scbule" and was obviously attacking wagner and liszt. 7 the same theme by paganini in a minor is used by liszt and brahms for variations. hanslick described rosenthal's playing of the brahms set as follows: the paganini variations (on the last of the twenty-four capriccios) suggest a bold campaign of discovery and conquest in the field of piano virtuosity, an experiment in the capacities and possibilities of the instrument. to report that rosenthal mastered them faultlessly, and with utter security and freedom, is to rank him automatically among the first pianists of the time .... rosenthal's modest bearing and his quiet and unaffected manner at the piano merit special praise. see eduard hanslick, vienna's golden rears if music 1850-1900, trans. and ed. henry pleasants iii (new york, 1950), pp. 276-77. 8 rafael joseffy was born in hunfalu, hungary, in 1852. he died in new york in 1915. a pianist, teacher, editor, and arranger, he composed many pieces for the piano. he spent the summers of 1870 and 1871 with liszt in weimar. 9 adalbert von goldschmidt was born in vienna and died there in 1906. he composed helianthus to his own libretto. the work was performed for the first time in leipzig in 1884. 10 the hexameron was a collective piano work written in 1837 for a charity concert and based on the march from bellini's i puritani. the participating composers were chopin, pixis, thalberg, czerny, herz, and liszt; each contributed a variation. liszt also wrote the introduction, the piano arrangement of the theme, the bridge passages between the variations, and the finale. 11 konrad ansorge was born in berlin in 1862 and died there in 1930. a pianist, composer, and teacher, he studied with liszt from 1885 to 1886. arthur friedheim was born in st. 35 petersburg in 1859 and died in new york in 1932. he was a pianist, composer, teacher, and editor, and studied with liszt in rome from 1880 to 1882 and then in weimar for six years. heinrich lutter, born in hannover in 1858, died there in 1937. a pianist, composer of chamber music, and teacher, he studied with liszt in weimar and budapest. alfred reisenauer was born in konigsberg in 1863 and died in liebau in 1907. he was a pianist and composer and studied with liszt beginning in 1874. he made his debut under liszt about 1880 in rome. emil sauer, born in hamburg in 1862, died in vienna in 1942. a pianist, composer, and teacher, he is believed to have studied with liszt for only a few months. alexander siloti was born in kharkov, russia, in 1863 and died in new york in 1945. a pianist, composer, and teacher, he studied with liszt in weimar from 1883 to 1886. maximilian van de sandt was born in rotterdam in 1863 and died in cologne in 1934. a composer and pianist, he studied with liszt during the last three years of the latter's life. paul felix weingartner was born in zara, dalmatia, in 1863. he died in winterthur in 1942. a conductor, composer, and editor, he was with liszt in 1883 in weimar. frederic lamond was born in glasgow in 1868 and died in sterling in 1948. he was a pianist, violinist, and organist, and studied with liszt in weimar and rome from 1885 to 1886. bernard stavenhagen was born in greiz, germany, in 1862. he died in 1914 in geneva and was one ofliszt's last pupils. he was also present when liszt died. stefan thoman was born in hommona, hungary, and died in budapest in 1940. he studied piano with liszt and counted bartok, dohminyi, and fritz reiner among his students. 12 august gollerich, a liszt pupil and biographer, once counted 225 male and 184 female students in liszt's entourage. 13 one participant in the weimar master class, around 1880, described liszt's sightreading ability as follows: his sight-reading of difficult manuscript compositions, which were brought to him on different occasions, was simply marvelous. he would listen to the player for a minute or two with a smile which betrayed a sort of scornful sense of absolute mastery, and then he would sit down and execute the most intricate passages with as much ease as if they were the abc of a language, every syllable, every word of which was familiar to him. what astonished and impressed me most was not so much that his fingers were responsive to every motion of his mind; i wondered at the mind, which one felt instinctively was gifted with the power of taking in at a rapid glance every possible variety of passage which has ever been written for the pianoforte. his glance seemed to be at once penetrative and allembracing. he thought it out at once with clearness and rapidity. see bettina walker, my musical experiences (new york, 1893), p. 108. 14 jean victor marie moreau was a republican general during the french revolutionary wars. his skillful retreat before archduke charles was considered a model for such operations. 15 carl tausig was born in warsaw in 1841 and died in leipzig in 1871. a pianist, composer, and arranger, he was with liszt in weimar in 1855. 16 paganini's variations are based on "non pili mesta" from rossini's opera la cenerentola. 17 au lac de wallenstadt bears a quotation from byron's childe harold: ... thy contrasted lake, with the wild world i dwell in, is a thing which warms me, with its stillness, to forsake earth's troubled waters for a purer spring. countess d'algoult wrote in her memoirs: "the shores of lake wallenstadt kept us for a long time. there franz wrote for me a melancholy harmony, imitative of the sigh of the waves and the cadence of the oars, which i have never been able to hear without weeping." see humphrey searle, the music of liszt, 2nd rev. ed. (new york, 1966), pp. 23-26. 18 nero is an opera in four acts on a libretto by jules barbier. it was written for the paris opera in 1876 but was not performed there, to rubinstein's disappointment. the premiere took place in hamburg in 1879. later the work was performed in most of the european opera houses but has not been kept in the repertoire. 36 19 franz lachner was born in rain, germany, in 1803 and died in munich in 1890. a conductor and composer, he was highly esteemed during his lifetime. 20 the work, inspired by a poem of schiller, was written in 1859 for the consecration of the goethe-schiller monument in weimar. parts of schiller's poem are inserted in the score. before the last slow movement liszt writes: "the firm adhesion to and therewith the ceaseless cooperation with the ideal is the highest aim of life on earth. it was in this sense that i took the liberty to supplement schiller's poem by adding as closing apotheosis the jubilant confirmatory resumption of the motive which had gone before the first part." 21 liszt's last public concert as a piano virtuoso was given in elisabetgrad, now stalingrad, in october 1847. 22 the wish to become a priest can be traced in liszt's life from his early youth. in 1827, before the death of his father, he intended to join the church, but during the following years his mother discouraged him from taking this step. he had religious instruction from 1833 to 1834, when he stayed with the abbe lamennais. in 1863 liszt entered the oratory of the madonna del rosario in monte mario. two years later he received the tonsure and took three minor orders. in 1868 don antonio solfanelli instructed liszt in religion, and in 1879 the latter became an honorary canon of st. albano in rome. 37 structural revisions in the string quartets opus 4i of robert schumann linda e. correll the study of sketches affords many insights into the compositional process. schumann's sketches for the three string quartets op. 41 are particularly noteworthy because they represent an attempt to solve problems that the large, abstract forms presented to composers of the second quarter of the 19th century. a comparison of the sketches with the printed editions of these quartets immediately reveals schumann's concern with elements of structure. the present study attempts to illustrate this structural concern within the framework provided by schumann's sketching techniques in general. the manuscript material drawn upon constitutes two sets of schumann autographs-the sketches1 and the fair copy.2 however, the quartets appear to be the subject of several entries in schumann's haushaltbilcher,3 and it is probable that a set of preliminary sketches also exists.4 schumann wrote the op. 41 quartets in june and july of 1842. according to entries in the haushaltbuch,5 in april and may of that year schumann studied quartets by mozart, beethoven and haydn. on june 2 he began "quartet essays,"6 and on june 4 he began composition ofop 41/1. gerald abraham states that the haushriltbuch indicates simultaneous composition of the first two quartets. 7 the autograph fair copies bear the following dates: op. 41/1, june 24, 1842; op. 41/2, july 5,1842; op. 41/3, july 22, 1842. the sketches are not dated systematically, but when dates are present they serve to suggest that schumann sketched at a rapid pace, apparently with well defined goals. for example, the first two movements of op. 41/1 were finished on june 5. in all likelihood the first two quartets were completely sketched before schumann began the fair copy ofop. 41/1. the date of july 4 at the end of the first-movement sketch ofop. 41/3 shows the composition of that quartet to be concurrent with the preparation of the fair copy ofop. 41/2. the overlap implied by this chronology, coupled with the fact that multiple drafts of passages are rare, supports the assumption that the present sketches are not first drafts, but represent a somewhat later stage of composition. 8 schumann's sure grasp of the large formal outlines ofthe individual movements is indicated in the methods of musical shorthand that he employed. details are seldom crystallized, but each movement is fully mapped out. the sketches are written -predominantly in piano score, often with just melody and bass notated. in many instances only the melody is sketched (in whatever voice it may happen to occur). the plans for the general length of sections within movements often contain empty bars that were left to be filled in later. the material that consequently fills these bars is usually of a transitional, developmental, or modulatory nature; thus schumann post87 pones many harmonic decisions. occasionally bars are numbered and the numbers are then written over empty bars later in the sketch to minimize the task of writing out repeated passages. repetitions are also indicated, especially in sonata-form movements, by the use of capital letters. these occur at both ends of the principal key area of the exposition, and the recapitulation merely indicates that the material von a-b should be inserted. in the first movement ofop. 41/1, the recapitulation constitutes such a close parallel to the exposition, that after the transitional passage a second set of capital letters directs that the secondary material should be repeated a fourth higher (quadro hoher). in one instance (op. 41/3, finale) schumann writes memoranda for successive tonal areas quite far in advance of their actual entries, presumably as an aid in tonal planning and modulation. the above methods are used throughout the sketches for op. 41. however, quartets 1 and 2 illustrate them in a more orderly fashion. quartet 3, evidently sketched more hastily, is less consistent in method, and the sketches for it are more fragmentary. the result is a greater number of structural changes from the sketch to the printed edition. the available sketches for op. 41 illustrate schumann's preoccupation with matters of form. this is not to suggest that the composer was not concerned with refinements in the content of the music. on the contrary, modifications in detail are numerous. however, a study of preliminary sketches would appear to be prerequisite to a meaningful evaluation of the growth and subsequent modification of thematic ideas. formal considerations, on the other hand, usually receive a later emphasis, and the present sketches clearly document this stage of the compositional process. for these reasons, in the following discussion alterations in detail are summarized and a more comprehensive approach applied to various types and stages of structural revision. the sketches to op. 41, in the true character of a working draft, often differ from the printed editions in matters of melodic detail, rhythmic patterns, and scoring. in fact, the slight changes that were later made, usually by the time of the fair copy, involve the vast majority of measures. the various musical elements appear to share equally in these revisions; altera-' tions in rhythm are just as common as alterations in pitch, while scoring and register changes abound. in those passages where rhythmic changes occur, the final version almost always substitutes more rhythmic uniformity for a tendency toward rhythmic variety in the sketch. this inclination toward a monorhythmic approach is particularly characteristic of schumann's later works, and to find its conscious application in 1842 is noteworthy. alterations in the melodic lines sometimes confirm this aspect of uniform rhythm. a particularly subtle example occurs in the third movement of op. 41/1 (example 1). with the exception of the third measure, the sketch and the printed edition are 88 identical. however, the presence of the suspension in the final version is consistent with the rhythmic feeling of first-beat suspensions so important for the entire passage. ex. lop. 41/1, 3rd mvt., mm. 4-11. sketch: i (==! #r it i i _::or i i i e=i i it runt?} i r=-a 0 j?r print: f: [' i e e' 1 i r changes in instrumentation seem to have been postponed until the time of the fair copy. although most of the sketches are written in piano score, several appear in full score, and often this scoring differs considerably from that of the fair copy. incidentally, most of the alterations made by schumann on the fair copy itself are concerned with matters of scoring. structural changes on the small scale are plentiful. they include many modifications in phrase lengths. single bars are inserted or omitted frequently in the sketches (changing irregular phrase lengths to regular, or vice versa). in several instances changes in phrase structure coincide with modifications of the melodic lines and serve to alter the effect of sequential passages. with respect to over-all structure, two general trends may be observed by comparing the sketches for op. 41 with the completed compositions: 1. most of the extensive alterations occur in transitional passages. 2. there are, with several exceptions, many more deletions from than additions to the final versions. large-scale formal modifications were made in the finales of op. 41/1 and op. 41/2. both were originally planned and designated as rondos in the sketches; both were evidently changed to sonata forms when the actual writing of these sketches began. the result in op. 41/1 is a rather unconventional sonata form in which the recapitulation (bars l52ff) begins with secondary material stated in the submediant (f major).9 the principal theme does not recur in the tonic (a minor) until bar 214, shortly before the coda. with this procedure the formal unity of the entire quartet is strengthened since the beginning of the recapitulation features synthesis, and at times, juxtaposition of the keys of f major and a minor/major-a most appropriate parallel to the beginning of the quartet where the intro89 duction, in a minor, leads to the allegro portion of the first movement in f major. thus the type of tonal duality that allows an f-majot first movement in this "a-minor" quartet is confirmed in the recapitulation of the finale. the finale of op. 41/2 is a more conventional sonata form, and the only indication (other than its designation) that it was planned as a rondo is the greater length of the original a period in the sketch. (this passage was crossed out in the sketch and evidently modified in the course of the composition.) occasionally in the final versions of the quartets the structural balance within a movement is significantly altered as a result of extensive reductions in the lengths of transitional passages. this has the effect of tightening the 90 ej(. 2 op. 41/1, 4th mvt., mrn. 148-15l. " i' j 11j. j v :j i 'if -jbi 'tf sf. 1 j-t:j 11.): ex. 3 op. 41/1, 4th mvt., mm.148ff. 1st version. jj,] j j 1\ j 1 j 1 i j j d p. j j v p-==== f ====-==== ::::=: * ij "j e i: fl .. i ... i. i v j la 1 j 1\ j j . j j . .... [j,] : '" v * these brackets are pre sent in the sketch". perhaps they indicate that schumann intended to delete the passage immediately. ex. 4 op. 41/3, 1st mvt., mm. 36ff, 1st version. ad ii 1rj, it : * [#j a" ii i tj [oj -it i,g [.j dj dj * : '"-.. ·r ----.. illegible 91 formal design and also reflacts schumann's predilection for abrupt tonal changes. the four-bar transition (bars 148-51) that occurs before the recapitulation in the last movement ofop. 41/1 is a case in point. the final version (example 2) features an ambiguity between, or perhaps a synthesis of, 0 minor and f minor (0 minor had been prepared in the eight preceding bars of the development). as a result, the resolution to f major at the beginning of the recapitulation is particularly effective. the additional sixteen bars of transition in the sketch (example 3) tend to weaken the tonal novelty of the recapitulation by placing premature emphasis upon the minor form of the submediant. f minor is implied for the entire twenty-bar length of the original transition (with the exception of the sequential tonicization of its flat-submediant, major). the arrival at f major merely seems to substitute the major mode for the minor. a similar situation, this time involving changes in the modulatory scheme, appears during the transition between the principal tonal areas of the first movement of ope 41/3 (bars 36-46 of the printed edition). here a substituex. 5 op. 41/3, 1st mvt., mm. 36-45. ," it. qj: . v 't · ., , , 1 1 t f ".fp "" " . . v ., · v' of or f /' 1i i q ... n_ -. --.. . · -t f sjip :.::=.--:-. : """i. lw /all l! -v i -= sf "" 1i : v iii'? -=:::;::::pt f::::. j." j i sf i b.,g.· "" -: . "r .. 92 tion of material took place, evidently at the time of the fair copy, since the entire passage is crossed out in the sketch but no alternative version provided. in the fair copy the passage is pasted over a section of the score. conceivably, schumann had at least one additional thought before achieving the final form. the ten bars in question were originally twenty-three in the sketch (example 4), and these constituted a more traditional continuation of the transition than that which appears in the final version. the theme is stated twice in the tonic (a major), then the final measure of the four-bar phrase is treated motivically and modulates through f# minor, eventually to arrive at the secondary tonal area, e major (bar 46 of the printed edition). the final version displays schumann's affinity for tonal juxtaposition (example 5). instead of a conventional modulation, c major enters immediately at bar 36 of the printed score (a neapolitan tonal relationship to the previous key in the transition-b major), and the final four bars of the transition (bars 42-45) modulate swiftly to the secondary area, e major. schumann's concern for conciseness is reflected in the passages cited above. it is significant to note that the deletions and substitutions were made in transitions, whereas additions and expansions seem, with one notable exception, to be confined to introductions and codas. one may surmise that the composer allowed himself to be more expansive primarily in those sections that did not affect fundamental formal design. the coda to the third movement of op. 41/2 appears to have been originally only four bars long (example 6). ex. 6 0p. 41/2, 3rd mvt., original coda. .. '" sketch: .. illegible schumann apparently sketched the coda in a version close to its final form at another time, since the page in the sketch that contains the coda is separated by several pages from its proper place. this second sketch recalls the theme of the trio, as does the coda of the printed edition, but lacks the cadential pizzicato of the final version. similarly, the introduction to the first movement of op. 41/3 must have occurred to schumann after he was well into the exposition, since it appears at the bottom of page 1 of the sketch. this introduction was originally eight bars long instead of the seven bars of the final version. the first bar (four additional beats of the opening chord) was crossed out in the fair copy. an interesting question arises concerning the proposed introduction to the first movement ofop. 41/2. dickinson states that the last four bars (bars 93 30-33) of the introduction to op. 41/1 were originally intended as the introduction to op. 41/2.10 however, in the sketch to op. 41/2 there is no hint of this proposed introduction. the passage occurs only in the sketch to op. 41/1 with the last two bars compressed into one. oddly enough, expanded to the four-bar length, it appears in the fair copy of op. 41/2 but is crossed out. it seems as if schumann considered establishing a melodic relationship between the two quartets. both quartets, incidentally, feature opening allegros in f major. in only one instance does an addition of musical material occur in the main body of a movement. at bars 113-23 in the finale of op. 41/3 the principal theme occurs in f major (the tonic of the movement is a major). there is no evidence of this passage in the sketch. while the tonal succession is not altered by the additional passage in f major, there is little doubt that the presence of this material adds considerably more weight to the region of the flat submediant major. f major, at this point, reinforces the tonal area of the immediately preceding quasi trio. consequently, this tonal area is firmly established as a distant structural goal from which later. statements of the principal theme (beginning in g major and a minor respectively) progress back toward the tonic. as a result, the traditional rondo procedurethat of presenting the principal theme in the tonic-already undermined in the preceding sections of the movement, seems from this point to be unequivocally abandoned. it is interesting to note that the sketch was closer to the rondo prototype, not only in the omission of this statement of the principal theme in f major, but also in the presentation of the theme in the a-major tonic at bars 65ff (in the final version the theme appears in minor at this point). the rondo-like character of the printed edition results primarily from the compartmentalization of the thematic material. it has not been the purpose of this study to attempt a critical appraisal of the op. 41 quartets. rather, analytical procedures have been employed in an effort to illustrate some of the methods that schumann used in achieving his structural objectives. it is evident that some movements, for example, the adagio of op. 41/1, required few changes. at the opposite pole is the hasty sketch of the finale of op. 41/3, where even the over-all form of the movement appeared in a tentative version. the literature on the composer is quite consistent in stating that schumann's talent was lyric rather than dramatic, and that his most inspired works were the early pianoforte pieces. even though boetticher's study of the manuscripts has shown that schumann made a considerable number of revisions in his early works,ll the fact that many of these works consist of a series of short pieces has served to perpetuate the older view that spontaneous, improvisatory composition was characteristic of schumann's early style. the extended works that originated during and after 1841 are often discussed from the standpoint of the composer's inability to cope adequately with the larger forms. it is this writer's opinion that such generalized criticism is not 94 completely fair to schumann, and that it cannot, with any degree of accuracy, apply in equal measure to the large number of works completed during these years. schumann's literary writings shqw that he thought a great deal about large-scale formal continuity.12 the gp. 41 revisions provide evidence that these thoughts were not confined to prose essays; in almost every instance the revised version represents the better reading. from the purely objective standpoint, however, the revisions have great value in that they illustrate the approach of an important 19th-century composer to the structural demands of the abstract forms. notes 1 forty-seven handwritten pages plus a title page dated leipzig, june 1842. the sketches were signed over at a later date by schumann to johannes brahms. they ultimately formed a portion of brahms's nachlass tl1at was acquired in 1907 by the preussische staatsbibliothek in berlin. today tl1ey are in tl1e musikabteilung of the deutsche staatsbibliothek in east berlin. 2 originally in the collection of oscar bondy, now in the possession ofrudolff. kallir of new york city. dr. kallir has given permission to the toscanini archive division of tl1e new york public library to microfilm his collection and for the present writer to study tl1e microfilm. 3 according to wolfgang boetticher, robert schumann. eirifuhrung in personlichkeit und werk (berlin, 1941), p. 626, tl1e haushaltbiicher were in the preussische staatsbibliothek, berlin, in 1941. presumably tl1ey are still tl1ere (deutsche staatsbibliothek). 4 since neither preliminary sketches nor the haushaltbiicher could be consulted by the present writer, secondary sources have had to be relied upon for information tl1at tl1ese manuscripts may contain. in some instances tl1e secondary sources specifically cite their sources of information, in otl1ers they are not so precise and it must be presumed tl1at they borrowed information eitl1er from each other or from tl1e schumann documents referred to above. 5 as quoted by gerald abraham in an editorial footnote to a. e. f. dickinson's essay "the chamber music," in schumann: a symposium (london, 1952), p. 139, footnote 1. 6 presumably tl1ese are preliminary sketches. 7 abraham, op. cit., p. 139, footnote 1. 8 preliminary sketches, including those of the thematic-working-out type, undoubtedly exist. if this is not tl1e case, boetticher (op. cit., pp. 568ff) is in error in calling bars 148-51 of tl1e fourth movement of op. 41/1 tl1e theme of tl1e rondo (tl1e movement was originally entitled rondo in the sketch). abraham follows boetticher in referring to tl1ese bars as tl1e rondo theme, and calls attention to tlle fact that this tl1eme is stated only once in the final form oftl1e movement (abraham, op. cit., p. 146, footnote 1). the passage, slightly expanded, occurs only once in tl1e sketch also, and at approximately the same place in tl1e movement; thus, tl1e fact that both writers call this the original theme suggests tl1e existence of earlier sketches. 9 the tonic of tl1e movement is a minor. in tl1e exposition the secondary tonal area was the relative major, c major. 19 dickinson, op. cit., p. 142. 11 boetticher, op. cit., pp. 521ff. an entire section of tl1e book is devoted to the sketches. 12 references to schumann's views of musical form are contained tl1roughout leon b. plantinga's schumann as critic (new haven and london, 1967). 95 repor t from indiana: inter-american conference of ethnomusicology and composition david a. sheldon le growing awareness of the contributions of our neighbors in latin america to the fields of musical composition and scholarship, as well as the sincere desire for active hemispheric cooperation and exchange in these areas, is indeed apparent in the work of the latin american music center and the archives of traditional music on the bloomington campus of indiana university. it comes as no surprise, then, that this university should take on the ambitious task of serving as host to the fourth general assembly of the inter-american music council (cidem), the first inter-american composers seminar, and the second inter-american conference on ethnomusicology. these meetings, which took place april 24-28 and involved over 110 participants and observers, were held in conjunction with the third spring festival of music of the americas presented by the latin american music center of indiana university. besides indiana university and cidem, the other sponsoring institutions were the music division of the pan-american union and the national music council of the united states. cidem, founded no more than a decade ago, has already been very active in establishing educational and research programs involving both north and latin america. the first interamerican conference on ethnomusicology was held two years ago in cartagena de indias, colombia, the papers from which were published by the pan-american union. at the suggestion of dr. george list, director of the archives of traditional music at indiana university, it was decided at that first meeting to hold the second conference at indiana university in 1965. in calling together a joint meeting with the first inter-american composers seminar, the chief goal in the planners' minds da vid a. sheldon is a doctoral student and graduate assistant in musicology at indiana university. 199 was to create an atmosphere where related problems could be discussed on an interdisciplinary, as well as inter-american, basis. in addition, there seemed to be the hope that the mere physical contact and active participation of the delegates might transcend political and professional boundaries, thus achieving a common understanding with regard to basic issues facing both groups. the director of the latin american music center at indiana university and general chairman and planner for the entire conference, professor juan orrego-salas, feels that if he is fortunate enough to participate in the planning of another joint meeting of this nature, he would like to see it expanded to represent music education, historical musicology, and the views of professional performers. such a full program does pose many problems as evidenced by this conference. because of the inevitable limitations of time, the composers, seminars and ethnomusicology conferences were unfortunately conducted simultaneously during the fourday period in which papers were given, except for one joint meeting of both groups. an invaluable aid to the delegates interested in both areas was the printed copies (in spanish and in english) of all the papers made available to the delegates before the respective sessions. a sincere attempt was made to overcome the language barriers during the round table discussions by having simultaneous translation with the aid of translators and earphones. for the most part successful, much was yet lost in the more rapid exchanges between participants. the discussion topics for the composers seminar centered around problems facing the contemporary composer of the americas. specific topics were: "the performance of new music," "the training of the composer," "the public and live music," and "state and private aid to music." a general consensus of opinion arose from these sessions that the basic problem of the contemporary composer lay in the area of the education of the public. while the composers from latin american countries were fairly well represented, major figures from north america were disappointingly few since most of those invited were unable to attend. in this respect the ethnomusicologists were in a much better position. representing the united states with papers were frank gillis, charles haywood, george list, alan merriam, bruno n ettl, and charles seeger. also participating were barbara krader, john mueller, willard rhodes, and nicolas slonim200 • • • sky. special mention should be made of frank gillis, associate director of the archives of traditional music at indiana university, who served as general chairman and host for all the ethnomusicology sessions. gilbert chase and rae korson, although listed in the program as participants, were unable to attend. of the sixteen papers given in the ethnomusicology conference (including the two given at the joint session), ten were presented by delegates from latin american countries. most of the latin american ethnomusicologists who gave papers at the first conference held in 1963 were again present. some newcomers were manuel danneman (chile), flor de maria rodriguez (uruguay), and l. h. correa de azevedo (brazil, now in paris for unesco). the general theme of the ethnomusicology conference was acculturation and musical traditions in the united states and latin america. this writer felt that the papers given by ethnom usicologists from the united states, especially those on north american subjects, were distinguished by a somewhat more sophisticated and highly developed methodology than were those given by the delegates from latin american countries. in addition, it was often evident in the papers dealing with latin american music that research had been conducted in virtually unplowed ground. while such pioneering is obviously necessary and must be begun by someone, this situation had the usual result of producing papers with very broad scopes and very tentative conclusions. on the other hand, although they might not have the advantage of the scholarly traditions in musicology and the social sciences to the extent that we do in this country, the latin american ethnomusicologists showed that they are quite capable of scholarship of a very high calibre. it is a pleasure to know that indiana university plans to publish in english all of the papers given at the inter-american conference . 201 \ editor-in-chief: adjunct editors: general editing: __ manager: reports-domestic: reports-foreign.: articles: dissertations: bibliographica: secretary: faculty advisor: neal zaslaw l. michael griffel joan long mary obelkevich margaret ross griffel alex "blid31y jay rahn emmanuel leemans . leonie rosenstiel isabelle emerson josephine mongiardo cooper susan testa ' shai bursztyn virginia papper denis stevens copyright © 1970, department of music columbia university, new york printed in great britain corresponding editors domestic i. n,i.", raymors daniel l. farber boston university, boston, mass. brandeis university, waltham, mass. university, providence, r.i. bryn mawr college, bryn mawr, pa. carnegie-mellon university, pittsburgh, pa. case western reserve university, cleveland, ohio' catholic university of america, washington, d.c. gitv ty of new v ork, bropklyn colle!!"e"bl:ookiyn, n.y. 11 •• vgcsr .-1' rj • ., '( •• i ltv: ueens-uollege, .l'iushmg, n.y. c." ..... r1;t3 roi§,w 1,1, li'w'i.,i, ,,}' new york university, new york, n.y. "i -" ohio state university, columbus, ohio princeton university, princeton, n.j. n.j. jlijlversi n ,..d j :state niversity f ew ork at buffalo, buffalo, n.y. thomas n. rushing tulane university, newcomb college, new orleans, la. i i/"...! ir ;0" rmrs:-i'o'itlriel waterman university of arizona, tuscon, ariz. !if,'ssmer anthony ford annemarie bragard andrej rijavec fan d. bent john steele washington university, st. louis, mo. -6'" yale university, new haven, f. lties1 l'abet't lmswig ttpiversiq(, bartok archives, budapest, hungary bratislava university, bratislava, czechoslovakia brussels, belgium vlrj'"i" } j cambridge university, cambridge, england christian-albrechts university, kiel, germany georg-august university, gottingen, germanx hebrew university, jerusalem, israel .):r,j "'0;) j." fijji.u! humboldt university, berlin, germany 24 h ql rej.es sf. johann wolfgang goethe university, frankfurt, germany sqvf(olt' johannes gutenberg university, mainz, gennany i j / karl-franzens university, graz, austria karl marx university, leipzig, germany karlova university, prague, czechoslovakia leopold-franzens university, innsbruck, austria martin luther university, ha1ie-wittenb!!rg, germany oxford university, oxford, england phillips university, marburg, germany queens university, department of extra-mural studies, belfast, ireland state university of utrecht, utrecht, holland svenskt music history archives, stockholm, sweden university college, dublin, ireland university of birmingham, birmingham, england university of 90penhagen, copenhagen, denmark university of glasgow, glasgow, scotland university of hamburg, hamburg, gennany university of hull, yorkshire, england university of liege, liege, belgium university of ljubljana, ljubljana, yugoslavia university of london, london, england university of otago, dunedin, new zealand -emarie bri'l'let t tpiversity gf pal!is; paris, t¥1'..j,ol14';.jpl!oa;ut:l,iisi.,..ip;:'''ioitj.lisi.,..if:lt:aajlp&.cee-.. __ richard marlowe ludwig finscher georgio pestelli ..j.-&. i'll! ael eifel! hans conradin ake berglund m. witte university of southampton, southampton, ei).gland university of the saarland, saarbriicken, germany university of turin, turin, italy university of vort, english defl&l'hnel'l:t, y 6re, eflgi:!t11s university of ziirich, ziirich, switzerland uppsala university, uppsala, sweden westfiilische willielms university, miinster, germany communications to the corresponding editors should be addressed care of the music department of the university unless otherwise noted. published the music department under the aegis of columbia university new york (1\ # ernest d. may craig wright ivo supiclic f<1u'1 j nancy benvenga poil-hl'/ don harran ti 25 (34/ 36 reports from the domestic corresponding editors: events on eight american campuses princeton: bach research cambridge: rare music manuscripts at harvard from the foreign corresponding editors: zagreb: the institute of musicology london: berlioz's echoes zdenka e. fischmann ; israel: highlights of the year 1968-69 czechoslovakia: some musicological sources ilf/l./ georges franck /j.{l..rnj j. e. maddrell civ 57 ® budapest: third annual bartok conference announcements letters articles (b mensura and the rhythm of medieval monodic song hendrik vanderwerf @ concerning the measurability of medieval music michael horwath henrietta schavran (;t.) tebaldini, gnecchi, and strauss' '",."1"" dissertations edward leon kottick the music of the chansonnier cordiforme, paris, bibliotheque nationale 8 rothschild 2973 david e. crawford 102 thomas lee noblitt charles sutton! ® the motetti missales of the late 15th century eddie covington bass thematic procedures in the symphonies of berlioz bibliographica : i la! charles h. kaufmann ell!? marvin c. genuchi the life and music of jacob french (1754-1817), colonial american f.:":) . \ composer , p.tlf'tl,;' thomas f. heck \l.!..?j ricordi plate numbers in the earlier r--"" 19th century: a chronological survey r. l. e. foreman @l bibliography of writings on arnold bax neal zaslaw 140 free music periodicals 144 performance practices supplement 173 contributors {' the precise frequency with which certain style characteristics occur. instead, expressions like "sometimes" or "quite often" are employed. for example, dr. benton observes that "sometimes [italics mine] the second theme-group begins with material similar to that of the first group but in a related key and treated differently" (p. 155). she then gives two musical examples which illustrate this procedure. one would like to know exactly how frequently this does occur. then one could determine whether hiillmandel employs this procedure more or less often than other composers. there are other advantages in tabulating the precise frequencv of the style characteristics studied. one is that such a tabulation tends to oblige the writer to define the characteristics with greater care. another is that it assures the reader that the writer has not relied merely upon his general impressions when making statements of frequency. my last two paragraphs should not obscure the fact that dr. benton has written a good book that is of real value to students of 18th-century music. roger kamien teaches at queens college. he completed his dissertation on problems of 18th-century musical style at princeton, 1964. arthur michael daniels the de musica libri septem of francisco de salinas ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 62-6046), 1961. (535p., pos. film $6.80; university of southern california diss.) peter bergquist arthur daniels' dissertation is a detailed study of salinas' de musica (salamanca, 1577; facsimile reprint, ed. kastner, in documenta musicologica, barenreiter, 1958) based on a complete translation from the original latin. de musica is a massively learned treatise on harmonics and metrics by a blind organist who was also one of the most eminent musical scholars of his day. in this work salinas is concerned with music only as a mathematical science and touches on problems of composition and performance peripherally as they impinge on harmonics and metrics. yet, he is not so doctrinaire as to reject the testimony of the ear; he emphasizes throughout that sensory perception must join with reason in the study of music. reason is the ultimate authority and must supply proof for what the senses perceive as correct, since the unaided senses may judge 97 the precise frequency with which certain style characteristics occur. instead, expressions like "sometimes" or "quite often" are employed. for example, dr. benton observes that "sometimes [italics mine] the second theme-group begins with material similar to that of the first group but in a related key and treated differently" (p. 155). she then gives two musical examples which illustrate this procedure. one would like to know exactly how frequently this does occur. then one could determine whether hiillmandel employs this procedure more or less often than other composers. there are other advantages in tabulating the precise frequencv of the style characteristics studied. one is that such a tabulation tends to oblige the writer to define the characteristics with greater care. another is that it assures the reader that the writer has not relied merely upon his general impressions when making statements of frequency. my last two paragraphs should not obscure the fact that dr. benton has written a good book that is of real value to students of 18th-century music. roger kamien teaches at queens college. he completed his dissertation on problems of 18th-century musical style at princeton, 1964. arthur michael daniels the de musica libri septem of francisco de salinas ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 62-6046), 1961. (535p., pos. film $6.80; university of southern california diss.) peter bergquist arthur daniels' dissertation is a detailed study of salinas' de musica (salamanca, 1577; facsimile reprint, ed. kastner, in documenta musicologica, barenreiter, 1958) based on a complete translation from the original latin. de musica is a massively learned treatise on harmonics and metrics by a blind organist who was also one of the most eminent musical scholars of his day. in this work salinas is concerned with music only as a mathematical science and touches on problems of composition and performance peripherally as they impinge on harmonics and metrics. yet, he is not so doctrinaire as to reject the testimony of the ear; he emphasizes throughout that sensory perception must join with reason in the study of music. reason is the ultimate authority and must supply proof for what the senses perceive as correct, since the unaided senses may judge 97 defectively. but reason should not lead one to take a position that is completely opposed by the ear. this attitude is the rationale for salinas' preference for justly tuned consonances rather than the harsher pythagorean intervals; not only do the just intervals sound better, but their numerical description and derivation is simpler and more logical. salinas' classification of the perfect fourth is also affected by this attitude. he insists that the fourth is consonant because its numerical ratio is simple, because the simplest division of the octave (2:3:4) produces the fifth and fourth, and also because it is almost always found at the end of compositions as part of a fully consonant sonority. but he does acknowledge that the fourth can seldom stand alone and ordinarily requires the support of the fifth below. thus he arrives at the same position taken by composers and most practical theorists of the period. de musica is divided into seven books, the first four on harmonics, the last three on metrics. book i, as daniels describes it, is "one of the most comprehensive expositions of neo-pythagorean number theory ever written by a music theorist." in book ii salinas studies the numerical ratios which define intervals and classifies the intervals as consonant or dissonant. salinas here begins to expound his preference for just intervals, a central concern of the books on harmonics. daniels suggests that salinas reflects the increased interest of 16thcentury composers in the full triad. similarly, the account of the diatonic, chromatic, and enharmonic genera in book iii reflects the greater interest of composers in chromaticism. this section culminates in salinas' ideal tuning which includes 24 tones to the octave and achieves just harmony throughout the circle of fifths. book iii also contains detailed descriptions of three meantone temperaments for keyboard instruments and one equal temperament for fretted instruments. the three meantone temperaments reduce the perfect fifth respectively by 113, 217, and 114 of the syntonic comma. the first was invented by salinas, the second by zarlino, and the third was first described by pietro aaron. salinas intends that all should be applied to an octave of 19 tones in order to equalize the greater and lesser tones of just tuning, an adjustment which he recognizes as a practical necessity for keyboard instruments since they cannot achieve the perfect tuning and fine gradations of which the human voice is capable. the work on tuning and temperament is one of salinas' major claims to fame. he is credited with the first precise mathematical definition of equal temperament, and his 24-tone division of the octave is one of the earliest and best multiple division, according to j. murray barbour. book iv concludes the study of harmonics with an extensive account of the greek tonal systems, containing what is still one of the clearest explanations of the difference between harmoniae and tonoi. salinas was one of the first musical scholars to obtain an extensive knowledge of the original sources of greek theory, and his lucid presentation shows how well he mastered this material. he acknowledges also the 98 .... confusion among the sources on some points and states that not everything in these writings can be clarified completely, an admission which only increases one's respect for his ability to unravel as much as he did. book iv concludes with a detailed critique of several ancient and contemporary theorists, especially with. regard to their adherence to or deviation from just intonation. salinas does not hesitate to criticize the most eminent figures; the pythagoreans, aristoxenus, ptolemy, gafori, glareanus, and zarlino are among those who suffer his closely reasoned censure. the three books on metrics present their material in a largely traditional and uncritical manner. book v defines and classifies rhythm and poetic feet, book vi treats meter, and book vii explains verse construction. this last book contains the examples of spanish and other folk music which have been salinas' chief claim to fame. daniels asserts that the inclusion of these tunes is not the most valuable feature of salinas' treatise, because they are intended only as illustrations of poetic meters and are not studied from any other point of view. moreover, many are fragmentary. although they are valuable as examples of 16th-century folk music, salinas was interested in them not as such but only as accessories to his humanistic aims. the most important part of the treatise is certainly the section on harmonics. daniels says as much, devotes the bulk of his study to the first four books, and passes over the last three almost completely except for transcribing and commenting on the examples of folk song. daniels' study is admirably thorough, very well written, and extremely readable, despite the technical nature of much of it. the extensive quotations daniels has included, frequently entire chapters, add even more to the value of his work. no major errors of fact are apparent. the only mis-statement i found was the observation on p. 414 that gafori's "treatise in the vernacular" must be lost. in fact, salinas was referring to gafori's angelicum ac divinum opus musicai (milan, 1508), of which all but the title is in italian. this is plainly a small matter and hardly a serious reflection on daniels' work. in his opening chapter daniels develops the idea that music and the other arts of the renaissance reveal a common belief in the mystical power of number to express universal truth. this explains why salinas emphasized harmonics rather than practical music in de musica. daniels cites later examples of a similar attitude, in helmholtz for one, and ties it further to the growth in the 20th century of interest in mathematical acoustics, in hindemith's theories, in serial music, and in writings of such people as milton babbitt. he closes with a quotation from lord kelvin to the effect that what we can measure numerically we know, and only what we can measure do we know. salinas' approach surely has something in common with the other figures daniels names, but to go so far as kelvin perhaps overstates the intention of salinas and the other musicians mentioned. other modes of knowledge than the numerical are possible, and in 99 an art such as music, perhaps preferable. one can measure endlessly and still fail to understand the nature of a work's musical language or esthetic value. numerical measurement unquestionably has its uses, but a book like de musica, that concentrates exclusively on measurement, is somewhat limited in value and interest when compared with the work of other theorists from the same period such as zarlino, who treat more immediately and extensively the design of the art-work and the methods of its composition and performance. writers such as zarlino and gafori say much more about what musicians now want and need to know regarding renaissance music than salinas. these reservations aside, salinas still deserves our attention as a distinguished musical humanist, for the light his work sheds on the history of music theory in general, and possibly for what he might contribute to present attempts to find alternatives to equal temperament. daniels' study is an ideally thorough treatment of salinas' work and can be heartily and unreservedly recommended to anyone concerned with music theory of the renaissance. peter bergquist completed the phd. in musicology at columbia university in 1964, and is presently assistant professor at the university of oregon. his dissertation treats the theoretical writings of pietro aaron. wallace c. mckenzie, jr. the music of anton webern ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 60-2792), 1960. (507 p., pos. film $6.45; north texas state college diss.) dika newlin reading this thesis reminded me anew how much progress we have made in accepting contemporary musical trends as fit subjects for musicological research. such was not always the case. i vividly remember the furor caused twenty years ago when it was announced that my columbia thesis subject would be bruckner, mahler, schoenberg. what! a thesis partly about a still living composer? horrors! thus the reaction of a sizeable portion of the musicological world. thanks to enlightened advisors, the project was nonetheless fulfilled, and i like to think that this pioneer work helped prepare for the greater liberality of today in this respect. when reading this work, it is necessary to remember that it was finished in 1960. of course, more webern material has come to publica tion since then. there are the webern essays der weg zur neuen musik, the jone-humplik correspondence, kolneder's study in the 100 on graduate study and standards z:n musz:cology barry s. brook the stimulating recent reappraisals of the nature and aims of musicology in america (by harrison, hood, palisca, kerman, lowinsky, lippman, etc.) have been concerned only secondarily with problems of graduate study and standards. these problems deserve concentrated attention at this time for the urgent reason that graduate schools will soon be swamped by the multitude of maturing war babies. we can dispense with the statistics. the projections are indisputable. the word "swamped" is not idly used-many institutions are already at high tide. because of its relative youth, musicology may very well be harder hit than other humanistic disciplines. the number of universities offering the ph.d. in musicology has risen from one to thirty-five in the past thirty-four years; the number should reach eighty by 1975. although musicology in this country "may be said to be flourishing" (report rifthe commission on the humanities, a.c.l.s. 1964, p. 166), it will be no simple matter to double its training capacities within a decade. to do so without sacrificing standards as they now exist will be doubly difficult. in recognition of these problems and pressures the american musicological society has established an advisory committee on graduate standards. the members of the committee (sylvia kenney, scott goldthwaite, albert seay, barry brook, chairman) will welcome discussion and comment on questions within its province both in private and in print. current musicology is the ideal forum for such discussion. not only is it the journal of the graduate students themselves, but it regularly performs the valuable function of documenting and reviewing current graduate practice, curricula, and theses, both here and abroad. furthermore, in her provocative editorial in the last issue ofcm, miss croy has already flung a gauntlet in the face of the musicological establishment. more on this in a moment. graduate study in the humanities in this country has recently been the object of potent criticism. the most vehement attack was made by william arrowsmith, chairman of the classics department of the university of texas. the humanists themselves, he holds, have betrayed the humanities by succumbing to "a long servile imitation of the sciences." much of their teaching is "pathetically wanting-timid, unimaginative, debased, inefficient, futile." humanists, he believes, ought to be making subjective and critical judgments about the arts, actions, and problems of men ("the shame of the graduate schools: a plea for a new american scholar," harper's a1agazine, march 1966). quoting arrowsmith, george kubler, and others, miss croy brilliantly marshals their barbs and directs them at musicology today: its tendency tobarry s. brook, professor of music at queens college, was recently awarded the e. j. dent medal for distinguished work in musicology by the royal musical association. his edition, with introduction and indexes, of the breitkopf thematic catalogues, 17621787 (dover) is forthcoming. 156 ward curricular uniformity and toward standardization of methods in reporting research; its stress on biography, style, and source research at the expense of "truth values of music"; its conservatism with respect to new techniques that might encourage "creative and critical approaches to music." thcse reproofs warrant thorough exploration and debate and invite bold alternatives. perhaps the very mushrooming of graduate education will, along with its dangers, provide the opportunity for imaginative new approaches in music. the purpose of this paper is not to enter the lists on either side of the philosophical battle but rather to present for general consideration some practical issues on standards for graduate study. admittedly, these "practical issues" can hardly be isolated from "basic viewpoints," but in light of the impending inundation of graduate facilities, musicologists may be forced to come to grips with the one while still debating the other. it should first be pointed out that concern over graduate standards is widespread. many disciplines are far ahead of ours in studying the question. the american musicological society, as an association of individual scholars, has until recently largely ignored the need to playa collective and well-thoughtout role vis-a-vis music departments and university administrations in advising them on the establishment of graduate programs and on the professional training of young scholars. obviously, no learned society in the humanities can impose standards (as can, say, medical and some other scientific associations). on the other hand, it is clear from what has been happening in disciplines such as anthropology and chemistry that the very establishment of standards by a responsible outside body can of itself help in raising them. thus, a learned society, by merely stating its views, can provide guidance to institutions establishing new graduate programs; it can suggest ways to broaden and strengthen existing curricula; it can specify library requirements peculiar to an individual discipline and thus assist department chairmen in their efforts to pry funds from reluctant administrations. the effectiveness of an outside stimulus of this kind has been seen, for example, in a small eastern collegc where a single line in a middle states evaluation report resulted in the rectifying of some major library deficiencies that years of faculty entreaty could not accomplish; and in a major university an entire doctoral program in the sciences was revamped to meet general specifications established by a professional society. at its december 1964 meetings the council of graduate schools in the u nitcd states devoted a plcnary session to the subject of accrediting graduate programs. the definitions of graduate study and graduate faculty that emerged from the discussion are worth quoting in full: graduate study suitable for meeting the requirements of an advanced degree involves more than the mere accumulation of credits. it involves a degree of time of some duration during which a student's primary, if not exclusive, interest is his advanced study. it involves intensive application to his studies, fruitful contacts with his fellow-students of similar interests, personal relations with faculty members beyond those of classroom lectures, many hours in the library, not alone for required reading but also to follow his own interests into fields outside his immediate specialty, attendance in seminars, colloquia, lectures and symposia, both those directly related to his course work and research interests, and others more remote. it is of utmost importance that graduate education shall take place under 157 conditions that will thus stretch a student's imagination, broaden his outlook beyond the normal confines of his own specialty, provide rich opportunities for reading, discussions, investigation, and criticism, with ready access to libraries, laboratories, and instruments. hence the residence requirement at the center where these opportunities exist. these considerations for the graduate students are even more significant in their application to the graduate faculty. a professor who offers graduate instruction must not only keep in touch with the advance of knowledge in his field, but contribute toward it through his own research. rewarding research requires time for reflection and reading, opportunities for the exchange of ideas with colleagues, blocks of time for scholarly work uninterrupted by routine chores even of academic significance. the richest resource of a university is the scholarship and learning of its faculty, and these must be protected from erosion by activities of lesser significance, however worthwhile in themselves. a faculty subjected to a heavy load would soon show the deleterious and debilitating effects of such un\\iisc use of its limited time and energy-time and energy limited by preparation of lectures and seminars, by conferences with graduate students, by constant reading in fields of pertinent scholarship, and by visible work towards productive scholarship and research. returning to the "practical issues" referred to above, here are a fistful, briefly outlined, that may profit from public airing: general. can the dimensions of the master of arts and doctor of philosophy degrees in musicology be defined? what should these degrees prepare the student to do? how much time should it take to earn them? how valuable is it for those going on to the ph.d. to first earn an m.a.? should there not be an objective evaluation of faculty competence before graduate degree programs are instituted? curriculum. what kind of balance between formal course work and independent investigation is reasonable? how comprehensive should professional preparation be? for example, are "two solid semesters of study in notation" an indispensable part of every musicologist's equipment? should such courses as advanced orchestration and counterpoint be credited to musicological degrees? if so, how many? how about courses normally credited to the master of science degree in music education? how about advanced study in other departments? inter-disciplinary degrees? dissertation. should a full-fledged master's thesis be a requirement for the master's degree? are the substitutes available in some schools defensible (e.g., the "extra course," or the "thesis outline, bibliography, and single chapter")? can standards be established for doctoral dissertations? how many years should be allotted for their completion? language requirements. present practice varies from one to four languages and from the most stringent controls to the almost non-existent. some uni\-ersities require rigorous nationally-standardized qualifying examinations; others are satisfied with evidence of ability to translate a relatively simple paragraph with dictionary at hand. can or should recommended norms in this field be established at all? in a thoughtful memorandum prepared for faculty consideration at l\' e\\i york university, isidore chein, professor of psychology, forcefully challenged the validity of blanket language requirements. he regards them as "arbitrary, unjust, and unduly restrictive and often self-defeating with respect to their proper function." in their place he 158 would propose: a wide variety of alternatives to be specified by the various schools and departments from the entire gamut of subject matters (including various languages, of course) represented in the domain of graduate education .... granted that the mastery of one or more languages may be a very great asset, there may be other subjects beyond the scope of a given area of study, that are even less dispensable . . . . if social psychologists, to take one example, must devote time to the study of foreign languages, few if any of them will be able to devote time to the study of physiology, anthropology, philosophy, mathematics, etc. yet, the field as a whole would be richer, if there were some social psychologists skilled in foreign languages, others skilled in physiology, others in anthropology, others in philosophy, others in mathematics, and others in various combinations of these. these arguments do not, at first blush, seem to apply to a discipline so rooted in foreign language literature as musicology, but they should not be lightly dismissed in view of rapidly changing research interests and the vast new literature in english. library facilities. a definition, if it were possible to make one, of the kind and size of library needed for new m.a. and ph.d. programs in musicology may be invaluable in inhibiting premature births. for established institutions, an indication of the funds necessary to keep a library up-to-date might work wonders when budgets are debated. miscellaneous. should there be an intermediate degree in musicology, say, doctor of musicology, for undergraduate teachers not planning to pursue a career in research? (see everett walters, "the immutable ph.d.," saturday review, january 15, 1966.) what can be done about the increasing numbers of abd's ("all but the dissertation") and the avoidance of stretch-out cases in the future? (see frederick ness, "the case of the lingering degree," idem.) the institution by one university of steep yearly fees, levied after course work has been completed, is a "distorted remedy" at best. what of the work loads of the iga's ("indentured graduate assistants")? in some instances, students are expected to perform so many routine chores and other duties that insufficient time is left for study and none for, say, music making. in one large institution, students have been advised to leave their instruments at home! the problem of non-preparation of future college teachers is a most serious one and needs immediate attention. possession of a doctoral degree in musicology counts for nothing with a class of70 freshmen "appreciators." although college teaching is the young musicologist's principal method of eating in this country, he is rarely given any guidance to prepare him for his de facto vocation. this sink-or-swim method of initiating the newly-minted scholar into his teaching career is wasteful at best and frequently disastrous. the frustration of his research ambitions-even if temporary while he learns his trade-makes matters worse. a sensiblepreferably informaltraining plan involving observation of old hands, followed by apprentice teaching, should be part of every graduate program. it would be appropriate to conclude with a quotation from the recent report made by the advisory committee on graduate standards to the executive board of the a.m.s.: 159 \ve propose, after due study, exploration and consultation, to prepare a document that would formulate standards and ideals of excellence for graduate study in musicology; the document should be framed in terms specific enough to guide young departments with library, curriculum, language requirements, etc. and general enough to be applicable to the great variety of means and aspirations that exist on campuses across the country. curricula, for example, are not built out of standards; they are compromises between the interests of whatever faculty happens to be present and the realities of budget and schedule. what is needed is a formulation of ideals to give direction and meaning to these expedient compromises as they are hammered out in individual departments. such a document should incorporate a statement of the standards of musical scholarship-scholarship that draws its strength and its standards from a long tradition of university scholarship in many disciplines. such standards can always use redefining; especially they need clear, forceful application to the many different kinds of things done in graduate programs today. this document should include a survey of existing graduate facilities, libraries, faculties, curricula, language, degree and dissertation requirements, etc. it should carry forward the work of strunk (state and resources rif musicology in the united states), bukofzer (the place of musicology in american institutiom of higher learning) and palisca (american scholarship in western music) to include a systematic self-appraisal of our graduate teaching, its content and its goals. there is urgent need at this time for full-scale debate of the issues, philosophical and practical, by faculty and students alike. such debate is imperative, both for the preparation of a meaningful document on graduate standards, as well as for the realization of its essential objective: growth toward the highest excellence in professional preparation. 160 thomas lee noblitt-the motetti missales qf the late i5th century ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 64-100), 1963. (university of texas diss.) david e. crawford although many of the motets of josquin's era have been subjected to abundant scholarly investigation, one of the most rudimentary questions usually remains unanswered: under what circumstances were these works performed? this question is compounded by a phenomenal increase in the number of motets composed in josquin's time and also by the diversity of texts employed. therefore, the motetti missales are of special interest, for here are several motet cycles which were used as substitutions at mass. chapter i lists the contents of the cycles, their manuscript sources, and concordances. noblitt identifies the following cycles as motetti missales: mi 2267. l25v-135 missa galeazescha1 by compere mi2268. 100v-11o missa quarti toni by gafurius (essentially a normal mass ordinary, but preceded by a motet for the introit and concluding with a motet in place of deo gratias) mi2269. 84v-93 salve mater salvatoris2 by.gafurius l26v-134 ave mundi domina by weerbecke 1 34v-143 quam pulchra es by weerbecke 1 62v-l70 ave domine jesu christe (compere) l7lv-179 hodie nobis de virgine (compere) mu 3154. 38v-43 gaude flare virginali (martini?) 43v-48v natus sapientia (martini?) the function of these cycles is explained either by a rubric for the given motet (loco introitus, loco gloria, etc.) or by a listing of motetti missales in a table of contents at the beginning of mi 2269. the motet texts usually bear no relationship to the mass texts which they replace, except for the motet associated with the elevation. in every cycle, the text of the motet for the elevation mentions christ or the body of christ. within a cycle, however, the texts are related to some central idea and are frequently obtained from closely related liturgical sources. each cycle is composed in one mode throughout, normally employs one combination of clefs, and is frequently unified by mensural patterns and thematic material. chapter ii is devoted to the cycles ofweerbecke and compere. most of this material, the biographies, text identifications, and musical analyses, derives from other scholars,3 but professor noblitt does acknowledge his in102 debtedness. the important observation is made that all of the elevation motets contain fermata-marked chords, probably intended to coincide with the elevation of the host (p. 58). chapter iii deals with the two anonymous cycles in mu 3154. professor noblitt believes that the composer may have been martini, and he bases this possible attribution upon three points: martini's residence at milan in 1474, the fact that other music of martini can be identified in mu 3154, and stylistic features in the two cycles which can be found in works known to be by martini. unfortunately this commendably original conclusion, although perhaps correct, is developed inadequately. the first point is relevant if motetti missales were practiced at milan in the early 1470's; in no case is that early date clearly demonstrable and a later date remains possible. mu 3154 seems to be a heterogeneous collection of fascicles from several periods and repertories. a thorough analysis of this volume might significantly support or dispute professor noblitt's case. such an analysis is not presented, and so the strength of the second point is contingent upon study yet to be fulfilled. the discussion of musical style singles out two traits which allegedly point to martini's authorship. one of these is the use of divisi at the final cadence to form a complete triad, "so unusual and otherwise unknown in its time" (p. 148). in fact, other composers were using divisi in this manner; for example, the practice can be found seven times in weerbecke's missa de ave regina caelorum (preserved in mi 2268 and elsewhere). the second stylistic feature is a 3-4 escape-tone formula in a two-part texture. the significance of this formula is reduced after a glance at the credo ofdufay's missa caput, where it occurs five times. the motetti missales of gafurius are presented in chapter iv. although most cycles contain eight motets, salve mater salvatoris includes only five, and the rubrics are inadequate; thus the precise role of these works at mass seems uncertain. fermata-marked chords occur at the end of the fourth motet; their presence suggests that that motet, concluding with the elevation would have been sung in place of the sanctus (p. 155). in chapter v professor noblitt proceeds to the difficult problem of motet groups in the milanese codices which bear no external designation as motetti missales. there are six groups, all of which had been suggested as possible motetti missales by finscher. 4 mi 2267. 162v-167 beata et venerabilis (five motets), anon. 167v-173 ave regina caelorum (five motets), anon. mi 2269. 67v-71 sponsa dei electa (four motets), gafurius 71 v-75 q,uando venit ergo (four motets), gafurius 98v-106 verbum sapientiae (eight motets), gafurius, anon. 154v-162 nativita.s tua (seven motets), anon. two criteria are employed by dr. noblitt for the identification of motetti missales, "( 1) the presence of textual unity between all motets of the group which in turn allows them to be used at a single feast or festival group during 103 the church year, and (2) the inclusion of a suitable text for the elevation, set in fermata-marked block chords" (p. 211). each of the cycles is described, and each fails to qualify as motetti missales. i believe that these requirements, if met by a motet cycle, would surely indicate that the composer intended those motets as motetti missales. the criteria apply to systematized repertories, but they deny recognition to any less standardized practice. it would be difficult to envision a systematic practice without related procedures as forerunners or contemporaries. the second criterion, for example, requires a motet at the elevation. no elevation motet occurs in gafurius's missa q,uarti toni, which contains two substitution motets. chapter vi is devoted to the development of am bros ian liturgy but reveals no precedent for the motetti missales. as other illustrations of the substitution concept, the well-known examples by josquin and la rue are cited (p. 255). portions of the dissertation rely too heavily upon secondary sources, and this is a shortcoming painfully obvious in this chapter. only the standard liturgical sources are consulted and no new insights emerge. the entire account of the ambrosian mass (pp. 242-43) derives, unacknowledged, from apel's gregorian chant (pp. 469-70) even to the point of reproducing apel's table comparing ambrosian and gregorian musical items. milanese libraries abound with liturgical manuscripts and prints of the 15th and early 16th centuries. an authoritative approach to the gafurius codices will have to deal with those primary sources. related to this methodological deficiency is the total reliance upon secondary sources for a description of mu 3154 (pp. 59-64). on one question, professor noblitt reports that an answer cannot be obtained "because of the lack of a complete catalogue of this ms" (p. 251). perhaps this apparent failure to consult a microfilm5 of the manuscript also explains why all of the many other motets in mu 3154 are completely ignored. it may be true that the volume was intended for practical use, but the only supporting evidence which professor noblitt provides is to claim that this conclusion is strongly suggested by the choirbook format (p. 241). that format demonstrates only that the copyists observed the most common practice of their day. the final chapter contains transcriptions of the two munich cycles. by 1963 modern editions of all the other repertories either already existed or were being prepared. most typographical errors are self-evident, but a few flaws in workmanship depreciate the dissertation's appeal and usefulness. weerbecke's anima mea liquifacta is found in the manuscript f1178, not f1176 (p. 12). the manuscript wa 2016 now resides at warsaw, not breslau (p. 12). in the list of motets within each cycle (p. 7), a motet by compere is given the incipit hodie christus nobis, but the second and third words are transposed in all subsequent references. 6 three liturgical models are cited for ave regina caelorum on p. 26, only one for the same text on p. 218. josquin's tenure at milan begins in 1459 (p. 254), but the date of his birth is given incorrectly as 1450 (p. 63). motet texts are reproduced in full, except for two elipses (p. 23). this 104 inconsistency raises a reader's curiosity and forces him to confirm both the original text and its identification. spot checking indicated that the identification of texts was usually satisfactory, although several oversights occur. the third portion of gafurius's quando venit ergo (p. 227) quotes the vespers hymn jesu nostra redemptio, stanza i. several polyphonic hymn cycles of the period employ this text for the feast in vigilia ascensionis. gafurius's hoc gaudium est (p. 227) begins with stanza iv of the trinity vespers hymn, in maiestatis solio.7 the text fo'rmat should be revised to reflect the a b a b rhyme scheme. in these motets, numerous internal cadences occur simultaneously in all voices, and the cadences are often emphasized by double bars in the manuscripts. the dissertation devotes no systematic attention to these caesuras, even though they may be intimately connected to the mass ritual. although attention is devoted to musical styles, only in the case of the munich cycles do those analyses lead to conclusions of historical interest. ludwig finscher's succinct statement of historical and aesthetic peculiarities in compere's motetti missaless escapes noblitt's attention. both finscher and lowinsky9 think that compere's milanese works anticipate an italianinspired style not commonly practiced before the 1490's. lowinsky refuses to believe that compere, arriving in milan at the approximate age of twentyfour in 1474, could have composed at that time these three cycles of motetti missales, employing a style to which apparently neither he nor other composers would return for another two decades. lowinsky also points out that weerbecke, who served at milan from 1472 to 1481, returned to milan in 1489, the latter date being a possible one for weerbecke'smotetti missales. then lowinsky goes even further, proposing "that the 'substitution masses' contained in the gafori codices are simply motet cycles adapted by gafori loco missae to suit his own taste and preference." however, in all eight cycles which noblitt accepts as motetti missales, the special character of the elevation text and its unique musical treatment is consistent. since this could not be coincidental either (1) the composers originally intended their cycles to conform to a known motettimissales practice, or (2) the elevation motets are imposters, interpolated into pre-existent motet cycles. no evidence supports the latter possibility. professor noblitt believes that compere's missa galeazescha was composed between 1473 and 1476 or 1477 (p. 36), being dedicated to duke galeazzo maria sforza or to his son, gian galeazzo sforza (born 1469). this is a bmv cycle, identified texts stemming mostly from marian sequences. the texts, especially the apparently non-liturgical interpolations, are usually dolefullaments, thoughts which i believe contradict the unrestrained behavior and despotic rule of galeazzo maria. it also seems unlikely that the cycle would, have been by his frail son, gian galeazzo, whose political authority was usurped by lodovico il moro in 1480, when gian was only eleven years old. on december 26, 1476, duke galeazzo maria was murdered, and such texts could be appropriately associated with the galeazzo 105 -name in the wake of that murder. the exclamation "0 maria" appears in four of the eight motets; this may be a thinly disguised reference to duke galeazzo maria. also intriguing is the use of several texts from the sequence verbum bonum et suave and, in the seventh motet, the expression mater bona. could these be a play on the widow's name, bona di savoia? bona was faced with two grave problems. she eventually failed in the power struggle to preserve the strife-torn duchy for her son. her other concern was for her husband's soul, which she thought to be in jeopardy because of his many misdeeds. bona even petitioned pope sixtus iv to intercede in his behalf and paid the pope generously for his aid. the missa galeazescha can be interpreted as an eloquent prayer for bona's success in both of her missions. limitations of space permit only one illustration, the end of the first motet: reis ergo fac, regina, o virgo pura apud regem ut ruina relaxentur debita. o virgo pura, pro nobis dulciter ora. lines 1, 3, and 4 are taken from the bmv sequence salvatoris mater pia; others are apparently free insertions. the three lines from the sequence become a perfect commentary on current instability. the concluding line, ora pro nobis, would be common enough, but inserting the emphatic dulciter seems to indicate an especially impoverished or bereaved condition. the apparent ambiguity of the rubric "galeazescha" therefore becomes deliberately meaningful. the mass prays for the welfare of both males who comprise the legitimate galeazzo lineage. this motet cycle contains the progressive stylistic features noted by finscher and lowinsky. if the work was composed in 1477, then the evolution of compere's style remains as puzzling as finscher believed, a puzzle which noblitt fails to recognize. one of the engaging features of this topic is its implication for other motet repertories. finscher suggests that compere's officium de cruce, a cycle of nine motets printed in petrucci's motetti de passione (1503), might have been used as motetti missales or during successive liturgical hours on a given day.l0 noblitt observes that compere's texts were also employed in the natus sapientia cyclell of mu 3154 and suggests that compere intended motetti missales, petrucci having deleted the loco designations in order to invite a wider use of the motets. unexplained is the appearance of adoramus te christe as the second motet of the cycle in petrucci, ,but as the conclusion of the fifth motet in mu 3154. in the munich cycle, as well as several other motetti missales, this is the text associated with the elevation. both finscher and noblitt are speculating, and so another possibility might as well be added. the first motet in petrucci's cycle quotes an introit text and could be sung at that 106 occasion. the music for the mass ordinary would derive from another source with petrucci's second motet, adoramus te christe, interpolated at the elevation. motets three through nine would be sung at successive hours on the same day: matins, prime, terce, sext, none, vespers, and compline. this agrees with the conventional liturgical roles for the texts of the last seven motets, roles even mentioned within the motet texts. (for example, the last motet begins with hora completorii datur.) my solution also honors petrucci's caption, officium de cruce, by not forcing upon it an interpretation more restrictive than its literal meaning. in mu 3154, where several loco designations do exist, the lines of texts specifying the hour are occasionally deleted. a later milanese collection, mi 2266, bearing the date 1527, is simply mentioned by professor noblitt as lacking any motetti missales cycle (pp. 5, 242). claudio sartori's inventory12 provides thematic incipits for only one voice of the items in this badly burned manuscript, but he nevertheless shows one . group of motets which might be discussed. on ff. 76v-77 occurs the anonymous motet bone jesu dulcis christe, a text appropriate for the elevation and set fermata-marked chords. the preceding six anonymous motets are shown at least to begin with the same mensuration, to contain one flat in the signature, and possibly to employ the same clef combinations. dealing with this mutilated manuscript would be a trying task, but its possible relevance to motetti missales cannot be dismissed without further study. the dissertation provides useful descriptions of the motet repertories as well as sound criteria for recognizing motetti missales. professor noblitt's account of the milanese motets is also constructive, for he corrects some of the inaccuracies published by jeppesen and the archivium musices. 13 the dissertation is marred by technical flaws and especially by a deficient regard for primary sources. only seven manuscripts of polyphony are cited, and of these wa 2016 is assigned to the wrong city, fl 178 is given the wrong shelf number, and inadequate attention is devoted to mu 3154 and mi 2266. the account of martini's musical style was prepared with insufficient knowledge of mi 2268. the identification of mass substitutions using motets not preserved as cycles, as well as the identification of other cycles, remains open. professor noblitt believes that the history of motet substitutions at mass involves only mu 3154, the three milanese codices, and the two examples by josquin and la rue. it seems unlikely to me that the motetti missales cycles would have acquired their standardized practice without prior experimentation. perhaps other motet repertories provided the music for those experiments. the numerous polyphonic masses with troped texts should be studied with a view toward motetti missales. another related practice occurs in some tenor masses which contain liturgical texts from outside the mass ordinary underlaid in . the cantus firmus. due to the cosmopolitan careers of the many composers associated with milanese circles, knowledge of motetti missales must have been widespread. we still cannot measure the significance of that practice to an era notorious for its ecclesiastical irregularities. it is hoped that new evidence, 107 .,q < j or a new interpretation of known information, can someday shed more light on these questions.14 manuscripts cited fl176 fl178 mi2266-2269 mu 3154 wa 2016 notes florence. biblioteca nazionale centrale. magliabecchiana xix, 176. ibid. magliabecchiana xix, 178. milan. archivio del duomo. cod. 2266-2269. munich. bayerische staatsbibliothek. mus. ms. 3154. warsaw. biblioteka uniwersytecka. ms. mf. 2016 (ex breslau). 1 this title derives from the inscription "galeazescha" which appears above the rubric "loco introitus" of the first motet, ave virgo gloriosa. 2 for the sake of brevity, a cycle of motetti missales is frequently designated by the incipit of the first motet. i follow this practice unless otherwise stated. 3 gerhard croll, das motettenwerk gaspars van weerbeke (gottingen, 1954, typescript) and his article in musicadisciplina (1952) 6:67-81; ludwig finscher, die messen und motetten loyset compere, (gottingen, 1954, typescript) and his article in musica disciplina (1958) 12:105-43. 4 loyset compere: opera omnia ii, ed. ludwig finscher (1959), p. i. 5 the question which noblitt leaves unanswered can be solved through microfilm. of the incomplete masses in mu 3154; only one, the missa salve regina on ff. 390-95v , lacks both a kyrie and an agnus dei. but this is no confirmation of ambrosian practice, for folios are missing at the beginning and the end of the mass. it is likely that the missing folios contained both of the missing movements. for this information i am indebted to professor charles hamm of the university of illinois. 6 this confusion started with the copyist in mi 2269, who gave the version hodie christus nobis in the cantus, but hodie nobis christus in the bottom three parts. professor noblitt was unable to identify the opening sentence of text. working from the latter version, which the majority of parts support, the identification is easier to acquire; the sentence is based upon phrases from the second responsory of matins at nativity. the final two sentences of the motet, unidentified in the dissertation, also derive from the nativity office. these lines are to be found in responsory five of matins and the magnificat antiphon of second vespers. 7 see suitbert baumer, geschichte des breviers (freiburg, 1895), p. 362. 8 compere ii, pp. ii-iii. 9 review of osthoff's josquin desprez in renaissance news (1963) 16:255-262. 10 compere iv (1961), p. ii.11 page 99, footnote 29. we are misled here; the texts differ in numerous details, although they clearly do derive from the same model. 12 claudio sartori, "11 quarto codice di gaffurio non e del tutto scomparso" in collectanae musicae historiae (florence, 1956) 1 :24-44. 13 knud jeppesen, "die drei gafurius-kodizes der fabbrica del duomo, milano," acta musicologica (1931) 3: 14-28 and archivium musices metropolitanum mediolanense (milan, 1958). 14 a synopsis of the dissertation has recently appeared in thomas l. noblitt, ambrosian motetti missales repertory," musica disciplina (1968) 22: 77-103. that article offers no significant modifications of material in the dissertation. 108 moo coeditors: general editor: senior associate editors: associate editors: l. michael griffel margaret ross griffel maurie sommer emmanuel leemans d.jay rahn leonie rosenstiel stephen willis thomas w. baker tamara lowe dworsky robert fuller bonnie lester jack light assistant editors: faye-ellen silverman helen stachowski editorial assistants: anne bagnall, janice butler, peter dedel, gabriel ghirlando, s. j., richard koprowski, stephan kotrch, dennis sanders, douglass seaton, george stauffer business department: thomas w. baker, manager jack light, advertising secretary: cynthia schwan faculty advisor: christoph wolff copyright © 1972, the trustees of columbia university in the city of new york printed in great britain by william clowes & sons, limited london, beccles and colchester corresponding editors domestic patricia t. nolan alexander silbiger harriet franklin myrl hermann harrison m. schlee jurgen thyme robert e. houston adrienne f. block anne gugliotta rita mead jack light laurel fay carole k. huston thomas kelly james c. griesheimer samuel o. douglas marek sowinski dale hunter william penn barbara petersen norman rubin john d. arnn kathleen chaikin michael a. keller thomas n. rushing philip e. aaholm mary ann grigsby richard evidon sue vinks hough rosalie schellhous warren spaeth elizabeth bartlet john h. hajdu anne amerson sister bertha fox gordon s. rowley george c. foreman lee patrick ramona h. matthews jack crawford sterling e. murray janice c. teisberg julia anne griffin & dan broucek richard benedum frank carey norris l. stephens carol lee irwin robert d. lynch james wheat frederick a. hall paul f. marks boston university, boston, mass. brandeis university, waltham, mass. brown university, providence, r.i. bryn mawr college, bryn mawr, pa. carnegie-mellon university, pittsburgh, pa. case western reserve university, cleveland, ohio catholic university of america, washington, d.c. city university of new york, new york, n.y. city university of new york, brooklyn college, brooklyn, n.y. city university of new york, hunter college, new york, n.y. columbia university, new york, n.y. cornell university, ithaca, n.y. florida state university, tallahassee, fla. harvard university, cambridge, mass. indiana university, bloomington, ind. louisiana state university, baton rouge, la. manhattan school of music, new york, n.y. mcgill university, montreal, quebec, canada michigan state university, east lansing, mich. new york university, new york, n.y. princeton university, princeton, n.j. rutgers university, new brunswick, n.j. stanford university, stanford, calif. state university of new york at buffalo, buffalo, n.y. tulane university, newcomb college, new orleans, la. university of arizona, tucson, ariz. university of arkansas, fayetteville, ark. university of california, berkeley, calif. university of california, davis, calif. university of california, riverside, calif. university of california, santa barbara, calif. university of chicago, chicago, iii. university of colorado, boulder, col. university of hawaii, honolulu, hawaii university of illinois, urbana, iii. university of iowa, iowa city, iowa university of kansas, lawrence, kan. university of kentucky, lexington, ky. university of maryland, college park, md. university of miami, coral gables, fla. university of michigan, ann arbor, mich. university of minnesota, minneapolis, minn. university of north carolina, chapel hill, n.c. university of oregon, eugene, ore. university of pennsylvania, philadelphia, pa. university of pittsburgh, pittsburgh, pa. university of rochester, eastman school of music, rochester, n.y. university of southern california, los angeles, calif. university of texas, austin, tex. university of toronto, toronto, ontario, canada university of washington, seattle, wash. foreign david schroeder paul d. ledvina edgar j. lewis thorn lipiczky andre p. larson janet schmalfeldt georges franck don harran jacques chailley ivo supicic othmar wessely bernd baselt horst heussner john c. g. waterhouse jose l6pez-calo francis cameron willem elders axel helmer john m. jennings niels martin jensen warwick a. edwards georg borchardt anthony ford g. r. rastall andrej rijavec ian d. bent ladislav ({eznicek eric grabner giorgio pestelli hans conradin published under the aegis of university of western ontario, london, ontario, canada university of wisconsin, madison, wis. university of wyoming, laramie, wyo. wesleyan university, middletown, conn. west virginia university, morgantown, vv. va. yale university, new haven, conn. brussels, belgium hebrew university, jerusalem, israel institut de musique et d'education musicale, paris, france institute of musicology, zagreb, yugoslavia karl-franzens university, graz, austria martin luther university, halle-wittenberg, germany phillips university, marburg, germany queen's university, department of extra-mural studies, belfast, n. ireland salamanca, spain state conservatorium of music, sydney, n.s.w., australia state university of utrecht, utrecht, holland svenskt music history archives, stockholm, sweden university of canterbury, christchurch, new zealand university of copenhagen, copenhagen, denmark university of glasgow, glasgow, scotland university of hamburg, hamburg, germany university of hull, hull, yorkshire, england university of leeds, leeds, england university of ljubljana, ljubljana, yugoslavia university of london, london, england university of oslo, oslo, norway university of southampton, southampton, england university of turin, turin, italy university of zurich, zurich, switzerland whenever possible, communications to the corresponding editors should be addressed care of the music department of the institution in question. otherwise, they may be sent to the editor of current musicology for forwarding. the music department columbia university new york dieter rexroth bernd baselt giorgio pestelli andrej rijavec jack m. shapiro elise braun barnett william drabkin irwin freundlich john graziano joel lester stanley persky george rochberg andre singer reports from the foreign corresponding editors: 7 federal republic of germany: concerning the international musicological congress in bonn, 1970 11 german democratic republic: musicologyat the martin luther university, halle-wittenberg 15 italy: musicology at the university of turin 16 yugoslavia: musicology at the university of ljubljana 20 announcements 23 25 29 38 48 58 64 68 75 83 articles in remembrance of otto deri (19111969) a memorial tribute to otto deri an annotated translation of moriz rosenthal's fran::; lis::;t, memories and riflections some relationships between the autographs of beethoven's sonata in c minor, opus iii random thoughts on the preludes of claude debussy serial procedures in schoenberg's opus 23 problems in the neue bach ausgabe of the e major partitafor violin alone a discussion of compositional choices in webern's furif sat::;efur streichquartett, op. 5, first movement reflections on the renewal of music kaleidoscope and silly putty: an appositive inquiry otto deri steven e. gilbert clyde w. brockett, jr. stephen c. fisher christopher and irmgard holloway michael fink 90 bela bart6k: a portrait of his personality drawn from his letters dissertations 105 robert barclay brown the early atonal music of anton webern: sound material and structure 107 carlton t. russell the southern french tonary in the tenth and eleventh centuries 114 joseph p. ponte aureliani reomensis, musica disciplina: a revised text, translation, and commentary lawrence a. gushee the musica disciplina of aurelian of reome: a critical text and commentary translations 119 alois troller on the spiritual in music bibliographica 135 pierre boulez: a selective bibliography 151 publications received 155 contributors • special section: articles, reports, and reviews on musicology and music education introduction: musical literacy and the teaching oj music in school) college) and university austin clarkson npraisals of the relation between the music educational estab-j-\. lishment from grade to graduate school and the culture at large should take at least cursory note of john kenneth galbraith's warning that education is being shaped more than we realize by the needs of modem industry. this would seem to be as true of music as of other sectors of the cultural economy. industrialists admire soaring sales, educators value the utility of their instruction, and the two motives tend to reinforce each other to give the impression that music in america is in a state of hurtling progress. a few months ago, howard taubman observed in the new york times that lp disks, hi-fi, and fm have helped to make "millions musically literate." while no one doubts that electronic mass production of music has transformed our auditory environment, there are others who argue that it has instead degraded listening habits. but let us tum from the ambience to the questions raised by the phrase "musical literacy." according to the oxford universal dictionary "literacy" is a late 19th-century form of the much older adjective "literate," which, since the 16th century, has meant liberally educated or learned. with the new form was associated a new meaning considerably less elevated than the first. presumably because education is no longer a prerogative of the ruling classes, "literate" and "literacy" could now also refer to the ability merely to read and write. language and music are too diverse for the notion of literacy to be transferred uncritically from one to the other. the respective modes of operation, logics, and cultural functions are so different as to rule out simple analogy. it is sufficient for the purpose of this discussion to maintain that in the primitive sense literacy in a given musical tradition depends on the ability to make auditory discriminations among the musical sounds that constitute the utterances of that tradition. whichever the musical community (rural, urban, popular, elite), whatever the individual's role (composer, performer, listener, thinker), auditory perception is the prime condition of musical literacy. 129 transference of the notion of literacy from language to music has encouraged music educators to overrate reading and writing musical script at the expense of developing auditory perception. students are too often drilled in the notational system of a limited tradition instead of learning the aural and memorative capacities needed for a wider range of musics. exaggerated deference to the written note underlies the urtext fallacy (the notes are the music), the elaborate role notation plays in some contemporary compositions, and also the tendency to teach notation symbols before the sound relations they represent have been unmistakably perceived. undue reliance on notation induces atrophy of the ear and disperses the function of script from musical description or prescription to include that of hearing-aid. if script is to play so large a role in literacy training, it must be explained that notation is a peculiarly western invention, that drastic changes in the relation between musical sound and written signs have occurred and are still occurring, and that the script-sound relation of the 19th and early 20th centuries is no longer a musical sine qua non. the contemporary music project (described under reports) has recently launched a broadly-conceived and intensive program designed to improve "comprehensive musicianship" at the college level. comprehensive musicianship is defined in the project's brochure as "incorporating conceptual knowledge with technical skills to develop the capacity to experience fully, and the ability to communicate the content of, a musical work." the "technical skills" include aural training, composition, and performance, where aural training is the ability to understand the structure of sound, to conceive musical sound from its notation, and to demonstrate the understanding of musical structure through musical notation, verbal report, and performance. while the importance of script is maintained, aural proficiency and a focus on the musical utterance are paramount. let us conclude, then, that basic musical literacy includes aural skills that cannot be achieved by casual listening. the arsenal of sound reproduction devices and an expanded repertory of recorded music will affect real musical literacy only after auditory proficiency has been secured. if the war against literacy in language may now be regarded as nearing its terminal phase in america, the equivalent battle in music has scarcely been joined. sceptics might insist on the absurdity of comparing language with music in this regard, since the cultural functions of the two systems seem completely distinct. they might also argue that musical literacy could never be widespread in as linguocentric a culture as ours. but the previous condition of music in our culture need not necessarily set the limits of its future role. music may have a hitherto unsuspected importance in the cultural mix of the anticipated leisure society. it is already acknowledged as the prime means of training perception and judgment in one of man's most highly developed senses. since computer technology now provides educators with the means of teaching large numbers of people aural skill with unprecedented efficiency, it may well be that the only serious deterrent to a more vital musical culturc is the present notion of what music's role should be. educators are increasingly concerned with the conceptual foundations of fields of knowledge and are correspondingly minimizing the learning oflarge bodies of fact. in responding to this important development by stressing the 130 « conceptual side of music, educators will need to recall that learning music, unlike learning mathematics or philosophy, requires the education of a senseorgan. "percepts and concepts interpenetrate and melt together, impregnate and fertilize each other. neither, taken alone, knows reality in its completeness. we need them both as we need our legs to walk." so writes vvilliam james. an individual's ability to conceptualize is limited by his ability to discriminate the relevant sensory data. a greater role for music in our culture depends as much on cultivating auditory perception as on teaching the in tellectual basis of the art and discipline of music. let us consider now the one music course required in general education (whether in primary school, high school, or college) that deals with musical concepts and literature. often called "music appreciation," it usually treats the properties of musical sound, the elements of structure, simple notation, and functions such as melody, rhythm, harmony, and instrumentation. the course then proceeds to the study of selected "masterpieces" ofvvestern music in regard to form, meaning, value, and historical context. the approach is evidently modelled on the "great books" notion that the liberally-educated person's intellect and imagination should be disciplined to understand the prime cultural achievements of western man. but there is a critical difference between a course in, say, philosophy, on the one hand, and in music, on the other. the former prcsupposes that the student has a complete familiarity with the sign system by which the concepts of the discipline are conveyed, whereas the latter does not. the difference is immense. let us take, for example, an individual who is attending the first lecture of his first course in philosophy. he can already discriminate the phonemes and morphemes of the english language, and he probably knows the dictionary meaning of a large fraction of the words used in philosophic discourse. since he also understands english syntax, we could say that he is literate in english and preliterate in philosophy. at the very outset he is prepared to learn the contextual meaning of the special words employed by various philosophers and to acquire a fund of philosophic concepts. he is equipped to discover the value and significance of philosophic notions, to judge the structure of a philosophic discourse, and to discern how a series of philosophic constructs can generate a tradition. within a year he has gained considerable familiarity with the medium of philosophic ideas and has become at least partly literate in philosophy. the student confronted by his first formal course in music is less fortunate. his perceptual skills may well extend to a fairly good apprehension of popular music, but his powers of musical conceptualization are probably nil. the vast majority has yet to learn how to discriminate the elements and constellations of elements that constitute sophisticated musical utterances of western high culture. nor is he sufficiently familiar with the articulative norms of the various art musics to grasp the functional relations, or to judge the esthetic qualities, of the sonatas, symphonies, and songs he is given to hear. at the present efficiency of teaching musical perception and conceptualization, it is too much to expect a student to achieve within a semester, or even a year, sufficient aural skill to understand fully more than a very few aspects of elaborated compositions. the low quality of auditory perception results, moreov(t, in the expedient of substituting concepts which the student can 131 grasp more readily for inherently musieal eoncepts. the symbols and concepts that dominate music appreciation are in general only marginally musical for they seem too orten to be drawn from literature, esthetics, psychology, \'isual arts. dance, and history. this predicament is surdy incompatible with the modem proposition that music means itself. the 10\\' incidence of musical literacy \\"quld seem to contribute to the diflicultv music has in establishing itself as a serious discipline throughout academe. the degree of literacy achievable in a medium limits the diseipline, and hence the educational value, it can provide. if the student of music apprt'ciatioll is unable to make the auditory discriminations required for an\" but the most elementary concepts of musical utterance, the instructor cannot encourage the stimulating and productiye attitude of discovery learning, \\hereby a student starts with a musical question and seeks the musical answer on his own. students cannot expect to have the satisfaction of arriving at an indt'pendent interpretation of a composition and of comparing it with his instructor's. lacking the ability to put a musical question or discover a musical ans\\"('[, he is constrained to accept the rht'toric of conclusions laid down in the curriculum. :'\0 matter how effective the instruction or how well-founded the judgments, the student does not acquire the musical fluency needed to transcend the curriculum. nor is he ablt' to take the essential final step of the learning process-the confirmation in practice of concepts that arc to him as yt't hypothetical. music appreciation without intensive devclopment of aural skills is less a creative intellectual inquiry into the meaning and value of a primary medium of human utterance than a passive and illiberal acquiescence in a set of marginally musical statements of fact and opinion. the problems that face those educational reformers who are tackling the crisis of musical literacy raise fundamental challenges to musicological method and research as well as to educational theory and practice. it is possible that an awakening interest in musical literacy may even help reverse the trend that in the past has separated the two professions. the reformers arc doing much to counter those heresies that in the past have generated so much musicological animus. charles leonhard of the university of illinois, for example, attaeks the still vvidespread "instrumentalist" doctrine that music education contributes to the health of the student and develops wholesome ideals of conduct, citizenship, and good work habits. he points out that these \'alues arc not unique to music and that many other areas of the curriculum arc probably better suited to conveying them. investigations of cognition and concept formation undermine the pervasive notion that, because one "learns by doing," musical performance is in itself the path to musical understanding. \villiam c. hartshorn, music supervisor of the los angelt's city schools, points out that just as technical skill in playing an instrument is not gained by reading about it, so musical understanding docs not come mert'ly from musical performance. the traditional assumption that the task of music education is to teach children the esthetic experience is forcefully attacked by theodore r. sizer, dean of the graduate school of education, harvard university. he writes that" 'art' in the sense of an t'sthetic experience cannot be taught in any systematic or predictable way," and charges that most schools favor the esthetic approach but with least chance of success. he recommends a ruthless pruning of art education to 132 • disciplines of seeing and hearing, and avoidance of "appreciation" or assessment of esthetic values. colleges are doing what the elementary schools could do handily; a systematic and carefully-limited course in literate perception could be completed, he maintains, by the sixth or seventh grade. education in music and the visual arts should simply providc the tools for proceeding on one's own. sizer's contention is supported indirectly by those who have in recent years attempted to specify how to teach the esthetic response. they ultimatcly confess to the complexity of the task and fall back on relaying the usual information about music. of the music educators directly concerned with the problem of musical literacy, hartshorn proposes a pedagogy based on the premise that "what music communicates and how it communicates are one and the same thing." he insists that learning concepts of tone is the first order of business in teaching children music. in a paper advocating the teaching of musical concepts in elementary grades, asahel woodruff of the university of utah warns that elementary school curricula that rely exclusively on "spontaneous expression" in music, visual art, and dance neglect the discipline essential to every artistic statement. he outlines a procedure for teaching concepts that progresses from percept to concept to testing the concept in practice. the work of some other music educators who have investigated problems in the teaching of general music are here either summarized in reports or noticed under dissertation reviews. musicologists are gradually recognizing the importance of their part in the development of a literacy program. professors frank d'andrea, frederick mayer, and jack sacher, in their respective articles, suggest what music educators regard as the musicologist's contribution. professors claude palisca and alexander ringer show in their present articles that musicologists have already begun to seize the initiative in pioneering new instructional programs. many distinguished musicologists are also variously engaged in the juilliard and contemporary music projects, to mention only the most extensive. this constitutes a beginning. only an intense, concerted effort waged simultaneously on all fronts will succeed in overcoming the celebrated inertia of the educational status quo. much new educational and musicological research in hearing, learning, and musical concept formation is required for an empirically well-founded program for musical literacy. the psychology of hearing and the process of musical conceptualization merit especially intensive study, since they are all but neglected fields. and if concept teaching is to be more than a pious wish, musical terminology must be properly standardized, musical concepts must be developed and formulated more precisely, and the patterns and processes of musical utterance must be understood more completely. a survey of recent books, manuals, and articles that outline concept teaching for music educators or report on its application reveals serious deficiencies of formulation and organization that must be corrected before they are programmed into teaching machines. one indication of the terminological disorder is the loose use of the term "concept" for anything from positive descriptions of entities and straightforward definitions to propositional statements of fact. the generalizing power of a concept is all but overlooked. (a concept, let us recall, is a general idea used for a class of items and necessarily 133 involves a measure of abstraction.) the manual with the greatest scope and potential is music in general education (menc 1965). although it sets out to be suggestive rather than extensive and systematic in its recommendations to high school teachers, it follows its predecessors in failing to take sufficient account of the present state of musical knowledge as embodied in contemporary musical and musicological thought. for instance, it echoes educational tradition by reducing rhythm to a single factor-meter. but the notion of rhythm now generalizes the temporality of music on many more levels than that. a complex of factors which vary from music to music delineates the temporal procession of musical events; and such concepts as harmonic rhythm, timbral rhythm, and registral rhythm are now available. to compound the difficulty of the manual's organization, a number of factors that may contribute to rhythm are treated under the topic "interpretation," an activity defined as the choices the performer makes in dealing with the "variabies": dynamics, expression marks, instrumentation, phrasing, and tempo. in addition to making the unwarranted assumption that pitches and durations are fixed and the rest variable, this approach neglects to consider that if the composer has made choices with regard to any of these factors, they no longer admit variation unless the composer so indicates. the task is then to interpret the composer's notation in the light of our best knowledge of the relevant conventions of his tradition and to realize the musical values of his utterance as completely as possible. the section of the manual titled "form and design in music" demonstrates how sparsely the multi-levelled complexity of musical structure is conveyable to the musically pre literate. as in the majority of such texts, "form" is here reduced to the repetition schemes of motives, themes, and their transformations in closed forms of the common practice period. the harmonic-tonal structure of a beethoven symphony movement selected for intensive treatment is not mentioned (pace schenker) and melody is treated as a static array of pitches (pace kurth). nevertheless, music in general education contains far better information and more complete coverage than its predecessors and is clearly a new departure which deserves to be supported and supplemented by constructive musicological thought. there are many ways in which musicologists can contribute to the achievement of an effective and comprehensive program for musical literacy and yet serve the interests of musicology as well. one realm which remains relatively uncharted, and which has not been indicated elsewhere in this issue, is musical structure. the pre-emptive task of recovering the historical sources and contexts of western music and the desire for a total, positive history of music have consigned structural research and contextual analysis to lower priorities. the present need for more complete formulations of compositions as complex systems may stimulate musicologists to test the hypothesis that musical structure is in some critical respects altogether different from other classes of structure, and the corollary that dynamic and auditory (in addition to static and visual) paradigms are required for its explanation. intensive research in the forms of musical utterance may reveal genetic structures as powerful as, say, buckminster fuller's discovery of the tetrahedron in the structure of the physical world. musicological method would be enriched and the discipline's contribution to knowledge enhanced in the degree that 134 .. • musicologists discover and explain the uniqueness of musical structure as a multi-levelled interrelationship of temporal functions. new theories would have to account for the perhaps unexampled multivalence of the elements and modules of musical structure, such that a single sound or sound-complex may function as an event simultaneously in some or all of the processes gencrated by the several variable properties of musical signals. an empirically-founded program for musical literacy should be pursued with all possible energy. delay at this juncture could prove costly. although many educators are properly sceptical of the rush to introduce automated teaching systems before the programs have been properly tested, electronic technology is offering a seductive battery of hardware. the race is already on. only the utmost vigilance will prevent the conceptual equivalent of the school marm from being sealed into, and indefinitely reproduced by, the gleaming machines. industry is not disposed to wait while the wheels of research grind slowly on. \vith federal funds flooding education at an increasing rate, wall street now regards education as "the growth industry to watch." the scent of profits has excited the giants of publishing and electronics into mergers that will influence every branch of education. while the spectacle of corporate courtship rites enacted on so grand a scale merits the highest admiration, the imaginable consequences give one pause. with the education market estimated as having a billion dollar potential, stakes rise, pressures mount to buy and sell, and to cut risks manufacturers design systems for prompt and wide acceptance. it is not beyond reason to imagine the new combines buying into educational systems as the television industry has bought into professional sports. education as "show biz" would not be far behind. unless the most responsible and imaginative professionals work creatively together to prepare the needed software, music education may soon be saddled with expensive but misbegotten programs that might do the cause of musical literacy more harm than good. one solution to the urgent problem might be an agency whose sole function is to plan an intensive campaign of research and development directed to achieving a program for musical literacy adaptable to the various educational levels. the professional societies, governmental agencies, and private foundations concerned with music instruction might appoint and fund a directorate of qualified individuals charged with assimilating the results of research accomplished, with stimulating new research where needed, with adjudicating the merits of proposed programs, and with commissioning the writing and testing of new programs that meet the most exacting standards of current musical and educational knowledge. for a powerful attack to develop, music educators in public schools, conservatories, and colleges will need to draw closer together. to adequately equip performers, composers, listeners, and thinkers as music perceivers, their programs will have to be more closely coordinated. the restoration of music to its ancient place of honor in liberal education and in the culture at large will be a hollow triumph so long as it is assumed that the musically preliterate can understand music . 135 mozart and the josephian era: some socio-economic notes on musical change alexander l. ringer i am now happily arrived at that part of my narrative where it is necessary to speak of haydn! the admirable and matchless haydn! from whose productions i have received more pleasure late in my life, when tired of most other music, than i ever received in the most ignorant and rapturous part of my youth, when everything was new, and the disposition to be pleased undiminished by criticism or satiety.! thus charles burney, about to conclude a general history of music, introduces the composer in whom he and the immediately following generation saw the very apogee of western musical history. burney then proceeds to a general discussion of haydn's life and work through the 1780's. mozart, on the other hand, "who astonished all europe by his premature talents during infancy," is treated summarily injust three lines, less than half the number devoted to kozeluch.2 in the nearly 200 years that have elapsed since burney's dicta were first published much has been said about the stylistic changes that occurred in european music during the lifetimes of haydn and mozart. personalities have been studied, musical structures analyzed, idioms described. indeed, the very concept of a "viennese classical school," once passionately promoted by guido adler and his disciples, has recently come under attack. hans engel no longer subscribes to the traditional designation "classical style," noting that there is "only a style of the classicists haydn and mozart."3 needless to say, one may well go a short step farther and question the very use of the term "style" in this connection. for, if style to the artistic manifestations of a given aesthetic attitude or complex of attitudes, one wonders what meaningful insights can possibly be expected from the lumping together of two composers born a generation apa,rt, and, as burney implicitly recognized, so utterly different in musical and general background and outlook. "with him," paul henry lang has said of haydn, '> music shed its courtly etiquette and playfulness to become a most personal expression, the expression of the austrian peasant, of love of life, of the colorfulness of nature, moving about in a 158 kaleidoscope of wit, humor, joy, and sorrow. from the italians, he took the beauty of a rounded form, from the germans their counterpoint, but with all his skill and artistry he remained the austrian peasant.4 culturally speaking, the key word in this characterization with which few would wish to quarrel is "remained." throughout his long life haydn never failed to assert his 18th-century heritage, even though he was himself responsible for the continuous reshaping of part of that heritage. mozart, to be sure, was born into a milieu as typical in some ways of entrenched attitudes and customs as the establishment at eisenstadt. yet he emancipated himselffrom that milieu. far from "remaining" anything he had once been, he literally "became" the herald of a new age, the age of the urban middle-class, hence of economic liberalism and newly gained political freedoms-indeed, of that complete transvaluation of all values subsequently associated with the romantic movement. haydn may have shed "courtly etiquette and playfulness in favor of a most personal expression," but he never would have thought of exposing the very depths of his inner life, as mozart did in the hope that by thus engaging the empathy of his public he might help to change the human condition. courtly etiquette may have given way in the course of haydn's creative career to rationalistic human behavior, and playfulness to a more serious and responsible view of the world around him. by the same token, haydn, as it were, never quite "lost his 18th-century cool," never used his art to question the legitimacy of the establishment, never really abandoned music as entertainment in favor of music as philosophy. it was of mozart, not of haydn, that goethe said that he should have composed faust. and it was mozart who, not unlike beethoven and schoenberg after him, deeply affected the shape of things human in his time through artistic deeds symbolic aesthetically of the very spirit that animated the far-reaching reforms of emperor joseph ii and the concomitant changes in the socioeconomic foundations of austrian society. well over a half a century ago werner sombart made the useful distinction between quantitative and qualitative luxury as basic categories of socio-economically determined cultural behavior.5 quantitative luxury, he held, was typical of postrenaissance european nobility, whereas qualitative luxury reflected the intermittent desire for better,rather than more 159 numerous, products, a desire found throughout history, it is true, but especially so among the rising middle classes of the late 18th and early 19th centuries. that these two "ideal" types may coexist at· any given time, goes without saying. conversely, history has known situations, particularly in the 18th century when the nobility of europe was in a stage of incipient decadence, in which quantitative luxury assumed almost grotesque proportions. to cite but one ofsombart's many examples, "on february 25, 1732, the court of saxony ordered 910 pieces of porcelain figures and vases for a single floor of the royal palace."6 needless to say,such wanton display of non-productive wealth provoked much unfavorable comment throughout the 18th century, often in essential agreement with sombart who regarded the enormous increase in the manufacture, importation, and purchase of non-essential goods above all as a direct outgrowth of the epochal "victory of the female," that of queens and aristocratic wives no less than mistresses of all types and origins. 18th-century music reflected the craving for quantitative luxury not only in the unprecedented proliferation of musical activity, especially in the field of opera, but also in intrinsically musical terms. a case in point is the italian grand aria which dominated the musical scerie in the first half of the 18th century through sheer force of numbers, as well as the dazzling vocal display that marked any properly executed da capo. the emergence of the instrumental virtuoso was, of course, a related phenomenon. where the spirit of the ancien regime continued to prevail, as in france, official patronage tended to perpetuate quantitative luxury in virtually all forms of artistic manifestation. conversely, opposition to the regime relied increasingly on political confrontation through cultural dissent. as early as the 1760's d' alembert found that there were people in france who suspected a republican behind every devotee of opera buffa.7 about a decade later rousseau, the erstwhile promoter of italian opera buffa, was converted to the gluckist cause when he realized that gluck's iphigenie's represented but another link in the chain of cultural reappraisals that decided the outcome of the revolution before it actually occurred. by the time france underwent the full impact of the teachings of the philo$ophes, so sublimely reflected in the art of gluck, austria was already in the throes of a socio-cultural revolution instigated by an emperor who declared in 1781: "1 have made 160 philosophy the legislator of my empire."8 in fact, some of the trenchant reforms wrought by joseph ii originated in the 1760's and '70's when he ruled together with his mother, the empress maria theresa. but, whereas then the russian ambassador, prince galitzin, witnessed the confiscation of his set of the complete works of voltaire, now the anti-clerical frenchman's views determined imperial decrees, and the "baroque" tastes of the empress yielded to "beautiful simplicity" in music, her son's favorite art, no less than in fashion. the solitary reign of joseph ii lasted no more than a decade, but that decade, from 1780 to 1790, shook the very structure of austrian society. before the first full year of his autocratic reign had passed, the emperor who believed that "great actions should be carried out with a single stroke" had put all religious orders under the jurisdiction of the dioceses and directed their bishops to swear allegiance directly and only to the crown. in the summer and fall of 1781 decrees were issued guaranteeing universal religious freedom and, additionally, granting civil rights to the jews whose banking and trading activities were so essential to the emperor's industrial plans. almost immediately, unproductive members of the upper ranks of society found themselves cut off from their traditional pensions. and other badly needed social reforms followed shortly, including the abolishment of serfdom and feudal dues, the prohibition of judicial torture, and the e,stablishment of proper appeal procedures. not so dramatic perhaps, but of direct relevance to the ensuing shift from quantitative to qualitative luxury, were the radical reductions in the budget of the court, the concomitant emphasis on industrial expansion and foreign trade, and above all novel administrative and managerial arrangements that favored those members of the aristocracy who were willing and able to make positive contributions to joseph's "white revolution."9 neither in the material nor in the artistic sense did the emperor and his aristocratic collaborators wish to abolish luxury per se; rather, here as there, they sought to encourage quality over quantity, the individual over the mass. it was, therefore, surely no mere coincidence that prompted mozart, exasperated by his archbishop's deeply rooted quantitative conceptions, to make his permanent home in vienna precisely in 1781, the first year of what political historians have come to identify as the josephian era. "we are old friends already," 161 the emperor said to mozart when they first met, "and i shall be delighted ifit be in my power to render you any service."lo that mozart's hopes of composing a libretto written by the emperor himself came to naught is of very little significance in comparison with the historical fact that joseph's sincere desire to render service to all of his subjects set an example of service that was quickly emulated by every layer of vienna's bulging population and contributed immensely to the general leveling of traditional class differences. if france was ruled by the last grande cocotte, her brother, the austrian emperor, had neither wife nor mistress. a modest man whose health was declining fast, he found satisfaction not in ostentatious display of wealth or power but in real accomplishment as his people's first servant. and the general climate of personal dignity he sought to create quite naturally favored an artistic approach that was emotionally intense yet opposed to excesses of any sort. that well-informed, ever alert musical correspondent and political liberal, johann friedrich reichardt, recalled nearly twenty years after the emperor's death: he is moderate, simple, labors tirelessly, has himself an eye and a hand for everything; urges his nation emphatically in speeches and in print to fulfill its patriotic duties; cares for it with truly imperial magnanimity and generosity; creates excellently furnished hospita,ls for many thousands, establishes schools for physicians as well as veterinarians in all of his german and italian hereditary lands; travels in all of them repeatedly with very little display in order to supervise personally the execution of his decrees. he beautifies the capital, enriches it and the daily growing, limitless suburbs with fine buildings, countless factories, liberates the homes of the bourgeoisie from the burden of the imperial court imposition according to which until then one floor of every house had to remain free at the court's disposal; he opens all castles and parks to all the people, enhances them and prepares them with proper expense and taste for the most comfortable enjoyment of the public. everything under the jurisdiction of the police undergoes improvements. he imports some of the most famous artists to grace the public theaters and with the help of one of the greatest actors and artistic connoisseurs of his time, schroder, gives the national stage a perfection previously unattained anywhere. he forms an excellent italian opera for the public furtherance of singing and artistic taste. in him every art, every science, of whose value he is persuaded, has found a patron saint.ll not the least among the many ways in which the liberal cosmopolitan atmosphere in joseph's vienna benefited music 162 was the increase in musical activity in the palatial homes of the city's affluent as soon as the curtailment of court patronage took effect. since material conditions, both physical and financial, virtually excluded operatic performances even in the most lavish of aristocratic residences, instrumental music received an unprecedented boost in prestige. but to some extent this newly enhanced role of instrumental music was also due to the ethnic backgrounds of the principal families involved, many of whom hailed from hungary and bohemia. "it has been said," charles burney observed in the 1770's, "that the bohemian nobility keep musicians in their houses: but in keeping servants it is impossible to do otherwise, as all the children of the peasants and trades people, in every town and village throughout the kingdom of bohemia are taught music in the common reading schools, except in prague, where, indeed, it is no part of school-learning; the musicians being brought thither from the country."12 the significance of non-austrians (in the narrow sense of the term) in the creation of material and aesthetic conditions conducive to the kind of qualitative luxury embodied in the music of the viennese classical composers can hardly be overemphasized. it was prince galitzin who engaged mozart for all of his concerts in the winter of 1782, and during the next season mozart played regularly also at counts johann eszterhazy and zichy. between february 26 and april 3, 1784, i.e. in five weeks, mozart by his own accounting played five times at galitzin's and i nine times at eszterhazy's. as otto j ahn pointed out a long time ago, these aristocratic soirees represented mozart's greatest source of income. and when baron van swieten became the center of serious musical activity, especially through his sunday morning concerts at the court library, his associates included counts apponyi, batthyany, franz esterhazy and, inevitably, those fanatic music lovers, the brothers-in-law lobkowitz and schwarzenberg. the summer concerts at the augarten initiated in 1782, which included mozart as performer and/or composer from the outset, attracted a growing audience from the upper middle class sector, as did all subscription concerts held in public places. when mozart, nearly two years after the first augarten season, reported to his father that he -had enrolled one hundred subscribers for three concerts at six gulden each, he listed also several wealthy jewish families who vied with the landed 6+c.m. 163 aristocracy from bohemia and hungary for leadership in the conversion process from quantitative to qualitative luxury,13 indeed, the qualitative development of music, "the favorite art of the middle class, the form in which it can express its emotional life more directly, and with less hindrance than any other,"14 could not but profit from an enlightened despotism that deprecated lavish personal patronage while encouraging "predemocratic" values and creating the conditions necessary for , the artistic amalgamation of the diverse tastes and musical practices of the various socio-economic and ethnic groups that populated joseph's vast multi-national realm. that his reforms left their marks well into the 19th century, even though some of the restrictions he had sought to abolish forever were ually reinstated, is confirmed by reichardt who wrote in 1809: in the mild and imperceptible gradations from the higher princely nobility, with an annual income of a million, a half million, or a quarter of a million gulden, to the lesser courtly nobility, with an income of a hundred thousand gulden or over, from thence to the petty new nobility, who not infrequently have and spend as much, if not still more-the bankers and great landowners and manufacturers are included here; and so on through the bourgeoisie proper down to the well-to-do petite bourgeoisie; in the way that all the great public diversions and amusements are enjoyed by all classes without any abrupt divisions or offending distinctions-in these respects, vienna is again quite alone among the great cities of europe.!5 mter the congress of vienna, as prince metternich began to impose his particular brand of authoritarianism on the empire, the city in which mozart had settled in 1781, haydn in 1789, and beethoven in 1792, re-dedicated itself to the quantitative luxury of what eduard hanslick so bitterly denounced as "the musical bric-a-brac typical of a period of intellectual inactivity and the greatest political degeneration in austria."16 in the days of joseph ii, when power made a first attempt to serve the people, mozart assembled on stage three different strata of society, each represented by a different band but all enjoying themselves in the same ballroom at the invitation of an aristocratic host who welcomes his guests in the name of liberty. half a century later, once again mere servants of power, the people of vienna had little choice but to dance their troubles away to the tunes of joseph lanner and johann strauss father. generations were to pass before the gradual restoration of qualitative luxury in a 164 climate of relative personal freedom and social equality produced conditions favorable to the formation of another, hardly less differentiated, "viennese schoo1." notes 1 burney, charles, a general history of music (london, 1789), 2: 958. this article is based on the author's paper read at the ams national meeting, new haven, december, 1968. 2 ibid., 960. 3 hans engel, "sources of the classical idiom," international musicological society, report of the eighth congress, new york, 1961 (kassel, 1961), 1 :285. see also his "haydn, mozart und die klassik," mozart jahrbuch (1959), 51. 4 paul henry lang, music in western civilization (new york, 1941),625. 5 wener sombart, luxus undkapitalismus (munich and leipzig, 1913), 71. 6 ibid., 94. 7 cf. romain rolland, musiciens d'autrefois, 3rd rev. ed. (paris, 1912),213. 8 the pertinent letter to cardinal herzan, the imperial minister in rome, is quoted in r. w. harris, absolutism and enlightenment, 1660-1789 (new york, 1966),221. 9 the. term "white revolution," coined by the present shah of iran, would seem to fit joseph ii's revolutionary reforms admirably. 10 cf. the letters of mozart and his family, trans!. and annotated by emily anderson (new york, 1966),2:745. 11 johann friedrich reichardt, vertraute briefe geschrieben auf cinet reise nach wien und den {jsterreichischen staaten zu ende des jahres 1808 und zu a1ifang 1809, ed. by gustav gugitz (munich, 1915),2: 168-69. 12 charles burney, the present state of music in germany, the netherlands, and united provinces (london, 1775), 11-12. 13 for mozart's own complete listing of subscribers see the letters of mozart • •• , 870-1214 arnold hauser, the social history of art (new york, 1958),3:82. 15 this particular excerpt from reichardt's previously cited letter appears in source readings in music history, trans!. and annotated by oliver strunk (new york, 1930), 730. 16 eduard hanslick, geschichte des concertwesens in wien (vienna, 1869),367. 165 problem of unknown quantities outside the sample would be eliminated. perhaps the study could involve only those elements which have finite qualities. it will be interesting to read from the author and others about further refinements in his method. philip friedheim-tonality and structure zn the early works cif schoenberg ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 64-6464,1963. 557 pp. in 2 vols., new york university diss.) jdroctor as the striking developments in music during the late 19th and early 20th centuries recede further in time, more and more musicians are returning to a close examination of the early works of schoenberg, usually in an attempt to examine the historical processes involved and, perhaps, to separate those elements in modern music which can be seen as the result of a direct historical development from those that are distinctly special to the period. philip friedheim's dissertation deals with this problem. the dissertation is laid out in three parts. part one is entitled "the relationship between tonality and structure"; part two, "the early works of arnold schoenberg," which examines compositions from 1893 to 1908, the time of the first atonal works. part three is a conclusion that briefly surveys schoenberg's later development. part one appears in condensed form with many of the examples eliminated in the music review (1966) 27: 44-53, and is, to my mind, one of the most interesting sections of the dissertation. it concerns itself with motivic transformation and melodically motivic sonorities in the works of brahms, wagner, and strauss. friedheim's thesis is that certain methods of organizing musical material that can be found in tonal compositions begin to predominate in music written under the influence of declining tonality. such devices are: motivic variation and transformation, and the combining of variously transformed motives into highly contrapuntal complexes; characteristic sonorities that give color to a work but do not represent a tonic in any classical sense; and harmonic devices, such as multiple interpretation of chords, including the variety of possible roots by supposition, enharmonic equivalents, and abbreviation of "functional" progressions by the omission of a typical chord, usually the dominant. all of the above go hand in hand with ambiguity and may be seen in relation to the classical tonal style as either contributors to, or results of, the weakening of the tonal system. the course 121 of the dissertation follows this development in a historic fashion, starting with predecessors of schoenberg and continuing through his opus 11. in the discussion of schoenberg's predecessors, friedheim makes a useful distinction between thematic development and thematic traniformation (pp. l3ff). the transformation concept is illustrated by examples from brahms and includes an elaborated version of schoenberg's observations on the fourth symphony in style and idea. (it might be worth mentioning that the "rhythmic alteration" method of transformation is old, being the essential technique of the baroque variation suite.) there are also examples from wagner, with some excellent demonstrations of motivic interrelatedness. the significance of these predecessors to friedheim is evident from such statements as: "tristan und isolde represents the point in the history of tonality where the expressive element becomes so dominant that the harmony no longer supports the form ... the structure of the music now lies more within the vast complex of interrelated themes than anywhere else" (p. 39). the relation of this view to schoenberg's development is apparent; however, it remains to be shown where in schoenberg's works this same principle operates on a basic level and where it does not-but where a form-creating tonic emphasis is still present. in part two, at the beginning of each group of works examined, friedheim carefully discusses chronology and suggests alternatives to rufer's catalogue. this is welcome in that rufer groups members of the same opus together, whereas friedheim separates these members and balances dates on manuscripts against internal evidence to arrive at his ordering of the composition of the pieces. i hope that friedheim might see fit to gather these chronological observations together into an article in order to make this information more generally available to interested readers. here and there in the course of the dissertation, friedheim provides lists of errors he has found in various scores. all such lists are useful in helping to clear up the errors abounding in schoenberg scores. one of his corrections, however, is probably a mere typographical error: "op. 8, no. 1 ... 5-2 1st via., 2nd note should be a d" (p. 248); friedheim must have meant to say it should be a (an additional error in this opus that friedheim failed to ca tch is in the vocal score of op. 8, no.2; m. 8, second beat, left hand: instead of a.) the author traces the growth of certain techniques in schoenberg's early works. an example is his discussion of the main chord in the prelude to gurrelieder, ed-bd-c-ed-g-c. this chord acts as a non-standard tonic sonority. it is an indication that this piece will make free use of the whole step as a stable sonority. friedheim is especially interested here, however, in the use of this chord to create a continuing aura of uncertainty, and as a source for both harmonic and melodic material. another example of new technique is his citing of symmetrical, non-classically-tonal sonorities in pelleas und melisande, specifically, two augmented triads adding up to a whole-tone scale, and four-note chords in fourths. 122 the unerring path to atonality is traced through such operations, as that employed in traumleben, op. 6, no.1, which is otherwise a rather straightforward song (p. 251): "the melodic movement of the to rather than to produces the outline of an f-major triad although this chord does not appear in the accompaniment. the melodic propensity to leap to and from nonharmonic notes characterizes the writing of this period and often imparts to certain passages the suggestion of bitonality. " at one point friedheim shows an interesting correspondence between schoenberg's speculation in his harmonielehre and a composition written some years earlier, the song chase!, op. 6, no.5. the passage from harmonielehre is entitled "biisse zum verminderten 7-akkord" and is concerned with example 304. (i hesitate to use page numbers here, as my copy has this material beginning on page 411 while friedheim lists page 444.) the original idea, that of "supposing" a series of different roots to a diminished-seventh chord, is extended in harmonielehre to the process of outlining a diminished-seventh chord in scalar form by interpolating notes between the chord members in a consistent fashion so that the added notes themselves form a diminishedseventh chord. there are thus two scales for each "main" diminishedseventh chord. this is the so-called "octatonic" scale and is used extensively in stravinsky's fireworks, composed at about the same time as the schoenberg song. an earlier example is found in tchaikovsky's sixth symphony, first movement, mm. 271-74. schoenberg, however, carries the idea yet further in harmonielehre and in the song to include the accompanying of a diminished-seventh chord by the octatonic scale with which it shares no members; he thereby presents the entire chromatic scale in a well-defined way and in short order. this is one example of a distinctly modern approach, not derived from classical tradition or tendencies. it involves symmetrical relations between tone complexes and further includes the "tonal" concept of chord prolongation, but with a decidedly non-classical tonal procedure. friedheim contends that schoenberg was continually facing the problem of structure in large works and attempting new solutions. he wonders whether a large structure "necessitated a conscious harmonic simplification" (p. 325). he indicates one solution as applied to the kammersymphonie, op. 9, in which schoenberg employs the form-supporting devices of: (1) preservation of thematic character (contrast), (2) relative harmonic stability within an advanced chromatic style (whole-tone scale inside an e-major harmonic background), (3) sonority (chords in fourths as a type ofpunctuation) , and (4) variation and contrapuntal combination of themes. eventually we are led to the situation occurring in the last movement of the quartet, op. 10, for which friedheim refers to chords that "represent momentary harmonic oasis within an atonal desert. thus it is not a specific tonality but a sonority or pitch sequence that appears at the recapitulation" (p.393). some good and welcome observations about rhythm are made with refer123 ence to the atonal style. he says on page 431: "tonal harmony, rooted in the functioning bass and the cadential progression, demands a rhythm based on patterned repetitions. atonal music, freed from the forward motion of the bass and the harmonic drive toward resolution, loses the necessity for a downbeat. the downbeat is, after all, not so much the place for an accent as for a harmonic resolution." the suggestion of rhythm as a primary formal element (thus serving a new role in atonal music) is indicated by friedheim's discussion of the first part of op. 11, no.2. "if one views the passage as a single curve, moving first toward rhythmic clarification, and then away from it, the entire fifteen-bar unit becomes directed. thus, one is not dealing with the development of rhythmic motives, i.e., with thematic material, but with the relative degree to which the patterns support or destroy a fundamental pulse" (p. 460). (in this connection, see friedheim's article "rhythmic structure in schoenberg's atonal compositions," jams [1966] 19: 59-72.) another rhythmic distinction is made when friedheim indicates that the early works of schoenberg are easily shown to be derived from the romantic tradition. serial music on the other hand "functions as a neo-classic element within schoenberg's fundamentally romantic weltanschauung" (p. 56). it might be well to point out that this characteristic is reflected in the varied rhythmic complexity of the pieces. the "post-romantic" and atonal works are in general more convoluted rhythmically, as though perhaps to counteract the disappearing subtlety of the rhythmic effect of harmonic progression in a classically tonal composition as compared to the generally undifferentiated flow of relatively dissonant harmonies in these works. but when schoenberg enters the realm of twelve-tone composition, he is satisfied that he has discovered an alternative to tonality, one which, presumably, need not reflect the flow of traditional music but has its own unique type of motion, for schoenberg's rhythm immediately reverts to simpler patterns contributing to the "motoristic" drive of a piece but not to the breathing effect of older music. the basic rhythms are universal, the flow is stylistic, and schoenberg is no longer interested in preserving the rhythmic effect of a fundamentally different style. the title of the dissertation is perhaps misleading in its emphasis on tonality, insofar as friedheim's actual descriptions of pieces are more concerned with motivic analyses in the sense of repetition, transformations and inversion, etc., than with pitch structures per se. when harmonic points are described it is usually with reference to a peculiar detail outside the context of the phrase, much less the entire work, so that instead of considerations of tonality there are those of chord succession. unless one considers the total environment of an interesting or peculiar detail, questions of tonality are inappropriate. and so friedheim misses an opportunity to make some valuable distinctions of systematics in schoenberg's early music. he is, therefore, also unable to delineate any essential trend or transformation technique in a sufficiently specific and thorough manner. this problem is, perhaps, the 124 result of attempting to deal with every composition of the most prolific period of the composer's life. more information might well have been gained through a total analysis of what friedheim considers the most representative or significant works for demonstrating his thesis. the question of tonality is, in fact, the weak point of the dissertation. near the beginning the author quotes, and apparently endorses, a definition of tonality given by delbert m. beswick in his ph.d. dissertation, "the problem of tonality in seventeenth century music" (university of north carolina, 1950): "tonality is the organized relationship of musical sounds, as perceived and interpreted with respect to some central point of reference that seems to coordinate the separate items and events and to lend them meaning as component parts of a unified whole" (beswick, p. 18; friedheim, p. 4). despite its lack of affirmation this can be a workable description, if not a definition, of tonality in its broadest sense. but a fundamental distinction between "common practice" tonality and "expanded" tonality is not made in any systematic way, and this is the very rock upon which copious learned argument founders. a reference to "fundamental bass" as the primary constituent of classical tonality will not suffice, not only because of the inherently untheoretical, incomplete, and undefined nature of this rameauoriented theory, but because it is easily countered by examples which can be produced, nearly at will, from almost any arbitrary selection of pieces that are twelve-tone or generally admitted to be non-tonal in the classical sense, and which nevertheless contain fundamental-bass progressions of, for instance, perfect fifths. the derivation of these progressions is no less tortured than those common in this dissertation or in the "extended tonality" section of piston's harmony. an obvious example of this technique is found in the second song of schoenberg's opus 15, from its beginning to the downbeat of measure 5, wherein fundamental-bass progressions of an ascending series of perfect fifths can be discerned easily. friedheim would surely agree that this piece had little in common technically with a piece of beethoven, but the precise nature of the difference is not told, and it seems that this could properly be the main point of investigation of a dissertation bearing a title like this one. the distinction between a broad and narrow definition of tonality must not, of course, be confused with the possibility of the presence in a piece of a characteristic sonority which cannot, for reasons of context and, perhaps, traditional knowledge, be taken as a non-triadic tonic. such an example is the "tristan" chord, and friedheim discusses this problem on pages 42 and 43. here he indicates that he recognizes a distinction between tonality in general and classical tonality in particular, but he fails to make use of this awareness for the balance of the dissertation. in friedheim's assessment of a work's adherence to tonality, too much seems to depend on whether or not that work begins and ends in the same key. tonality is a very complex set of possibilities and is not defined by the specific type of elements in a piece or by 125 any detail of connection of sonorities, but rather by what may be heard to lie behind the piece, that sound from which every other event can be shown to be derived, either directly (e.g., v), or through the medium of derivations from derivations (e.g., v of v). a piece may consist entirely of triads and not be tonal, or it may be tonal but not in the classical manner. the classical manner should have been defined tightly so that the non-classical could be distinguished more easily. to be sure, the source for friedheim in his harmonic terminology is schoenberg himself, whose observations on the subject are found in harmonielehre and in the structural functions tif harmony. these theories themselves grow out of a stream of 19th-century thought which derives from rameau and includes the still pervasive influence of riemann. friedheim's analyses are thus well legitimatized in that they follow the style used by schoenberg in the analysis of his own works. but do schoenberg's attitudes toward analysis reflect what is really needed in the field to enlighten and inform others in a way that, hopefully, relates to how people hear music or can learn to hear music? an example of the pitfalls of this kind of theory crops up when friedheim discusses the song erwartung, op. 2, no. 1. about the opening measure he writes: "this passage sometimes appears in textbooks as an example of a non-functioning appoggiatura chord. it can, however, be interpreted as an altered supertonic ninth without the root. the acts as a tonic pedal, and the other notes must be arranged in order (p. 98). this statement has a footnote appended: "although this particular alteration of a iig chord appears extreme, it is listed in schoenberg's harmonielehre (vienna 1911) p. 401 ex. 298 last chord" (p. 98). overlooking schoenberg's failure to include an example of the use of this chord without the root, this writer presumes that friedheim's preference for naming it an altered iig rather than an altered iv7 depends on schoenberg's omission of such a chord in his list of altered seventh chords. in any case, what information is supplied by such a label? and what can a non-functioning chord be in any case? it cannot mean that the piece would be essentially the same without it. is not an appoggiatura a note which functions? would an appoggiatura chord not be one in which all membersfunctioned as appoggiaturas? does the discovery of a functioning chord in friedheim's sense mean that there is a change in the basic harmony from a chord to its resolution? if so, is that not counteracted, in this case, by the pedal tone and the absence of the root? and what is the difference, after all, between a ii7 chord and a iv chord, and, by extension, a ii9 and iv7, if it is not that the specific presence of the root of the ii chord bears a melodic association with both the tonic and mediant tones and supplies in advance a fifth for the dominant chord, a "function" unfulfillable by the ,iv chord? in fact, what does "dominant function" involve if not the contrapuntal operations of arpeggiation, passing, and/or neighbor tones? does a listener hear "note names" regardless of chromatic disguises? if an analyst were primarily interested in vertical configurations 126 per .ie, would it not be wise for him to ponder the differences and similarities between chords of the same notes (by name) as well as of different notes? consistent with the problems created by schoenberg's theoretical syntax is the by now comical issue of the fourth inversion of a ninth chord in verklarte nacht. friedheim says (p. 119): "despite schoenberg's own analysis of this construction, the question still remains as to whether a ninth can be placed in the bass and still maintain its harmonic meaning?" what is its harmonic meaning when the ninth is not in the bass? is it the same for all pieces? suppose, for the sake of argument, that it retained its harmonic meaning in this case. would either the construction of the piece or the hearing of it change? would information be provided by that fact, or does the simple succession of four chords with each part moving unerringly by half step render the whole argument senseless? another basic consideration of this syntax, and one heavily employed by friedheim, is the concept of supposition of roots to chords to form more conventional patterns than would appear from the notes actually present. indeed, friedheim reads a characteristic of the decline of the strength of the tonal system in the possibility of manifold root suppositions for a single chord. this characteristic is an essential point in his thesis in that it introduces ambiguity. "these two factors, the dissolution of the harmonic rhythm and the merging of separate root functions, ultimately deal the death blow to tonality" (p. 243). this attitude is the basis for analyses like the following concerning op. 8, no.2: "the first diminished-seventh chord has an as the root actually sounding in the bass. then, with the remaining, the chord becomes a v g on an implied f:ij:, i.e., (f:ij:)-a:ij:-c:ij:-e-g, and resolves to b-major. the in the bass has become a d:ij:, an anticipation of the major third of the b chord. its continued presence in the first bar, however, considerably obscures the function of the implied f:ij:" (p. 249). note how friedheim, following schoenberg's syntax, arrives at a solution to the passage that entails hearing an implied tone that the composer himself fights in the music. if an analysis is to have any relation to what is heard, why cannot the diminished-seventh chords be heard as the simple, symmetrical, chromatic structures that they are, capable, because of their likely appearance in multiple situations, of multiple resolutions? when such a chord is heard, the listener may have a guess as to where the tones might go, but it is an ambiguous sound until it actually moves. in a highly chromatic environment, it is unlikely that the listener will or should have very specific expectations as to the resolution of any chord. this is one of the reasons that such chromatic sonorities and their distant resolutions have so much more power in classic than in romantic music. another pitfall of the analyst is exemplified in a passage on gurrelieder (p. 151) where friedheim says: "the diminished-seventh chord functions as a v9 without the root. the sustained note d can also be interpreted as the dominant ofthe neapolitan, a progression established in the preceding song." 127 i t can be, but why? the d in fact moves down a half step to become the first note of the tune. why is the description "dominant of the neapolitan" (which does not appear here) more informative than a connective motive of a descending half step? function should refer to what the tones do, not to how they might be labeled irrespective of the music under scrutiny. what develops here is the establishment of a classification system which purports to be analysis. relationships are established between chord classes on a hypothetical basis. notes that appear in a piece of music are then given names that correspond to the relations set forth in such tables as those by erpfl or schoenberg.2 in this way the analyst is in fact describing his system of classification without reference to the composition. one other harmonic feature that friedheim leans on heavily is the abbreviated cadence, specifically proceeding from a pre-dominant-type chord directly to the tonic without the intervening dominant. schoenberg discusses this procedure, "kurzung von wendungen durch weglassung des wegs," on page 403 of the harmonielehre. a particularly strong example is in die aufgeregten, op. 3, no.2: "the d7 at the end becomes a v of ii and the main body of the song follows in f minor, thus omitting two intervening chords, the supertonic and the dominant" (p.239). schoenberg could well have been using this device consciously, precisely where and in the way that friedheim points it out, but, again, the rather direct contrapuntal connection between the two chords is ignored. yet, that this intention is a real fact of the hearing of such music is questionable, even given friedheim's warning that "any extreme use of this technique, however, will result in tonal obscurity" (p. 1 07). perhaps the point concerning the newness of procedures might have been better made by substituting the simple idea of counterpoint within chromatic rather than diatonic constraints for the concepts of conflicting implied roots and multiple interpretations, and of abbreviation. thus, triads may move effectively to many other triads in the most unusual fashion. the composers of the first half of this century were deeply involved in a polyphonic style; thus one may readily expect fascination on their part with the varieties of movement of each individual voice in a chord. in such a case unusual progressions need not be viewed as abbreviations of conventional progressions but as examples of a fresh outlook on chords in their simplest contrapuntal associations. from this point of view, the music of the early 20th century has much in common with the experiments in intense chromaticism of the last part of the 16th century. in both cases, the chromatic scale is the primary assumption and the concept of chords related by consonance to the tonic as structural goals of motion is of no consideration. this attitude would also substitute minimal expectations for the conflicting multiple expectations of friedheim's approach. it should be noted that friedheim himself seems willing to treat the sonorities this way when the chords are less frequently specific triads, as in the works described as "atonal" and parts of those immediately preceding. 128 the strengths of this dissertation lie, then, in the historically oriented survey of schoenberg's predecessors and in the discussions of his own early music, especially with reference to questions of motivic manipulation contributing to clarity in a time of the clouding of tonality. what is weak is the style of harmonic analysis, which, though hoary, seems not to be particularly helpful in distinguishing the stages of tonal development from the classical tonal style to serialism and the utter dominance of the chromatic scale. much of the blame belongs to schoenberg himself, of course, as he seemed to be of that traditional breed of musicians who treat music theory as a mystical branch of knowledge concerned with divining relations that do not have much to do with what music sounds like or how it is composed. one is tempted to entertain the notion that schoenberg was throwing up a smoke screen designed to cover the fact that he really was doing something new after all. notes 1 hermann erpf, studien zur harmonie= und klangtechnik der neueren musik (leipzig, 1927), p.32. 2 arnold schoenberg, structural functions of harmony (new york, 1954), p. 20. 5+ c•m• 129 while we may acknowledge the diligence shown in this monograph, the usefulness of some of the information, and the provocative quality of certain " suggestions, this reviewer would caution the prospective reader to employ his critical faculties to their fullest when using this study. he would also urge a more adventurous attitude towards the further exploration of this vital body of music. leon crickmore-c.p.e. bach: six harpsichord concertos [wq. 43i birmingham: unpubl. thesis for the master of arts degree, university of birmingham (england), 1956 jane r. steveris-the keyboard concertos of carl phillipp emanuel bach ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 65-9718), 1965 (viii+301 pp., yale university diss.) " chester fanning smith the master's thesis of leon crickmore appears slightly revised in music & letters (39/4: 227-41 [july 1958]). here the title is altered from that of the original thesis to simply, '''c. p. e. bach's harpsichord. concertos." that such a change in title is possible may give some conception of the nature of the thesis. miss stevens, on the other hand, sets out to discuss all 52 of the concertos and dutifully proceeds from the first to the last. the emphasis of both authors is on the form of the concertos. about to embark upon an analysis of the form of c. p. e. bach's harpsichord concertos, the student who is well aware of the chronology of music history will expect these works to stand somewhere between the baroque concerto and the classical concerto. of course, in a literal sense they do. both authors use this point of view as a basis for their discussions. to what extent, then, is c. p. e. bach, whose father was his only teacher of composition, influenced by the baroque concerto? and to what extent" does his originality, to which haydn and mozart both paid tribute, lead toward the establishment of the classical concerto? the two authors center their interest on the first movements of the harpsichord concertos. each feels that the form of these movements is similar to the form' of the fast movements of a baroque concerto. the ritornello principle, upon which the discussions hinge, should perhaps be briefly stated. torelli presents this principle very clearly in his concertos. the quick 7-c·m. 197 movements consist roughly of two musical phrases, one assigned to the orchestra or tutti, the other to the solo or concertino. the movement is constructed by alternating these two elements, taking them through a series of closely related keys, and then ending the movement with a final tutti in the original key. (j. s. bach's brandenburg concerto no. 2 offers an excellent example of this type of structure.) it is the recurring tutti which provides the term "ritornello principle." the number of ritornellos generally varies from three to five. the modulations within a movement also become highly conventionalized: i-v-(iii ifin a minor mode)-vi-ii-iv-i. depending on the number of ritornellos, ii and iv become optional choices for the composer. c. p. e. bach tends to have four or five ritornellos in the quick movements of the harpsichord concertos. this fact and the use of the solo harpsichord as a continuo instrument in the ritornellos lead miss stevens to conclude that bach is essentially conservative in these works, which span his entire professionallife. the key scheme of an entire movement is not discussed in either of the studies; one wonders at the omission. one does not expect the composer of the amazing clavier-sonaten und freye fantasien, nebst einigen rondos furs fortepiano fur kenner und liebhaber to be conservative in his harmonies! the bold espressivo modulations which one comes to expect from bach as well as the juxtaposition of unexpected keys, are elements of the empfindsamer stil and are found in these concertos as well. the concerto in d minor of 1748, wq. 23, offers some interesting insights into c. p. e. bach's use of harmony, both on the larger structural level and within particular phrases. the structure of the first movement consists of five so-called ritornellos which are separated by accompanied statements from the solo harpsichord. these ritornellos provide the harmonic skeleton of the movement, giving it both scope and direction. it is interesting to see how differently bach plans his harmonic "tour" in comparison with earlieras well as later-composers. instead of the conventionalized scheme stated above, there is the following: i-iv-v (lowered from c-sharp to c major)-i. this intriguing scheme leads one to speculate that bach's search for musical meaning is centered in the harmony rather than in the thematic structure or the repetition of elements. the harmony :.vithin individual phrases can only be· described as extraordinary. one is immediately arrested in the first three measures by· the downward progression i-v6(minor)-vi. the harmony proceeds at the rate of one chord per measure here. in the sixth measure an appoggiatura resolves most unusually by arriving at a different chord on the note of resolution. in this fashion the music is propelled over a regular eighth-note pulsation. frequently bach, like haydn, modulates by bringing the music toa temporary pause and simply starting in the new key. one such interesting example occurs between the 91 st and 92nd measures. in measure 91 the music comes to rest on a six-four chord in g minor. this is directly followed by a dominant to tonic progression in e-flat major. bach makes these more 198 distant harmonies meaningful by cpnstan,tly returning to the tonic, d minor, during the course of the movement. the purpose of this brief discussion of c. p. e. bach's use of harmony is to point out that the harpsichord concertos are actually anything but conservative. miss stevens arrives at the conclusion that they are conservative by analyzing the structure from a thematic standpoint without apparently being very aware of the novel nature inherent in these compositions. miss stevens makes the following statement on page 119 of her thesis: when ... bach introduces a recapitulation into a concerto movement, ... a conflict [italics mine] is produced between the ritornello form and the recapitulation design which is superimposed upon it. the fact that bach worked freely after about 1750 with both this form and the more traditional, non-recapitulatory one is somewhat puzzling; it seems to suggest that he had already moved too far from the traditional ritornello concept to be disturbed by what appears to be a fundamental dichotomy [italics again mine] between these two formal types. i frankly find this statement puzzling, and was heartened by mr. crickmore's interesting comparison ofc. p. e. bach's use of the so-called ritornello form to the textbook definition of concerto form. in one column he lists· the alternating tuttis and solos and compares them in an opposite column to the usual elements of sonata-allegro form: exposition, development, recapitulation. the comment has been made that practically nowhere in c. p. e. bach does one find what can truly be called a development in the usual sense of the term. this type of comparison may therefore be questioned. it is my contention, however, that such a comparison is made valid by bach's harmonic practice. the harmony has a restless quality in most of his music almost from the very start, as in the d minor concerto discussed above. this restlessness tends to give the music the flavor of developing while the thematic outlines remain intact. on the other hand, there seems to be a clear relation between the ritornello form and what miss stevens calls a "recapitulati9n design" : the first and last tuttis are in the same key, and the last substantially recapitulates the first. referring once again to the concerto in d minor, wq. 23, one finds, as in the classical concerto, a clearly stated double exposition. the orchestra states theme i in the tonic and theme ii in its relative major. this part of the exposition is followed by a harmonically exact restatement of both theme i and theme ii with the harpsichord presenting the thematic material in conjunction with the orchestra. here the similarity with concerto form ends. instead of a so-called development section, there are statements of the same material in new keys, until the final orchestral tutti, in the same key as the first tutti, functions in a recapitulatory fashion and rounds out the movement. a development section would have been superfluous in this work, because of the general feeling of harmonic searching which characterizes the movement from the very,beginning. 199 earl mclain owen, jr.-the life and music of supply belcher (1751-1836), ((handel of maine" volume l· text, xvii + 152 pp. volume il' musical supplement, vi + 204 pp. ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 69-4446, 1969. d.m.a., musicology, southern baptist theological seminary diss.) sterling e. murray american studies is a comparatively little-researched region of historical musicology. as with any youthful area of study the often laborious and frustrating task oflaying a basic bibliographical and biographical foundation must be accomplished before more definitive studies can be achieved. dr. owen's dissertation contributes to this growing foundation and, thus, to a developing knowledge of our musical heritage. dr. owen organizes his study in a deductive manner, progressing from an investigation of the composer's life to his musical publications and culminating in a stylistic study of the music. in the introductory remarks of chapter i, dr. owen explains that "on october 22, 1886, an extensive fire in the central district of farmington quite possibly destroyed certain priceless documents such as letters, diaries, singing society records, etc. therefore, it has been necessary that this investigator base his historical research mainly on secondary sources-nineteenth century histories, correspondence with historians and libraries, and recently published books" (p. 1). this is a supposition, which the author does not attempt to justify. it is also "quite possible" that there were no records of any importance relating to supply belcher destroyed in the farmington fire. lack of primary biographical source material is a handicap, but, in spite of this limitation, dr. owen manages to reconstruct the chronological framework of belcher's life and to paint a vivid picture of the composer's relationship to his family and his community. the biographical discussion of chapter ii divides belcher's life into two periods, the first dealing with the composer's early life in massachusetts and the second treating his later years in maine from 1785 to his death in 1836. the first section primarily provides data documenting belcher's early life and his role in the american revolution. of particular interest is the discussion of belcher's musical training and his possible association with the singing school operated by william billings in stoughton, massachusetts, in january of 1774. because it has generally been assumed, though never conclusively established, that billings exerted a strong influence on other early american 102 psalmodists, the definite establishment of a teacher-student relationship between him and one of the other yankee tunesmiths would, indeed, be revealing. ralph daniel, in his study of the new england anthem,1 has, in fact, placed belcher as a student in billings's singing school. dr. owen disproves this statement, however, by providing in an appendix the membership list of that school, a list which does not include the name of supply belcher. in the documentation of belcher's later years, the new england composer emerges as a man concerned with and active in his community. in addition to discussing belcher's role as the local singing master, dr. owen documents the composer's activity as town clerk, representative to the massachusetts legislature (maine having been a part of massachusetts until 1820), town selectman, and justice of the peace. such observations seem especially pertinent to studies of composers whose music was so closely allied to community life. although informative and generally quite readable, this chapter only partially fulfills its professed purpose. in his introductory remarks, dr. owen states that the "task of the second chapter is to establish supply belcher's position in history and to reveal the various roles he and his family played in the development of our cultural heritage" (p. 1). although the author mentions these roles, he fails to relate them to contemporaneous political, economic, and social developments or to place them in a historical framework. the composer's life would have emerged in a broader dimension had these relationships been designated. chapter iii, "supply belcher's musical publications," introduces the reader to the american tunebooks which contain music by the composer, with a brief resume of their printers and compilers. a commentary on the theoretical introduction to the most extensive single collection of belcher's music, the harmony if maine (1794), forms the basis for the greater part of this chapter. dr. owen begins by stating that "supply belcher's extant, published works are located in the following tunebook publications: (1) the harmony of maine, 1794; (2) the worcester collection of sacred harmony, 6th ed., 1797; (3) the hallowell collection if sacred music, 1817; and (4) ancient harmony revived, 2nd ed., 1848" (p. 29). it is unfortunate that dr. owen did not pursue the publication history of belcher's music in order to establish the extent of its popularity and influence. such an investigation would have revealed that belcher's music also appeared in the following collections:2 samuel holyoke, columbian harmony [1802] (st. john's) abraham maxim, northern harmony, 1805, 1808 (hallowell, jubilant, rapture, st. david's new) charles robbins, columbia harmony, 1805 (ordination anthem: hail, thou king of glory, topsham, hymn 98, hymn 116) thomas atwill, new york and vermont collection [1806] (potency) john busnell, musical synopsis, 1807 (emancipation, invitation, protection, plentitude, spring) azariah fobes, delaware harmony, 1809 (lilly, victory) 103 although perhaps not so popular as those of some of his colleagues,3 belcher's tunes enjoyed a much wider circulation than that implied by dr. owen's statement. closer attention to the publication history of belcher's music would have revealed other interesting facts. for example, the fuging-tune appearance is the only tune by belcher to be published before the harmony of maine and represents the earliest printing of a composition by the maine composer. it appeared in two tunebooks in 1788, the worcester collection (2nd edition) and federal harmony (boston: john norman). furthermore, in the latter tunebook the tune is not listed among those being published for the first time. perhaps, norman had the worcester collection in mind, or the publication history of appearance may have begun earlier than 1788. although composer attributions are indicated in the table of contents of both tunebooks, the authorship of appearance is noted as "unknown." the tune retains this anonymous status as late as nehemiah shumway's american harmony, printed in philadelphia just one year before the harmony of maine. in a 1953 checklist of unlocated titles in early american psalmody, allen p. britton and irving lowens listed only one item by belcher, a "celebrated ordination anthem" with "a number of other fuging pieces never before published," printed in 1797 by isaiah thomas and ebenezer t. andrews in boston.4 dr. owen suggests that this may be a reference to the anthem "hail, thou king of glory" and the two fuging-tunes topsham and pittston. this hypothesis is based on the fact that these compositions, grouped together and attributed to belcher, appeared in the sixth edition of the worcester collection in that same year. dr. owen might also have pointed out that these two publications were both announced by the press of thomas and andrews. the subsequent appearance of one of these fuging-tunes and the same anthem eight years later in robbins's columbia harmony may lend additional support to dr. owen's argument. in any case, the consideration of these additional publications would have created a more accurate picture of belcher's music in relation to the entire early american repertory. it was common practice for tunebook composers and compilers to include an exposition of music theory at the beginning of their publications. this introduction was often the work of a different author. such is the case with the introduction to the harmony of maine, which dr. owen identifies as "reproduced verbatim from the worcester collection of sacred harmony (worcester: isaiah thomas, 1786), a tunebook in which isaiah thomas quite probably compiled and edited the music and wrote the musical instructions" (pp. 35-36). his next statement, however, proves to be inaccurate: "in addition to appearing in all eight editions of the worcester collection of sacred harmony and the harmony of maine, these instructions can be found in the boston collection (boston: william norman, c. 1800) and the federal harmony (boston: john norman [1788])" (p. 36). previously in his dissertation, dr. owen pointed out a discrepancy in britton's identification of these same instructions: "britton contradicts himself by indicating that 104 these musical instructions were prepared by oliver holden, originally appearing in holden's union harmony, vol. i (1793). an examination of union harmony, vol. i proves this statement to be incorrect" (p. 36, fn. 18). in his 1963 doctoral study of oliver holden, david w. mccormick clearly establishes that "holden developed or compiled a set of rudiments and instructions for singers for the first edition of union harmony [1793], then revised this material slightly for succeeding editions of that work, and transferred it without change to the parallel edition of the worcester collection. thus, the introductory material of the union harmony, 2d edition [1796], is identical with that of the worcester collection, 6th edition [1797]."5 it appears that the introduction to the worcester collection, editions one through five (1786-1794), also appeared in belcher's harmony of maine, while those of the worcester collection, editions six through eight (1797-1803), under the editorship of holden, were borrowed from the union harmony. the text which follows contains a short commentary and discussion of each sub-heading of these instructions. dr. owen helpfully provides a photoduplication of the original text, which he urges the reader to study before reading his commentary. the ensuing discussion, which clarifies various points of that text, demonstrates a thorough understanding of the early american idiom. some minor errors do, however, intrude. for example, hans gram did not "come to america from germany" (p. 39). gram was born in copenhagen in 1756 and reached the united states only in 1785 by way of the danish west indies.6 also, in the discussion of "the various moods of time used in psalmody" a table of metronomic equivalents is reproduced (table ii, p. 44), without indication of its derivation.7 one of the most surprising aspects of this chapter is the lack of importance attached to the original character of the harmony oj maine. there would be little argument with the statement that "the great majority of tunebooks published during this period are made up of various composers' music and do not constitute the efforts of only one person" (p. 34). but this would seem to provide all the more reason to draw attention to similar ventures which predated belcher's collection, such as daniel read's the american singing book (1785), jacob french's new american harmony (1789), abraham wood's divine songs (1789), samuel holyoke's harmonia americana (1791), oliver holden's american harmony (1792), jacob kimball's rural harmony (1793), and all of billings's tune books, with the exception of music in miniature (1799). while this group is small, it does encompass some of the most influential collections of 18th-century american psalmody. the discussion of "stylistic observations" in chapter iv is "based upon the following aspects: (1) general observations (texture, form, instrumental passages, key signature, time signature, tune names, the possible use of parody technique) ; (2) melody; (3) harmony; (4) text" (p. 2). although this organization, strongly reminiscent of the fourth chapter of mccormick's dissertation, is generally successful, there are portions of the text which, it seems, could be more effective if combined or redistributed.8 105 the author provides a sound and thorough analysis of belcher's style, progressing from general observations to more detailed investigations. he is always careful to support his analytical remarks with musical examples, cross-referenced by footnotes to the musical supplement in volume two. such a system presents both advantages and disadvantages; while it is certainly more convenient for the author to copy the music only once and it is more economical to include the music in its complete form in a supplement, the need to refer to a separate volume when checking analytical statements against the music is a definite inconvenience, one that is particularly cumbersome when reading the dissertation on microfilm. most of the stylistic discussion benefits from the organization and presentation of material, but in several places confusion arises. for example, the fuging-tune is discussed in terms of texture, while the anthem and plain tune are relegated to the domain of form. the author never clearly states whether he considers the fuging-tune a formal type or an aspect of textural variety. this ambiguity is apparent in the statement, "twenty-four of belcher's tunes are fuging in form and texture. although some deviate from the strictest definition of a fuging-tune, they all are sectionalized and contain some sort of imitation in the second section of the tune" (p. 55). this inconsistency in terminology carries over into the discussion ofform, where the fuging-tune is ignored and the formal analysis restricted to those compositions which are "through-composed, each textual phrase being set to different music" (p. 61). dr. owen places psalm and hymn tunes, as well as anthems, into this classification. even though most plain tunes have no phrase repetition within the setting of a single stanza, they are intended to be sung strophically to several stanzas of text. the reader could easily miss the point of the plain tune's strophic organization when it is classified with the truly through-composed anthem. a less confusing classification might base formal considerations on the relationship between the text and the music, and divide the compositions into fuging-tunes, plain tunes (without musical or textual phrase repetition), tunes with extension (with musical and textual phrase repetition), and anthems (set to a prose text in a through-composed manner).9 the author discusses rhythm as an aspect of melody and concentrates on the deployment of rhythm as an organizational factor. it might have been more helpful if the topics of "rhythmic pattern" and "melodic unity" had been united and grouped under the common heading of phrasing. for convenient reference, at the end of the sections on general observations, melody, and harmony, the author provides a capsule summary of that section's salient points. the discussion of belcher's texts concentrates on a description of the meter and rhyme schemes employed. possibly the most helpful aspect of dr. owen's research on these psalm and hymn texts is presented in chart form in appendix], where the texts are indexed by first line with an indication of meter and origin. the sizeable bibliography is cast in a practical format of books ; periodicals; 106 tune books, anthologies, psalters, hymnbooks; unpublished dissertations; and other sources (including personal letters and newspaper clippings). the musical transcriptions of volume two are drawn from the three tunebooks mentioned in chapter iii and include all of belcher's extant music. editorial emendations are kept to a minimum, and the music is copied neatly and accompanied by "a piano reduction for rehearsal purposes" (p. 2). one aspect of this study demands further comment. in his introduction, dr. owen states that one of his objectives is "to determine the reason for belcher's having been given the title 'handel of maine'" (p. 1). the only stylistic reference to handel which follows occurs on page 70: "it is likely that belcher's admirers dubbed him 'handel of maine' because of his usage of very florid and ornate passages." this conjecture seems naive. this title was first applied to belcher by the editor of a newspaper in a small new england town. lo it was then passed on by metcalf, who probably overestimated its importance. in all probability the name of handel, commonly encountered in literary magazines of the period, was a convenient epithet to symbolize the idea of a famous composer. it seems doubtful that any stylistic analogy was intended. it might have been helpful, however, if dr. owen had traced some references to handel in contemporaneous newspapers, magazines, concert programs, and tunebooks. some research has been done in this field already.l1 dr. owen's admirable study, nonetheless, has shed some light on another dim corner of american musical historiography and is a welcome addition to the growing standard bibliography of early american psalmody. notes 1 ralph t. daniel, the anthem in new england biforel800 (evanston, illinois, 1966), p. 136. 2 these tunebooks were drawn from an unpublished index compiled by richard a. crawford. the reviewer would like to take this opportunity to thank dr. crawford for allowing him to quote from this index. names of tunes are placed in upper case letters throughout this paper. 3 as an adjunct study to his index, dr. crawford has compiled a list of the 100 most frequently published tunes. forty-four of them are by native american composers, but belcher is not represented. see dr. crawford's contribution to notes (june, 1971). 4 allen p. britton and irving lowens, "unlocated titles in early sacred american music," notes, series 2 (1953) ii :36. this reference is taken from an advertisement in an 18th-century american newspaper quoted in evans's american bibliography. dr. owen reproduces this advertisement in his study. 5 david wilfred mccormick, "oliver holden, composer and anthologist," (unpublished s.m.d. dissertation, union theological seminary in the city of new york, 1963), p. 238. 6 ibid., pp. 74-82. 7 the chart appears to be derived from a much earlier tunebook, william billings's singing master's assistant (boston, 1778), as transmitted in hans nathan's introduction to the facsimile edition of billings's continental harmony (cambridge, massachusetts, 1961), p. xi. b dr. owen uses a stylistic matrix based on traditional methods of analysis, which, as with similar analyses of other primitive styles, are not always applicable to early american psalmody. 9 see richard a. crawford, andrew law, american psalmodist (evanston, illinois, 1968),p. 16. 107 10 according to dr. owen, the title "the handell [sic] of maine" first appeared in the may 10, 1796, edition of the tocsin, a hallowell, maine, newspaper. this reference is reproduced in full in appendix h. 11 ralph t. daniel, "handel publications in 18th-century america," the musical quarterly (1959) 45:168--74, essentially a reprint of the information in daniel's ph.d. dissertation, "the anthem in new england before 1800," which was published in 1966 by northwestern university press; and virginia larkin redway, "handel in colonial and post-colonial america," the musical quarterly (1935) 21 :190-207. dr. owen does not mention either of these articles in his bibliography. terence william bailey-the ceremonies and chants oj the processions oj the western church: with particular attention to the practice oj the cathedral church oj salisbury ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 69-1142, 1968. 340 pp. text, 33 pp. music, university of washington diss.) charlotte roederer "this dissertation proposes to describe and study the ceremonies and chants of the processions of the western church" (p. 1). with this brief introductory statement dr. bailey has proposed an enormous task. the processional repertory is large and diverse, properties which make it an interesting but difficult study. it includes chants which range in style from reciting tone invocations of rogation days to elaborate antiphons of major feasts, antiphons which rival many office responsories in size and complexity. also included are numerous office chants which double as processional pieces. it is a formidable repertory indeed. perhaps this is why it has been largely avoided by musicologists despite its importance long acknowledged by students of the medieval carol, the conductus, early polyphony, and liturgical drama. dr. bailey wisely singles out one particular practice for special consideration in part i, that of salisbury cathedral, the sarum rite, because, as he explains, "the sarum use was not only universally admired, it was perhaps the most widespread of any ... " (p. 1). furthermore, "sarum was to have a greater influence in the matter of liturgical customs than any other single church in europe" (p. 2). also recommending the sarum rite "for a study intended to treat the processions in a context larger than the local ... is (the fact) that the sarum customs ... were written up ... in such a way as to be general in their application" (p. 3). finally, the sources are plentiful. "there are more than twenty manuscript sarum processionals, or fragments, and at least twenty-five printed editions" (p. 14). 108 it teatro alta or a sofe and easy method oj producing baroque operas according to modern practice kenneth cooper it has often been maintained that baroque opera (whatever that catch-all term may include) is dramatically dull, literarily inane, socially ridiculous, and musically uneven, if not stagnant. if most revivals of baroque opera have led us to believe this, we must blame inadequate understanding of what the drama, character, and music really mean in this genre as well as inadequate liaison among the so-called experts in these areas. i have a strange suspicion that many people who have enjoyed seeing certain baroque operas on the stage have secretly harbored reservations as to whether the experience really compared in dramatic persuasion to carmen or the marriage of figaro, or to whether the theatrical approach helped or hindered "the music." it seems to me that now, when musicologists are able and ready to provide information and scores, and enlightened musical directors are interested in unusual stage works, it is time that a search be made for stage directors who can understand the musical and characterizational aspects of the unique, but in a way universal, aesthetic of this particular genre. i think the first step is to clear up some apprehensions and misunderstandings, and the second step is to make some positive suggestions about how to go about bringing these works to life. baroque operas (which to my mind, include any dramatic work written between 1600 and 1789 regardless of subject matter or stageability) were conceived and executed for many different purposes during the 17th and 18th centuries. they were performed, for example, at cou:rt, in public opera houses, in the street, the. church,and in concert. they were done with much dramatic action, little dramatic action, or no dramatic action; much costume and machinery, little, or none; a large orchestra, medium, or small; recitative, spoken dialogue, or chant; one language consistently or several mixed (arias in italian and recitatives in the vernacular, for instance); sexual verisimilitude in casting and costuming or not, etc. the demands of such an occasion mayor may. not have been a blessirig to the particular work, but in any case a specific composer's procedures in such circumstances enlighten us as to the relationship of an opera 65 with its functions, social or otherwise. in short, there was an enormous variety in types of works produced. it is clear that the specific;: conditions under which an opera was composed and produced were not the only ones under which it could be performed. when successful works were revived, very often the circumstances were different and basic changes had to be made. (most often, composers adapted to the occasion by writing a new opera.) for example, handel's acis and galatea (an opera in the inclusive sense) was written c. 1718 for an aristocrat's small stage, small forces, and possibly literary-minded audience. when handel revived the work in 1732 he re-thought the relationship of the score to the occasion because his purpose was now a different one-he had a public to attract, a competitor to outdo, a budget to cover, and a new cast to suit. the reason these factors led handel to compose italian arias for this english opera is not hard to imagine. perhaps if his cast had been the same, or the money not an object, or any other circumstance different, handel would not have added or subtracted this or that. handel created (or re-created) a theatrical piece for a certain occasion. each production was newly thought out-no old arias were used if singers were no longer available to sing them, no italian language was used if an audience expected drama in english, and no staging was used if it was considered inappropriate. in the case of acis, there is no question in my mind that the original version was better, but this was not always the case. since composers revived and revised old works for new purposes, we nowadays can take the liberty of doing the same (as in fact w.e cannot help doing), only making sure that we also make the work suitable to the new purpose. there are operatic effects that are lost in concert, such as damon offering polyphemus a drink (in acis and galatea),l oratorios that become distorted in church, such as israel in egypt or messiah, and church works that are dimmed in concert, such as monteverdi's vespers or the masses of mozart and haydn. (in reference to the latter, it must be emphasized that a 20th-century concert hall may be truer to the original in atmosphere and acoustics than a 19thor 20th-century church.) but all these are possible with a change of emphasis here and there, and the deciding factor will be the work's "eternal charm," that is, its aspects which are worth reviving. in order to grasp a work's possibilities we must 66 understand the exigencies of its creation and its first performances -in short, the composer's purpose for turning out the workand seek out the reasons why handel did not stage semele and susanna, not only that he did not do it. by any high theatrical standards (regardless of the aesthetic), there is not much point in presenting a purely "vocal" opera, one with almost no action or characterization masquerading as a recreation of baroque aesthetics, when in fact it often lacks italian diction (nottto speak of voice production), it lacks the castrato voice, anqit lacks most urgently the directorship of a handel or a sca&latti or a monteverdi. our audience is as interested in theater as any ever was and will accept spirit more of letter, although vf!!ry often the latter is of crucial importance. i firmly belie.ve .,t,5'at english and french audiences, for example, were al!o nterested in good theater, and they knew quite well what it was. i question whether all acting was stylized in the 18th century. perhaps it was where competent stage direction was lacking, which may well have been the case in many opera houses; perhaps also certain "bejewelled eunuchs" held the clamp on sensitive staging. but consider stylizing shakespeare: an 18th-century director may well have fallen in with the fashion, and probably have rewritten some sections as well-but it is inconceivable that shakespeare's men and women (no matter what the sex of actor) could have been lost in the shuffle. so that if handel did not go to the trouble of seeing that alcina became a real "acting" person on stage (which is not at all certain), we do know he created that person realistically in the music and through the words and expected that to suffice for the occasion. is the modern director to stylize alcina because it was fashionable in the 18th century? of course not. alcina must live for our audience as she mayor may not have lived in the 18th century. if a baroque opera is to come to theatrical life, the music and stage directors must believe that that is possible. they must be convinced of the credibility of the characters as expressed by the words, costumes, actions, and music. not all ofthese aspects need be the focus of attention all the time-in baroque opera, the music often indicates to us that a character is soliloquizing, or that his character is being psychologically revealed to us. a stage director shoujd not compulsively create "action" here, but 3+ c•m • 67 merely credibility. the endless series of arias in baroque opera must be faced and dealt with positively, rather than apologized for with stylization, over-action, or no action. v eryoften subtle or obvious analogy is involved, which action or gesture can help or hinder. ", ' all musical aspects of the be in line with the characterization in the drama. this \j.ncludes voice-range, orchestration, continuo-realization, aria 'i_ornamentation, cadenzas, tempi, relative dynamics, etc. thj',slightest change of anything affects to a greater or lesser extent iili}e character of the piece and of the protagonist. obviously, there' no such thing as the "right" solution to some of these must be worked out between music director and singer and composer. if the latter is unavailable his best sense must be represented. i believe that carries weight in instrumental music as well, although it given a personal aspect. the entire dramatic production must be focused at and directed to a specific audience (however disparate) by a specific cast in a specific hall. there is no "ideal size" handel orchestra, for example-this is a function of many factors. nor are there rules about those necessary cuts, except that everything performed must be in character. composers often protected themselves against emergencies by writing extra arias of different characters-the selection to be made at the time of performance. one thing can be said categorically, however: no audience (with a few stellar exceptions) truly understands a theatrical production in a foreign language, and the pretence that the work is not literary, but only musical, dismisses the notion of living theater immediately from the listener's mind. perhaps in some cases it makes better sense to have italian artists singing in italian, or french artists singing in french, but english-speaking artists must sing to english-speaking audiences in english, if understanding is crucial. if audiences are interested in conflicts between people, in real people and real situations, in credible or somehow enlightening stories or in humorous chaos (i simplify), it seems to me that we should be seeing more poppea's, giuditta's, and susanna's, and fewer guilio cesare's and lucio silla's. this choice is within the province of the music director, and he must realize that a role with character is much more persuasive than a role without it, whether sung by joan sutherland or not. there 68 are many fine singers now who can sing this difficult music, but not if the audience's entire attention is focused on their vocal cords. now it would. seem that i am advocating complete freedom on the directors' parts to do with any opera as they will. truebut the crushing facts are these: first, that handel, scarlatti, and other men of genius knew more about all the details of musical theater than most of us do now, so that their judgment and taste (sketched in their scores for us to ponder) should be appropriately respected; second, that the combined good tastes of directors and performers will result in an exciting performance, whereas anyone's poor taste will spoil it. that indefinable quality taste is the governing quality that all musical treatises dismiss with pleasure-it is learned only from those that have it. these two humbling notions rear their heads the moment a director chooses to remove a note, a few measures, or a whole piece; to write an ornament, a series of diminutions, or a cadenza; to change a dynamic, instrument, or tempo, or to realize a continuo part. the director must be prepared to indulge in all these activities as if he were the composer. finally, i would like to encourage groups at universities to help themselves to the baroque opera literature (as some have already), as a possible supplement to gilbert and sullivan. perhaps some exchanges can be worked out between universities. staging techniques used in g & s productions are a better start than the very formal attempts at stylization made by some of our larger opera houses, who, of course, have been astonished by the success of these operas. perhaps their astonishment would be increased if the works were tastefully performed, credibly staged, and sung in eriglish! but much can be done with student forces and imaginative direction. iffunds are lacking, perhaps acis and galatea should be done rather than semele: shepherds may have simple costumes but apollo cannot descend from a cheap cloud. it is possible to do an opera with twenty people, if heed be, but those that involve a chorus might be the most successful at a university. columbia-barnard's recent production of susanna, performed in honor of dr. lang, proved among other things that for a well-known title, the music substance were both new and overwhelming. the work has a huge range of emotional activity, from the ultra-religious to thc bawdy, from the real to the incredible, from the young to the aged. ali characters can i69 become alive if they are believed to be alive. there· are grounds for omitting the part of chelsias, susanna's father, among them the fact that handel did. but he can become an additional comment about age in the drama, as well as a person whom one would expect to meet in that company. the work, like many which are based on biblical stories (this one is apocryphal), has very distinct relevance for our time-the questions of sexual desires in old men, judicial corruption, fickle crowds, and female safety are still very much with us. and we quickly recognize the boy daniel, standing up for susanna andjustice, being "putin his place" by the authority of the elders. the song "tis not age's sullen face, front and solemn pace that the truly wise declares" needs no further interpretation today. but although the wicked old men are led to death at the end, we are sorry for them because handel has created rich, personal, real music for them which we cannot forget. the "crocodile" air sung by the first elder when susanna is condemned to death resembles mozart's "deh' vieni non tardar" (figaro) in that the original comic intention of the character is sharply contradicted by the deep feeling and serious intent of the music, so that we are left with mixed feelings-as we would be about any human being. handel's susanna is especially rich in this particular subtlety of characterization, but many operas contain these elements inherently if one is sensitive to them. the music is a constant indication of this, whereas the text may be flat and the theatrical indications, particularly with regard to character, almost nonexistent. apropos of the latter, character may often be enriched by consulting source material, such as biblical or greek mythology, or other uses of the story. one need be tasteful, though-handel (and his librettist) deliberately omitted any reference to susanna's four (or six) children! all too often, beaumarchais' characterizations are ignored when mozart's figaro is staged (obviously they are only a clue, also). the texts all too often are dismissed as doggerel and regarded as blemishes to otherwise fine works. the anonymous text of susanna almost dissuaded me from producing the work. but it turned out to be an extr;::!'!1ely clever text, and the consistent condemnation it has received can only be attributed to the fact that it has been read and recited, rather than sung and listened to. i would like to give one specific example of "applied" musi70 cology, or performance practice, as it is called by musicologists. the problem of the "da capo" is not always easy to solve, despite my own forewarning to deal with it positively. handel very often abridged them, and sometimes left his singer with the final line of b-text rather than a-text.2 occasionally handel allowed his singer to end in a foreign key in order to follow up the b-section with the next action.3 in susanna, in several cases, the ritornelli after the b-sections are long and final (ending in the tonic) and the action continues naturally afterwards, without any "da capo."4 in these cases we did not feel that a repeat of the a-section (ornamented or not) would aid the piece in any way, except perhaps in symmetry, and i believe that this notion was gradually losing popularity at that time, particularly in comic opera. moreover, i think the ritornelli were made long and final to permit handel to cut the :'da capo's" in performance if he felt it necessary to do so. in "guilt trembling" (no. 37), however, the da capo is motivated by the all-too-iate return of joachim, and susanna has all the reason in the world to repeat her story to him-with a few embellishments, of course. notably, this ritornello (bridging the end ofb with the beginning of a) strikes up the a mood directly, and does not make either a gradual connection or a possible ending. i must emphasize that the da capo's should be sung if possible and if effective; if not then the following priorities: decorate it (in character), shorten it (a la handel), omit it, and finally, if all else fails, omit the aria. except under rare circumstances, omitting a b-section will produce a poetic and musical oddity. doing this is equivalent to saying "the play's the thing" without "wherein i'll catch the conscience of the king." perhaps, too, this is the moment to frown on long cadenzas that use more than one breath (cf. quantz's rule), on scales and arpeggios introduced without regard to style or character, on endlessly held 'cello notes in recitatives (they indicate duration of harmony, not duration of note, cf. caccini), on distracting harpsichord improvisations (not to be confused with interesting ones), on breaths taken in the middle of words (which usually means that the aria is being sung too slowly), on cadences left devoid of even the simplest decoration when needed, on french overtures played mechanically, unmelodically, and too slow, and, most of all, on meaningless repeats, which are as boring as a person who always repeats what he said exactly the same way. any of these failings are acceptable 71 now and then when in character, but usually result in annoying the listener, whether he knows it or not. i will be happy if some of these ideas and provocations spur more productions of baroque operas from all points of view, just as lionel tertis once cheered a reviewer who had given him a poor review with the words, "it was the most wonderful piece of publicity for the viola: in it, you mentioned the viola at least thirty times ..•. " notes 1 this is a detail mentioned in homer and, i think, understood by handel as being part of the action. greek, romani and biblical sources often supply such details not specified in the score. 2 "0 had i jubal's lyre" from joshua. 3 "let the bright seraphim" from samson, or "why do the nations" from messiah. 4 "the torrent" (no. 21), "if guiltless blood" (no. 23), and "blooming as the face of spring" (no. 19). . 72 einem tiefen, schwer erforschten grund ruhe, auch von diesem immer schwer auszusprechenden grunde das mogliche mit heraufzunehmen trachte."22) diese grundlichkeit ist mit der "grundlichkeit religioser musik" bei bach verwandt. man mub nicht goethe und sein zeitalter uberspringen, urn bach zu verstehen. haben jene musiker und denker in jeder hinsicht weniger von ihm gewubt als wir, denen aile hinterlassenen werke bachs in gesamtausgaben zur verfugung stehen? bach's place in the world-view of the goethe era bach's presence in the consciousness of a cultural elite cannot be ascribed to a period so remote as his own lifetime or so late as 1829; in fact it date.s from abq,ut 1800. "the revolving wheel of fortune," says friedrich rochlitz, "on which sebastian bach, the revered father, had for a while been very low, brought him up again-up to the highest point, indeed, albeit for a brief moment. that moment occurred about the year 1800." the same important writer, whom goethe knew and valued highly, later declares that "so many penetrating, true, and worthwhile writings" have appeared concerning bach "that even those persons who do not occupy themselves with him and his works must needs possess at least the outlines of both in their minds." 1 in 1811 hans georg nageli calls bach the "greatest of all composers."2 forkel judges him "the prime classic."3 goethe, in a letter to zelter, uses an expression mainly applicable to the head of an order like that of the freemasons: "your grand master."4 a. b. marx, in 1828, is exuberant in his praise of the st. matthew passion, "the greatest work of our greatest master, the greatest and holiest work in the music of all nations."5 e. t. a. hoffmann speaks ofthat "powerful genius, sebastian bach,"6 and hegel of his "magnificent .•• geniality [genialitiit]."7 he was compared to durer and michelangelo, shakespeare and newton, dante and homer. goethe's era saw him primarily within the context of an aesthetic world-view, not, as does historicism, withintl1.at of a detailed historical conception. he was considered it! classical representative of significant ideas. thus k. c. f. dause, the original philosopher whose spanish adherents made trend known as "krausismo," calls him "a splendid example and model offree and bold part-writing."8 178 schubart characterizes bach as "original,"9 goethe as "fundamentally original,"l0 an epithet suggestive of characteristic personal traits and independence, as well as of innovative creativeness. "one comes upon such bold modulations," says schubart, "so grand a harmony, such novel melodic passages, that it is impossible not 'to recognize the original genius of a bach."loa "original" also contains the idea of primordialism, of derivation from sources more universal than historical influences and fashions. the concept of "linear counterpoint" iii bach was current already then. forkel points to the "interweaving of several melodies, all of which are so singable that each can, and actually does, appear in the uppermost part."ll rochlitz stresses that with bach "each part is treated freely (is 'real,' as they say) and melodiously, each, as it were, sings its own song; yet in the aggregate they,form a single, tightly-knit whole."12 carl maria von weber says, "the greatness of his works, as regards harmony, springs from the adroitness of his mental powers" which enable him to link together the most contradictory melodic lines into a unified whole."13 thoughts such as these were articulated by musical experts and expatiated upon by universal thinkers. thus bach was extolled for having combined freedom in the single parts with harmonic cohesion and by the same token freedom of artistic imagination with the logical consistency of harmony. rochlitz underlines that "in bach's most perfect works everything seems inevitable (as if it could not be fashioned otherwise without harming the whole) and at the same time free (each component seemingly self-determined)."14 hegel carries the thought further. he begins by observing that in bach's compositions "different melodies are [often] harmonically intertwined, so that the juncture of specific notes in these melodies always" produces a chord. when this is the procedure, he goes on to say, deeper music ought not to. dwell at length on consonances. "on the contrary, it ought to break up the simple initial concord into dissonances. the boldness of the musical composition abandons merely consonant progressions, moves forward to antitheses, calls forth the strongest contradictions and dissonances, and displays its own might while unearthing all the forces of harmony, whose conflicts it is then just as sure of allaying, thus celebrating the satisfying victory of melodic reconciliation. it is a struggle 179 between freedom and necessity: a struggle between the imagination's freedom to abandon itself to its own sway and the necessity of those harmonic relationships which it requires for its expression and in which lies its own signlficance."15 what later composers were to admire in bach was to some extent already formulated in goethe's time. schumann emphasized his "deeply combinative" quality; but rochlitz anticipates him when he points to bach's "profound combinative gift,"16 an expression allusive not only to the combination of parts in harmonic polyphony but to that of rhythms, of chords, of closely related and distant keys. bach was honored for his pure music, as against music clouded over with sentiment or programmatic cqntent; pure music was also differentiated from music that stressed national styles and tended to self-portrayal. with bach, says zelter, "it is all music, and nothing else; not german, not italian, simply music."17 it is misleading to assume that the romantic period's relation to music was always characterized by a surrender to feeling and a rejection of intellect. connoisseurs realized even then that ingenious music, such as bach's fugues, required intelligent listening. rochlitz is quite emphatic when he says, "his works mean very little to the man who prefers to think while enjoying art; he will never absorb, let alone discover, their essence and excellence .... most of all, [bach] stimulates and engages the intellect. not," he adds, "the cold and dry but the lively, susceptible, penetrating intellect."18 empty, meaningless music, according to hegel, cannot be considered art, for it lacks a principal aspect of all art: content and expression.i8a the purely musical structure of a work rises to the level of true art only through the "spirit inherent in its architecture."18b to have "spirit," here, is to be not only ingenious and plein d'esprit, but spiritoso as well. e. t. a. hoffmann points to the "spirit" in bach's manner of composing variations,19 surely with particular reference to the goldberg variations. . at the time, it was a fundamental concept that, while sculpture had reached its greatest perfection and meaningfulness during greek antiquity, music had only done so in the modern period of western civilization. "sculpture," says hegel, "reaches its highest pinnacle at the hands of the greeks and romans in the ;,tncient world, just as do painting and music in more recent times at the hands of the christian peoples."19a he goes on to say that 180 only western christianity, and no other epoch or culture, had developed a "fundamental sacred music." in this context "fundamental" implies substantive solidity (as when one speaks of a fundamental scientific treatise) as well as penetration into the depths of the soul and the appropriate expression of what lies there. "this fundamental sacred music," says hegel, "is among the deepest and most effective products art can bring forth."19b in hegel's world-view, therefore, it occupies the same high rank as the sculpture of phidias, the poetry of dante, the drama of shakespeare. which masters and which works of sacred music did hegel have in mind? first, the great tradition of catholic liturgical music, whose central figure, as it appeared at this time, was palestrina. but then he points out that the protestants, too, created such music: works having "great depth of religious feeling as well as musical substance, abundant in inventiveness and craftsmanship; as for example, above all others, sebastian bath, a master whose magnificent, genuinely protestant, vigorous yet at the same time erudite geniality [genialitiit] has only recently begun to be fully appreciated again."19c elsewhere i have offered an interpretation of goethe's most famous dictum on bach, made in 1827.20 the conception of eternal harmony in the cosmos and before the creation goes back to old traditions, especially to kepler's harmonice mundi (1619), a book that also influenced bach by way of werckmeister. athanasius kircher spoke of the harmonia nascientis mundi; god had created the world as a monumental world-organ.21 goethe described himself as a mystic in his old age; but he never blurred the boundaries separating the knowledge that comes of experience from rapturous mysticism. "it makes a great difference .•• , whether, when clarity no longer suits me, i endeavor to wrap myself in a certain obscurity, or whether, convinced that clarity is based in deep, recondite ground, i endeavor to evoke whatever i can from that ground, which in any case is all but ineffable."22 this fundamentality is related to the "fundamental sacred music" of bach. one must not skip over goethe and his era in order to understand bach. did those musicians and thinkers know so much less about him, in every respect, than do we, who have at our disposal complete editions of all his extant works? (translated by piero weiss) 181 notes 1 allgemeine musikalische zeitung (4mz) (1831) 33:265; also wegez;u bach edited by j. miiller-blattau (augsburg, 1926), p. 27. 2 amz (1811) 13:662. 3 j. n. forkel, ober johann sebastian bachs leben, kunst und kunstwerke edited by j. mi.i1ler-blattau (kassel, 1950), p. 13. 4 goethe, briefentwurf of june 21, 1827. [, berliner allgemeine musikz;eitung (1828) 5: 13if.; also m. geck, die widerentdeckung der matthiiuspassion im 19. jahrhundert (regensburg, 1967), p. 23. 6 e. t. a. hoffmann, musikalische novellen und au/siitze edited by e. istel, vol. 1 (regensburg, n.d.), p. 91. . 7 g. w. f. hegel, asthetik (berlin, 1955), p. 859. b g. schurda, a'sthetik und musiktheorie des philosophen karl ehr. fr. krause (miinster, 1932), p. 180. 9 c. d. f. schubart, ideen zu einer a'sthetik der tonkunst (vienna, 1806). 10 goethe, letter of april 22, 1827. loa op. cit., p. 100. 11 op. cit., p. 41 12 amz (1803) 5:516; wege zu bach, p. 14. 13 c. m. von weber, siimtliche sehri/ten edited by g. kaiser (berlin and leipzig, 1908), p. 342. 14 amz (1803) 5:514-15. 10 op. cit., p. 844. 16 amz (1831) 33:265ff.; wege zu bach, p. 47. 17 zelter, letter of april 8, 1827. ' 18 amz (1803) 5:509ff.; wege zu bach, p. 9ff. 18a hegel, op. cit., p. 817. 18b ibid., p. 803. 19 e. t. a. hoffmann, sehri/ten zur musik (munich, 1963), p. 251. 19a hegel, op. cit., p. 882. 19b ibid., p. 859. 1ge ibid., p. 859. 20 w. wiora, "goethes wort iiber bach," hans albrecht in memoriam (kassel, 1962), p. 179. 21 r. dammann, der musikbegriffim deutschen barock (cologne, 1967), p. 416. 22 goethe, "zur morpho1ogie," weimar edition 11/6, p. 354. 182 1 porgy and miles* by mark tucker miles davis traced his rising fame in the 1950s to changes taking place in society. "there was a new mood coming into the country," he stated in his autobiography. "black and white people were starting to get together, and in the music world uncle tom images were on their way out." describing himself as a "nonconformist"-"cool and hip and angry and sophisticated and ultra clean"-davis identified with others in that period who were breaking barriers and challenging authority: martin luther king leading the montgomery bus boycott, marian anderson appearing as the first black singer at the metropolitan opera, marlon brando and james dean gaining popularity as actors by portraying rebels (davis 1989:197-98). davis's bold, brash persona earned him a special degree of respect from black americans. writer amiri baraka considered the trum­ peter his "ultimate culture hero," someone who embodied "a black atti­ tude that had grown steadily more ubiquitous in the 1950s-defiance" (baraka 1996:41, 48). given davis's affiliation, first with a group of postwar jazz musicians carving out a new identity for black artists, then with a larger movement engaged in transforming the nation's cultural and political landscape (in­ cluding the beats, civil rights activists, abstract expressionists, and oth­ ers), it is remarkable that in 1958 he teamed up with arranger gil evans to record an album devoted to porgy and bess. ever since its premiere, the opera by the gershwins and heyward had sparked controversy and caused mrican americans to speak out in protest. in 1935 duke ellington said porgy and bess was not "true to and of the life of the people it depicted" (quoted in morrow 1993: 117). in the sixties harold cruse excoriated it as "the most perfect symbol of the negro creative artist's cultural denial, degradation, exclusion, exploitation and acceptance of white paternalism" (cruse 1967:103). unpredictable though davis may have been, it is hard to think of him undertaking a project more at odds with his rebellious im­ age and militant sensibility than a rendition of gershwin's "folk opera" de­ picting working-class mrican americans in charleston, south carolina. yet far from an artistic misstep, porgy and bess became one of the most successful albums of davis's career. widely admired by critics and fans, it current musicology. nos. 71-73 (spring 20dl-spring 2002) © 2002 by the trustees of columbia university in the city of new york 14 current musicology occupies a lofty position in the canon of recorded jazz. critic tom piazza (1995: 179) calls it "as beautiful and integrated a jazz album as you will ever hear." historian wilfrid mellers (1987:355) proclaims it "the most distinguished music that has as yet been created through the ... merging of the traditions of jazz, pop, and art music." one of the album's tracks, "summertime," has gained masterpiece status through its appearance on the smithsonian collection of classic jazz. music from the davis-evans porgy and bess has been performed by jazz repertory orchestras and chore­ ographed for dancers. listening to the recording today, it's easy to understand both its initial popularity and long-term appeal. gil evans's orchestrations envelop the trumpeter's spare, plaintive solos with a gorgeous tapestry of sound. gershwin's melodies take on new colors and shapes in this environment­ as though familiar garden flowers had undergone exotic mutation after being transplanted to the soil of another planet. the album does not simply offer up jazz-flavored interpretations of selected tunes but delivers a thorough and cohesive reimagining of gershwin's score, with careful at­ tention to structure, pacing, continuity, and shifts in mood. some writers, in fact, have discussed the lp as a large-scale jazz composition in its own right; baraka (1997:71) refers to it as a "symphonic tone poem." one striking quality that permeates the album is ambiguity: it's not clear to the listener whether davis and evans are retelling the opera's story of love and loss on catfish row or spinning a different tale alto­ gether, offering views of their own lives and times in late-1950s america. partly, the ambiguity results from the instrumental performance of a texted vocal work; removing the words puts distance between the jazz re­ composition and the opera's original setting and plot. having davis serve as principal soloist throughout-performing numbers sung by characters both female and male, both leads and secondary roles-further enhances the vagueness of the presentation. in the strawberry woman's song, for example, is davis channeling the voice of the street vendor? he apparently thought so, saying that if you lis­ tened to his version of her cry, "you know what's going on. you hear that old strawberry-seller yellin' out strawberries" (quoted in carr 1982:102). critic gary giddins, though, cites the piece as evidence of the trumpeter's heightened self-consciousness, the deliberately cracked notes revealing signs of "narcissism" (1997:222). wilfrid mellers hears it as something alto­ gether different: a "lovely blue lullaby, poetic in sonority, sleepy in rhythm" (987:356). so what is the subject of the strawberry woman's song? does davis transport the listener to catfish row, to some interior psychological realm, or to the hazy borderland at the edge of slumber? in a way, the ambiguity enhances the music's appeal, giving it a multivalence missing from the opera's folkloric naturalism. mark tucker 15 one critic who has noted the album's elusive locus of meaning is amiri baraka, who hears the music produced by davis and evans as having an al­ luring yet unreal quality. "miles's horn itself is so beautiful," baraka writes, "except there is a feeling in us that maybe all of this is a dream. a film. an invisible pageant of feeling." porgy and bess, he concludes, is "great movie music" (baraka 1996:71). i'll return to baraka presently, for i believe he comes closer than any writer to grasping the essence of the davis-evans collaboration. for now, his inspired comparison of porgy and bess to "movie music" serves as a starting point for understanding how this intriguing album came to be. * * * the davis-evans porgy and bess was one of many jazz and pop recordings from the late fifties that sought to capitalize on interest in the film pro­ duced by samuel goldwyn, directed by otto preminger, and starring sidney poitier, dorothy dandridge, and sammy davis, jr. though goldwyn announced he had acquired rights to the film as early as 1957, it was not completed and released until july of 1959. a list of selected jazz treatments of porgy and bess (see table 1) reveals that 1959 was the year many of these recordings were issued, timed to coincide with the distribu­ tion of the film.l most of these albums simply took the best-known num­ bers from the opera and recast them with new arrangements and impro­ vised solos. one of them, porgy and bess revisited, was more unusual, with each character in the drama portrayed by a different instrumentalist (cootie williams played porgy, rex stewart was sportin' life, and alto sax­ ophonist hilton jefferson was bess). in ajune 1959 review of four recent jazz responses to porgy, john s. wilson singled out the williams and stewart album as the best of the lot thus far, criticizing gil evans for his "slow, mournful" arrangements and davis for the "shaky breathiness" of his trumpet playing (wilson 1959). evans was not content to follow a med­ ley approach with porgy, nor, like arranger russ garcia before him (in al­ bum versions for bethlehem and verve), did he attempt to duplicate the overall sequence of gershwin's opera, from beginning to end. instead, he constructed a kind of large-scale orchestral suite (as he had done on miles ahead, though now minus the composed transitions) that reordered numbers yet retained much of the original work's dramatic thrust and emotional core. this interest among jazz musicians in tackling porgy and bess also re­ flected broader trends in the music industry beyond the tie-in with preminger's movie. jazz recordings of hit broadway musicals proliferated during this period, as artists hoped to match the success of andre previn's trio with my fair lady in 1956. in 1959, for example, such recordings as gypsy by the teddy wilson trio, south pacific by bob crosby's bobcats, and li'l abner and pal joey by previn were available. jazz was also beginning to 16 current musicology table 1 selected jazz interpretations of porgy and bess, 1956-1997 artist/ group year mel torme, francis faye, betty roche 1956 (porgy and bess: a jazz version) record label arranger bethlehem russ garcia louis armstrong and ella fitzgerald ree. 1957; verve russ garcia issued 1959 miles davis with orchestra ree. 1958; columbia gil evans issued 1959 ralph burns and his orchestra 1959 decca ralph burns (porgy and bess in modernjazz) rex stewart, cootie williams, et al. 1959 warner bros. jim timmens (porgy and bess revisited) bob crosby's bobcats 1959 dot porgy and bess all-stars 1959 united artists bill potts mundell lowe all-stars 1959 camden mundell lowe hankjones 1959 capitol hankjones (swingin'impressions of porgy and bess) oscar peterson trio 1959 verve oscar peterson trio modernjazz quartet 1963 atlantic john lewis, members of the mjq oscar peterson,joe pass, 1976 pablo oscar peterson, stephane grappelli, mickey roker joe pass, et al. joe henderson 1997 verve joe henderson, conrad herwig, kevin hays mark tucker 17 turn up on television and film soundtracks, providing atmospheric back­ ground for shows featuring suspense, mystery, crime, and action-as in henry mancini's music for the peter gunn television series, elmer bern­ stein's for the man with the golden arm, and miles davis's for louis malle's film elevator to the gallows in 1958. the deepening connection between jazz and visual media has relevance to the porgy album, since both gil evans and many of the project's orchestra musicians had worked for film and television studios. critics noting this connection have reacted differ­ ently. while baraka hailed the album as "great movie music," stanley crouch claimed that without davis's horn, many of evans's arrangements would merely sound "like high-level television music. "2 but there are other commercial and musical reasons to consider for davis's involvement with porgy and bess. producer george avakian de­ scribed the album as part of a comeback campaign he orchestrated for davis, whose career in the first half of the fifties had been derailed by drug addiction and spotty performances. avakian wanted to revisit and expand the sound of the nine-piece group davis had used for the birth of the cool sessions in 1949. he was also intrigued by the contemporary "third stream" movement-experiments to combine american jazz with tech­ niques drawn from european art music-and had arranged for davis to record part of an lp with gunther schuller, music for brass. this album convinced avakian that "a similar, less 'classical' setting could attract a whole new audience [for miles] without upsetting his growing fan base" (avakian 1996:31).3 accordingly, the first three davis-evans collaborations -miles ahead, porgy and bess, and sketches of spain-offered a diluted third stream mixture of jazz, pop, and classical ingredients, the latter supplied by symphonic orchestration (french horns, tuba, double reeds, harp) and concert hall repertory (compositions by de falla, rodrigo, and that crossover pioneer, gershwin). rather than a strategical career move, davis spoke of porgy simply as marking another stage in his artistic development. in his autobiography, he claimed it was his idea to record the work after he had seen his soon-to­ be wife frances taylor dancing in a production of it at city center (davis 1989:229). he also linked porgy to his growing interest in european con­ cert music and his attraction to the new directions opened up by modal jazz. through pianist bill evans, davis was discovering ravel and rach­ maninoff and studying modes used by the armenian composer aram khachaturian. in a well-known interview with nat hentoff from 1958, the trumpeter compared the modal practice of bill evans and khachaturian to the porgy arrangements devised by gil evans. jazz, he told hentoff, was returning to an "emphasis on melodic rather than harmonic variation" (hentoff 1962:167). 18 current musicology by way of example, davis cited the arrangement for "i loves you, porgy," in which gil evans had written only a scale for the trumpeter to solo on: no chords. the results are heard halfway through the piece (1:47) when, over an oscillating f to c pendulum in the bass, the orches­ tra sets up floating color chords based on the a phrygian mode, and davis uses the same mode for improvising. it is a painterly effect, with the trum­ peter producing sharply defined lines over a soft background wash. this passage conveys the fresh possibilities for freedom and open space offered by modal jazz. as miles said, "when you go this way, you can go on for­ ever" (hentoff:166). at the same time, the music graphically illustrates bess's comforting words to porgy in her aria: "i wants to stay here/wid you forever/an' i'd be glad." as we know, though, bess won't stay with porgy but leaves him behind when she heads north with sportin' life. (the very next track on the album-and the final one-is "there's a boat that's leaving soon for new york.") what davis and evans evoke so pow­ erfully in "i loves you, porgy" is the vision of a stable, nurturing happiness that doesn't exist-and probably never will. despite such glowing moments of promise in the davis-evans porgy and bess, there is an unmistakable aura of sadness and yearning that hovers over the album. it surfaces most in romantic ballads like "bess, oh where's my bess" and "my man's gone now," but it's there also in the religious numbers and street cries, in "the buzzard song" and "summertime." some might relate this pathos directly to heyward's story and gershwin's score-though in fact the opera features many more lively and dramatic sections to provide contrast. (porgy's upbeat "i got plenty of nuttin' ," for example, is missing from the davis-evans version. it might have given a lift to the proceedings, but the idea of davis putting on the mask to proclaim "nuttin's plenty fo' me" and "i got no car, got no mule"-when he was driving a white ferrari convertible at the time-was ludicrous.) baraka, though, interprets the music of davis's porgy not as melancholy ruminations, not even as a gloss on the opera, but as a portrait of two dif­ ferent sides of the trumpeter's aesthetic: the hip, street-smart, bluesy mrican american vernacular confronting what baraka calls the american "cushion" or "bottom"-the "lushness and pretension" and "sensuous well­ being this society sports."4 in baraka's view, davis's trumpet depicts an mrican american seeking to integrate-or at least find a place within­ mainstream america. he writes: it is the bluesiness of the davis conception ... submerged in all the lushness that gives these moods an intelligence and sensitivity. there is yet a searching quality in miles's horn, above, beyond, below, in­ side, outside, within, locked out of the lushness, the lovely american mark tucker 19 bottom. it is a searching, a probing like a dowser, used for searching out beauty. (baraka 1997:71) what baraka identifies as the fusion of "african american" and "american" qualities in davis's aesthetic might also be understood as a musical model for social integration. given the escalating sequence of re­ cent events in the civil rights movement-from brown v. board of educa­ tion and rosa parks to eisenhower sending federal troops to little rock­ the davis-evans projects in the late fifties demonstrated how blacks and whites could join talents to form a creative coalition. the large, interracial cast for porgy included not only the musicians on the album, but extended out and back to the gershwins and heyward, gullah-speaking sea islanders, even ravel and khachaturian. as davis observed in his autobiog­ raphy, "black and white people were starting to get together." the al­ bum's cover photo drove the point home, implying an erotic connection between a possibly mixed-race couple-an image that has nothing to do with porgy and bess or the world of catfish row but with new personal freedoms that were possible on the cusp of the sixties.5 and on the al­ bum's high-spirited last track, new york city was celebrated as the promised land, a place of pleasure and loosened social codes far removed from the problems of poor black folk living down south on catfish row. but if the davis-evans porgy and bess sent a hopeful message about race relations and drew power from the fusion of an "african american" and "american" aesthetic, it also sounded a warning about trouble yet to come. the album opens not with the soothing lullaby "summertime" but with porgy's disturbing song of the buzzard, portent of evil and misfor­ tune. songs of loss and absence recur throughout, from "gone, gone, gone" to "bess, oh where's my bess" to "my man's gone now." the prevalence of minor keys gives a somber cast to the album. and as if to reinforce an undercurrent of foreboding, the only gil evans original included in the set-titled "gone," and based on gershwin's "gone, gone, gone"-features davis not as the introspective, romantic balladeer but as baraka's favorite jazz anti-hero: the "cool man, bad dude, hipster" (baraka 1996:41). much of "gone" features davis soloing only with rhythm section-no padded "cushion" here, but the lean profile of black jazz musicians taking care of business and playing the blues. when the orchestra reenters after davis's solo choruses, it's like the credits rolling at the end of a private-eye television series. the punchy brass accents say, "look out-don't mess with me!" the music glamorizes davis as a tough urban character-someone out of a chester himes novel or the godfather of richard roundtree's shaft. a few months after porgy and bess was released, davis found himself in a real-life dramatic episode that directly challenged the album's vision of 20 current musicology interracial harmony, underscoring instead qualities of tragedy and conflict hinted at throughout evans's rescoring of gershwin's work. davis was standing in front of birdland in manhattan, taking a break after playing a radio broadcast. as one version of the story goes, he helped a white woman get into a cab. a white policeman came up and told him to move along or he'd be arrested. davis refused, saying he was working at the night club and pointing to his name on the marquee. a detective ap­ peared and fighting broke out, with davis throwing punches and the two whites using blackjacks. more police arrived, and the trumpeter was led away with a bleeding head wound to the precinct station, where he was charged with assault and battery and resisting arrest. he spent the night on riker's island. at the trial, davis didn't take the witness stand because his lawyer told him "the white judge and white jury would mistake my con­ fidence for arrogance" (davis 1989:240). eventually the arrest was ruled illegal and the charges dismissed. a suit brought against the police depart­ ment by davis and his lawyers was unsuccessful. this experience trans­ formed davis: "[it] made me bitter and cynical again when i was really starting to feel good about the things that had changed in this country" (ibid.:238) . if porgy and bess showed davis striving to seek reconciliation with the mainstream, searching for beauty in the "lovely american bottom," as baraka has said, then the birdland incident served as a brutal reality check. on the streets of new york, a celebrated black artist found out that society had not changed as much as he believed and that justice under the law was no more guaranteed for him than for the humble residents of catfish row-or in our own time, for such innocent black victims of po­ lice brutality as abner louima and amadou diallo. unlike porgy, though, miles would not smile and shrug this off-"nothing" was never going to be "plenty" for him. but in his music, davis at least could dream of a better place and time, a land where sweet strawberries ripen on the vine and bess and porgy's love lasts forever. the dream was tempered by davis's first­ hand knowledge that for mrican americans-for all americans-it was going to take a mighty long pull to get there. his art would bear eloquent witness to both the pleasures and perils of that journey. notes * editor's note: this paper was originally read at "rhythm-a-ning: a sym­ posium on jazz," columbia university, new york, n.y., may 6,2000. many thanks to carol oja for making this paper available to the journal and to thomas payne for his valuable editorial comments. 1. the film has been out of circulation since 1972, when goldwyn's lease on the rights to porgy and bess expired and the gershwin and heyward estates refused to renew. mark tucker 21 2. see crouch (1996:31). in another critical assessment of the davis-evans col­ laborations, crouch writes that their recordings "were inclined toward the pallid textures that resulted from the impressionistic influences on evans and from the disavowal of the varied negro vocal inflections that had meant so much to the richest instrumental timbres of the idiom" (1998:311-12). 3. though avakian produced miles ahead, he had left columbia by the time of porgy and bess, which was produced by cal lampley. 4. baraka takes his image of the "bottom" or "cushion" from davis, who ap­ plied it to gil evans's orchestrations for bandleader claude thornhill. according to baraka, "davis says thornhill's music drew him because he wanted a music with more melodic access and a 'cushion' (bottom) of harmonies that made his own simple voice an elegant, somewhat detached 'personality' effortlessly perceiving and expressing" (baraka 1996:46). 5. the two figures in the photo were davis and frances taylor, with heads and upper bodies cropped to render their identities ambiguous. references avakian, george. 1996. miles and gil remembered. liner notes to miles davis & gil evans: the complete columbia studio recordings, 1957-1968. columbia cxk 67397. baraka, amiri. 1996. homage to miles davis. in the miles davis companion, edited by gary carner, 41-51. new york: schirmer. ---. 1997. miles davis: "one of the great mother fuckers." in a miles davis reader, edited by bill kirchner, 63-73. washington, d.c.: smithsonian institution press. carr, ian. 1982. miles davis: a biography. new york: morrow. crouch, stanley. 1996. play the right thing. in the miles davis companion, edited by gary carner, 21-40. new york: schirmer. ---. 1999. miles davis in the fever of spring, 1961. in always in pursuit: fresh american perspectives, by stanley crouch, 295-323. new york: vintage. cruse, harold. 1967. the crisis of the negro intellectual. new york: morrow. davis, miles, with quincy troupe. 1989. miles: the autobiography. new york: simon and schuster. giddens, gary. 1997. miles wiles. in a miles davis reader, edited by bill kirchner, 217-23. washington, d.c.: smithsonian institution press. hentoff, nat. 1962. an mternoon with miles davis. in jazz panorama, edited by martin williams, 161-68. new york: crowell-collier press. mellers, wilfrid. 1987. music in a new found land. new york: oxford university press. morrow, edward. 1993. duke ellington on gershwin's "porgy." in the duke ellington reader, edited by mark tucker, 114-17. new york: oxford university press. first published in new theatre (december 1935): 5-6. piazza, tom. 1995. the guide to recorded jazz. iowa city: university of iowa press. wilson, john s. 1959. four more jazz approaches to porgy. high fidelity (june): 92. • abstracts with this issue cm embarks on abstracting dissertations which are written in languages not generally accessible to english-speaking readers. that is, cm will not print abstracts of dissertations in french, german, italian, spanish, or english. authors of dissertations in languages other than those cited are invited to contribute abstracts of their work . for dissertations written in yugoslavia, our readers should consult the muzikoloski zbornik (musicological annual), edited by the department of musicology, university of ljubljana. this annual, of which there are two volumes now available, prints abstracts of yugoslav dissertations along with an english summary. primol:, kuret musical instruments in the medieval frescoes of slovenia defended april 6, 1965 cniversity of ljubljana in their depiction of musical scenes the visual arts have provided the music historian with priceless information concerning those periods for which other sources arc either rare or non-existent. since medieval texts on instruments arc especially few, the specialist in this field is particularly dependent on paintings and on manuscripts with representational art. slovene church frescoes picture instruments played in the same manner as elsewhere in europe from the 16th century to the mid-17th century. important subjects of the era are portrayed, such as, the last judgment and processional epiphany scenes. of greatest interest is the painted carniolan choir, a motif which flourished particularly in carniola, littoral, and carinthia, and which usually included angels playing musical instruments. these frescoes reveal developments in form and technique of the full range of instruments: trombones, trumpets and wind instruments of all kinds, lutes, shawms, portative organs, harps, bagpipes, fiddles, and horns, among others. the musical instruments in these medieval frescoes bear out the evidence of written sources that instrumental music was perpetrated by traveling artists from whose ranks permanently employed musicians descended. written documents include the first printed handbook of musical instruments wri tten and published in 1511 by sebastian virdung, and the itinerario of paolo santonino, secretary to the visiting bishop pietro carlo da caorla, composed during the latter's journeys through slovenia between 1485 and j 4b7 and amply describing musical practices in the regions visited. andrej rijavec music in slovenia in the protestant era defl>ndcdjune 22,1964 lj niversity of ljubljana the protestant era, that is, the middle and latter part of the 16th century, is of special importance for slovene culture and in particular icjr its music. 195 the religious movement had the powerful dfect of weakening the stylistic continuity vvhich slovene music had achieved \\,ith vvestem european musical de\tlopment since the acceptance of christianity, rijavec's dissertation seeks to e\"aluate the chief musical achievements of the period and to examine style \\,ithin both catholic and protestant music. ample attention is given slo\'ene catholic music. particularly as found in the institutions of ljubljana. ;\fonethekss, the main conccm of the work is thc actiyity of the protestants. primo:!' trubar and others incorporated luther's vie\\'s on music into the framcwork of slm"cne protestantism. the musical ideas of the former are set forth in his cerkovna ordninga (church order) and in his introductions to hymnbooks which playcd vital roles in the spreading and consolidation of the faith. the acti\'ity of the ljubljana protestant circlc, especially of its gymnasium, is seen to be of great importance. rijavec describes the functions of rectors, cantors and their assistants, two sun'iving school curricula, choral and instrumental instruction, and the connection between the musical duties of the school and the ljubljana protestant church. discussion of town and prmincial musicians, and of domt'stic music-making, completes the picture of ljubljana. rijavec then proceeds to im"cstigate associations of the camiolan nobility with musicians such as annibale de perini, giacomo gorzanis, and phillip duc. as well as protcstant musical acti\'ity in other parts ofsloyenia. the author's analysis of musical compositions and performance rc\tals stylistic influences from protestant germany, alongside persistent connections \i,ith the italian renaissance. ht' concludes that the reformation had both bmdicial and detrimental eff('cts on slovene music, and that after the triumph of the counter-reformation at the beginning of the 17th century, slo\"ene music took a considerably different course from what was the case in regions where protestantism took permanent root. levre zupanovic achievements and characteristics of the j1lork tatroslav lisinski ddc:nded february 25, 1965 cni\trsity of ljubljana . [he croatian composer vatroslav lisinski (1819-1854) has been the subjcct of a substantial literature, in which tne monograph by franjo ksaver kuhai' ( 1887; 2d ed. 1904) is ou tstanding. nevertheless, his biography has remained incomplete, and a thorough analysis and evaluation of his music has been left untouched. zupanovic's study is an important supplement to present biographical knowledge. furthermore, his bibliography of lisinski's works includes four hitherto unknown picces and discloses that two compositions, formerly attributed to lisinski, are works of other composcrs. zupanoyics analyse's sho\\, lisinski to hah' bccn schooled in tht' carl, romantic stde. his compositions can be di\,idcd roughly into three' period;: the carl\' years, the sojourn in prague from 1847 to 1850, the later years in 196 zagreb. it was during the prague years that lisinski was exposed to the activities of his gnman contemporaries and the new concepts of berlioz. his harmonic idiom is characteristic of the early romantics, especially in its treatment of dissonance and syncopation. id('!1tical or slightly modified melodic formulas often appear in his music; in the opera porin one finds an anticipation of the usc of leitmotif. a substantial number of compositions draw their inspiration from fillk music and from nature (e.g .. the idyll ncr abend). included in lisinski's output arc s('\tn oylttures. s('\'(']1 chamber works, thirty-three piano pieces, sixty-eight songs. lisinski was the founder ora nationally-oriented school of croatian music; however, he far surpassed his fcllo\\croatians in the integration of diverse inouences. the just balance of structure and expression of several late works place him on a level with his european contemporaries, such as, ;\,;lendclssohn, schumann, chopin, liszt, glinka, and verdi. 197 bibliographical sandtraps: the klavierschule, pleyel or dussek? julius zsako according to the detailed reactions expressed by many of its readers, the "bibliography of performance practices" (ppb) which appeared in current musicology, number 8/1969, seems to have filled the dire need for a study of this type, however studded with beginners' constraints this work turned out to be. such an undertaking, even as a point of departure, a "working tool," deserves praise and encouragement. yet, in terms of this project's very nature and the circumstances surrounding its inception, errors of commission and omission were expected a priori. it is, in fact, one such curious bibliographical reference which prompted the present article. this concerns entry number 816, "pleyel, ignaz. klavierschule, 3rd ed. leipzig: hoffmeister & kuhnel, 1804 ... ," a publication attributed, whether by accident or intent, to pleyel alone. toward the end of the 18th century several well-known composers established themselves as publishers, too. one reason for this tendency was to protect the authenticity of their own compositions, in the absence of copyright laws, against the malpractices of other publishers. nevertheless, as entrepreneurs, they occasionally became involved in complicated mercantile and legal problems, sometimes even concerning the question of authorship. entry number 816 is the culmination of an apparently inexplicable exchange between two, or rather three, such noted composer-publishers. the ppb is correct in making no reference to the first and second editions of the klavierschule, since there were no such editions under that author-title listing. however, the bibliography fails to mention the two earlier works which show different titles but contain the raison d'etre for entry number 816. the leipzig (third) edition is a revised, german version of a french edition published in paris by pleyel himself in 1799. surprisingly, in this edition pleyel claims to be only a co-author and entitles the work: methode pour ie piano forte par pleyel et dussek.l to further confuse bibliographers, if the original english edition is referred to, dussek is credited with sole authorship. the first publication, dussek's instructions on the art of playing the piano forte or harpsichord, was published by dussek's firm, corri dussek & co., in london during 1796.2 dussek's bewilderment upon seeing that the third edition of his book did not even mention his name is expressed in his open letter, "jedem das seine," in the amz of 1802 :3 herr pleyel in paris ... lies vor einiger zeit die von mir in london unter dem titel: dussek's instructions etc. bey corri dussek et co., herausgegebene klavierschule, in franz6sischer uebersetzung, drucken, 75 und that mir die unerwartete ehre an, sich auf dem tite! als mitverfasser derselben zu nennen .... bey meiner jetzigen reise in deutschland finde ich diese meine klavierschule in einer deutschen uebersetzung aus dem verlag der herren hoffmeister und kuhnel in leipzig, denen es jedoch, ich weis nicht warum, gefallen hat, meinen namen auf dem titel derselben ganz zu unterdrucken und hrn. pleyel allein als verfasser derselben zu nennen. since dussek's protest appeared in 1802, the year of 1804, reported in the ppb as the year of the third edition, should be changed accordingly.4 in the same amz letter dussek also declares that he has undertaken a revision of his klavierschule, which was to be the only authentic german edition. the publication of this edition, which was to hand the authorship back to dussek, was announced by breitkopf and hartel in 1803 as follows: dussek, j. l., pianoforte-schule. nach der englischen originalausgabe (dussek's instructions) ubersetzt und von dem verfasser selbst, verbessert und mit vielen praktischen beyspielen vermehrt, herausgegeben. i thlr.5 to further complicate this story, yet a fourth edition of the dussek pianoforte-schule is reported by craw.6 although dussek made it clear that this pianoforte-schule was the outgrowth of his original work (not to be confused with pleyel's klavierschule), the title page of the english original already carried the seeds of the forthcoming controversy. the long and explanatory title page of dussek's instructions makes the following reference to pleyel: making the compleatest [!] work ever offered to the public. / to which are added gp. 32 expressly composed by / ignace pleyel, / six progressive sonatinas w. th violin accomp.ts ad libitum; / which the author has so constructed, that the passages are / first immediately under the performers hand, not exceed.g / in compass one fifth, and gradually extended & connected w. th / the improvement of the pupil. it is further explained that the work is divided into two books and that each can be purchased separately. on the bottom of the title page the following announcement appears: n.b. a continuation of six progressive sonatas, by ignace pleyel, / will shortly be publish'd ... the whole of this work, consisting of / three books, may be had ... in addition to the above evidence of pleyel's involvement with the first edition, there are other good reasons to explain why pleyel added his name to dussek's for the parisian edition. pleyel not only provided the french translation but also added some eighteen of his own exercises to those of 76 dussek.7 enjoying an excellent reputation in paris as both composer and publisher, pleyel knew that he would also increase the sales potential of the book in france by listing himself as co-author. these facts do not, however, explain the controversy surrounding the german edition, especially since pleyel was never so popular in germany as he was in france and england. this third edition would seem to suggest that pleyel unscrupulously declared himself the sole author of dussek's volume. tracing the authorship of the klavierschule is only half the story. the fascinating complexity in this evolution of authorship, and the psychological facets which might have constituted such an unusual state of affairs are not readily apparent. since it was hoffmeister who published the third edition of the klavierschule, one has to consider the relationship between pleyel and hoffmeister, dating back to 1798-99. the issue is again a question of authorship; however, the progression is now reversed. here are the words of hoffmeister as expressed in an open letter, again in the amz:8 herr ignaz pleyel hat in seinem verlag 3 grosse duetten fur 2 flaten herausgegeben, und mir die unverdiente ehre erwiesen, auf dieselben als das 50ste werk meinen nahmen zu setzen, und dadurch mich zum verfasser erkliiren ... ich entsage demnach affentlich den sussen vaterfreuden, und stelle soiehe 3 duetten dem herrn pleyel anheim, mit der bitte, statt meines nahmens den wahren verfasser, der ihm wohl am besten bekannt seyn wird, auf das titelblatt zu setzen ... while dussek and pleyel managed to settle the matter of the klavierschule amicably, the relationship between pleyel and hoffmeister remained rather embittered for many years. there is evidence that dussek was not seriously concerned about the elimination of his name from the third edition; he did not directly blame pleyel for it, and the two composer-publishers maintained a continuous and friendly personal and business relationship.9 perhaps dussek was made aware that pleyel's contribution was significantly valuable, as becomes readily apparent when one compares the original and third editions. on the other hand, several letters of pleyel to hoffmeister evidence a continued implacability on the part of hoffmeister and also reveal the burden ofa distressing monetary debt which hoffmeister owed pleyel. lo this, in fact, led to severely strained relations between the two; pleyel, sarcastically, even changed to the "sie" form of address and threatened to come to leipzig in order to personally collect what he was owed. there is no proof, of course, that the third edition of the piano method (without the name of dussek) was directly related to this unsettled and alarming situation, nor that hoffmeister, in turn, was trying to cause pleyel the pains of undeserved "sweet parental joy." nonetheless, it was published in the midst of heated mutual mistrust, and the above letters do reflect hoffmeister's ire. 77 there is yet another impugnable issue related to the background of the above controversy, and again in the amz.n preceding hoffmeister's open letter, a reviewer (signing as m ... ) discusses the duets of "hoffmeister." expressing his "sincere opinion" (very assuredly), the commentator suggests that the style of the duets strongly indicates pleyel, rather than hoffmeister, as the composer. the presentation of this overly-expert stylistic evaluation leads one to believe that the reviewer's opinion was guided by inside information. interestingly enough, this review was written almost a year before hoffmeister's protest. one of the more peculiar facts concerning this mystery is that, while pleyel was better known in paris and hoffmeister in leipzig, each published the other's work in the city in which that other was the less popular of the two. why would pleyel market his own compositions under the name of hoffmeister when, during that time, pleyel's compositions had the better sales potential in paris. moreover, there is no proof that the flute duets were composed by pleyel. around 1800 pleyel's vogue as composer sharply declined. dussek and hoffmeister relinquished their publishing activities completely in 1800 and 1805, respectively. pleyel, on the other hand, became quite well known as a publisher, but he stopped composing at this time. the present author did not attempt to gather additional information pertaining to the modus operandi of the protagonists in this mystery, nor to follow up the other pedagogical publications attributed to, or associated with, the name of pleyel.12 this complex puzzle is the result of a foray into just one item in the ppb, noted in passing, and is in fact only remotely connected with the main concern of this author's doctoral thesis on pleyel's string quartets. however, when one considers authorship pertaining to music in a period when unscrupulousness was a part of the publishing business, one wonders how much anyone really knows about the so-called lesser composers. notes 1 a copy of this 1799 publication is reported in the catalogues of several libraries, including the british museum. full title is quoted by howard allen craw, a biography and thematic catalog of the works if j. l. dussek (unpublished ph.d. dissertation, university of southern california, 1964), p. 386, as follows: methode / pour / le piano forte / par / pi'!yel et dussek. / ceue methode contient essentiellement les principes du doigte du forte piano. / on y trouvera aussi une nouvelle maniere d' accorder cet instrument. 2 a copy of this edition is in the new york public library. 3 amz, intelligenz-blatt (december, 1802) 7:29-30. (the orthography is that of the original.) 4 one copy of this third edition is in the library of congress. the klavierschule von j. pi'!yel. nebst 27 uebungs-stiicken. dritte, verbesserte und vermehrte ausgabe consists of two main parts: 42 pages of instructions (13 lectionen, 8 regeln) followed by 17 pages of (twenty-seven) progressive pieces. the latter part was printed separately and according to a different printing style, and its pages are engraved with a plate number "58." the folio following the title page contains a publisher's catalogue, and, interestingly enough, it bears the date december 1804. this date would indicate either a new printing of the klavierschule or an insertion of the 78 publisher's catalogue into the material in stock, after dussek's pianoforte-schule had already been published. 5 amz, intelligenz-blatt (november, 1803) 4: 14. (original orthography). 6 op. cit., p. 287. craw was unable to find references to the second and third editions; the fourth edition was published by breitkopf & hartel around 1815. 7 rita benton, "ignace pleyel, disputant," fontes artis musicae (1966) 13 :22. 8 "anzeige," amz, intelligenz-blatt (december, 1799) 5: 19-20. (original orthography). 9 benton, op. cit., p. 22. 10 hermann baron, letter to the present writer, london, july ii, 1970. baron's unique collection of correspondence, dating from 1800 to 1805, testifies to a number of business dealings between pleyel and the publishing house of hoffmeister and kuhnel in leipzig. some of the letters reveal the fact that pleyel lent hoffmeister much cash and merchandise during the fall of 1800, probably while pleyel was staying in leipzig. this writer wishes to thank mr. baron for having provided him with this as yet unpublished information. 11 "recensionen," amz (february, 1799) i: 345-46. 12 for the interested reader, there are a few such references available which are not reported in the ppb. the library of congress lists under pleyel's name several instructive duets for two violins, progressive pieces for piano, and even instructions for the violoncello. some of these publications include informative explanations. pazdirek's list includes such items as: pleyelczerny, klavierschule mit besonderer rilcksicht der jetzigen leistungen auf diesem instrumenteleuckart; pleyel & schubert, dance and song, song for home & school-williams; pleyel und wanhal, kleine pianoforte-schule-cranz. c. f. becker's systematish-chronologische darstellung der musikalischen literatur (leipzig, 1836) offers about twelve different later or revised editions of the klavierschule issued by german and austrian publishers. 79 the mapping of musical classicism, a little-known and dangerous period jan larue it is always tempting to consider one's own period as terra incognita. as we know from the astronauts, it is dramatic to know the unknown-or even to seem to know it. possibly this feeling has accounted for some of the magnetic attraction of the renaissance that by count in professor hewitt's fourth cumulation has produced more than twice as many american dissertations for that period as we find for classicism. perhaps it is time now, however, to share in this heady mystery by showing that classicism, by neglect and default, may now claim to be the period, particularly in proportion to the wealth of surviving sources. no doubt the seeming familiarity of the classical period has provided a central reason for its neglect as a field of research. familiarity has bred disinterest, if not active contempt, for its problems; and as a corollary, imagine the insecurity of working to find something of genuinely new interest in a field that all one's colleagues know to some extent-or think they know. finally, and most distressing, the more familiar an area of music is, the more confident our musical judgments become: while we are likely to find a virelai of almost any unknown 14th century composer at least of considerable historical interest, we know enough fine symphonies by haydn and mozart to be able to say with some conviction that the work of many minor symphonists is dull or even actively bad. despite these hazards, however, there are tangible rewards, somewhat heightened by rarity, in discovering occasional fine works by kleinmeister; and in a broader view, there is genuine fascination in attempting to understand the morphology of procedures that led to the masterpieces of the classical period. yet pursuing the roots of haydn and mozart we strike a second problem in classical research: the sheer volume of the sources. it is common fora doctoral student taking up an 18th-century topic to discover two or three times as much material as any reference work had led him to expect. my own union thematic catalogue of 18th-century symphonies must certainly now exceed 10,000 incipits (we are waiting 113 for a computer to do an accurate count), a total much higher than most authorities have expected. this tendency for topics to expand unmanageably has slowed and discouraged classical research. even more sharply dangerous is the two-thorned problem of authenticity: (1) who wrote the piece? (2) which version should be considered the authentic piece? speaking merely of symphonies, i have shown elsewhere that sources for a single symphony may be attributed in different archives to as many.as five different composers. an often trickier assignment than attribution, however, is the mere establishment of the work itself. some years ago a small experience with a problem in 18th-century opera frightened me so badly i have hardly touched an opera since. in tracking down a supposed aria in a supposed opera supposedly by galuppi, while making the usual cross-check i discovered that in a second source the aria had moved to a different act; in a third source it was transposed a fifth; in a fourth source it had been remodeled into a duet; in a fifth source it was attributed to jommelli as part of a chamber pastorale; in a sixth source a new text had been adapted to the music; in a seventh source the text had been set to new music; and in an eighth source the aria had disappeared entirely. it is with some justification that one regards classicism as a dangerous musical continent, wildly crisscrossed with confusing tracks. the familiarities and unfamiliarities of classicism, areas of knowledge and abysmal ignorance existing paradoxically side by side, have produced a serious and increasingly noticeable gap: we have no reliable general survey of this important era. pressed by colleagues and publishers, a number of classical scholars have carefully considered attacking the problem, only to withdraw until more ammunition can be accumulated. we simply do not yet have a sufficient depth of bibliographical control-not· to mention analytical control-of the enormous output of classical composers to make possible even' a relatively satisfactory survey. hence, if an interim report is all that can be made, it behooves us to plan this attack on the dangerous continent of classicism with great care. as guidelines in making a new plan we can study two approaches in the past, neither of which has produced satisfactory results. first, the attempt by any single author is doomed to failure because the volume of music is just too great to review without the assistance of numerous primary investigations. yet in 114 many areas there exist no primary investigations, even on central topics. for the symphony, mea culpa: i am not yet quite ready to do my part for the symphonic background, despite many years of preparatory investigation. typical of many problems in classicism, the material grows and grows; still worse, some ofit changes like a chameleon: scarcely a week passes that does not produce a fresh problem in attribution. the final total of conflicting attributions may reach as high as 7 per cent, and until most of these confusions can be resolved, the background will remain bewildering. with one work in fifteen in doubt, the nonspecialist choosing a "characteristic" illustration or venturing a fresh conclusion can make some bad mistakes. to circumvent the presently insurmountable problems of the single generalist, some publishers have attempted an opposite but almost equally unsatisfactory plan: the collective volume of chapters by specialists in various subfields. this approach raises all sorts of administrative difficulties at the outset: discrepancies in originality, accuracy, length, and prose· style. then come more specifically musicological difficulties: disparities in proach, method of presentation and nomenclature, number of examples, and bibliographical depth. finally and most serious: publishers often experience a negative correlation between the eminence of a scholar and his adherence to assignments, with the sad result that collective volumes inevitably contain both gaps and overlapping. the worst overlaps, of course, must be exdsed by someone. but by whom? alas, by a generalist at best, and all too often much worse, by a more or less capable subeditor untroubled by scholarly scruples, who can be trusted to wield his cleaver decisively and eliminate all problems-except quality. unfortunately this murderer of research will characteristically eliminate the more original material, since it tends to run counter to conventional, superficial interpretations that he may know; and in condensing paragraphs into sentences he will unerringly· suppress the refined distinctions of the specialist, enforcing conformity in the name of consistency, his whole gray influence a levelling mediocrity. with such methods, how can we advance beyond the efforts of the past? first we must begin by recognizing that nothing more than atempqrary solution will be possible for many without the foundations of research the generalists cannot design their broader hypotheses. second, we must discover some 115 ,v way of attaining a part ofthe consistent and revealing perspective of the generalist without losing the meaningful details of interpretation produced by painstaking evaluations of specialists. while these opposed goals can never be wholly reconciled, a considerable improvement could be achieved by a new approach that attempts to combine the best of both generalist and collective specialist methods in the following four-phase plan: 1. the survey should be written by a single generalist with specialist (or, only as a second choice, by a specialist with generalist experience). he should begin by producing a cogent theory of what musical classicism means and how this central idea pervades the various forms of musical expression in the later 18th century. 2. he next prepares a general outline of the book and a detailed outline of each chapter. 3. selecting in each subfield the specialist most likely to be critical of other efforts in that subfield, the writer sends him the general theory, the full outline, and the detailed chapter outline, soliciting his criticism in return for a definite (if predictably inadequate) fee. the specialists will be listed as consultants at the head of each chapter to which they contribute, giving them at least a minimal acknowledgment as well as supplying some immunity for the generalist from unprincipled sniping. notice that it is much more effective to present material for criticism than to ask a specialist to produce an outline himself. an appeal for reaction rather than action calls into play all of the specialist's most refined abilities without ·forcing him to commit himself directly. compared to actions, therefore, reactions produce nearly equivalent information quicker and more easily, with none of the problems attendant on chapters individually devised. 4. with reactions in hand, the writer completes the book and sends the semifinal draft of each chapter to the appropriate specialist for final reactions, which he incorporates (if genuinely appropriate) into the final typescript. no one could guarantee that this procedure will be fully successful, but it offers several plausible improvements over the single and collective attempts of the past. in view of the desperate need for a workable survey of classicism, one can hardly suggest a repetition of unsuccessful methods. to illuminate the enlightenment we must try something new. 116 away from the "traditional" splintered program are in growing evidence. the trend which now seems to be asserting itself is towards exactly that which .mr. porter urges, a plan which integrates music theory, history, and performance. universities that are starting or have already begun such programs will be producing a brand of high school music teacher who will more easily be able to fully implement the "laboratory in musicianship" that harold brook porter describes. at institutions such as the university of british columbia, evidence of the superiority of an integrated program is already at hand after only two years of operation. through its chronological organization from ancient greece to the present, students in this comprehensive plan arc well aware of historical development. as an important adjunct, especially in the light of mr. porter's dissertation, they can take with them into their subsequent teaching a better understanding of a wealth of musical literature. cortland hultberg is professor of music at the university of british columbia, vancouver, canada. john malcom tait the significance of musical understanding in music education columbia university ed.d., 1963 gary m. martin the purpose of john tait's study is to examine authoritative views regarding musical understanding and to propose a definition of the same. he then attempts to relate this definition to the educational process of the public schools. musical understanding is defined as a process in which a person re-creates the sounds he hears in terms of his own feelings, knowledge, and imagination. five areas of musical understanding are identified as follows: (a) hearing music: aural recognition of the components of music, such as, rhythm, melody, harmony, form, and so forth. (b) seeing music: visual recognition of musical relationships when they are presented in a musical score. (c) imagining music: (sec below) (d) feeling music: imagining and feeling music are the most intangible of the five aspects of musical understanding. music elements suggest to individuals concepts which may form a bridge between the music and life itself. these concepts (or bridges) are formed by individuals as an out-growth of the interaction between music and their feelings and background. (e) knowing music: knowledge of music history, music theory, musical instruments, and musical forms. tait acknowledges that, in the opinions of some musicians, more than one 193 kind of musical understanding exists. however, he asserts that there is a central body of musical understanding, possessing many facets but found within a framework that is essentially unified. he also has an admitted penchant for the ability to read music notation as a major need of students and cites music performance as the best measure for evaluating musical understanding. in chapter 4 the author examines music in the public schools. he states that a school music program is less accuratcly validated by the number and diwrsity of its activities than by the quality and depth of learning that result from these activities. he recommends a general music class at all levels of education, each being taught by qualified and trained persons. music education, particularly in senior high school, is criticized for its narrow scope and for the lack of opportunity for all students to develop musical understanding as defined in the study. tait's objective has been to define comprehensively the meaning of the term "musical understanding" and then to examine the school music curriculum in light of that definition. although one may choose to argue with his definition of musical understanding, the conclusions he draws and the recommendations of the thesis would seem to be generally acceptable in music circles today. gary '>1. marti" is presently on the faculty of the university of oregon school of music after having served as a music consultant to the department of education, state of oregon. 194 considers the nature and perception of visual and musical entities. the dependence of accurate musicological formulations on the historical orientation of our musical hearing is discussed by ruth halle rowen, and edward t. cone explores the historical meanings, criteria, and conceptual implications of our basic terms for the musical work. bernard stambler, responding to professor crocker's plea for the development of historically appropriate formal senses, deals with 18th-century thought, its character and background, and the manner in which it has conditioned our present-day approaches to the entire musical repertoire. problems of successive and simultaneous apprehension with regard to miss carpenter's notion of the musical object are investigated by david burrows. in the forthcoming issue, saul novack explores the various criteria for the cohesion of multimovement works, and maria rika maniates compares composition as "objectified entity" with composition as "continuous process" in an ontological and historical framework. philosopher arnold. berleant notes, with respect to the problem of musical explanation, a distinction between auditory and analytical forms of perception. the relationship of music to the emotional experiencing of reality, in a historical context, is discussed by the philosopher robert hall; kenneth kaiser, from the viewpoint of architectural theory, considers the notion of the "piece of architecture". finally, miss carpenter and professor crocker will have the opportunity of responding to the commentators. since it is the purpose of this project to promote an exchange of ideas, we welcome further comments from our readers. richard l. crocker, some reflections on the shape of music in a recent article ("the troping hypothesis", the musical quarterly 52: 191, 1966) i dropped what i thought was an innocent remark, to the effect that one might reflect on what constitutes a piece of (western) music. now i find myself asked to do the reflecting. please look for no more than that; my intent is merely to begin a line of discussion, not to conclude one. the question came up in connection with an introit trope, which seems at first glance not to qualify as "a piece of music", because it is interpolated as three separate sections in a pre-existing piece, the introit. why do we hesitate to call such a trope a "piece"? obviously because it seems to be three pieces, not one; for we expect a piece to be continuous, or at least not interrupted by some other claim on our attention. but then, each of the three pieces into which our trope has fallen is too short to be a piece all by itself; for we expect a piece to have a certain minimum substance. or do our three pieces of a trope, along with their introit, rather form one large composite piece? but such a piece seems too composite, its elements too diverse; for do 50 we not ask that a piece be by one, and only one, composer? and if the trope cannot be considered together with the introit, but rather must stand on its own merits, still we are bothered by the fact that its sense seems (in principle, at least) to depend upon something outside itself, upon the introit. without reflection, i think we agree that such a trope is not a piece. as we consider the reasons upon which our reaction is based, however, i think we may well begin to have doubts. for the reasons we produce so confidently at first, do not seem so universally applicable when we try them out on different repertories, especially on very recent repertories, and. even the repertory that we-or perhaps more precisely our immediate forebears-call traditional. i do not offer either a comprehensive sllrvey of western forms or a new theory of what constitutes a piece; instead, only a cursory discussion of a few of those bothersome cases that refuse to abide by the most obvious canons of form, canons we share by common inheritance and perhaps uncritical conviction. it may well be (and i hope it is) that if the canons here so crudely formulated are merely rephrased, they will gain a sophistication sufficient to extend their validity as far as necessary. in trying to arrive at a clear idea of what constitutes "a piece", one of the most persistent obstacles is the popularity of "multimovement forms", as they are sometimes called in the traditional repertory. those symphonies and sonatas that are regarded as masterworks (and hence generate canons of taste) are so persuasive in the succession of their movements that we instinctively take the "piece" to be the "whole piece", consisting of several organically related parts, the divisions between these parts or movements being merely articulations in the larger form. this sense oflarger form mayor may not be present in any given symphony or sonata; the point is, we assume it should be present, and when we look for it in other repertories-as we do-we are inclined to note its absence as a fault. but this is to ignore a prior reality, a reality both historical and phenomenological in nature. the whole genesis of multimovement symphonic form betrays an intense effort to join together entities once separate, whether we look to the opera sinfonia, whose movements could be played separately as overtures to the several acts, or to the suite, which for a long time retained elements of its original ad libitum constitution. the sonata da chiesa, on the other hand, is perhaps to be understood in terms of an over-all governing idea, but only because it involved an artful selection and ordering of distinct entities that elsewhere appeared in ad libitum formats. in the 17th century the structure ofa keyboard suite apparently depended upon the selection made by the performer from the dances and other pieces available to him. the only guiding principles were general ones; the constituent pieces were usually by one composer (that is, usually the performer), usually in one "tone" or key, and tended to follow a conventional order, for example, allemandecourante-sarabande. these principles, however, are distinct in nature from the principles that govern the over-all shape of a symphony, and we would be 51 mistaken to apply the canons of one to the other. the concept of "a piece" involves a basically different level of form in the two cases. another clue to the position of multimovement form in the traditional repertory is its elusiveness and the zeal with which composers of the 19th century pursued it. they tried hard to fuse together the four movements of the symphony into a continuous musical experience, one that would be a true image of the organic ideal of form they heard within. as an alternate solution they sometimes expanded a one-movement form to the point where . it could rival the over-all dimensions of a multimovement form, while avoiding its over-strong articulations. schoenberg's verkliirte nacht is a particularly convincing example; yet is it an example of a normal concept of a "piece", or only an exceptional concept, an ideal held only by some people at some times? in between the 19th-century composer and his ideal of a continuous, organic form stands the obstinate reality that multimovement form is multipiece form, that the constituent movement or piece is transcended only by exceptional effort not always crowned with success. if we grant, for sake of continued argument, that symphonies and sonatas are multi pieces, and that the idea or ideal of a "piece" can be represented by something other than the scope of a symphony, then the problem of assessing a multi piece becomes one of assessing the kind and degree of linkage realized against that intended. this problem seems slightly different from the problem of the inner shape of a constituent piece-even though, as is evident, similar principles may govern both. and if we are willing to accept in comparison a variety of kinds and degrees of linkage, then we can come to somewhat novel conclusions. we usually grant without thinking that pieces get bigger as western history unfolds. that may still be so, at least, up to 1890: les troyens, and even more, der ring, are "pieces" offormidable length. but if we accept four successive evenings of der ring as a "piece" (i reckon about 20 hours over an elapsed time of 77 hours), then we must compare it, not to a one-minute antiphon, or even a ten-minute tract but rather to a medieval rhymed office, a gesamtdienstwerk involving seven or eight hours of one man's music and text spread out and informing an elapsed time of 24 hours. wagner is longer; but the comparison does not demonstrate, to me at least, that earlier pieces were significantly shorter. obviously, we should not compare extremes but rather more normal phenomena. if we did so, i think we could come to the very rough hypothesis that a piece of (western) music is of the order of magnitude of five minutes (plus-or-minus four minutes) in length. by that seemingly whimsical observation i mean that a "piece" is not something an hour, or 20 hours, long. if a piece ends before a minute is up, the audience (if it is indeed convinced that the piece has ended) is apt to betray mild, and often delighted, surprise. if a piece lasts more than 9 or 10 minutes, they start to fidget, internally if not visibly. even symphonic movements do not seem to run over 10 minutes so very often. 52 this five-minute hypothesis would have to be subjected to extensive verification-more, certainly, than it is worth. but even as a crude estimate it suggests that pieces did not get significantly longer between, say, 890 and 1890. an interesting corollary is that pieces may not have diminished in length since 1890 to the radical degree we usually imagine. perhaps, in webern, say, we are witnessing merely a reversion from a special solution to a more general one. or, we should say, to a broader spectrum of possibilities; for it would be foolish to substitute one norm for another. we do, of course, recognize as legitimate pieces all sorts of things besides symphonies. still, i suspect we unconsciously measure them against symphonic dimensions. (post-wagnerian composers from schoenberg-if not hugo wolf-on have been trying to tell us differently, but we tend to take their sayings as idiosyncrasies of contemporary music rather than literally.) songs are pieces, after all, and we have songs (of comparable dimensions) from one end of western music to the other. it seems to me we should develop a sense, or senses, of form that react specifically and positively to the dimensions of an antiphon, a 13th-century motet, a 17th-century aria or canzona, a stilck-or a piece. surely we have now learned that a sonata by domenico scarlatti has form even if it does not have sonata form. i think we need to extend this education of our ears to a great many other areas, even including tropes. the problem of linking pieces into multipieces is cap-able of the most varied solutions, each of which suggests a different set of canons of judgment. leonin's pieces of polyphony (organa or "works") are placed on top of a chant continuum, as are some motets in the early stage of development. 'some pieces of music in the late 16th and early 17th centuries are placed on top of a drama continuum, as are some pieces in the 20th century (such as l' histoire du soldat). the grouping of 17th-century keyboard piecespreludes, allemandes, courantes, say, by louis couperin-into ad libitum arrangements has been touched upon; what about the grouping of 19thcentury keyboard pieces-preludes, nocturnes, mazurkas, say, by chopininto other ad libitum arrangements? how did chopin use these pieces, or how did he imagine them to be used? twenty-four preludes at one sitting? i think not; rather a few, as chosen and ordered by the performer. and should we call this order by the latin term ad libitum, or the english aleatory? it is a curious thing that while chopin's preludes, op. 28, are often played ip. an order to some degree aleatory, webern's bagatelles, op. 9, usually are not, even though webern would be commonly understood as the composer with the less perceptible "form". but if we take seriously the order of webern's fun! siit;;;e, op. 5, or even his fun! stucke, op. 10, we might almost be persuaded we were hearing an (admittedly diminutive) five-movement form alia beethoven or bartok. yet we should honor webern's-and schoenberg's-sometime insistence that they were writing stucke [pieces], not multipiece symphonies or string quartets. it is evident, in any case, that music is not presented to us as a never53 ending continuum, but rather in discrete units, or pieces, and that an extended exposure to a composer's consecutive thought is intermittent. operas come in acts, der ring (gratefully) on four separate evenings; in between we walk, talk, eat, and perhaps sleep. acts come in scenes and arias; and sometimes we applaud in between. orchestral music comes in movements, and only the more devout maintain fixed attention during the interim. what about our trope? how much of an obstacle is it that the lines of the trope (which constitute a believable form when considered by themselves) are interrupted by fragments of the introit? if it is too much of an obstacle, we could in some cases imagine the trope sung without the introit, just as concert suites are often formed (and variously so) by extracting music from ballet. is the loss of logic, of consecution, really greater in the one case than in the other? ifwe do have to deal with trope and introit together, in alternation, as a single artistic happening, then the formal problem is most severe, for here we confront our conviction that a piece of music should be by one composer at a time. the pasticcio, the arrangement, indeed all such symbiotic forms, seem to be repugnant. the question is actually a complex one; it involves purposiveness and artistic identity, and their relation to idea and formal control. there is one approach that might be useful in the present case. once upon a time it was thought that all aspects of a sounding piece might be brought under a composer's control, and it was further thought that this would be a good thing. on a broader front, however, we have since learned that indeterminacy in some aspects is a better thing and in any case an inevitable one. almost everyone accepts the fact that tempo, tone color, balance, inflection, can vary among performers and performances. yet we feel that the format of an artistic conception should be inviolable, as if the format or rhetoric of a piece were in some way connected more closely than the inflection to the basic idea or identity of the composer's utterance. why? it is not too hard to imagine music whose utterance is so intimately associated with tone color or inflection that these should be strictly controlled, while the large-scale format might just as well be left unordered. that could include renouncing unilateral control over the audience's attention for an uninterrupted stretch of time. we accept a conversation, a panel discussion or debate, as a form of verbal expression; why not a musical counterpart as well? all this has been concerned mainly with variant solutions to the multipiece problem. there are many other problems associated with the idea of a "piece"; i would like to consider only one, and that briefly. we share a strong conviction, i think, that a piece should have a beginning and an end, and a middle that bears a reasonable and perceptible relationship to the beginning and end. (actually these are several problems.) but already we are not sufficiently precise: all pieces have beginnings and endings, simply because everything does-everything in the world. here is no canon of taste, but only of necessity. is this the meaning of our persistent partitive expression, 54 "a piece (not the whole) of music" ? no matter. what we require of a piece, i think, is that the beginning sound like a beginning, and especially the end like an ending; and that the middle move us from the one experience to the other. but now the matter seems quite different than at first, and nowhere near as obvious, or as obviously universal. clear beginnings and endings, then, are a matter of taste, and the taste may vary. some like a very clear beginning, a "premier coup d'archet"; others, including mozart, feel that the second "coup" has an equally strong claim on our attention. many instances of beginnings, middles, al,ld ends that do not live up to our categorical proposition will leap to mind; let me add one or two that might not otherwise l>e mentioned. psalmody, a widespread musical experience in the middle ages, has a singularly undirected middle, the same melodic formula being repeated a (musically) indeterminate number oftimes, each time for a (musically) indeterminate length. i find certain similarities with instances in the rock-and-roll idiom and its derivatives, such as folk-rock. here, too, there are interesting attempts to give the illusion of no ending. at some seemingly indeterminate point the music starts to reiterate a phrase, and after a seemingly indeterminate (but in practice controlled) number of reiterations, the music fades out to be replaced immediately by the recitative-like continuity of the disc jockey. the intent, clearly, is an eternity symbol; it is not that the music ends, rather that the listener stops listening, while the music goes on and on. often announcer and song overlap at both ends. if this example is trivial, it cannot be called uncommon. i doubt whether the discussion has made our trope seem any more like a piece. actually, such tropes are relatively extreme examples of the kind of formal disassociation touched upon throughout these reflections. the trope may remain a nonpiece; but it may help us to understand other less extreme, and more important, instances. in these, it becomes increasingly apparent that a strong quantitative factor is involved-how much linkage, how much continuity or conclusiveness, how long the piece. are we to conclude that art knows no eternal rule? nb canons ofform? no criterion for distinguishing a piece from a nonpiece? even ifwe were to conclude the substance of such a proposition, we should rephrase it to say that we know no rule, rather than that none exists. but we hardly need to retreat to such extremes. one of the things we mean by "creative", i think, is that creation results in the existence of something that was not there before, and in music this seems to have as corollary that a radically new musical creation precedes the canoll;s of judgment that concern it. (the art of the meistersinger, while another extreme case, is still representative of what happens when musical activity remains within existing canons:) a historian, if so inclined, might conceivably formulate canons so general as to hold for all music ever written. but he could not, as historian, ever find canons that would hold for all music yet to be conceived and created. it seems doubtful that even an aesthetician, from his lofty lookout, could see far enough for that. there will, hopefully, always be some pieces disorderly enough to call forth new 55 mensura and the rhythm of medieval monodic song j. e .. maddrell at least up to c. 1350, monodic music played a larger and more important part in european life than polyphony. gregorian chant is still a living force among us, but what of the vast body of non-liturgical song? from time to time one can hear performances of troubadour and trouvere songs, although there is an unfortunate tendency to perform only the same few anthologized pieces, while (for instance) the italian laude and the spanish cantigas remain, as far as modern audiences are concerned, mere names in the history books. a wider selection of monodic song ought to be available, in print and in performance; but any responsible attempt to achieve this end is made more difficult by the fact that the notation of the songs, in most cases, gives no indication of the rhythm. for anyone whose interest in the songs is purely historical, the problem is quickly dealt with. fie has merely to enumerate the various scholarly theories, add some comment, and present the would-be transcriber with a choice between several forms of modal rhythm on one hand, and free rhythm on the other. for him, historical scholarship has gone as far as it can with an insoluble problem, and it is useless to discuss the matter further: are not the histories of music written? but anyone concerned with the culture of the past as a vital reality in the present will have a more serious, more intelligent, interest in the songs; he will insist on the importance of experiencing the songs through performance. he simply cannot accept that two quite different methods of transcribing a given song are equally good, and he may feel unable to commit himself to either. the modal theory has, from the start, been admittedly based on assumptions rather than facts, and it is impossible to apply the methods it recommends without at least some misgivings. for instance: even if it is an appropriate method of transcribing french and proven<;allove songs, can it be used for, say, english songs, or religious, but non-liturgical, songs in latin? one is therefore very grateful to dr. hendrik vanderwerf, who has recently reopened the question. in two articles, which are best read together . (1965 and 1967), he considers the trouvere songs in light of the knowledge that many of them were orally transmitted, and points out that the variants which are found whenever a song is preserved in more than one source are not all to be written off as scribal errors in an attempt to establish a supposed "original version"; they are rather necessary consequences of the culture to which the songs belong, and must be taken into account in deciding what rhythm to adopt in transcription. on this point i am in total agreement with 64 dr. vanderwerf (and gratefully acknowledge the influence of his view on my own work) but his second major conclusion, that "the rhythm is free in two ways: first, accented and unaccented tones and syllables may come at irregular intervals, and second, there is not necessarily a simple relation between the duration of one tone and that of another" (1965: 67), cannot go unquestioned. "free rhythm" is an attractive expedient for the transcriber, who merely has to write a melody in stemless neumes, or to represent single notes as quarter notes and ligatures as groups of eighth notes; but it leaves the performer with an uneasy choice between a plainsong-like rendering and his own invented rhythm----:-in other words, between two methods which have equally slender chances of approximating what might have been a medieval singer's version. even assuming that the choice of rhythm was originally left to the performer, it is, surely, an editor's duty to minimize discrepancies between medieval and modern choices, by choosing on behalf of the performer a rhythm likely to have been chosen by his medieval counterpart. the choice need not, indeed must not, rely on strict principles, applied without variation to every song. each song must be treated on its merits, considering the internal features of its notation and the external evidence of medieval notation in general. nevertheless, the paleographic evidence is often inconclusive or contradictory, and the transcriber will need some guidance as to the broad lines on which to work. for this he will turn to johannes de grocheo, the only medieval writer to discuss secular monody. i have in preparation an article which deals at length with the paleographic side of the matter; at present i wish to make a semantic point about grocheo's terminology, which seems to call for a reinterpretation of several previously known facts. passages from grocheo have often been cited in support of the free rhythm theory. in a 'work which contains much of value on the subject of rhythm, we find the following, part of which is quoted with approval by dr. vanderwerf: indeed, when we recur once more to the most important theoretical source of the time, there is not a single allusion to either binary or ternary time in grocheo's lengthy treatise. what this keen observer states is, on the contrary, that musica mensurata comprises exclusively polyphonic works like conducts and motets but neither gregorian chant nor any monophonic secular music, and that the latter type, a musica non ita praecise mensurata is sung totaliter ad libitum. does this leave any doubt? monophonic music, far from being subject to the modi, had the privilege of free rhythm. (sachs 1953: 176. the italics are not mine.) it is not easy to see how this statement could come from anyone who had read grocheo attentively. his treatise is by no adult standards lengthy, and if he mentions neither duple nor triple time, it is because he is a post3-c.m. 65 franconian and does not aim to discuss notation and rhythm. as for "doubt," it is bound to arise, as soon as one sees that phrase totaliter ad libitum in its context. here is the whole passage, which occurs in grocheo's account ofthe various methods of classifying music: alii autem musicam dividunt in planam sive immensurabilem, et mensurabilem, per planam sive immensurabilem intelligentes ecclesiasticam, quae secundum gregorium pluribus torus determinatur. per mensurabilem intellegunt illam quae ex diversis sonis simul mensuratis et sonatibus efficitur, sicut in conductibus et motetis. sed si per immensurabilem intellegunt musicam nullo modo mensuratam, immo totaliter ad libitum dictam, deficiunt, eo quod quaelibet operatio musicae et cuiuslibet artis debet illius artis regulis mensurari. si autem per immensurabilem non ita praecise mensuratam intellegant, potest, ut videtur, ista divisio remanere. (others divide music into plain, or non-mensural, and mensural. by "plain or non-mensural" they mean plainchant, which is classified, following gregory, in several modes. by "mensural" they mean music made from different notes measured and sounding at the same time, as they do in conductus and motets. but if by "non-mensural" they mean music that is in no way measured, still less performed completely freely, they are wrong, since any performance of music (or any art) must be measured by the rules of that art. if, however, they mean by "nonmensural," "not thus precisely measured" this division can evidently stand.) (ed. rohloff, p. 47) it is not true that grocheo lumps plainsong and secular monody together as opposed to polyphony. his tripartite division is more subtle: musica simplex (or civilis, or vulgaris), musica composita (regularis, canonica, or mensurata), and musica ecclesiastica (ed. rohloff, p. 47). the second and third categories, polyphony and plainsong, do not directly concern us here, but it is worth noting that grocheo implies that the liturgical sequences were performed in a regular meter, in contrast to the main bodyofthe chant (ed. rohloff, p. 65). several of his remarks about the music which falls under his first heading warn us that the phrase non ita praecise mensuratam does not mean what it at first appears to mean. the instrumental ductia, he says, is measured with appropriate percussion, cum decenti percussione mensurata (p. 52), since it is a dance form. again, he tells us that the cantus coronatus was performed with instrumental accompaniment (p. 50). both these facts are difficult to reconcile with "free rhythm" as it is generally understood, but a third fact turns the difficulty into an impossibility. grocheo helpfully cites a number of french songs to illustrate what he has to say about monodic song forms (for the most part he comments on the effect various forms are intended to produce in the audience), and four ofthese songs are extant. ofthe four, three are founel in the chansonnier cange, written in a notation which, although pre-franconian as to ligatures, clearly uses longs and breves for single notes: ausi com l'unicorne 66 (spanke 1955: 2075), chanter m'estuet, quar ne m'enpuis ienir (1476), quant ii rossignol (1559), are all given as examples of musiea non ita praecise mensurata (ed. rohloff, p. 50; for the songs see beck 1927: i, ff. 1, 22v, 110v and 117, and the transcriptions in vol. ii). the phrase can hardly be taken, therefore, as evidence for "free rhythm." what, then, does grocheo mean? perhaps the best way of finding an answer is to consider the different senses of the word mensura as used by other theorists in the tradition to which grocheo made so notable a contribution. for johannes de garlandia, whose work was known to grocheo, musiea mensurabilis was organum (polyphony) which is, he says, a generic term for all mensural music: habito de ipsa plana musica, que immensurabilis dicitur, nunc est presens intentio de ipsa mensurabili, que organum dicitur, quantum ad nos prout organum generale dicitur ad omnem mensurabilem musicam. (coussemaker 1864: i, 175) lambert, author of the pseudo-aristotelian traetatus de musiea, makes a similar distinction. his three categories of musiea mensurabilis are all polyphonic forms: discant, hocket, and organum (coussemaker i, 269). the distinction here is between plainsong and polyphony, for in common with all theorists earlier than grocheo, neither lambert nor garlandia take account of secular monody; we cannot therefore conclude ex silentio that the rhythm of nonliturgical monodic songs was that of plainsong. indeed, it is clear that the word mensura meant to the theorists something more than it means in modern scholarship. in his discussion of the rhythmic modes (coussemaker i, 97104), garlandia describes the third mode, by its very nature mensural in our sense, as ultra mensuram. nor is he alone in this; the diseantus positio vulgaris even states that any note of more than two beats or less than one is ultra mensuram (coussemaker 1,94). these statements, puzzling at first sight, suggest two conclusions: firstly, musiea mensurabilis, in the medieval sense, is synonymous with polyphony, and secondly, that mensura, when it refers to rhythm, denotes a strict modal pattern; thus the author of the de musiea libellus virtually identifies mensura with modus: modus in musica est debita mensuratio temporis, scilicet per 10ngas et breves; vel aliter: modus est quidquid currit per debitam mensuram 10ngarum notarum et brevium. notandum quod quidam modus dicitur rectus; alius dicitur in ultra mensuram, qui scilicet excedit rectum modum sive rectam mensuram. (coussemaker i, 378) the key words here are reetam and debitam (regular and proper), both of which qualify mensuram. it is not difficult to imagine a mensura which is not, in this extremely strict sense, regular; consequently rhythmic patterns which to the modern scholar are mensural could be regarded by the medieval 67 theorist as immensurabilis. when we take into account the additional fact that mensura does not necessarily refer to rhythm in every case, it will be realized that mensura has a strong qualitative, as well as a quantitative, force. it is with this in mind that we must reconsider the significance of what grocheo has to tell us. for him, the qualitative force of mensura is uppermost, and he uses the term in contexts which have nothing whatever to do with rhythm, as in his statement that the church (melodic) modes do not necessarily govern all music: gantus autem iste per toni regulas forte non vadit, nec per eas mensuratur. (ed. rohloff, p. 60) we recall his statement, already quoted, that "any performance of music (or any art) must be measured by the rules ofthat art." grocheo's synonyms for polyphony are, from this vantage point, extremely revealing: musica regularis, canonica, mensurata. the association of mensura with regula-both qualitative terms-is significant; the connotations of both words are propriety, reason, regularity, and order (cf. rectam and debitam). this important meaning of mensura is familiar outside muscial scholarship, and we have a· vernacular example in langland's recurrent phrase "measurable hire," which means "proper, reasonable wages." this sense has not entirely been lost in modern english, for one can still hear, occasionally, something described as "all right in measure," which is practically synonymous with "within reason." to carry the analogy further, one might reflect that regula means both "rule" and "ruler," and that the chief use of a ruler in the middle ages was not to measure distances (quantitatively) but to ensure that the line drawn was straight, i.e. qualitatively. 0 the purpose behind grocheo's threefold division of music is evident. polyphony is mensurata because it is written in accordance with the rules of composition; it is regular, ordered, and logical. plainsong, though immensurabilis, has its own kind of order, provided by the rules of the melodic modes or toni. secular monody differs from both. though measured (in the modern sense) as to rhythm, it is not written according to the rules of composition; hence it is neglected by most theorists who are concerned with codifying rules. its rhythms need not conform to strict modal patterns. it is therefore non ita praecise mensurata, the ita possibly referring back to the rules of composition. monodic song answers the description well; its frequent melodic sixths, its flexible structures, and relatively wide vocal compasses, are not characteristic of 13th-century polyphony. rhythmically, too, the songs in mensural notation-those in the ghansonnier gange and the later additions in the ms du roi (facsimile in beck 1938), in both cases written about the same time as grocheo's treatise-often depart from exact modal patterns. the evidence of grocheo suggests that it is to these sources, rather than to modern theories of rhythm, that we should look for guidance in transcribing non-mensurally notated songs. these observations, offered in the hope of provoking discussion, show that 68 there is no justification for "free rhythm'" in grocheo or any other medieval theorist; but we have no proof that it never existed. we must be content with the best explanation of the facts that can be devised. "free rhythm" is not such an explanation. how can we accept that "the use of a rhythmically noncommittal notation in times when a metrical script was available indicates a free or optional rhythm" (sachs 1953: 178), when examples abound of motets and conductus in non-mensural notation? anonymous iv tells us that such pieces were read "by the understanding alone, by saying, 'i take this note as long, and that oneas short' ... " and on the evidence available there is no reason to suppose that a similar practice was not applied to monodic songs in non-mensural notation. references beck, jean-baptiste 1927 chansonnier cange, 2 vols., philadelphia. 1938 le manuscrit du roi, 2 vols., philadelphia. coussemaker, charles henri edmond de, 1864 scriptorum de musica •.. , 4 vols., paris. grocheo, johannes de 1943 der musiktraktat des johannes de grocheo, ed. ernst rohloff, (media latinitas musica ii), leipzig. sachs, curt 1953 rhythm and tempo, new york. spanke, hans, ed. 1955 gaston raynauds bibliographie des altjranzosischen liedes, leiden. vanderwerf; hendrik 1965 the trouvere chansons as creations of a notation1ess musical culture. current musicology (1965) 1: 61-68. 1967 deklamatorischer rhythmus in den chansons der trouveres. die musikforschung (1967) 20: 122-144. concerning the measurability oj medieval music hendrik vanderwerf i am very grateful to neal zaslaw for his invitation to add some commentary to j. e. maddrell's article printed above. understandably i am also very appreciative of mr. maddrell's acknowledgment of having been influenced by some of my writings, and i am happy to respond to some of his "observations, offered in the hope of provoking discussion." i welcome this opportunity especially since mr. maddrell directs attention to medieval theory, a source of information i have not touched upon in my publications in journals, although i have not at all ignored it in my research. i am very much intrigued with maddrell's evaluations of some of the medieval statements in relation to rhythm and meter in medieval music, but 69 tebaldini, gnecchi, and strauss michael horwath a piece may be classified as a quotation or a plagiarism whether, on the one hand, the borrowings are conscious or unconscious and whether, on the other, they are legitimate or illegitimate. illegitimate plagiarisms are those committed with the aim of creating a deception in order to further one's own enrichment or prestige. to fit this category, the plagiarism must agree enough with one or more previously written art works of a second person that one can, in any event, exclude coincidence as the cause of this similarity. the greater the number of duplications or similarities that can be shown, the surer one can be that a given instance is a case of genuine plagiarism. with works that are revisions and variations, on the contrary, one can in no way speak of plagiarism, inasmuch as the original work, or at least its creator, is acknowledged and cited. one of the clearest examples of would-be plagiarism is mozart's requiema work which prince walsegg commissioned secretly so that it could be issued in that nobleman's handwritten copy as his own work. however, a material payment to the creator of the art work has no influence on the intellectual property of the work. in other words, even with the consent of the composer the spiritual possession cannot be passed on or sold to someone else.1 unconscious plagiarisms are very common.2 they arise, basically, from two causes: (1) through "technical" aspects of the setting. thus it is not surprising that the theme (a broken major triad) of pallavincino's la gerusalemme liberata reappears note for note in mozart's bastien und bastienne and again as the first theme of beethoven's eroica. in all three cases it is possible that the composer proceeded from the natural tones of the hunting horn. (2) a much more common origin of an unconscious borrowing would seem to be the "parallelism" of one composer's musical thought with that of another. in this case it is a question of a "musical idiom" of the era. a composer uses a theme that he knows, while being convinced that it is his own; the appearance of the same thread in the works of two composers, therefore, can often be explained as a "manifestation of the time." (the distinction made here is between one composer hearing another's theme and using it as his own, and two composers hearing and reworking the same "idiom of the time.") there are countless examples of such unconscious borrowings and only a few striking ones can be cited here-: (a) the tannhauser chorus "freudig begriissen wir die edele halle"; the freischut;:; aria "wie nahte mir der schlummer" at the words "himmel nimm des dankes" (ex. la) 74 example 1. unconscious borrowings. a) tannhiiuser 4in;#,e j 81 fgl)o i r q i j j " freu dig_ be grti ssen_ wir die ed le_ hal ie .•. freischiltz ••• him mel,_ nimm i i i f ii des__ dan kes_ zlih rer (b) the zauberflote duet "bei welche liebe" in the section "konnte jeder brave mann"; schubert's heidenrosiein: "sah' ein knab'" (ex. ib) b) zauberf/ote ,i e r' f f f i a e ,j i j j j j ii konn -te je der bra ve_mann sol che glock·chen heidenroslein 8ah ein knab ein ros lein.stehn ros-iein auf der ..• (c) die walkiire, act iii, scene 3, at the words "war es so niedrig, was ich dir tat" ; the freischiitz overture: third and fourth measures (ex. 1 c) c) walkuere fi jq j j " war es so nie drig ••• freischiltz , i: j j. )10 j $ (d) the loewe ballade die uhr at the words "sie blieb von seiber stehn" schumann's friihlingsfahrt; "ach gott, fiihr uns liebreich zu dir" (ex. id). d) loewe •.. sie blieb von sil ber stehn schumann gott fiihr uns lieb reich zu dir 75 the boundaries between illegitimate and legitimate borrowing are hard to define. 3 borrowings may also be intended to honor an earlier master, considered an apotheosis of musical thought. in no way illegitimate is a quotation from one's own works, such as mozart's in don giovanni (from figaro) or wagner's in meistersinger (from tristan). we can find quotations used frequently in the operas of richard strauss.4 strauss used musical quotations essentially as a technique to achieve irony. he employed thematically unrelated quotations or, on the other hand, melodies based on a text which in fact has nothing to do with the action, but which nonetheless evokes a distinct recollection in the listener. thus in his opera ariadne auf naxos strauss frequently used melodies from lully's music to moliere's le bourgeois gentilhomme, and achieved new effects through old dance tunes and instrumentation. in the introduction to the second act of the first version of ariadne strauss employed lully's sarabande. this is a case, then, of using old music in order to introduce the listener to the plot appropriately. the quotation from rheingold (images of waves from the opening section), which is used in the .spot where the rhine salmon is served, is ironic, however. in the same banquet music "la donna e mobile" from verdi's rigoletto is also heard, abruptedly and undisguised. the opera intermezzo is peppered with quotations. often they are hidden, cleverly woven into the instrumentation, so that it is difficult even for the practiced listener to understand these ''jests'' at first hearing. worthy of mention in this context is the passage "mir passt das ganze milieu nicht," at which point gounod's melody from faust, "laisse moi contempler ton visage," sounds. in the opera schweigsame frau strauss used quotation sources with which few people would be familiar, together with very well-known melodies from many stylistic periods in music history. in the wedding ceremony music from the fitzwilliam virginal book is used; in the expose of the notary melodies by martin peerson are heard.5 monteverdi's opera l'incoronazione di poppea makes its appearance with the aria "sento un certo non so che" in the singing lesson of the strauss opera. directly following this monteverdi quotation the aria "dole' amor, bendat' alato" from giovanni legrenzi's opera eteocle e polinice. wagner's rheingold fanfare sounds at the words " ... solange die leute geld haben, saufen sie." further on in the score of schweigsame frau can be found the hunting motive from wagner's tannhauser and also the aria "behut' dich gott, es war' zu schon gewesen" from the opera der trompeter von siickingen by nessler, which is followed by the entrance song of papageno from mozart's .<:,auberflote. verdi's "la donna e mobile" also returns once more, this time to the text "cavaliere vanuzzis ruhm ist bis in unser vaterland gedrungen." similarly, in the operetta-like music of liebe der danae, there are sizable reminiscences of wagner's wotan in the presentation of jupiter. strauss used all these quotations after the sharp attacks levelled against him upon the appearance of his opera elektra. giovanni tebaldini, in his 76 essay "telepatia musicale?" (rivista musicale italiana [1909] 16 :400-12), had accused strauss of committing a violation of copyright in the opera elektra, alleging plagiarism of the opera cassandra by the italian vittorio gnecchi. in his essay tebaldini presented, in addition to many no longer provable charges, forty-eight comparative musical examples which were supposed to prove that the opera elektra was merely a'revised cassandra. the opera cassandra (on a text by luigi illica6) was first performed on december 5, 1905, in the teatro comunale in bologna, and also toured various other cities later on (e.g., vienna in 1911). it is known that gnecchi sent richard strauss a score of cassandra from turin. elektra was completed on september 22, 1908, in garmisch, and received its first performance in dresden on january 25, 1909; therefore gnecchi's opera is without a doubt older than that of richard strauss. we have little tangible information about the origin and development of cassandra but much, on the contrary, about elektra. the collection of dr. levin in cambridge7 contains a sketch book which includes the first twofifths of the opera. appearing on the title page is "elektra, final copy" and on the reverse side, "elektra alone, b flat minor, in public, b minor; agamemnon, c minor; victory dance, c major." from the letters of richard strauss, especially those to hugo von hofmannsthal, we can learn something about the genesis of elektra. "i'm already busy with the first scene of electra; the work, however, is not progressing rapidly," strauss wrote on june 16, 1906. in a letter of june 22, 1908, he said, "i can let her [chrysothemis] repeatedly stammer 'orest, orest, orest", (see gnecchi's cassandra, p. 232, line 1, as pointed out in tebaldini's example xv, no. 47). strauss hiiilself expressed an opinion about the tebaldini essay only once: do you know a better way to combat hate and envy than by maintaining a dignified silence? you of course know the story of hercules and the hydra? concerning the case of cassandra-elektra, i had already decided not to reply to it since i did not yet know mr. tebaldini's publicity brochure for gnecchi. now that i know it, i will really be quiet. for the entire story is really too silly, apart from the obnoxious hints of chauvinism which can be clearly discerned in the italian and french attacks against me, against which one must always offer as a contrast the widest hospitality that germany, more than any other country in the world, accords italian and french art, and for which she is thanked so little by her neighbors [from a letter written to romain rolland from garmisch, may 8, 1909]. a superficial study of the forty-eight tebaldini examples (see the appendix to this article) undoubtedly might give the impression that the accusation is correct, that strauss had actually "reworked" cassandra into elektra. in example i (nos. 1-5) tebaldini tries to prove that the melody of the "agamemnon children" is a clever copy from the prologue of cassandra. it is altogether possible that strauss remembered this melody, but does it 77 -----.really give the same impression? in the indictment this theme appears in four other examples. is it forbidden to work out a melody, to develop it? tebaldini's example ii (no.6) seems, at first glance, to be actually very "plagiaristic," but should be regarded as a melodic and harmonic development which was perfectly normal at the turn of the century (therefore an "idiom of the time, " as discussed above). . in example iii (nos. 7 and 8) the descriptive mood is very similar; however no comparable harmonic means are used. in example iv (nos. 9 and lo) a similarity is hardly ascertainable. should the extraordinary pp or p and the dolcissimo or molto expressivo be considered significant here? not shown by tebaldini, in any case, is the crescendo before no. 10 in the score. example v (no. 11) is put together from various places in cassandra in such a way that a comparison would be completely out of place. example vi (nos. 12-14) again links unrelated melodic elements in order to give the impression of a similarity to elektra. it should be mentioned here that any given succession of three to four specific notes can be found in almost any great work of music. that the musical illustrations cited in example vii (nos. 15 and 16) really show a very great similarity is due to the not very original use of the major scale from the third upwards. everything else in this example has turned into an insignificant complex through the assembly and combination of various incongruous sections from the opera elektra. (tebaldini at this point needed four different places in the score as "proof" of the similarity of four measures.) in example viii (nos. 17-22) only a-az is of some interest. indeed, similar phrases are also found in puccini (tosca). the phrases d and bare, as scales, without particular significance (as before in no. 15a). in cone can hardly speak of similarity any more than in c1. there is no resemblance in no. 20, except for the tonal succession f-a-b; the rhythm, likewise, diverges sharply; the notes inbetween are ignored. the next number presents a slight alteration of no. 20 (that is, a-b-d, or f-g-b), which is in no wayan unusual tonal succession, even if there is some rhythmic coincidence. no. 23 shows a descending scale,s followed by an upward octave leap. example ix presents certain (quite conventional) rhythms in no. 24; the arpeggiated jump of a tenth had already appeared in many works of older composers (e.g., in richard wagner). in no. 25 gnecchi uses the arpeggiated seventh chord with altogether greatly altered intervals. at this point only a rhythmic relationship with elektra can be established. in example x, no. 27, tebaldini actually offers an instance that is convincing in its great similarity. a definite justification can be made for no. 28 also, although in this case various sections of elektra are again combined. the use of scales (albeit also partially altered) which return prematurely to the starting note is found in all these examples and also in no. 29. (in a faster tempo such passages would not be at all noticeable.) 78 a correspondence in example xi cannot be established, even through a clever presentation (which tebaldini undoubtedly has found). why the upper c# is abruptly printed lighdy in example xii, no. 34, cannot be perceived from the cassandra score. example xiii presents a series of thoroughly common flourishes which gnecchi uses, as does strauss. nos. 35 and 36 are contrived similarities; no. 35 is, in fact, without a page reference from the piano score. in no. 37 there is, to be sure, a rhythmic similarity, but the effect (and this is, of course, decisive in the end) is radically different. the cassandra example is a model of "italian melody"; the elektra excerpt is a drumming rhythm, without regard to the melodic lines. in no. 38 no rhythmic similarities are present; in this case, however, the tonal successions agree. whether the succession of the notes c-g is particularly original may be questioned. 9 nos. 39 and 40 show hardly any appreciable similarities. a certain relationship cannot be denied in no. 41, and nos. 42 and 43 are also cleverly selected examples. example xiv shows a highly common octave doubling. (should the same metronome indication also be considered a proof of plagiarism?) there is also an entirely inappropriate comparison in example xv, no. 45. for no. 46 tebaldini needs eleven sections from cassandra in order to be able to compare them to one elektra fragment. essentially this involves repeating earlier examples. no. 47 in the first part shows a similarity of the word "orest," but everything else is missing in the quotation from elektra. only the vocal line which appears in cassandra is present (in the form of a speaking passage). in the second section the construction is similar, but not the harmony. no. 48 is a clever juxtaposition of themes which were already discussed before, individually. vittorio gnecchi died on february 1, 1953, thus outliving richard strauss by a few years. he wrote several other operas (e.g., virtu d'amare) and ballet music aside from cassandra, and should be taken quite seriously as a composer. had he been convinced that elektra was a so-called "genuine plagiarism," he would himself have probably championed tebaldini's opinion in 1909, or perhaps have published a tract against elektraat some later date. but riemann wrote in his lexicon that gnecchi stood far apart from the "elektra-feud," displaying no interest in "telepatia musicale?" these examples were selected very cleverly by tebaldini and can actually lend great weight to the possibility that richard strauss knew the opera cassandra and remembered portions of it here and there. certainly a large number of the comparisons are presented unscientifically, even ifwith great artfulness. in 'the balance, however, it can be said in the case of gnecchi versus strauss that, as in other previously mentioned examples, we are dealing with a quite legitimate use of quotation-the common "musical idiom" -and not with a case of true plagiarism. if one considers cassandra independently of any ties to elektra, the former reveals itself to be an excellent work. the cantabile melodies are strongly reminiscent of gnecchi's famous contemporary puccini; the rhythmic 79 treatment, with its frequent changes of meter, shows that the composer of cassandra was familiar with theories on ancient greek music.10 the entire work creates a very nicely rounded impression, doing full justice to italian opera at the turn of the century. that this attractive opera never became really at home on the large operatic stage is certainly not in any way the fault of tebaldini and his "telepatia musicale?" in any event, it would be worthwhile to remember this opera again and bring it back into the performing repertory. dr. franz grasperger writes about elektra that it is the "peak of development" in strauss's operatic creation.l1 this is undoubtedly a very widespread view and cannot be refuted by tebaldini's attacks. strauss"doubtlessly found in this music drama an inspiration for a musical form of expression which until then had not even approximately existed. how did tebaldini arrive at a comparison of elektra and cassandra in the first place? the answer lies most probably in the content of the two operas; the hofmannsthal elektra text is, after all, the continuation to some extent of illica's cassandra. cassandra ends with the death of agamemnon and the heroine of the title. elektra begins with the accusation concerning agamemnon's death. in most works about the ancient greek myths, the plots, as they are presented in both operas, proceed directly from oj;le into the other. two chief characters, agamemnon and his son orestes, are developed by the epic cycles. standing in time between these persons are cassandra and, after agamemnon's death until the return of orestes, elektra,12 with regard to the subject matter the continuity is singular in the history of music, since even in wagner's ring the individual sections are never as closely welded to one another in their plots. strauss is still often attacked today for his quotations; indeed, one even frequently hears talk of "theft" and cribbing." but if the strauss works are examined more closely in this respect, it can be shown that the use of quotation makes much higher demands on a composer's ability and originality than does the elaboration of his own musical thoughts. this is because the incorporation of a "musical, foreign body" into one's own personal concept requires, aside from great skill, an immense capacity for "sympathetic attunement. " (translated by margaret ross griffel) notes 1 it is therefore a question of the "moral safeguard" of works' inherent intellectual value. cf. fr. pauli, "bewusste and unbewusste melodiebenutzung," mxv/3. 2 r. hennig, "unbewusste plagiate," m xxii/3. a cf. herzfeld, lexikon der musik (illstein, 1957). 4 cf. hans erhardt, richard strauss. 5 an english composer, c. 1572-1650. 6 illica also wrote the librettos .to the puccini operas la boheme, tosca, and madama butterfly and text to giordano's opera andrea chenier. 80 7 mueller von asow, e. h. richard strauss: thematisches verzeichnis i (vienna: l. doblinger, 1959), p. 408. 8 compare numbers 15 and 18. g this tonal succession is presented through the kettledrum line, as is already frequently found in haydn. 10 puccini based two of his operas (especially turandot) on the scholarly knowledge of oriental music; gnecchi did the same concerning ancient music. 11 franz grasberger, richard strauss, hohe kunst--erfiilltes leben (rosenbaum: vienna). 12 in the ancient greek myth cassandra is murdered first, then agamemnon. appendix on pages 82-91 following are the musical examples referred to in the course of this article. they are takenfrom the article by giovanni tebaldini, " telepatia musicale?" in the rivista musicale italiana (1909) 16: 4°0-12. theftrst nine pages have been photographically reproduced, while for the final page the type has been 4-q·m. 81 82 83 84 85 86 87 88 "z4jz .... ;;;;;:;;;; 4wij4a 89 90 a confermare come tutte ie idee musicali e tutti gli spunti citati (ec presi a caso nello svoigersi di una qualunque melodia, rna assumano i ii loro ripetersi e per it lora 5volgersi, vengono qui citatealcune fra 14 identici, talara con varianti. naturalmente un piil accurato studio citazioni, che vennero qui notate dopa una seorsa sommaria data agli temi riportati nelle tavale nel seguente ordine ii iii iv v vi (a) vi (e) vibis vii (a) vii (b) viii (17) (b) viii (18) (e) viii (19) viii (22) viii (23) ix x x (b) x (28) xi xii (a) xii (b) xiii (35) xiii (36) xiii (37) xiii (39) xiii (41) xiii (43) xiv xv cassandra indicazioni delle pagine nelle quali si riscontrano i temi citati di "cassandra" 2-5-6-7-10-11, 2 volte. 208. 133, 3 volte-134, 4 volte-135, 6 volte -136,2 volte-137. 70-68. 157,2 volte-167-173-194-203 a 204. 194,2 volte-191. 59-62-68-71-72-155-156-157. 60-61-71,2 volte-155. 2-25-31,2 volte-37, 3 volte-150-153. 38, 4 volte-40, 2 volte. 167-168-171-172-204, 2 volte-205230 (e) 105. 105. 43,2 volte-44, 4 volte-45-47, 2 volte -51. 46,4 volte-47, 3 volte--58, 2 volte. 42, 2 voite-43-45-51-83, 3 volte-1i3117-121-169-229. 190,4 volte-192, 12 volte-195, 3 volte -196, 5 volte-206-225, 2 volte. 118-64. 30-31-116,8 volte. 1-12-45, 3 volte--80-8i, 2 volte-84, 4 volte-85, 4 volte--86, 3 volte-87, 4 volte-88, 3 voite--95. 3-6-7-8-12-13,2 volte-72, 2 volte123-124-150-191-192":202,7 voite-154. 4,22 volte--5, 9 volte--6, 8 volte-7, ii volte--8, 7 volte 9, 11 volte-17, 4 voite-l 8, 11 voite-19, 9 volte-20, volte-18, ii volte-19, 9 volte-20, 4 voite-l 59, 8 volte-160, 13 volte-161, 9 voite-l 95, 4 volte-196, 7 volte-197, 6 volte-198, 4 volte199, 4 volte-200, 4 volte-203, 10 volte-206, 2 volte. 39,2 volte-136, 2 volte-138-150-151. 2 voite-152, 2 volte-153, 2 volte. 73 tutta la pagina-74-75-76-77ie intere pagine-82, 2 volte-87-88. 125-126-127-128-205-206-230, 3 volte -231. 16-17-21-22-23-148-149-160, 4 volte -161, 4 volte-163, 5 volte-223224. indicazioni delle pagine nelle quali si riscontrano i temi citati di "elettra" 21-25-26, 2 voite-28-32, 3 volte-33, 5 volte-64-71-95, 3 volte-96-120-12i-122-123, 2 voite-125, 5 volte126,3 volte-127, 4 volte-148, 4 volte-149-i50, 2 volte -151,152,2 volte-153, 3 volte-154-172-180-181-186 -187-200-201-202-235-240-241-242-243-245-247248, 3 voite-249. 140-142-143-144. 7-77,2 volte-79-91-221. 65-66-67, 2 voite-72-73, 5 volte-74-75, 6 volte--79, 3 volte--80-81-92, 4 volte-95-232, 2 voite-247-248, 2 volte. 170 (a) 2 volte-(b) 8 volte. 200,3 volte-201, 2 voite. 29,4 volte-30-64-175-176, 2 volte-i77, 2 voite-179192,4 volte-193-196, 3 volte. 120-123, 3 voite--126-127, 2 volte-169-174-181-188, 2 volte-192, 2 volte--193, 2 volte-217, 2 volte-218, 4 volte-219, 2 volte-221-222, 2 volte-227-228, 3 volte -232, 2 volte-234-236, 4 volte. 49 (e) 3 volte-(b) 237, 2 voite-(b) 241. 126, 2 volte. 127, 2 volte. 49, 3 volte-59, 2 volte. 6-8-14-15,2 volte-20, 3 voite--22-30-31, 2 volte-32, 4 volte-35, 4 voite-37-52-85, 2 volte-97-165-166-195, 4 volte-196-202, 2 volte--235, 5 volte-236-245, 4 volte -246, 6 volte-249, 2 volte-250. 16-17,3 volte--i8-19, 4 voite--23, 2 volte-27-39-40. (b) 12-20-21,2 volte-24-25, 4 volte-53-81, 2 volte--82, 4 volte--83-85, 4 volte-c-i06-158-250. (b) 101, 2 volte. 54, 3 volte-55, 3 volte-56, 3 volte-57 tutta la pagina--58 tutta la pagina-59 tutta la pagina-60-61-62-70, 2 voite -116-128, 2 volte. 185, 2 volte-186, 2 volte-202. 5,2 volte--6, 2 volte-7, 2 volte-8, 3 volte-9, 2 volte-io 5 voite-l 1-12-14, 4 voite-l 8, 2 voite-20, 6 volte-21, 2 voite-25-26, 30 voite--27-34, 2 volte-36, 3 volte-87, 2 volte-llo-11 1-112-113-160, 2 volte-175, 2 volte -176-188, 4 volte-194, 7 volte-212-213, 4 volte-224225-228-231-233, 2 voite-242, 2 volte-248, 5 volte250,3volte. 23-24, 5 volte-25, 2 volte-26, 3 volte-35, 3 voite110-111-112-156-162-163-250,5 volte. 153-179-180-182, 9 volte-183-197-198-199-200-228, 5 volte-229-230, 4 volte--237, 5 volte-238-240'-243246, 7 volte-247, 8 voite--249, 4 volte-203-204. 98,2 volte-102, 2 volte-i03, 2 voite-104, 8 volte-1i0, 2 voite-l 11, 2 volte-1i2-1i4-115, 3 voite-l 19-133-134, 2 voite-233, 12 voite-244, 13 volte-245, 5 volte-250, 4 volte. 162-163-164-169-170-171-224,2 volte. 203-204. 13-14-20,3 volte-25-43, 3 volte-44, 3 volte-46-58-60, 3 volte-63-65-72-103, 3 volte-104-108-1i4-1i5-122156, 2 volte-159, 2 volte-160-161, 5 voite-165-166175-189,2 volte-192, 2 volte-193-238, 2 voite-247. 164, 5 volte-182, 3 volte-183, tutta la pagina. bot.h miss stevens and mr. crickmore indicate that awareness of the style of the music is essential to an understanding of it. unfortunately, both of them bypass this basic approach to the music with excuses of insufficient space in or inappropriateness to their dissertations. miss stevens is trying to generalizations from a study of 52 compositions. i question whether she succeeds. mr. crickmore, on the other hand, rather than confining himself to the six concertos of wq. 43, looks for similarities to so many other concertos, not only ofc. p. e. bach, but also of johann christian bach, haydn, mozart, and even beethoven, that the result is confusing. to their credit, they have devoted time and energy to one of the most original and imaginative of composers. laurence david bermanthe evolution of tonal thinking in the works oj claude debussy cambridge: unpubl. harvard university ph.d. diss., 1965. (vol. i, text and bibliography, xv+265 pp.; vol. ii, musical exx., 262 pp.) interlibrary loan from the eda kuhn loeb music library, cat. no. mus t. 65.32. xerox copy from widener library, $5'7.00 (with permission of the author). . mark devoto this is an invaluable dissertation. it is not onjy a profound and incredibly thorough analysis of debussy's approaches to harmony and musical form; it is a first-rate survey of 19th-century harmony as well, and this aspect of the dissertation prolegomena-to-debussy-wou1d make dr. berman's study a worthwhile reference text for a course in advanced harmony. but the preliminary studies in dr. berman's dissertation are not really a separate affair; they are closely integrated into the debussy analysis. the documentation is gratifyingly immense: the musical examples, drawn from dozens of works by many different composers, are numbered through 306, but the many subdivisions of the'numbers make probably twice that many actual examples. in addition, there are harmonic-melodic schemata for all the works discussed in detail. dr. berman's writing is vigorous, terse, absolutely direct, and a pleasure to read. dr. berman's study cleaves once and for all many of the gordian knots of debussy's music. the analytical approach, and the results obtained, far surpass in depth and comprehensibility anything else on debussy's music i have seen. we are all aware of debussy's importance historically and intrinsically; we' are equally aware of the mountains of simplistic and specious "analysis" that have appeared over the past 70 years, from such 200 formidable people as schoenberg on down, through kurth and rene lenormand, through the syntheses of a. eaglefield hull and the newer "serial" analysts, to the miseries of saturday symphony program notes. for all that, debussy's music is perhaps less well understood today than schoenberg's, and, though familiar, it is still tantalizingly enigmatic even to most 'musicians. the man debussy has recently been unveiled in edward lockspeiser's admirable two-volume study, debussy: his life and mind (1962 and 1965), which deals in great detail, and with a penetrating over-all view, with the events and intellectual surroundings of debussy's career; now, at last, there is a really fine book on debussy's music. a pox on harvard, for making dr. berman's dissertation so difficult of access (harvard and university microfilms do not have an agreement). the dissertation is so thorough, precise, and full that i can discuss only a few essentials. in this review. appropriately enough, dr. berman begins his first chapter, "the legacy of wagnerian chromaticism," with a look at bach's g minor fantasia for organ, a unique example' in its day of the possibilities of diminished-seventh enharmony (and one that must have awakened the dead on the untempered instruments of bach's time); dr. berman points out that until' the 19th century, with chopin and wagner, the diminished-seventh was employed mainly as an unambiguous dominant (vg), and only rarely as an enharmonic dominant. similarly the augmented six-five-three or "german sixth" (also a resource of early classical harmony and differing from the diminished-seventh only by a single chromatic inflection), as illustrated in mozart's k. 453 piano concerto, is described by dr. berman as "less ambiguous than the diminished seventh,' since its function with relation to a given key is fixed" (p. 6). (enharmonically, the augmented six-five-three is also an unambiguous dominant seventh.) the revolution in the use of these harmonic resources in the 19th century, according to dr .. berman, came about by expansion of their contexts; liszt and wagner, for instance, made much of the sequential treatment, as opposed to resolutional, of chromatically-altered or otherwise multifunctional chords, and in such contexts, by gradually decreasing the frequency of appearance of distinguishing temporary tonics, achieved new' paradigms for harmonic motion and musical continuity. thus dr. berman states on page 11: wagner's attitude toward enharmony is this separated from schubert's [as exemplified by the last page of his impromptu, op. 90, no.3] in that it is not necessarily tension-building, from bach's in that it does not rely upon temporary resolution in overt harmonies, and from mozart's, since it is not confined to playing a predetermined formal role. in a word, the ·chromaticism of parsifal is·an enharmonic continuum which has no need for root movements to explain or clarify temporary tonalities. and a little later, speaking about parsifal, dr. berman says, there is no denying that wagner is concerned with breaking down longer chromatic spans into smaller entities which have some semblance 201 of tonal unity. yet, one may well ask whether, within the boundaries of these entities, the number, complexity, and expressive force of the chromatic details allow the listener to function on any but the lowest architectonic level. from here dr. berman proceeds to a microscopic dissection of "le balcon" (no.1, though not the first composed, of debussy's five baudelaire [significantly baudelaire!] settings of 1887-89), whose conspicuously chromatic dimension is wrought in an elaborately contrapuntal piano accompaniment reminiscent of wagner's orchestral accompaniments, in striking contrast to the more "french," "figurational" treatment exhibited by other songs in the set, such as "lejet d'eau" (no.3), which is discussed in a later chapter. dr. berman points out that the "wagnerian" songs in the baudelaire group, compared with the ariettes oublices of about the same time, are something of an isolated phenomenon; nevertheless, "it cannot be ignored that this encounter with [wagner's] chromaticism produced debussy's first mature works. and just as debussy, with all his later antagonism toward the wagnerian aesthetic, never succeeded in resisting the music (nor, for that matter, the music-drama), so, too, the chromatic 'virus' is always latent in his work'; (p. 30). likewise, in la damoiselle clue (1887-89), the tristan-like passages near the end coexist with the medieval-modal "antique" harmonies of the beginning, the latter, dr. berman suggests, having their justification in the pre-raphaelite literary origins of the work. dr. berman then turns to the opposite pole of the 19th-century harmonic legacy in his second chapter, "neutralization: the diatonic disintegration of functionality." he says on page 31: " ... harmonic complication in a purely diatonic context contributed as forcibly to the disintegration of functionality as it did in the chromatic realm," and proceeds to back up this assertion with an impressive set of demonstrations. (would that the authors of so many harmony texts could savor these words to the full, and climb off their pinnacles of "doubly-augmented-root-with-simultaneously-raised"-andlowered-fifth-degree" chords!) dr. berman begins with the origin of the dominant seventh as a 16th-century passing-tone or suspension, and its subsequent evolution as an independent resource of quasi-consonant nature: " ... both [these processes] serve to show how conditioning to a sound within a certain environment allows the sound to leave that environment and find new ones: it has 'matured', so to speak" (p. 32). this statement could serve as a law of harmonic evolution, to be engraved on the doorposts of every library of music theory. in an analogous manner, in the 19th century, the triads on the so-called "modal degrees" of the scale (iii and vi, sometimes ii)' achieve a greater independence as chordal entities, even when they are still structurally subservient to the major triads; beethoven's fondness for casting secondtheme groups in tonal regions based on iii or vi is cited by dr. berman as an archetypal example of the new freedom. after giving several examples from chopin (the beginning of the b-flat minor funeral march and the 202 beginning of the polonaise-fantaisie, among others), dr. berman says: "considering the foregoing passages as a group, one is struck by a single characteristic common to almost all of them: the chords are in root-position regardless of the extent to which the "contrapuntal" vestiges are still apparent. in this respect, the growth of weak harmonic successions in 19th-century style is part of a more all-embracing tendency to call attention to the specific sound value of certain chords by giving them root status (this being synonymous with greater autonomy and independence)" (pp. 38-39). an especially noteworthy feature of this discussion is the question of the so-called "added sixth degree," whose validity is scarcely acknowledged in most harmony books because it implies an origin other than superposition of thirds above a root; thus by the traditional interpretation chopin's f major prelude (or for that matter weill's moritat) begins on vig, despite the topicity of the underlying bass, because the sixth degree cannot be accounted for as a passing-tone or neighboring-note, and cannot be achieved in a tower of thirds until the thirteenth degree above the bass is reached. (the major tonic triad with added sixth is, of course, a partial mapping of the black-key pentatonic scale, whose extensive employment by debussy traces back to chopin.) with reference to examples from chopin and liszt, dr. berman brushes aside all the old straitjackets: the problem is essentially this: within the scope of the over-all piece the tonality is unequivocal, and the sixth degree remains ornamental. yet, there are certain limited (microscopic) contexts which allow the sixth degree momentarily to build up its own field of associations (p. 45). the broad field of "associations" is narrowed to specific "mixtures of sounds," from which dr. berman derives the general principle of neutralization (p. 46) : the clear-cut harmonic shapes of classical tonality, in which each chord· has a certain role to play and a certain place to occupy, are obscured by the addition of dissonant or embellishing tones which evoke intervallic groupings at odds with the intention and the function of the original entity .... the dominant ninth chord itself is symbolic of this slow functional disintegration, because its particular physiognomy contains the substance of a "neutralization": its lower three notes say v, but its upper three say ii. copious examples chosen from, inter alios, gounod, massenet, bizet, and debussy's earliest known work, the song "nuit d'etoiles" (1876?), illustrate the principle in isolation; dr. berman then offers detailed analyses of three complete songs, "mandoline" (1880-83), "c'est i'extase" from ariettes oubliees (1888), and "les cloches" from deux romances (1891). dr. berman's third chapter, "the nineteenth and harmonic modality," attacks squarely a subject that is very broad and highly ramified and, in most of the literature, utterly confused. on page 69 he writes cogently: 203 the extent ... to which the romantics intended to copy sixteenthcentury polyphony in earnest is open to question. we are too quick to believe that they deceived themselves into thinking that they had successfully reproduced sixteenth-century techniques, when all they . intended to do,"more likely, was to give their sacred work a certain "legitimacy" by resurrecting the atmosphere of the old sacred style. it seems improbable that beethoven's main concern in using the lydian mode in his "dankgesang" was to create a piece of pure modal writing (although critics disputing the authenticity of this writing have made it their concern, and, in so doing, have made it appear as if it had been .. beethoven's as well). and, on pp; 71-72: it is undeniable that the source of our greatest confusion about "modal practjce" lies in our failure to have distinguished between the use of modes in music of a single line ;lnd that of many lines. indeed, the sixteenth-century theorists were already aware of the modifications which preoccupations of consonance and dissonance must impose on the employment of the medieval modes. yet, if they were able to "perceive" these modifications with 'the ear-and thertmio ", iwr 'l$' i 't!1 ru 1::3 i t1l:j i 'ij;j ]1[: [$,if r t:l±1 i 0 , , lii' i!l , r , "ij 1 vl.s16l.f in tke faoc--simllf] .. 01 v1.j 1-:11 uo 1-3 ,"res -;:;41" " v -u -;t' .fori" .. . . .. --v 1:.j -, 1 1 1 p/4"d m-..-'" ... xvi 0 i , b 0' facsimile 95 [for adagio] facsimile ,:'i;"";. , .... r1j 0;;::-.. ,jlkll. hv " 1 1 1'" " f f , f' .. .. facsimile 96 d. facsimile. morgan autograph score, opening of the poco allegretto, p. 29. version after a "delay" of four measures, a harmonic extension which adds a sophisticated polish to the charming folk-like quality of the tune. another of the differences between the settings of ms. 41 and the petter sketchbook is that in the earlier version beethoven terminates the melody on the tonic final, whereas in the petter sketch, on the third degree. the tonic final brings the melodic motion to a halt, giving the tune its aspect of completion, a short but fulfilled musical entity. in the second version, however, the function of the tune has changed-it is now the theme of a continuous chain of variations. thus, beethoven's simple change has had a far-reaching effect on the artistic utility of his musical subject. the third extant source of opus 96 is ms. 60 of the conservatoire national, collection malherbe. max unger catalogued and briefly annotated these holdings. ms. 60 contains beethoven's work on two compositions, opus 96 (the last movement only) and the c major mass, opus 86. the work on the sonata was independent of that on the mass, which was composed during 1807 and performed on september 12 of that year. unger characterizes the section on opus 96 as a "bruchstiick aus dem finale der sonate in g dur fur violin u. klavier, w. 96, unbekannte fassung, in partiturmassigen niederschrift."9 i wish here to identify these fragments in greater detail. 4-c •m • 97 in the following example, parts a and b are reproductions of the two pages in ms. 60 containing work on opus 96, highly dissimilar both in appearance and in function. (ex. iv). a is on a sheet of paper ruled with twenty staves. there are five triple staves of score, with every fourth staff left blank. this format is also used 98 example iv part a part b i " l .......... ' • ,i; ; throughout most of the morgan autograph. the paper, scoring, and style of handwriting of these two sources are strikingly similar, with meticulous indications of dynamics, rests, and accidentals. as was often beethoven's practice in fair copy, clefs and key signatures are indicated only in the first measure (of the movement or folio). the writing is, for beethoven, extremely neat and legible; even the few minor revisions are notated with care-in short, we have beethoven's fair copy. b, in querjormat, contains three systems of score, each separated by a blank staff. both handwriting and musical content are far less finished than in a. b is a composing score, a working draft, no longer a sketch but not yet a finished copy. it is a musical continuation of a, but not part of the fair copy. there may have been a more polished version ofb which was, indeed, in fair copy and corresponded to the second page of the finale in the morgan autograph. from various documents surrounding the first two performances of opus 96, we know that beethoven composed two versions of the last movement. these concerts took place on december 29, 1812, and january 7, 1813, with the archduke rudolph pianist, pierre rode violinist. rode, from all accounts, disappointed everyone's expectations. apparently, he was well past his prime by 1812, and even critics who had been his 99 admirers in earlier years failed to find the same fine qualities in his playing. for instance, louis spohr, no light appraiser of other violinists' abilities, wrote of the young rode that the more he heard him perform, the more overcome he was by his playing. in a letter, however, written several months before the first concert, spohr warned the archduke that he missed rode's former boldness in conquering great difficulties. spohr's review of rode's recital in the viennese redoutensaal, which took place one day before the second performance of opus 96, was far less diplomatic. he found the playing cold and mannered, the violinist's technical security shattered, his passage work sloppy and unsure. 10 beethoven must have been all the more disappointed since he had gone out of his way to accommodate the whims and abilities of his violinist. it is very likely that the archduke was excited and flattered at the prospect of performing with a famous foreign artist and that beethoven, whose income depended almost exclusively upon rudolph's generosity, had no wish to jeopardize the success of the performance. in a letter written to the archduke shortly before the first performance,ll beethoven mentions the care taken in revising portions of the last movement and assures him that all will go well: " ... in view of rode's playing i have had to give more thought to the composition of (the last) movement. in our finales we like to have fairly noisy passages, but rode does not care for them-and so i have been rather hampered ... " nevertheless, the performance did not go very well. according to a review in gl6ggl's musikzeitung, "the piano part was played with more soul than the violin part; mr. rode's greatness does not lie in this type of music but in the performance of the concerto."12 the letter to the archduke hints at two elements guiding beethoven's newer version: rode's playing, with, one assumes, its growing unreliability, and his preference for the legendary "french tradition" of violin writing. this style features mannered rather than bravura passages, polished harmonic and melodic embellishments, delicate phrases, an overall gloss of highly controlled brilliance-elements characteristic of the compositions (especially the concerti) of rode himself. the rondo-like variation form is fully in keeping with the concerti of viotti, kreutzer, baillot, rode, spohr, and others of that school, although it was certainly not bound to the french influence. however, the allegretto of beethoven's sonata was conceived prior to and independently of any specific consideration of rode's musical personality. the kinds of changes which beethoven made from ms. 60 to the version in the morgan autograph confirm these observations. the basic structure of the composition has been fully retained, despite the alterations. these latter fall into three categories: technical simplification of the violin part; refinement of the piano part, giving more finesse to the left hand by softening the reiterated rhythmic pulses of the octaves (especially in mm. 4, 5, 8, 16) and filling in the harmonic colors formerly supplied by the violin; 100 and changing of several details of melodic figuration (especially from m. 19 on). in m. 17 the first note is still the f# of ms. 41 rather than the a# of the morgan autograph. a of ms. 60, nonetheless, is very similar to the final version. the most important late manuscript source of opus 96 is beethoven's autograph score of the sonata.l 3 this document, signed and dated by the composer, is exceedingly well preserved. the score comprises twelve large sheets of paper, each folded over to provide four pages. these four-page gatherings were, in turn, sewn together into the present order. two sets of small, rough-edged holes, punched through the bulk of the manuscript, give evidence of an earlier, more rudimentary binding, quite possibly improvised by beethoven himself.l4 a piece of thread may have been pulled through these punctures in order to hold the individual gatherings together, but to allow sheets to be removed and inserted without difficulty. someone other than beethoven has numbered the upper outside corner of each page of music in pencil. aside from these penciled numbers, the first six pages of the last movement (29-34) were numbered 1 to 6 by beethoven in ink, presumably when he replaced the earlier version with this one. some pages of the score have been left blank, as indicated in the following chart: allegro moderato, pp. 1-8 scherzo, pp. 17-21 adagio, pp. 25-28 poco allegretto, pp. 29-44 p. 9 blank, beginning of gathering which extends through p. 12 pp. 14--16 blank, completion of gathering which starts on p. 13 pp. 22-24 blank, completion of gathering which starts on p. 21 one gathering, no blank pp. pp. 45-46, which complete the final gathering, are blank. most of these blank pages seem to indicate revisions of the sonata which were too extensive to be made directly in the text. beethoven copied these passages onto fresh gatherings in order to assure a neat manuscript which could be bound by joining the four-page units. thus, he avoided tearing out a rejected page when he could have done so without detaching good material as well. he probably found it necessary to copy music retained from the replaced gathering onto the new one, and then to continue with the revised music. for this reason, we usually cannot determine where alterations begin, although we assume that they probably end very near to the blank portion of each gathering. page 9 was left blank under different circumstances. there are numerous corrections throughout p. 8, indicating that beethoven had more difficulty in writing out the music (of mm. 172-90) than he had anticipated. he seems to have proceeded to the following measures, and to have left a blank page for possible further changes. the above chart also indicates that in the morgan autograph, the scherzo 101 is bound in front of the adagio. this order is the reverse of the position of these movements in the petter sketches, the steiner first authentic edition of the sonata, and the early birchall edition.15 furthermore, the former ordering defies musical logic. in the morgan score, the key signature of the scherzo is notated , indicating that this movement follows one written in three fiats. the first movement, in g major, hardly satisfies this requirement. the adagio, however, is in the fiat submediant area ofg, namely e fiat. the most convincing musical proof of the sequence of movements is offered by a revision at the end of the adagio, the bridge section leading to the scherzo. (ex. v.) £xamvle i "1,ir' .,.. .. ,ic-, j. p. 102 facsimile the chief difference between this passage and its final revision lies in the metric structure. the discarded section may be divided into the following broad phrase units, determined primarily by rate of harmonic motion. (ex. vi.) , (4*' #j c.:1 i"'" t ... , (#1 two features of the above scheme work against a fluid and tightly unified transition into the scherzo: m. 62 falls on the weakest part of the phrase, and the spondaic organization ofmm. 62-64 is abandoned in m. 65, reverting to the less assertive trochees featured throughout the earlier portion of the movement. as early as the petter sketches, beethoven seems to have been striving for an unbroken union of the adagio with what is now the scherzo. no distinction is made between the movements; they are not independently labeled, or separated by double bars. moreover, the harmonies glide into one another in a remarkably smooth progression. however, beethoven does not commit himself to a written statement of the transition itself. perhaps his first attempt to compose the passage is represented by this deleted section of the autograph score. 103 measure 62 of this earlier version anticipates the scherzo through its metric organization. the adagio, up to m. 62, contains two main pulses to the bar, a stressed and an unstressed. the scherzo, on the other hand, has only one pulse per measure. thus, the spondaic pattern introduced in m. 62 links these schemes; the tempo of the scherzo is set by the half-measure pulses ofm. 62 which, in turn, derive from the duple meter of the adagio. these same features are prominent in beethoven's revision of the passage. measure 62 no longer shares the harmonies of m. 61, but is set in the tonic. thus, the structural harmonic weight of the tonic coupled with the new rhythmic organization combine to draw our attention to m. 62. this latter measure is now established as the beginning rather than the end of a phrase grouping. (ex. vii.) (vnoiw3u mj d3v;jj:h 3w:jtbs j" fl/oil''tlj..iycj) y/10iwjh "''''jnniwij example vii .. •. 1;1' , fi,,t d; " ""';' l' in the final version beethoven alters the metric scheme to unify it with that of the scherzo. the hemiolia figure, now shifted to the cadence, is extremely effective, for whereas it does not break the metric continuity between movements, it differentiates them and gives the impression of slowing down without actually slackening the tempo. this device permits the rhythmic scheme to end in a state of uncertainty, which, coupled with the harmonic ambiguity of the tritone, is resolved by the scherzo. one might say that measures 62 ff. are as much a part of one movement as the other. it is this unusual kind of bridge-and there is an analogous instance leading to the final poco allegretto-that gives the sonata its remarkable inner unity, its seamless flow of music, a quality shared by many of beethoven's later works. although the morgan autograph is a fair copy, some extensive insertions, corrections, and revisions demonstrate that beethoven was still in the process of composing the sonata. i shall discuss some of the most important of these in the order in which they occur in the final version of the composition. the first major revision is found in the allegro moderato, p. 5 of the autograph score. (ex. viii.) beethoven may have discarded this draft ofmm. 101-08 because it anticipates a return to the opening motive of the composition and a harmonic progression to the dominant, both of these features tending to diminish the scope of the development section and the impact of the recapitulation. therefore, in the final version of this passage, he introduced an additional melodic element (m. 102) taken from m. 84 of the exposition. he also altered 104 the harmonic color of the later version; the earlier passage seems to attain the dominant in m. 108, whereas in the second the mediant is prolonged throughout mm. 104-07 and the dominant delayed until m. 124, the start ofa passage derived from mm. 79-83 of the exposition. measures 124-39 extend the dominant into the recapitulation (the last beat ofm. 139). although no passage corresponding exactly to the preliminary version of mm. 101-08 is found elsewhere in the movement, beethoven seems to have retained much of its motivic shape and modulatory function in a revision of the end of the recapitulation (mm. 247-59). this change is of special interest, since it reveals successive stages in beethoven's compositional process. i think that beethoven arrived at the final version of mm. 246-60 in the following manner. the first version of this passage led directly from a continuation of the arpeggios of mm. 242-46 into the cadenza-like runs in mm. 260-67. from m. 260 to the end of the movement, both versions coincide. the cadenza ends with a return to the arpeggios (in the tonic as opposed to the earlier diminished-seventh chords) in mm. 268-75. these lead to a last 105 facsimile glimpse of the opening motive (mm. 275-79), which culminates in the upward sweeping scale ending the movement. the newer version postpones the end of the movement, by presenting the opening motive on chromatically ascending degrees of the scale; this passage crescendos towards the excitement of the cadenza. (ex. ix.) the earliest sketches for the final shape of mm. 247-59 seem to be in the beginning of the mysterious crayon sketches for the allegro moderato on f. 73v of the petter sketchbook (see ex. iii). i believe that after beethoven crossed out the rejected measures in the autograph score, he jotted down his new ideas on some systems which he had left blank on folios in the petter sketchbook containing work towards the sonata. these sketches are also very similar, in part, to the first version of mm. 101-08 (see ex. viii). beethoven's final version ofmm. 248-59 (ex. x, p. 109) begins with a similar melodic motive, and a diminished chord which might have resolved inwardly to a chord. however, this progression is denied, and the harmony glides through the c:jf passing tone into an extended (to m. 261) (through the end ofm. 271) i (from m. 271 to the end of the movement) progression. thus, the harmonic motion of the final version is prolonged far past the scope of beethoven's earlier projections. although it may be that beethoven made additional preliminary sketches for this passage, i do not think that this was necessarily so. further stages 106 facsimij,e by no means full, nor does it extend over the entire movement. in addition, the sketch for the coda is very different from its present form. the trio commences with 14 deleted bars. (ex. xi, p. 110.) beethoven's decision to shift the disposition of the melody (from the piano to the violin and vice versa) forced him to rewrite these measures. he appears to have observed the following procedure for scoring this passage: (1) he wrote in bar lines; (2) copied out the melody-the continuous feature of the music; (3) either added harmonic substance (realizing the implications of the linear motion) and/or worked out melodic refinements. he may have worked from a previously sketched, drafted or composed source, or composed the score directly. elements of the structural continuity take precedence over details of incidental importance. always allowing for exceptions, one might even recognize a similar procedure for the composition of the entire sonata. the coda brings us again to the petter sketchbook where the section marked "coda," separated from the brief sketch of the trio by a double bar, is very different from the finished version. (ex. xii, p. ill.) the latter is closely derived from the scherzo; however, it is in the major mode rather than the minor, and ends with a trill reminiscent of the first movement. measures 48-51 of the earlier concept of the coda are retained in the present form. perhaps mm. 48-82 were once a bridge passage leading directly into the poco allegretto, and the opening 16 bars of the trio were to be continued in a 108 example .i r • i,i,_ b i' .;+41+ :---!: .... . .... " f,j, .. , i, f-ir )jqlj1 1'\!jt 1 j/.i '*il r _ i,_ -.. . ' • 4i'*' i.j' _ ':ij '7' '-'"' ''''f: -1----r ili7 ... ; r., j g f,j·grts; _ ----r :i : c j #1 ,. l:l'f i..,ji 1 facsimile 109 ijo' r [ 1$4 tiulj 1/',=./ " on) , " •• til'" ......... nf31 q tiiili 11 ,1 'opa coda \tnill i, lin b) 11 'u ij n i j n i j -0 i sw ottmjalaait different manner (mm. 33-48). unfortunately, this problem cannot be solved from the sources at present. the poco allegretto contains only two remnants of major revision, neither of which is self-contained in the autograph. the first, already discussed at some length, is the rewriting of the opening portion of the movement, pp. 2934 of the autograph. the second, which appears to have given beethoven a good deal oftrouble, occurs on p. 41, mm. 227-28. (ex. xiii, p. ill.) it seems as though the movement, from m. 227 to the return of the opening theme at m. 245, originally continued in a different manner. the morgan autograph shows a certain hesitation on beethoven's part-many smudges, messy alignments, occasional changes of a note or an ornamental figure. beethoven, not satisfied with his earlier version, abandoned the score to work out an alternative, then finished the details of his composition directly on thefair copy. (ex. xiv, p. 112.) this article has attempted to follow beethoven's composition of opus 96 from its beginning as an isolated musical borrowing to the completed form of the sonata. although it is not possible to resurrect a man's creative processes, at least their marks can sometimes be deciphered. in the case of 110 example xli --f is f;---. 1!t.:!: i--' '\ / 1i \ / \ / ..... it .l.og" i i f---/\ ---+--48·' ... hij, gu/.. j;j ",f b'h, ... \,riic -y * \ v / / '\ =examrle m a " r j n.t. v,,,"'" r,uf """.. ",+ ,u," of .. h,u'il w(.h utatet-e4' fifher it ,."1't\4iltej r l 0' ihf""'j"c .. t the rlltvisj" .. s "" j as: ",ore l;i'd.,. + i j "'.,,( be'h ur't4 ..,ii .... /3eefh""ett .:d4ucd. r;""" rt4d. ir , ----f-..i ) lini] 111 example xiv beethoven, these manifest themselves as the traces of a burning force bound by artistic logic. a man's last works in a genre, or in a phase of his creative activity, are likely to be imbued with a special significance by posterity, as are most manifestations of finality in a transient world. opus 96 is such a creation. unlike the earlier sonatas for violin and piano of opera 12, 23, 24, and 30, opus 96 is not a composition essentially pianistic in nature with the added color of a violin, a composition which could easily be reworked for keyboard alone (e.g., opus 23 in a minor). nor is opus 96 an exploitation of one instrument, the pianoforte, echoed and somewhat contrasted by the violin, as in the sonatas of opus 3d-especially in the variation movement of the a major sonata, the entirety of the c minor sonata, and (to a far lesser extent) the first movement of the g major sonata. on the other hand, the kreutzer sonata, with its concertante element, is also of different ilk. this work presents two virtuoso parts of equal importance in a contrasted, "competitive" manner. opus 96 also has moments of brilliance. the final scale of the first movement and the runs in the trio, thrown back and forth between violin and piano, make great demands upon the players. yet, the listener welds these feats of technical prowess into the 112 whole, hears them not as bursts of power but flights of soaring lyricism. even the double cadenza at the end of the allegro moderato, commencing with sparkling figuration shared by both instruments (m. 262) and ending with them combined in an extended trill, achieves a complete blend of instrumental color and musical substance, a great artistic union. notes 1 the writing of this paper was largely inspired by discussions with alan tyson during his professorship at columbia university in the spring of 1969. i should like to acknowledge, with deep appreciation, permission granted by mrs. evelyn hertzmann and professor edward lippman of columbia university to use materials assembled by the late eric hertzmann. i am also indebted to the trustees of the pierpont morgan library and its librarian, herbert cahoon, for allowing me to study the library's signed autograph score of beethoven's sonata in g for violin and piano, opus 96, and to use some photographic reproductions of this score for illustrations. i am also grateful to the librarian of the columbia university music library, thomas watkins, and his staff. 2 franz grasberger, gesellschaft der musikfreunde in wien. die handschriften der meister. beriihmte werke der tonkunst im autograph, vienna, 1966, p. 114, identifies the motive on line i of ms. 41 as "der entwurf eines themas flir streich-quartetts." i was not able to verify this statement. the copy of ms. 41 at my disposal is a diplomatic transcription among dr. hertzmann's notes. kinsky-halm gives the time of composition for "kennst du das land" (second version) as 1809. this is confirmed by thayer-forbes i:493ff. the song was published as "mignon" by breitkopf und hiirtel in october 1810, as the first of six songs with pianoforte accompaniment, opus 75, dedicated to princess caroline von kinsky. 3 j. standfuss, der lustige schuster, oder der teufel ist los, zweyter theil. eine comische oper in drey aufzilgen, hrsg. von johann adam hiller, leipzig, 1771, pp. 14-15. for further information about the intriguing, folk-like tune, see georgy ca1mus, "die ersten deutschen singspiele von standfuss und hiller," publikationen der internationalen musikgesellschaft. beihefte. 2. fo1ge, hft. vi, especially p. 3; max seiffert, "die sperontes-1ieder 'ich bin nun wie ich bin''ihr schonen horetl an' und seb. bach," festschrift, fritz stein zum 60. geburtstag ilberreicht von fachgenossen freunden und schillern, hrsg. von hans hoffmann und franz rlih1mann, braunschweig, 1939, pp. 65-70 (facs. p. 67); johann sigismund scholze, sperontes singende muse an der pleisse, in ddt 1. fo1ge, xxxv-xxxvi, hrsg. von edward buhle, leipzig, 1909, p. 52; philipp spitta, "sperontes 'singende muse an der p1eisze'. zur geschichte des deutschen hausgesanges in achtzehnten jahrhundert," vierteijahrsschrift filr musikwissenschaft 1 :35-126, especially pp. 86-95. 4 "c. g. neefe's lebens1auf, von ihm selbst beschrieben," (1799) amz 16:241-45, 17: 257-61, 18:273-78, especially pp. 243f., 245, 258ff., 260, and 273. on p. 259 neefe characterizes his regard for hiller, his mentor: "er ist die quelle, woraus ich meine bessern musika1ischen kenntnisse geschopft." 5 thayer-forbes i: 67. 6 alfred loewenberg, annals of opera 1597-1940, 2nd ed., geneva, 1955, p. 267. 7 max unger, neues beethoven jahrbuch (1933) 5:445f, presents a brief catalogue of the "grosse pettersche skizzenbuch," named after the viennese collector gustav a. petter, who possessed it around the mid-19th century. this catalogue is superseded by unger's useful and thorough eine schweizer beethoven sammlung, zurich, 1939, p. 164. the sketchbook now forms part of the bodmer collection owned by the beethovenhaus in bonn. s for a transcription of the main body of the ink sketches of opus 96 in the petter sketchbook, as well as a brief discussion of the sonata, see gustav nottebohm, beethoveniana i, leipzig, 1872, pp. 26-30. to my knowledge, the crayon sketches have not been transcribed or analyzed. 113 9 "die beethovenhandschriften der pariser konservatoriumsbibliothek," nbj (1935) 6: 87. 10 selbstbiographie, cassel and gottingen, 1860-61, vol. i, pp. 67,177. n emily anderson, the letters of beethoven, new york, 1961, letter no. 392. 12 boris schwarz, "beethoven and the french violin school," mq(1958) 44:441. 13 the pierpont morgan library acquired this manuscript from leo s. olschki in 1907. see the latter's account of the sonata's "discovery" and sale, "decouverte du manuscrit autographe de la dixieme sonate de l. van beethoven," bibliofilia ix. some facsimile copies of pages from the autograph are published in bibliofilia ix, op. cit., frontispiece; walther lampe and kurt schaeffer, editors, beethoven sonaten, klavier und violine, urtext, g. henle verlag, munich-duisburg, 1949, vol. i, frontispiece; emanuel winternitz, musical autographsfrom monteverdi to hindemith, new york, 1965, vol. 2, plates 84-86. 14 the uppermost of these holes is approximately 4.1 em. from the top of the page, the lower 5.5 em. from the bottom. 15 alan tyson, the authentic english editions of beethoven, london, 1963, pp. 20, 89f., i 44f. the new york public library, music division-special collections, owns a copy of the steiner print. 114 some observations on the row technique zn webern's opus 25 donald chittum there are many aspects of web ern's drei lieder that are noteworthy and deserve discussion in their own right. i am thinking specifically of the composer's penchant for creating discrete cellular structures, each with its own pitch, rhythmic, dynamic, and articulative character, and his way of shaping these structures into a well organized, but still multifarious, work of art. as interesting as these phenomena are to the theorist, i nevertheless wish to devote my attention in this article to the specific properties of the row, the manner in which it is used, and how it affects certain aspects of harmonic organization. the row of the songs (see example 1) is composed essentially of seconds and thirds; it contains only one perfect interval and no tritones. in keeping with other rows used by webern, it has an internal symmetrical organization'! for instance, the row may be divided into four three-note aggregates, each containing a major third and minor second. aggregates a, b, and dare transpositions of each other, while aggregate c is a variant of these, with the minor second added beneath the lower member of the third rather than the upper. example 1 1 2 " 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 $ #* ., • .. .. p .. ., "'i w..,. i $ fl ;j it a b c d a row such as this, containing certain inner symmetrical relationships, is like those used by schoenberg in that it is not merely an arbitrary ordering of twelve pitch classes, but rather an unfolding of a central pitch concept which initially manifests itself in much smaller aggregates or row segments. these then evolve into the entire row through various transpositions, inversions, retrogrades, or variants.2 it would therefore seem more prudent to think of the row not so much as the representation of the primordial pitch concept of the piece, but rather as a more complex manifestation of this concept. once these pitch concepts reach this state of evolution (the row), webern, like schoenberg, tries to emphasize certain inherent relationships among various forms of the row and their transpositions. he accomplishes this by binding various forms of the row together through tones which function in both sets. this process occurs in both the vertical and horizontal dimensions of the 96 f piece by means of elisions between both simultaneous and successive statements of the row. consequently, the function of the elision goes well beyond that of merely avoiding any unnecessary duplication. in the first song webern limits his use of the series to the original (0), the inversion transposed up two semitones (12), and the respective retrograde forms. a comparison of 0 and 12 reveals that the pitches c:lj: and g fall in identical positions in both forms.3 in the chart below, as well as in others subsequently presented, the tones holding the same position in various forms of the series are connected in boxes, and the tones involved in elisions are connected in circles. webern emphasizes the relationships between 0 and ri2 by stating the original at the outset and following it immediately with a statement ofri2 in both piano and voice. the pitch g performs a dual function, or elision, in both series. there are only two departures from strict serial writing in the first song. one occurs in measure 5, where web ern repeats pitch 9 of ri2 in the piano after it is sung by the soprano. the other instance takes place in measure 11, where webern repeats pitches 10 and 11 and b) of r. curiously enough, this is done in the line "noch einmal bin ich ganz ins werden hingestellt und bin auf erden."4 could it be that webern resorts to a subtle bit of word painting by using two unaccountable pitches in referring to mortality? in the second song webern uses 0 5, 17, and their respective retrograde forms. notice that these series stand in the same relationship to each other as do those of the first movement, except that they are both transposed a perfect fourth higher. the example below indicates tones which appear in identical positions in these various forms, as well as tones which frequently are involved in elisions. example 3 1 2 ;) 4 5 6 7 8 9 10 11 12 1 r -r"\ j '-" , 1 1 4-c.m. 97 interestingly enough, these elisions always occur between voice and accompaniment, and not in either part alone. webern uses four different types of elisions in this song, the most common occurring when the original and retrograde forms of the same transposition appear simultaneously. the following chart indicates the measure, the form, and the pitch integer involved. form and tone performing measure transposition dual function 7 r5 and 0 5 4 11-12 17 and ri7 10 30 ri7 and 17 6 40 0 5 and r5 8 a second type of elision takes place when original and retrograde forms appear consecutively. for instance, in measure 9 the last three tones of 0 5 are also the first three tones of r5, and in measure 18 the last two tones of ri7 are the first two tones of 17. a third type of elision occurs when webern combines two separate statements of the same form. one statement begins before the other; the second is stated in quicker rhythmic values, so that it ultimately coincides with the first. at this point, a single statement of the remaining pitches suffices to complete both statements. illustrations of this procedure appear in measures 15 (ri7), 20 (r5), and 27 (17). the last type of elision involves two different forms, each transposed to a different pitch. here, webern permits a single pitch to function in both statements simultaneously. (see the chart below and example 3.) measure form and transposition elision 6 ri7 and r5 2=7 14 0 5 and ri7 10=5 15 and 29 0 5 and ri7 12=12 22 and 30 17 and r5 12= 12 31 ri7 and r5 4= ii and 2=7 35 ri7 and r5 3=6 two other departures from strict serial writing appear near the end of this song. both are quoted in example 4. notice that in the first illustration (measure 33) pitch 3 ofri5 appears prematurely, and in the second illustration (measure 39) pitch 12 of 17 appears prematurely and the statement of pitch 12 of r5 is deferred. in the third song webern returns to the forms and transpositions used in the first song. again he uses both tones eight and twelve of 0 and 12 in elisions. an interesting device appears in measures 48 to 54, where a statement of the original is interrupted by the completion of a statement of the retrograde. this is followed by a statement of 12, which shares certain pitches of the 0 form. (see example 5.) 98 example 4 a b example 5 langsamer, ;. ca 84 11 end-lich imrner langsamer, j. ca 58 05 3'1 z ann f rif. u...po -+8 ==-3 +.1 50,----:-15j 51 er 5j -i@ i z .3 s" sie an ----p bis zum rand a " 7 j-iff, 17 sf f sx-{ ) ,-,:. ® 'l y. 99 the chart below shows the first and last notes of the various forms used in the three songs. example 6 0 r 12 r12 song 1 $ ........ ' , .... ', j, l' i' song 2 $ 05 rs i7 ri7 ii .... , hd' .' i' 0 r 12 ri2 song 5 $ i' ...... ' ,-#' /. " q, i, since the role of the series has grown to include a greater number of formative functions, and since it has become increasingly more necessary to speak of serial technique in terms of a more pervasive musical control, it has become equally unfashionable to think of the series primarily as a substitute for tonality. however, we do know that schoenberg and most of his early disciples understood that the row could replace the formative function of tonality within a piece, and that "transpositions function in a similar manner to modulation in tonal music .... "5 this is nowhere more evident than in these three songs. for instance, notice (in example 6) that webern has created two tonal areas, represented by o-r and 12-ri2. o-r can be understood to be the tonic area, while 12-r12 can be understood to be its most important auxiliary area (analogous to the dominant in tonal music). in the second song o-r is transposed to 05-r5, and 12-r12 to 17-ri7; thus while both are transposed, the same relation remains intact (again having analogous antecedents in tonal music). in the final song web ern returns to the forms and transpositions of the first song. therefore, we see that, in addition to creating a tripartite tonal organization, webern regards the function of these transpositions as analogous to that of modulations in tonal music. it is customary to think of berg, rather than webern, as the link between serialism and the tonal music of the past. even the last works of schoenberg seem, on the surface, to have a closer kinship to their classical forebearers, and this is especially true when one takes into account their harmonic vocabulary and the nature of their gestures. because of his enormous originality and depth, webern is generally accepted as the point of departure for the second and third generations of serialists. to many minds it is webern, and not schoenberg, who stands out as the consummate creative spirit of this school. it is interesting, therefore, to see that webern did not, in fact, turn his back on the past but rather was able to rework older concepts of organization and blend them with new approaches, materials, and gestures into a highly original and provocative musical language. 100 notes 1 the row of the symphony, op. 21 is arranged so that the second hexachord contains the intervals of the first hexachord but in reverse order; the row of cantata no.1, op. 29 is arranged so that the transposed retrograde is the same as the inversion, and the retrograde inversion the same as the original. 2 for a fuller discussion of the process, see george rochberg's the hexachord and its relation to the 12-note row (bryn mawr, pa., 1955); george perle's review of rochberg's book in the journal of the american musicological society (1957) 10: 55-59; donald martino "the source set and its aggregate formations," the journal of music theory (1961) 5: 224-73; and john verrall's "a method for finding symmetrical hexachords in serial form," the journal if music theory (1962) 6:277-82. 3 in this article only forward forms of the row are given; i.e., 0 and i, since rand ri can easily be deduced by reading these forms backwards. 4 "once more i in creation's portal live my hours and yet am mortal." (translated by eric smith.) 5 j. rufer, composition with twelve notes, trans. h. searle (new york, 1954), p. 86. 101 a gentleman's lute book: the tablature of gabriello fallamero joel newman a mong the many musical volumes" given into the light" in 1584 by venetian printing presses were items prophetic as monteverdi's canzonette a 3, influential as marenzio's fourth book of five-part madrigals or the second edition of galilei's fronimo, and as ordinary as the subject of this study. 50 apparently uneventful is this tablature that it has never been described in detail, though it has been cited on occasion (chilesotti 1889; de la laurencie 1928:35; boetticher 1954; reese 1954:523; r.i.s.m. 1:323). einstein had not examined the volume and could not list its contents completely in his revision of vogel's madrigal bibliography (1946:51). the present article, begun as a footnote to this invaluable reference tool, was expanded after examination of the tablature made clear that it had some modestly distinctive qualities as well as typical ones. after all, the most everyday musical source deserves attention; such ephemeral material-along with diaries, letters from one nobody to another, and cartoons-can play an essential role in our full understanding of a historical period or process. material of this kind may be seen as the grout in which are embedded the more outstanding tesserae of history's mosaic. nothing is known about the "gentleman" author or his dedicatee, the signora livia guasca pozza, damma nobilissima alessandrina. the references to their status are correct: the fallameri were an aristocratic family of the piedmontese city, alessandria, though they were not as well-known as the guasco family (a. guasco 1605; bossola 1903). the tablature's title page reads as follows: ii primo libra de intavolatural da liuto, de motetti rice reate madrigali,1 et canzonette alia napolitana,1 a tre, et quattro voci, per cantare, etl sonare composte per gabriel joel newman is an associate professor of music at columbia university. 175 fallamero gentilhuomo allessandrino,1 novamente posto in luce./ [device] i in vinegia.! appresso l'herede di girolamo scotto.! mdlxxxiiij.1 this ambiguously worded title formula raises several interesting questions. is composte a boast, and would intavolate have been more accurate? a scholar has indicated that the volume's contents are "only intabulations" (ward 1952:88), but the present examination will suggest that fallamero plays a more important role. is the collection as comprehensive as the title promises? is it as conservative as the presence of motetti and ricercate would suggest? are all of the contents in tablature notation? the phrase per cantare et sonare is certainly an unusual one in the context of italian lutebooks. listing the complete contents and examining each category in turn will serve to answer these and other questions. title and no. of parts 1. in me tanto l'ardore (4) 2. apariran per me ie stelle (4) 3. u. ver l'aurora (5) 4. tirsi morir volea (5) s. madonna mia gentile (5) 6. ma di chi debbo lamentarmi (4) 7. sapi signor che lilia son io (5) 8. per pian to la mia carne (4) 9. quando la sera scaccia (5) 10. liquide perle amor (5) 11. partin) dunque (5) 12. fera gentil (5) 13. perche si streto, 2da parte (5) 14. cantai hor piango (5) 15. tengan dunque ver me, 2da parte (5) 16. mentre la bella dori (6) 17. non ti sdegnar (6) composer2 de monte lasso marenzio ruffo vinci lasso marenzio rore lasso a. gabrieli 1 copies are extant at the austrian national library, the university library at genoa, and the british museum in london (which now owns the copy formerly in the hirsch collection). i am grateful to the viennese authorities for a microfilm of their copy. 2titles and names have been modernized. only information provided by fallamero has been given here. 176 18.10 mi son giovinetta (4) d. ferabosco 19. livia gentil, voi sete tanto vaga 20. poiche sei cosi sorte scropolusa 21. preso son io nelle piu belle braccia 22. canzonette d'amore 23. s'all'aparir di voi, fulgente stella 24. vorria madonna fare, fare, fareti a sapere 25. 0 faccia che rallegri il paradiso 26. siate avertiti, 0 voi cortesi am anti 27. occhi leggiadri e cari 28. amanti miei, poiche scontenti state 29. 10 son bell'e delicata 30. vorria saper da voi, belle citelle 31. chi mira gl'occhi tuoi 32. 10 son fenice & voi sete la fiamma 33. nel vago lume de' bei vostri rai 34. viver non posso senz'il mio bel sole 35. gridate, gridate guerra 36. amor se giusto sei 37. 10 vo morir non sia alcun 38. mentr'io campai contento 39. standomi un giorno (5) lasso 40. indi per alto mar, 2da parte (5) 41. in un boschetto, 3za parte (5) 42. chiara fontana, 4ta parte (5) 43. una strana fenice, 5ta parte (5) 44. alfin vid'io, 6ta parte (5) 45. si dolce d'amar voi (5) striggio 46. dolce mio ben (6) 47. animam meam dilectam (5) lasso 48. congregamini, 2da parte (5) 49. recercar del terzo tono padovano 50. recercar del ottavo tono 51. i dolci colli (6) striggio 52. et qual cervo ferito, 2da parte (6) 53. anchor ch'io possa (6) 54. n asce la pena mia (6) 55. anchor che col partir fallamero's anthology of forty-six numbers, exclusive of separate partes, comprises three distinct musical categories: lute arrangements of vocal favorites (nos. 1-18, 39-48, 51-54), in177 tabulations of ensemble or keyboard ricercari (nos. 49-50), and canzonette to the lute (nos. 19-38 and 55). the first grouping is the rule in italian lutebooks, though the second type is less characteristic, since other lu tenists generally provided some of their own ricercari or fantasie, whereas fallamero has merely intabulated works by another composer. as for the last category, it is unique to this tablature; these are the first canzonette to the lute found in print. had fallamero added the phrase di diversi eccellentissimi musici after his motetti, ricercate, madrigali, his title page would have been clearer; but then he has carefully indicated each composer's name for all the selections in these elevated categories. the lighter canzonette alla napolitana, on the other hand, are given without any attributions. the presence of motets seems a rather conservative retention of a practice standard in tablatures of the 1540's. boetticher's article (1954) on fallamero indicates that his is the last book to follow this custom. 3 however, the promised motets actually turn out to be but one composition in two partes, animam meam dilectam tradidi, a work of lasso's middle years.4 by listing "motets" before madrigals on his title page, fallamero is only paying lip service to tradition. in fact, the heading on his table of contents is more accurate: tavola delli madrigalil motetti ricercate, et canzonettel intavolate nel liuto da gabriel fallamero.5 the two ricercari (exs. 1 and 2) are poly thematic specimens from annibale padovano's libro primo de ricercari a quattro voci, printed in 1556. ex. 1 ricercar del ottava lana (no. 8)6 'his statement that this is the last tablature "das noch einem grosseren bestand von motetten der spatrenaissance verpflichtet ist" is certainly an exaggeration (1954). 'first printed in paris in 1565 by le roy (boetticher 1958). 'the extensive manuscript tablature upsala university library vh87 includes only two motets as does genoa university library f vii 1, a manuscript source with a remarkably similar repertoire to fallamero (hambreus 1961:46-53; neri 1890). 6cf. the modern edition in open score by n. pierront and j.p. hennebains, paris, editions de l'oiseau lyre, 1934, p. 62. 178 ex. 2 ricercar del ferzo fono (no. 11)' j : 4-,j _ ,j i : i f' annibale, a predecessor of andrea gabrieli's at san marco, was second organist there from 1552 to 1563 and composed keyboard (or ensemble) music, madrigals, and liturgical pieces. fallamero intabulated these pieces from the original partbooks without adding so much as a single ornament; however, his d-tuning results in a transposition up a fifth. by selecting instrumental compositions first published twentyeight years earlier, fallamero may seem behind the times; but there are several indications that padovano's music was not considered old-fashioned in 1584. for one thing, his libro primo de ricercari was to be reprinted four years later in 1588. then too, no less a vanguard spirit than vincenzo galilei had the highest praise for padovano in both the fronimo (1568; 1584) and the dialogo (1581).8 in the former galilei included an intabulation of one of these ricercari (del settimo tono) that he writes is "the most beautiful perhaps of all that he has written" and "in truth, to my view, ... marvelous." (del valle de paz 1933:1ff.) further on in the book he names four of his contemporaries who, in his opinion, compose as well as they perform. padovano is cited first, then merulo, guami, and luzzaschi. there is a more important reason why it was not inconsistent for the century's chief spokesman against polyphony to espouse padovano's strictly contrapuntal music. instrumental music lagged behind the stylistic development undergone by 16th-century vocal music. the newly independent instrumental genre had only begun to make obeisance to the classic style of sys'ibid., p. 84. the editors have transformed the first measures to 'h rid d 1 : 1_ though their table of variants notes the composer's intention in both original editions. needless to say, fallamero does not bear them out. 8"1 say then that in our times there have been many excellent players, both of the lute and of the keyboard instruments, among whom some have indeed known how to play well and how to write well, or let us say how to compose well, for their instruments, as for the keyboard instrument an annibale padovano ... " (excerpts from the dialogo translated in strunk 1950:320.) 179 tematic imitation during the post-j osquin period at the time of the madrigal's supremacy and of the turn to denser textures representative of the music by willaert, gombert, and rorein short, during the "mannerist" period. the novel treatment of textures and dissonances, the insistent pictorial urge were all developed at the suggestion of the poetic texts. since the textless ricercar or fantasia had no need" to imitate nature," it was not touched for a long time by the mannerist style. in fact, these genres maintained their classic serenity and polyphonic spirit through decades of production by masters like cavazzoni, willaert, buus, segni, padovano, and merulo. since it was understood that these compositions did not share in the newer style, they were evaluated according to different criteria. though galilei outspokenly favored the vocal monody and simple "native song" style over flemish counterpoint, he felt that the retention of the latter in instrumental music was appropriate (palisca 1960:359ff.). thirty madrigal intabulations constitute the heart of this anthology. besides individual compositions there are a few cyclic ones, three sonnets set in the usual two partes and an entire petrarchan canzona, standomi un giorno solo, in six. lasso, whom fallamero calls rolando, predominates, along with striggio and marenzio. that great "hit" of the century, ferabosco's 10 mi son giovinetta, first printed in 1542, is the oldest selection. chronologically next come the lasso, rore, and striggio cullings, the latter's six-part pieces indicative of the new fashionableness of this texture in the 'sixties and 'seventies. indeed, the first book of striggio's six-part madrigals was re-issued no less than eight times; its most often intabulated item was nasce la pena mia, perhaps the second most famous piece in this anthology. john ward's axiom that "the repertoire offered by a tablature is normally that of the particular decade in which it was printed" (1952:88) is certainly valid for this mixed bag of madrigals, and all the more so because of the marenzio and andrea gabrieli items which had just been published in 1580. all four marenzio gems were to be "transalpinized" by thomas watson in his pioneering english madrigalian publications of 1588 and 1590 (kerman 1962:53-55, 59). a manuscript tablature in the genoa university library, f vii 1, described by achille neri (1890:73-81) has a similar repertoire of lasso, rore, striggio, and marenzio madrigals and shares fallamero's nos. 12, 18, 39-44, 46, 51, 53, and 54. its 180 anonymous compiler informs us by means of an enormous title9 that the marchese of san sorlino (who is also the duke of nemours' brother) has been kind enough to allow him "to copy from all of his rarest tablatures." the fallamero volume presently in the genoa university library may possibly have belonged to the marchese's collection, which would explain the many correspondences noted above. the canzonette in our tablature open up a chapter in the still largely unwritten history of italian accompanied song. in spite of literary, pictorial, and archival evidence for the continued practice of solo song in italy-singing to the lute, "viuola," viola da gamba, lira da braccio, harpsichord, and organthere are relatively few printed musical documents of the practice extant.10 early in the annals of music printing, italian lute song appeared in the form of three books of frottole to the lute, but later with the flood of many-voiced madrigal publications that began in the 1530's, the solo genre dwindled to a thin trickle, re-emerging in the century's final quarter in the sphere of native partsong, i.e., the canzonetta and halletto. fallamero's was the first printed collection to include canzonette with a lute part in tablature, and it was soon followed by simone verovio's series and by collections by quaglia ti, vecchi, bellasio, gastoldi, and a. ferrari. the canzonetta style had first appeared with the work of ferretti, conversi, and caimo published in the 1560's, though the term itself was not to be used until the next decade. stylistically, the canzonetta mediated between the villanella and the madrigal. "the more animated the villanella becomes motivically, the more its fifths disappear and the more it tends to take the form of the canzonetta," is einstein's characterization of the process by which it originated (1949 2:582). the twenty examples that fallamero grouped at the center of his book are typically brief and strophic, with the vocal superius printed in mensural notation over the tablature (plate 1). for the fourpart pieces, the latter simply reduces the lower three voice parts, 9 giardino di lntavolatura per il leuto delle piu rare madrigali et vilanelle et capriccio brandi volte et corante gagliarde pas et mezzo che il principe ii sigr marchese di san sorlino fratello del sigr duca di nemours mi ha fatto favore di lasciarmeli copiare sopra tutte ie sue piu rare intavolature. 10 see the discussion in newman 1962:186-193,210-211. 181 but the canzonette a 3 are completely intabulated so that they can be performed with or without the singer. of all the tablature's contents only these twenty pieces lack attributions. the five four-part canzonette are easily identifiable as orazio vecchi's, from his libro primo first published in 1581y vecchi complained about this practice in his dedication: "since the greater part of these canzonets have been strewn around italy under various composers' names, i have decided to make public by means of the printing press the fact that they are mine ... "12 of the fifteen three-part compositions remaining, i have only been able to identify four. it should be noted that identification from the music itself is mandatory with this light verse, so many different versions use the same capoverso. a list of the identified canzonette with their sources and a thematic listing of the unidentified remainder follow: title and no. of parts composer or source 20. poiche sei cosi sorte scropolusa(3) anon.!3 22. canzonette d' amore( 4) vecchi 24. vorria madonna fare (3) anon.14 25. o faccia che rallegri il paradiso (3) anon.14 27. occhi leggiadri e cari (3) de antiquis13 3l. chi mira g1' occhi tuoi (4) vecchi 32. 10 son fenice (4) vecchi 33. n el vago lume (4) vecchi 37. 10 vo morir non sia alcun (3) g. fiorino15 38. mentr'io campai contento (4) vecchi "einstein had identified 10 son fenice in his vogel revision (1946). long before this, oscar chilesotti had reprinted fallamero's no. 24, 26, and 38 (1889) and no. 32 and 35 (1891). he later published the part-song versions of no. 24, 26,35, and 38 (1925). 121 have taken this from the copy of the fifth impression, 1591, in the library of the civico museo bibliographico musicale, bologna. i3i1 secondo libro delle villanelle alia napolitana a 3 voci, de diversi musici di barri; raccolte per joanne de antiquis con alcune delle sue . .. 1574. modern edition by s.a. luciani, rome, instituto italiano per la storia della musica, 1941. i4i1 terzo libro delle viollote alia napoletana de diversi con due moresche nuovamente stampata a 3 voci. venice, a. gardano, 1567. "gaspar fiorino, la nobilita di roma ... et ie vilanelle a 3 voci ... venice, g. scotto, 1571. 182 incipits of cajvtus parts of unidentified canzonette 19. r r r i r r i r r .j 1li via gen til, "/. li3 #,j r r i r r f' i f' r r i f r r i r f r 1pre so son i 0, "/. nel ie pili bel23. ,1 i i • r .. o. .. i i s'al a pa nr di vo i. 26. f' r r i l f j i j j (; i j 18 i i sia ver ti te, "/. 28. 18 f' r j i j j i! j j j 4 r" r jda man-ti mie i, poi -che scon 29. i f' r i r r f i10 son bel-l'e de ii ca ta de la 30. 17 j± r r r i r -j i d j j i j j i-i . e var-ria sa per da vol, bel ie ci tel ie 34. f' r r i p r j i j r" ) ju_ w j 18 i vi ver non pos so senz' il mia bel so ie 35. i $ r f' i r r f' i r ,j r f 113 gri da te, gri da te, guer ra, guerr r rtft:rrtia r rtiz -j ie 113 01 "'" 36. a mor se giu sto se i com' al cun 16 not identical with a composition with the same title in g. zappasorgo's napolitane a 3, libro primo, 1571. i am grateful to luigi f, tagliavini for checking the zappasorgo volume for me. 17 not identical with the piece so entitled in the terzo libro delle villotte (see note 14), 183 if after continued checking, these ten compositions still resist identification, the possibility that some or most of them are by the intabulator himself should be considered. certainly, the dedicatory piece, livia gentil, a tribute to livia guasca pozza, ought to be assigned to fallamero. a transcription is given here (ex. 3) for comparison with the facsimile (plate 1) and to illustrate the simple homophonic style of these pieces. is ex. 3 livia gentil (no. 19) g. fallamero (7) li via gen til, li via gen til, voi se te tan to va ga, tan to va ga, li via gen til, vol se te tan to va ga ch'al ap pa rir del vo stro chia to viso ne re st'il ni to e con-qui so. so. i *e in the original. 18fallamero does not furnish transposition instructions of the kind found in the petrucci frottola tablatures, the verdelot-willaert intabulations of 1536, and in some of the contents of the bottrigari lute manuscript of 1574 (macclintock 1956:179,186-190). 184 ""'" cf; til tl-i--_:t_ti3.t.t:_-t---li-t-t-./t-:f.--i--:-+-tl_f tluia gcotijt lillia,gentil voi i: tadto'vaga tanto vaga liuia gentll vol fete taoto va-rf r f f f r f r f r f r ga ch'31'apparir del uo(lro chiaro vi fo ne rdla il modo juonitq e conquifo f ff f r f f r f --1-444f-f-l-ot--&-s" it-',----l-+-t-l -;-+-t..l.-}--i---rot, i i } i +-+-j--j-+. -+ -'1 i -t-j--+ --+-r----rl oj -r 6+-j-tel-tti-} } j 10 -j--oior.----11{!'1 citl f'o[cu1i1fjg,j 'i/unt·nr/la q...::.l'jd'rfe d i {w it dotce tlfo 'n..e it .onclo: {( ujndo (" b"cca ride ouer {aue!l" stncomc ['.11m2 mia cl4 me diulf4 1\e si ,be lluia gent;! ogn'/f1j "i c!jiaf'lfa ogn'unper u?, feruir ii storz" bramm4 tant'i dieua ,..... c/j q\ f r ffff f f f ! ijlfr rfj fff fr rr rr anchor checol partir 1' .. lma fi mora penfaodo di tornar'partir vurei tad to (on dulci unto fon dulci ran to (on dolci gla rioff r ohi--'+"':::-=-lht1 :====----== -:-d-c .. i!---.------+i-i-t ---t--_ •• . ------i-r-+ .i• fs 5"4 ------------0t-ia-g --forni mie • li l fin e. ""0 .... i'd tv i a canzonetta version by gaspar fiorino of rore's anchor che col partire has been used to fill up two empty systems on the last page of the book (plate 2). perhaps it was originally planned as a twenty-first piece, closing off the canzonet group. it has lost its vocal line, though the text was retained. based on two bits of music from this most famous madrigal (ex. 4) and some snatches from its original verse, this inelegant reduction for popular consumption indicates the existence in the renaissance of an interest in the "instant" and oversimplified; it is a kind of "heart of the madrigal" (ex. 5). fallamero has used this partenza most appropriately as his volume's envoi.1 9 ex. 4 cipriano de rore n j r 11 j j che col par ti j an cor re tad to son dol ci gil ri tor til mei ex. 5 anchor che col partir gaspar fiorino a canto of the original canzonetta : ii:) oj " an cor che col par tir l'alrna si rna ra, a a oj oj i i t t i i r i---ri f -p.n : : : fallamero s mtabulatwd, no. 55 a oj --. ., rna ra, pen san -do di tor nar par tir vor re i,_ a oj i ., r t r i r r i r f f : 19this adds one more to the more than fifty settings and parodied versions listed by ferand (1962:150-53). the source is fronimo's la nobilta di roma, 52.ff. 187 ! ! " : oj " .. tan to son dol ci, tan to son dolci .. : t.j l--t i' r i i/ ! r r r i i r f ..j j 1 .. .. : : .. : oj gli ri tor ni mie i i. " i i 1':'1 : t.j l i r i r r:e: i i i i f:. f:. 1':'1 : : in summary, our gentleman amateur has labored hard to arrange a large quantity of music by fashionable italian and ultremontane composers. his exertions and those of his fellow intabulators made it that much easier for contemporaries to familiarize themselves with vocal literature (in the absence of easily procurable scores) or to amuse themselves with the morceaux choisis of the day. if it appears an extreme demand on the lute's powers to give it six-part pieces to play, we would do well to remember our daily usage of the piano as a medium for study, rehearsal, and pleasure; we often turn to it for help in "hearing" a sixor eight-part complex. the lute intabulation served these needs and perhaps one other, that of a seguente part with which to accompany or fill out the performances of many-voiced vocal works. f allamero has taken care to provide arrangements of a variety (of types) of music. the only major genres he has slighted are the dances and canzoni. his tablature has the distinction of being the first collection in which the modest canzonette stand their ground with the complex creations of great madrigalists. references boetticher, wolfgang 1954 fallamero. in musik in geschichte und gegenwart. kassel und basel, vol. 3, col. 1757ff. 1958 o. di lasso und seine zeit. kassel, vol. 1, p. 206. 188 bossola, a. 1903 donne illustri alessandrine. rivista di storia, arte, archeologica della provincia di alessandria 12:25. chilesotti, oscar 1889 saggio sulla melodia popolare del cinquecento, milan. 1891 lautenspieler des xvi. j ahrhunderts. leipzig. 1925? canzonette del secolo xvi. milan. de la laurencie, lionel 1928 les luthistes. paris. del valle de paz, giacomo 1933 annibale padovano nella storia della musica del cinquecento. turin. einstein, alfred 1946 italian secular vocal music, etc. music library association notes 4. 1949 the i talian madrigal. princeton. ferand, ernest t. 1962 anchor che col partire; die schicksale eines beriihm ten madrigals. festschrift k.g. fellerers. regensburg, pp. 137-154. guasco, annibale 1605 tela cangiante ... opera morale (containing 3,110 madrigal poems). milan. hambraeus, bengt 1961 codex carminum gallicorum; une etude sur ie ms. 87 de la bibliotheque de l'universite d'upsala. upsala. kerman, joseph 1962 the elizabethan madrigal. n.y. maccuntock, carol 1956 a court musician's songbook: modena ms. c311. journal of the american musicological society 9:177185. 189 neri, achille 1890 un codice musicale del secolo xvi. in studi bibliografici e letterari. genoa. newman, joel 1962 the madrigals of salamon de' rossi. unpublished phd. disserta tion, columbia university. palisca, claude 1960 vincenzo galilei and some links between "pseudomonody" and monody. musical quarterly 46:344-360. reese, gustave 1954 music in the renaissance. n.y. r.i.5.m. 1960 repertoire international des sources musicales. munich. strunk, oliver 1950 source readings in music history. n.y. ward, john 1952 the use of borrowed material in 16th-century instrumental music. journal of the american musicological society 5:88-98. 190 ments. if questioned directly would they actually say that selecting band uniforms is more important than familiarity with mozart's music? or is it possible that the typical murray graduate in the field has no notion of influencing public taste but rather looks upon his task as one of conformity to popular standards? perhaps this is so. perhaps he values conformity above all else as evidenced by the extremely high importance rating of 2.9 he gives to "the techniques and attitudes necessary for successful work with your administrators." i would hope not, but what is mr. darnell's opinion? unfortunately, we have no way of sharing his thoughts on this and on many other interesting questions raised by his survey. james mckinnon is assistant professor of music at the state university of new york at buffalo. peter meyer bela bartok) s ady-lieder) op. 16 winterthur: verlag p g. keller, 1965. (95p., price not given; university of zurich diss.) halsey stevens in this country dissertations dealing with music of the 20th century are still relatively infrequent, and when they appear at all, are likely to take a life-and-works form or to deal with a substantial segment of a composer's work. not so with that of peter meyer, who chose for examination the ady songs of bela bart6k, offering a restricted view of the composer's achievements. the songs composed by bart6k playa rather minor part in his catalogue. aside from a number of songs from his student years composed to german texts (heine, siebel, ruckert) and a few more in hungarian (p6sa, peres, havas, stank6), there are only two sets of "composed" songs: opus 15 (1915-16) on unidentified hungarian texts and opus 16 (february-april, 1916) on texts by endre adyl by far the greater contribution or bart6k to song literature is the large number of folksong transcriptions, ranging from the relatively literal harmonizations of 1906 to the highly imaginative settings of 1929. in his preface dr. meyer (working under the supervision of dr. kurt von fischer at the university of zurich) considers the place of the song in bart6k's creative work, dealing first of all with folksong itself and folksong transcription and briefly cataloguing the "original" songs. in this context he 'points out that one must not confuse the german words original and originell as often happens, though they arc not equivalent. idr. meyer. lists the liebeslieder of 1900 "for two-part chorus (with piano accompaniment?) ," these liebeslieder, on poems by ruckert, are for solo voice with piano; they have been published in der junge bartok (1962). 189 to stress this in a time like ours, when originality often acquires an exaggerated word-value, is perhaps not entirely superfluous. for that reason it may perhaps be advantageous to speak of "art songs" rather than "original songs;" but this distinction cannot be clearly made in bart6k, since the peasant songs become art songs in his hands (p. 10-11). parenthetically, one might observe that bart6k's songs, opp. 15 and 16, are both original and originell. dr. meyer provides a fairly detailed study of the latter, comprising both textual and musical analysis. he apparently does not read hungarian, since he credits frau zsuzsa stamm-duzar with the translations of the hungarian texts. these are, however, quite literal, and except for the individual prosody of the language suffice reasonably well, though one should not expect revealing consideration of inflectional subtleties. the ady songs werc first sung in an all-bart6k concert at the academy 01 music in budapest, april 21, 1919; ilona durig6 was the singer, and bart6k himself was at the piano. dr. meyer quotes a number of reviews2 to the effect that song composition is "not the most radiant side of bart6k's great talent," though on the basis of the works performed, kodaly, writing in pesti napla, predicted that hungary could now demand a place "in the civilized world." the more important part of dr. meyer's study lies, of course, in his analysis of the music, which he examines from the standpoints of voice and melody, accompaniment and harmony, formal structure, and relationship of text and music. he begins consideration of each song with a discussion of the text itself. these discussions are not especially penetrating, though he does point out discrepancies in the published german translations by r. st. hoffman, where the words had to be altered occasionally to fit the music. the author finds traces of debussy's influence in the syllabic word-setting; that influence was already apparent in bluebeard's castle (1911), which followed a fairly intensive study of the french composer's music. dr. meyer acknowledges that the syllabic setting of hungarian peasant music might lead to a similar result, and in fact it is difficult to separate the two possible "influences," so inextricably are they intermingled with those elements which are purely bart6k's. the author cites certain symmetrical melodic patterns as characteristic of the melodic lines and stresses the function of rhythm in shaping the melody. in connection with "egyedul a tengerrel" (alone with the sea), he refers to my comment on the melody: this remarkable banality of certain phrases halsey stevens mentions in his book . . . . he is of the opinion that it is difficult to take the song seriously on the whole. and yet, if we consider the whole song, we can hardly suppose that a parodistic design was intended. it seems more likely that bart6k sought, with these dittylike (liedchenhaftj simple melodic forms to suggest the somewhat cheap, threadbare atmosphere of the little hotel room. (p. 59) dr. meyer may be right in his assumption; the fact of the banality of this setting he does not dispute, and one may only hazard a guess as to the reason 2he does not, however, credit them to his source: the third installment of dr. janos demeny's monumental documentation of bart6k, in zenetudomdnyi tanulmdnyok, vii: 114-16, from which they are translated -even to footnote numbers (though the footnotes themselves are not reprinted). this work does not appear in the bibliography. 190 therefor. the character of the melodic line in this one song is unquestionably at odds with the other four. harmony is discussed at greater length-and with more musical illustrations-than any of the other elements; but the author develops no overall harmonic theory applicable to bart6k's procedures throughout. in his summary he refers to the work of null and lendvai, but he appears to feel that the latter's application of the "golden section" to the music of bart6k goes too far and is probably not applicable to the ady songs even if later works do conform to the theory. he considers the bagatelles, op. 6, as marking the metamorphosis of traditional harmony, a process continued in the ady songs, in which the new conception of harmony goes so far that the framework of all vertical sonorities traditional for centuries in western art music-that is, the octave-fifth framework-is no longer predominant. in its place bart6k puts the two forms of the seventh as framework, with the minor 7th divided symmetrically into two perfect fourths, while the major 7th is erected as perfect fourth and tritone. these harmonic skeletons may be further dissected; the first leads occasionally to outand-out quartal harmony .... in this fundamental significance of 7th, 4th, and tritone lies the main difference from another modem tonal harmony, that of hindemith, which retains the third as basis. (p. 82) a brief appendix includes a cursory examination of the five songs, op. 15, which seems in the nature of an afterthought. the bibliography is curiously haphazard, with many entries that can have served no useful purpose to the author if he used them at all. hans nathan's article in a history qf song (ed. denis stevens, 1960) is not mentioned; oskar elschek is cited as elschert; bart6k's own articles mentioned are not located by date or publication. the total impression of the work is that the author has devoted his attention to a very restricted area ofbart6k's output without providing the specific revelation that the limitation of content would lead one to expect. halsey stevens is professor of music at the university of southern california and author of the life and music of bela bartok. 191 • • due to negligence. it is unforgivable for anyone writing on jazz to notate the blues scale with a flatted sixth instead of a flatted seventh, and this incorrectly from a source (p. 78). some are undoubtedly typographical, and some are due to mistakes of fact. they are too numerous to bring out in any great detail here. furthermore, many of the ideas presented are not clearly stated and show the author to be without complete command of his subject. finally, a good deal of the important literature in the field has been neglected. a study in which king oliver and his recordings play such a major role should have utilized, or at least cited, king joe oliver, by walter c. allen and brian a. l. rust (belleville, n.j., 1955), the definitive work on the man, his life, and recordings. i find it hard to believe that this dissertation could have been accepted as a piece of scholarly research and writing. its basic ideathe transcription and analysis of tunes taken from a certain style period of jazz-is good. such an undertaking, however, requires a broad knowledge of the music, historically, esthetically, and theoretically, and a fine hand to develop it. pyke was weak in the majority of these requirements. yet, with more care, and with proper guidance, he could have done much better. frank j. gillis is acting director of the folklore institute, indiana university. joseph emilio rotondi literary and musical aspects of roman opera, 1600-1650 ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 59-2265), 1959. (287p., university of pennsylvania diss.) barbara russano hanning any study and revaluation in english of early opera deserves the interest of musicologists, but one which promises a "unique approach" through a consideration of literary as well as musical aspects is especially welcome. for it was particularly in this formative period of both florentine and roman opera that the librettist played an important role in determining the ultimate shape of the work. whether the text was written by a humanist poet, "to make a simple test of what the music of our age could do" (rinuccini in the deciation of his euridice, 1600), or by the composer himself who chose from among those literary forms and conventions available to him, it cannot have failed to influence the musical setting. one is therefore pleased to 105 see from the title and preface of mr. rotondi's dissertation that he does not plan to ignore the libretto, "the guiding principle for all the sister arts," but all the more disappointed when the expectations aroused are not fully satisfied in the body of his work. the book is organized in two sections. the first three chapters deal with general background material and purely literary matters, and the last two with musical problems. chapter i briefly discusses the "political and social atmosphere" in 17th-century italy, the literary sources of libretti, and the nature of serious and comic opera. it gives special consideration to the problem of the origins of comic opera, and finally presents a section that treats of the subtitles of 17th-century opera. chapter ii narrows the scope of the discussion to rome, the musico-dramatic production in that city from 1600 to 1650 (exclusive of any consideration of their libretti), and closes with a rather superficial judgment on the nature of the existing patron-artist relationship, a relationship that incurs the scorn of the author. after a preliminary enumeration of commedia elements in roman libretti, the final chapter of this literary section (chapter iii), investigates the plots of each of five libretti, chosen precisely because of their ambiguity of dramatic genre. in an attempt to resolve their ambiguity, rotondi applies the criteria of commedia established in the previous chapter, and concludes that they belong to the category of commedia in musica. this chapter is the most original, interesting, and in some ways provocative one of the work. the second section moves from a consideration of the external forms of acts and scenes (chapter iv) to the internal designs of solos and vocal ensembles (chapter v). here it is only for the sake of convenience that the discussion is limited to the same five works, for each is treated independently of the others, and surprisingly enough, independently of its own libretto. the dissertation contains an appendix, consisting of 64 pages of musical examples, a short index, and a bibliography composed entirely of secondary sources. mr. rotondi offers very little information about the nature or whereabouts of his primary sources. under the heading "musical manuscripts", he lists the five operas and in each case cites one score to which he presumably has access. two operas were studied from the first editions of their scores, but the other three are cited only in the form of british museum transcripts of the original editions, copied in 1915. in no case does he tell us where the first editions may be found. it is curious that mr. rotondi had to avail himself of 20th-century copies, for the first editions of at least two of these works are in the possession of, for example, the santa cecilia library in rome. similarly, his sources for the libretti seem to have-been either solerti's modern editions in albod del melodramma, or the musical scores themselves. thus, any discrepancy between the original libretto and its setting would pass unnoticed. the division into two sections, with the musical one slightly outweighing the literary in quantity, though not in depth, proves to be 106 • • 1 • • a hindrance to a thesis which all but promises its readers a synthetic revaluation of the sister arts of poetry and music. in fact, mr. rotondi adheres to a strict dichotomy between literary and musical considerations throughout his study. he attempts no synthesis and draws no conclusions that might serve to overcome the rather artificial, if convenient, separation of the two aspects. for example, nowhere does he state or even imply that the structural placement of the chorus or the balanced distribution of solos and ensembles might be part of the librettist's art. his failure to relate the libretti to their musical settings is particularly regrettable, for these works are products of an era in which the seconda prattica and the new recitative style heralded the text as music's mistress. the five operas selected for this study were all written in rome within a span of twenty years: la morte d'orfeo (1619) by stefano landi (1590-1655), himself the librettist; l'aretusa (1620) by filippo vitali (c. 1600-1653),libretto by msgr. ottavio corsini; la catena d'adone (1626) by domenico mazzocchi (1592-1665), librettist, ottavio tronsarelli; diana schernita (1629) by giacinto cornacchioli (dates not supplied by the author, but given in the new ricordi encyclopedia as ca. 1590-16587), libretto by g.f. parisani; and la galatea (1639) by loreto vittori (1604-1670), himself the librettist. it would have been interesting to note, for example, that two of the composers, vitali and vittori, were of florentine background, that the prolific poet tronsarelli composed at least one other text for mazzocchi (ii martirio de'santi abundio, 1631), or that vittori's libretto bears the same title as an earlier one by chiabrera. in no case, however, are the composers or librettists identified in their historical context. this information would have been more than a courtesy to the unspecialized reader; it might have modified some of the conclusions drawn by mr. rotondi, whose preoccupation centers solely on the works themselves. the main concern of the first, the literary, section of the dissertation is to establish the genre of the five chosen libretti as commedia. rotondi tells us that his investigation was prompted by the disparate opinions of historians as to the origin of "comic opera" (its beginnings are placed anywhere from l'amfiparnaso (1597) to la serva padrona (1733) with rospigliosi's chi soffre speri (1639), the most frequently cited mean), and by his disagreement with the prevailing notion that serious opera was infiltrated by comic elements. three of the five works chosen for his study are often cited as examples of this process of infiltration and, according to rotondi, one of them (diana schernita) is taken for a veritable comic opera by several scholars. rotondi maintains that the problem may be clarified by considering the dramatic genre of the libretto. thus, in the third chapter he closely examines the literary affinities of these libretti to 17thcentury comedy and thereby hopes to alter the established conclusions about the early existence of comic opera i.n. rome. let us review the crucial third chapter more closely. rotondi recognizes the aristotelian divisions of literature as the basic categories 107 adopted by 17th-century poets. consequently, his own theoretical criterion for commedia throughout the dissertation is supplied by the dictum in the poetics that comedy mirrors life at close range. he derives other criteria from the literary practice of the age and applies these also to the roman libretti under scrutiny. parody looms large in rotondi's list of commedia elements and accounts for modifications of plot and the satiric treatment of mythological characters as ordinary people, as well as for the frequent paraphrasing of traditional sources, for example, a canto by dante in l'aretusa. the most characteristically roman manifestation of parody, and one intended to attract clerical patronage, was the use of allegory, "a serious aspect of commedia." (tronsarelli, for example, whose libretto is avowedly modelled on marino's idyll adone, equates his characters with such moralistic abstractions as good, evil, reason, and concupiscence in the description of his plot, or moral, printed at the beginning of the score.) the less than idealized treatment of love and sex is another aspect of commedia rotondi culled from literary practice and then discovered in some of the works studied. (in diana schernita, for instance, the goddess is made to undress in front of her lover, whom she turns into a stag.) the third and most obvious manifestation of commedia is described by rotondi as the popular element. this may be introduced in the form of a ballo-like shepherd's chorus, or a comical situation such as the pursuit of a young and elusive lad by a shepherdess of "prudent age" (la galatea). although these features are indeed present in the chosen libretti to greater or lesser degrees (diana schernita has few, if any, elements in common with, for instance, l'aretusa), it is doubtful whether they always provide sufficient reason in themselves to justify the identification of all five libretti as commedie. one of the main difficulties here is the author's failure to distinguish clearly between the terms "comic elements" and "commedia elements," and between "comic opera" and com media in musica. the preface and first chapter suggest fleetingly that three of the operas discussed have musical as well as literary characteristics in common with chi soffre speri, and therefore would be accepted by some scholars as genuine "comic operas," but the matter is not resumed when he considers the musical settings. furthermore, the whole question of whether "comic elements" may in fact be present in serious opera, as serious elements are in commedia, is ignored. another difficulty created by rotondi's aristotelian bias is his refusal to recognize the independent genre of tragicomedy, which had been greatly discussed by literary theorists since the writings of giraldi cinthio in the mid-16th century. in this respect, the works of tasso and guarini are much more important as literary sources for rotondi's libretti than either trissino's 50fonisba or bibbiena's calandria. the acknowledged source for tronsarelli's libretto, marino's adone, was a kind of pastoral (de sanctis calls it an idillico, a genre separate from the comico), and one cannot ignore the link between the oft-used orpheus legend and poliziano's orfeo (not cited among the literary sources), which popularized it. as for some of the other criteria set up the author-quotations 108 • • from dante and others, allegorization and moralization, the introduction of "popular" elements and situations-these were conventions which can also be seen in the earlier pastoral tragicomedies and in the florentine libretti as well. to say that some of the roman operas use these conventions with more satirical intent than others might be tenable, but to insist that their appearance in every case makes the libretto a com media strains the thesis to the breaking point. another source of confusion is the author's dogged overuse of the subtitles of the libretti in an effort to have the poets themselves support his conclusions about the nature of their works. alas, this is not always practicable, and in the sole case (la morte d'orfeo: tragicommedia pastorale) where the link between subtitle and genre is obvious mr. rotondi misses his opportunity. three of the remaining works are called favola and two of these have the additional qualification, boschereccia. taken together, the words mean merely "woodland tale," but rotondi conjures up an implied opposition between a simple rustic setting and the "atmosphere of the arcadian countryside," and then reasons as follows: since the subtitle indicates a deviation from the original model ( a hypothetical favola buccolica), it therefore describes a parodistic genre which necessarily belongs to comedy. l'aretusa, however, is called simply favola, as were the pastoral poems by rinuccini and striggio, and here rotondi turns to fanfani's "comprehensive dictionary of the italian language" to show that the word may have had comic overtones. (no date is given for his reference, but the earliest edition of fanfani's vocabolario appeared in 1865.) interestingly enough, the earlier vocabolario degli accademici della crusca (i quote from the neapolitan edition of 1746-48) defines the word as follows: "falsa narrazione, trovato non vero, talora non verisimile, come gli apologi, 0 ie trasformazioni d'ovidio, talora verisimile, come ie novelle del boccaccio" (an untrue story, an unreal invention, sometimes without verisimilitude, as the apologues, or the metamorphoses of ovid, sometimes possessing verisimilitude, as the novelle of boccaccio), and gives as its more specialized theatrical meaning," ... 0 intreccio di commedia, 0 di poema" (either the plot of a comedy or of a poem). in any case, if l'aretusa is a commedia partly by virtue of its subtitle, as rotondi maintains, then the whole question of the genre of la favola d'orfeo and of dafne must be reconsidered. although the musical section of the dissertation has fewer pitfalls, it is also less daring in its conjectures. the chapter on structural designs consists of twenty-five pages of outlines wherein are listed the various vocal and instrumental pieces in their order of occurrence within each work. no commentary is provided for these outlines, which are in themselves difficult and tedious to read, but the section is prefaced by five pages in which the author explains his terminology. here, in addition to the relatively formless type of solo usually in recitative or arioso style, one finds the forms strophic, ostinato, and canzona described and applied either to monodic or choral stanzas. the last term, borrowed from ape!, is intended to call to mind a 109 section ali zed form with contrasting meters, textures, and so forth. perhaps madrigal would have been a more appropriate term. a certain lack of consistency in the description of choral textures is distracting. '''contrapuntal'. .. shall be used interchangeably with 'polyphonic' and 'fugal' ... the word 'canonic' ... as a relief term for 'fugal' to avoid excess repetition of the latter term." the cursory survey given at this point in the dissertation could well have been expanded by an attempt to link the use of these forms to the dramatic situations and verse forms of the libretti. one could ask, are certain stanza forms more commonly assigned to comic characters? is the emergence of an aria style distinct from the expressive recitative in any way connected to a similar development in the libretto? does the monodic chorus occupy a special position in the drama? on the subject of the chorus, mr. rotondi expresses his disagreement with those who consider it to be simply an ornamental feature of roman opera. but he supports the assertion that it occupies a "position of great importance and [is] an integral part of the complete dramatic scheme" only by the observation that the chorus frequently repeats the texts of solos or smaller ensembles and thereby "highlights the emotional aspects" of the libretto. in the final chapter, where a closer examination of formal types is undertaken, the departure from the florentine melodic style is described as "not great," and the generalization that the roman declamatory style was perhaps "more lyrical" at times or possessed "more verve" is added as an afterthought. in fact, a more thorough examination of the two schools, again with greater attention to the treatment of the libretto, is necessary before meaningful conclusions may be drawn. i should like to see, for example, a comparison of such details as the treatment of text declamation, the use of dissonance in affective passages, and so forth, as well as of the larger structural designs which are by no means absent in the earlier florentine opera. only in this w'ay will it be possible to form a complete picture of the continuity and development of baroque opera. barbara hanning is presently completing the ph.d. in musicology at yale university. 110 thoughts on writing a comprehensive history of 18th-century music vincent duckles to approach the 18th century as a self-contained historical entity is to invite problems at the outset. we all know that there is nothing inherently significant about a time span of one hundred years. centuries come and go, and can be measured from any arbitrarily selected date in the calendar. most historians are well aware of this, at least in theory, but few are ready to give up the convenient practice of dividing time into one-hundred-year parcels. they have created an 18th century for us whether we like it or not. the concept itself is an established historical fact. the generations of scholars who have devoted themselves to the music of the period between 1700 and 1799 have produced a substantial body of literature that calls for some kind of synthesis. history is to a large extent the product of its own documentation; it is made by the men who write the history books. at one time it was thought that all a historian had to do was to describe the facts as he saw them. now we are less confident of that simple, positivistic approach, recognizing that the historian's data; particularly in the realm of the arts, is highly selective and projected through a'series of interpretations and re-interpretations in which the writer's taste and sense of values are necessary ingredients. the first task of the historian of 18th-century music is one of organization-the problem of clarifying the structure of the age. it does not suffice to explain it merely in terms of a prolonged transition from the baroque to the classic. in a century that begins with buxtehude and ends with beethoven, the patterns are infinitely complex. as daniel heartz has observed (in a paper presented at the tenth congress of the international musicological society in ljubljana) features commonly identified with mature classicism are to be found iii the neapolitan opera as early as 1740. jens peter larsen has called attention to the recurrence of aspects of late baroque style in the instrumental music of the last decades of the century.! there is still considerable confusion as to what is meant by "classicism" or "the classic style." frits noske, for one; is prepared to abandon the 81 terms altogether. he favors a periodization in which disintegrating baroque forms lead directly into emerging romantic ones.2 in many respects the terms baroque, rococo, pre-classic, classic, style galant, sturm und drang, empfindsamkeit (all borrowed from other disciplines) have outlived their usefulness. larsen's point seems to be well taken when he advises us to "forget these labels and what they stand for, and limit ourselves to the of the music." yet these "labels," inadequate as they are, bear witness to a key problem for the historian of 18th-century music-the problem of explaining the diversification of styles. the 18th century was an age of style consciousllt;ss. it expanded the familiar categories of church, chamber, and theater style into a system of descriptive terminology. for the 18thcentury opera goer, distinctions were made in terms of some variation on the theme: french vs. italian opera. but other national influences and local schools contributed to the picture: english ballad and comedy opera, for example, and a variety of instrumental styles fostered in bologna, venice, padua, berlin, paris, mannheim, and vienna. sacred music throughout the century displays a spectrum of styles ranging from survivals of the renaissance ars antiqua to a type of "modernism" closely related to t,he neapolitan operatic tradition. one can applaud larsen's suggestion that the proper study of the music historian is music, and at the same time insist that, as far as the 18th century is concerned, the ideas that lie behind the music are of great importance. theory, methodology, aesthetics, and historiography are pedestrian terms in our vocabulary, yet they stand for vigorous aspects of 18th-century musical thought. our own historical viewpoint takes its start from the enlightenment. the great histories of burney, hawkins, and forkel in the last decades of the century do not mark the beginnings of historical method as applied to music; rather they are the culmination of a line of development that can be traced through the lexicons of brossard, walther, rousseau, and gerber, gaining momentum in the critical journals edited by such men as mattheson, marpurg, scheibe, and hiller. similarly, we owe to the 18th century the establishment of a systematic approach to musical aesthetics. aesthetic views were anything but remote and abstract in that context. we cannot understand the musical creativity of the time without becoming conversant with the 82 contemporary concepts of imitation, expression, and the relationships between music and its sister arts, painting and poetry. another area of crucial concern for the historian of 18thcentury music resides in the continuing pursuit of what lies behind the notation. the understanding of 18th-century performance practices is made all the more difficult because the notational conventions employed are, by and large, identical with our own. the baffling elements are those which the early musicians took for granted. some valuable work has been done to shed light on these problems in recent years-studies such as george buelow's thorough-bass accompaniment according to john david heinichen, for example, or edward reilly's exposition of the wealth of information to be found in quantz's versuch. the approach through the theorists and pedagogues is only one of many that should be brought to bear on the task of restoring 18th-century music to life. notes 1 larsen,j. p. "some observations on the development and characteristics of the vienna classical instrumental music," in studia musicologica scientiarum hungaricae (1967) 9: 115-39. 2 noske, f. r. besc/wuwingen over de periodisering der muziekgeschiedenis. leiden, 1965. 83 some riflections on performance and aesthetics bea friedland as an aesthetic phenomenon music may be classified in any of several ways. one can describe it, for example, as a "sonorous" art and thereby focus upon its acoustic properties; the description "aural" underlines its sensory aspect; "temporal" suggests a conceptual dimension, and so forth. on yet another level, music ranks among the "performing" arts; this modifier transfers the emphasis from theory to operations. but irrespective of the mode of discourse, the essential fact is that music is inconceivable without the executant element, symbolized by plato's rhapsode, who must "interpret the mind of the poet to his hearers. "1 the platonic image translates into explicitly musical terms with the notion of an "intermediary ... whose capacity to relive the originator's [ composer's] experience, and ... whose technical competence in relaying it" are central to the "partnership between the originator and the percipient."2 or, stated otherwise, the reality of music as process rather than object becomes its distinguishing mark; it is unlike painting, architecture, sculpture, literature, or philosophy, for the fundamental reason that a piece of music is not made to be gazed upon, read through, or contemplated, but to be sounded-which involves activity, and of a very strenuous and exacting sort-in the present.3 in view of this exceptional feature of music, the comparatively recent arrival of performance practice-aziffuhrungspraxis-as a specific research area in musicology is indeed surprising. apart from the seminal contributions made during the first decades of this century by arnold dolmetsch, hans albrecht, robert haas, and arnold schering,4 as well as a few important early monographs on ornamentation, systematic attention to the problems of interpretation and the emergence of a corps of specialists on the subject have become musicological realities only within the last twenty-odd years.5 yet in this short span scholarly investigations in the field have yielded a store of knowledge and educated conjecture whose value is demonstrable in practical as well as intellectual terms. programs of older music are no longer a rarity, and the resultant sophistication of taste generates ever-higher standards of authenticity. today, for instance, audience sensibility would hardly tolerate a concert performance or commercial recording of monteverdi madrigals with piano accompaniment, such as nadia boulanger's 78 rpm of i 937-although it was a pioneering achievement at that time.6 56 within the decade just ended, most major american universities have instituted graduate seminars in performance-practice problems of various periods. in 1968 william s. newman conducted one at the university of north carolina. an outstanding accomplishment of this seminar was the compilation of a comprehensive bibliography of writings on performance practices, reproduced in its entirety by current musicology, which devoted a complete issue to its publication.7 the activities of professional organizations also testify to the urgency of this aspect of music research. both the international musicological society and its american affiliate have held important colloquia on special problems in performing older music. the college music society, at its annual meeting in december 1968, sponsored a round table entitled "rehearsal techniques and historical performance practice," with four noted scholar-conductors presenting the main papers.8 the city university of new york, in 1969-70, organized a lecture/seminar/ demonstration series centered on performance-practice problems; the format paralleled cuny's inaugural-year project, perspectives and lacunae in musicological research.9 under the direction of robert donington the new series, problems in peiformance practice from the middle ages to the present day, like the earlier one, presented in turn a number of visiting scholars, each a specialist in one or another area of the field. a synoptic view emerged, consequently, not only of the broad range of current explorations into the history of performance practice, but also of the wide spectrum of theoretical and empirical approaches reflected by the participating lecturers. the twin goals of this musicological problem-area are the recovery of knowledge for its own sake (a central aim of all the humanities) and the actual reconstruction of a former sound-world. since the latter objective must be attained without benefit of aural evidence, it is obviously possible to arrive at substantially different interpretations of the pertinent data. what must be considered and assessed are relevant contemporary writings about music; the old instruments used, as well as then-current methods of voice production; the physical conditions of performance; the societal framework, ranging from the general sociocultural setting to the specific musical occasion; and, finally, the notated music itself. it is altogether fitting that the primary source-document appear last on this list; not until the 19th century, after all, did the musical autograph become the more or less immutable record of the composer's intention and the inviolable mandate for the performer. the impulse of the performing musician to improvise-either entire pieces or extemporized embellishments to existing compositions-has conditioned the development of western music from its earliest known manifestations. the generating principle of polyphony, in a very real sense, was the use of plainsong as a foil for improvised or quasiimprovised accompanying voices. music from the turn of the 14th century to the first decades of the 19th has been described as "the process of making the composer's defences sure against the incursions of the extemporizer,"l0 and 57 although the figure of speech is colorful and felicitous, it can also mislead. the plain fact is that a good part of the music during this period was intended by the composer to be modified in performance-the melody ornamented (including lengthy interpolations), the accompaniment elaborated, the rhythms altered. this conception of the written composition as a partial sketch, a plan offering alternatives for realization, had evolved into a theoretical canon by the first decade of the 17th century. during the succeeding 150 years the composer's work was treated somewhat casually: instruments could be deleted, added, or changed; a composition might be simplified or shortened, embellished or lengthened; plagiarism and piracy abounded.ll but if these permissive attitudes are entirely at variance with the aesthetic values and legal codes of our own time (an age of composer power, aleatory ventures notwithstanding!), the benefits of the earlier tradition surely outweighed the abuses. the idea of the performer as de facto partner-in-creation with the composer released a source of artistic invention that expanded and enriched the total musical experience. for today's electronic composer the musical intention and its actualization are one-"he has been his own copyist, proofreader, publisher, conductor, and orchestra" ;12 formerly, the composer expected and listeners encouraged creative collaboration from the performer. yet this interpretive freedom, as practiced in the past, was not limitless; the range of possibilities fell within a restricted set of conventions, an accumulated tradition generally understood and observed and hence not always fully described or explicated in the scholarly treatises, composers' prefaces, and similar documents of the time. inquiry today into the musical aesthetics and performance practices of earlier epochs offers a comparable range of options-broad, but not infinite-for the researcher. one is dealing here with a sonorous phenomenon forever irretrievable in its primal, complete (i.e., heard) form. there is no true analogue, in music history, of the exhilarating discoveries-sought-after or serendipitous-which have periodically rewarded historians of the visual and literary arts.13 this being the case, the musicologist must ultimately rely upon some combination of (a) factual data, (b) presumptive evidence, and (c) his own musical judgment. that the last two factors invite diversity of opinion is selfevident. there can be more than one hypothesis regarding, say, the acoustical conditions in a certain church or opera house during the 1600's; and everyone knows about not disputing taste. but what of the first point, the recovery of written sources? here, too, interpretation and decision-making are obligatory. we have seen that the musical manuscripts themselves offer only limited and tentative clues, and literary texts about music-critical, didactic, philosophical, journalistic-need to be assessed for their reliability, universality, and influence, inter alia. of an old treatise or teaching manual, for example, one must ask: is the writer an authority? do his rules and admonitions represent the performance practices of more than a specific time and circumscribed region? is the work prescriptive or descriptive? 58 perhaps more so than in other areas of musicology, therefore, a crucial determinant of the individual scholar's style of investigation and interpretive bent in aufjiihrungspraxis research is his framing philosophy of history. in light of the endless musicological polemics in this field one is impelled to pursue the point further-in quest of an explanatory principle, a unitary measure for the spread of opinion. on analysis, the dissonant views do in fact fall into an ordered series of positions along a continuum: a simple rigidity-flexibility scale.l4 the operative factor here is tolerance of ambiguity; this means, in relation to musicology, that location on the scale is a function of the historian's approach to some very basic questions: are the scientific ideals of precision and certitude feasible objectives in recreating early-music performance? does there exist to be discovered an authoritative set of procedures governing the practices of each era in the past? how heavily can one rely upon nonmusical documentary sources or commit oneself to obligatory interpretations? and, finally, the eternal dilemma confronting every humanist scholar: what is the degree of investment in one's own findings and conclusions? the answers to these queries constitute the matrix of attitudes defining for each researcher the goals and limits of this branch of musicology. and although firm beliefs are an inevitable (and commendable) result of thoughtful and musically-sensitive scholarship, the most convincing expositions are those advanced not as final solutions but as strongly suggestive hypotheses. a model for this nonauthoritarian, open-ended outlook was provided ten years ago at a symposium on 17thand 18th-century performance practice held during the eighth congress of the international musicological society, meeting in new york city in 1961.15 in the discussion following the two main papers, several of the panelists, though agreeing that much philological and organological research remained to be done, argued against unyielding, exaggerated positions taken in the name of authenticity. arthur mendel suggested that "the battle for historical accuracy is overwon"; ralph kirkpatrick spoke of being "musicians first and following performancepractices second; and we should approach music with the humility of the artist"; j ens peter larsen confessed, "i do not like the phrase 'exact reconstruction,' which is not possible for us today. the best we can achieve and what is desirable is a closer approach to old traditions"; and robert donington, citing instances of conflicting evidence, insisted that "the law is less important than the spirit in performance." as coordinator of the cuny 1969-70 lecture series, professor donington took many opportunities to enlarge on this point; he urged the fusion of "sheer intuition" and musicality with the specialized knowledge acquired from research. but the elementary truth of this proposition had its most forceful demonstration in the breach rather than in the observance, as the series progressed. sol babitz, defending his individualistic interpretation of notes inegales, unwittingly caricatured his own argument by the rigidity of his 59 adherence to contemporary treatises, as well as the eccentricities of his musical illustrations. several of the cuny lecturers, on the other hand, indicated the futility of viewing early treatises as exclusive repositories of orthodoxy. frederick neumann and albert fuller, among others, cited numerous faulty procedures and erroneous theories arising from latter-day misuse of such documents. but the essential flaw in the end-of-scale position exemplified by babitz has deeper implications. this mode of thinking shares the philosophical and logical errors of all fundamentalist belief; it attempts to reify a dynamic process by erecting a monolith of "baroque characteristics" (whitehead's fallacy of misplaced concreteness) and then resorts to circular reasoning to validate the authenticity of those stylistic traits previously defined. and there is still another, more pragmatic case to be made against dogmatism in performance-practice scholarship-the ever-present risk of being proved wrong by subsequent research. until very recently, for example, the 17th-century sound ideal was imagined as the thin, clear, somewhat piercing tone ... inherent in most of the instruments of the period-the viols, recorders, cornetti, high trumpets, harpsichord, etc.16 yet new investigations suggest quite another hypothesis. evidently 17thcentury musicians in italy successfully counterbalanced this strident tendency of their melody instruments, so often exacerbated by uncongenial acoustical conditions in churches and ducal chambers, with large forces of foundation instruments and echo-absorbing draperies; this practice bears witness to the period's serious "preoccupation with bass sonority."17 the 19th century is an epoch whose performance tradition is still imperfectly understood, partially because of our own era's lack of empathy with the romantic aesthetic. scholarly zeal for historical authenticity-wie es eigentlich gewesen-in respect to older music is limitless, but there is no equivalent impulse to recreate a bona fide romantic performance style. the response of the cuny audience when harold schonberg presented rare transcriptions of 19th-century pianists (paderewski, de pachmann) playing chopin is indicative. these genuine-not reconstructed !-performances from an earlier cultural epoch simply provoked amusement; they qualified as high camp. now suppose a renaissance scholar could miraculously produce a 1592 recording of the duke of gonzaga's choir doing a five-part monteverdi madrigal. if such a fantasy could materialize, the listeners' reactions would range from absolute reverence to ordinary, uncritical acceptance of the mantuan singers' vocal and interpretive style as a neutral historical datum. perhaps another fifty years must elapse before the romantic era can be regarded with appropriate aesthetic detachment, though the beginnings of a swing in this direction are already demonstrable. many 19th-century musical 60 conventions are out of favor today, among them the cult of virtuosity which mesmerized audiences and propelled artists toward extravagant display at the expense of the music. but this phenomenon was not peculiar to the 19th century, nor did it arise spontaneously; it grew out of a long tradition already firmly established by the early 1600's. moreover, it remained for one of the most adulated virtuosos of the romantic epoch, franz liszt, to make the turn to modern standards of interpretation, as documented in an autocritique remarkable for its candor despite its self-congratulatory tone: ... in yielding to mindless applause, i nearly put myself on the wrong path, from which, happily, i disengaged myself in time.1s in any event, understanding past performance practices is not synonymous with reconstructing artifacts, any more than knowledge of former fashions in concert-programing (excerpts, interpolations, potpourris, etc.) requires worshipful imitation of those customs today. the process of transmuting the written model of the composer's imagination to its aural counterpart calls to mind huizinga's insight on the play element in art. the very idea of entering the creative world of another suggests the notion of playing (tinkering?) with the creature of the original fancy; now it is but a step to the suspicion that "style and fashion are more readily consanguineous than orthodox aesthetics are ready to admit. "19 indeed, this salient feature of music and the dance, their common dependence upon an agent to animate the object-appreciator relationship, constitutes an intriguing problem in the philosophy of art, one that has never been adequately analyzed. the failure of scholarly thought to acknowledge performance as one of the primary categories in aesthetics is finally being challenged on fundamental grounds: namely, that the neglect of this parameter undervalues the decisive role of process and change in certain modes of aesthetic experience.2o and, for musicology, these theoretical considerations serve to emphasize the urgency of a nondoctrinaire approach to studies in the field, a point aptly summarized in the following caveat: [do not be misled] into regarding knowledge of the past as a substitute for imagination in the present, rather than as food for it.21 notes 1 ion, p. 530 in the dialogues if plato, trans. benjamin jowett (oxford, 1953). 2 robert donington, "expression," in grove's dictionary of music and musicians, 5th ed. (new york, 1966), ii, 984. 3 donald jay grout, "on historical authenticity in the performance of old music," in essays in music in honor of archibald thompson davison (cambridge, mass., 1957), p. 346. 4 dolmetsch, the interpretation of the music of the 17th and 18th centuries (london, 1915); albrecht, "die auffiihrungspraxis der italienischen musik des 14. jahrhunderts" (dissertation, berlin, 1925); haas, "die auffiihrungspraxis der musik" (vol. 6 of ernst biicken's handbuch der musikwissenschaft, potsdam, 1931); schering, auffiihrungspraxis alter musik (leipzig, 1931). 61 5 frederick dorian's the history of music in performance (new york, 1942), despite its popular style, was the first important english-language book in this area; a more current reference is robert donington's the interpretation if early music (london, 1963; 2nd ed. 1965). 6 this vintage recording has been recently reissued as a long-playing disc (seraphim 60125). 7 current musicology (1969) number 8; supplement in current musicology (1970) 10:144-66. 8 published in college music symposium (1969) 9 :83-111. the participants were john reeves white, denis stevens, alfred mann, and franklin zimmerman. 9 summarized by the present writer in "report from new york: ph.d. program in musicology at the city university of new york," current musicology (1969) 9:27-35. 10 h. c. colles, "extemporization," in grove's, ii, 991. 11 marc pincherle, "on the rights of the interpreter in the performance of 17thand 18th-century music," the musical quarterly (1958) 44:145--{)6. 12 herbert russcol, "music since hiroshima: the electronic age begins," the american scholar (1970) 39:289. 13 one such fortuitous strike came about during the painstaking art restorations in florence, after the 1966 flood. a long-time brunette (donatello's wood sculpture of mary magdalene) suddenly became a proper blonde again, when the artist's original gilding was disclosed under layers of mud and centuries-old dirt! 14 this notion is borrowed from the influential post-world war ii study by adorno et al. on personality components of social and political attitudes: theodore w. adorno, else frenkel-brunswik, danielj. levinson, and r. n. sanford, the authoritarian personality (new york, 1950). 15 full proceedings in report of the eighth congress if the international musicological society (kassel, 1961),2 vols. the quotations in the remainder of this paragraph are from vol. ii, 122-23. 16 putnam aldrich, "the 'authentic' performance of baroque music," in davison festschrift (see note 3), 162. 17 anne schnoebelen, "performance practices at san petronio in the baroque," acta musicologica (1969) 41 :44. 18 revue et gazette musicale de paris (feb. 12, 1837), quoted in r. wangermee, "tradition et innovation dans la virtuosite romantique," acta musicologica (1970) 42: 20. 19 johan huizinga, homo ludens (boston, 1950), p. 186. 20 hilde hein, "performance as an aesthetic category," journal of aesthetics and art criticism (1970) 27:381-86. 21 donald grout, op. cit., p. 347. 62 kaleidoscope and silly putty: an appositive inquiry andre singer recently a young friend, aged eight, came to visit me bearing a gift: a plastic egg containing a blob of silly putty. perhaps he made me this present for the simple reason that he himself wanted to play with it, for he promptly proceeded to do so. but i would rather like to think that he regarded it as a sort of return gesture, for i had given him not long before a kaleidoscope that he now brought along, too, a fascinating toy that even i like to play with occasionally. at any rate, here i was between the proverbial twin horns of a dilemma: should i join my young friend in play or should i retire to my study to pursue my own contemplations? i solved the problem the way one usually does when not in complete control of the alternatives: i did first the one and then, after daniel had left, the other. even now, some weeks after that visit, i am not certain which of the two was the worthier enterprise. but since the reader was not able to participate in the pleasures of the first, i think that i ought to share with him the results of the second. silly putty is a plastic material with properties that invite manipulation. its texture is homogeneous; it possesses both plasticity and elasticity. it can be made to take on any shape or form without having either of its own. one can knead it into a ball and bounce it around as if it were rubber. it can be flattened out like dough or clay, molded into mountains or molehills, given an angular line or an undulating one, made to resemble a phallus or the twin humps of a bactrian camel. in short, its versatility is protean, reflecting ultimately only the limitations of one's own imagination or dexterity. amorphous itself, it exists as a potential for multiple shapes and does not require or create an environment in which to function. it is stuff from which to fashion any number of simulacra, entirely at one's convenience. it serves equally well as a means for escaping reality or, if one so wishes, for emblematically exploring it. i am as attracted as the next man to escaping reality by means of play or contemplation. constitutionally, though, i am more predisposed toward exploring it, particularly within the safe comforts of emblematic thought. but at the same time, as a creative artist of sorts, i am also impelled to direct action, i.e., to give concrete reality to a set of personal constructs through the free exercise of my craft. if these be seemingly opposite tendencies, their integration does not constitute a problem but rather an enduring (and obdurate) challenge. certain it is that a reconciliation of opposites, a resolution of contradictions, cannot meet this challenge. to maintain them in a permanent-even if precarious-balance is more to the purpose. hence i turned toward seeking a more informed confrontation of implications. at the outset the derivation of the very name kaleidoscope suggested an essential quality of its nature: a spectrum of "beautiful form." it would be pointless to argue at length the obvious ambiguity of terms like "beautiful" 83 and "form." ambiguity is not to be feared here but rather considered an asset, revealing the very nature of things much better than might a precise definition with its built-in straight-jacket constraints. in any case, i have no intention of implying that our pleasure and delight in the ever-changing configurations of a kaleidoscope should be attributed solely to an aesthetic sensitivity stimulated by "beautiful forms." there are other, more important considerations, particularly when viewed against the polarity of silly putty's amorphous nature. a kaleidoscope is, of course, a highly structured instrument created for a specific purpose: to present the collective of its ingredients in one particular way. the ingredients (slivers of colored glass) have properties of which only two, viz., transparency and color, play an important part. the ingredients are not viewed directly, and neither is their combination; nor do we form any abstract image of their relatedness or cohesion. it is their refracted reflection, combined into a perforce symmetrical pattern, with which we are presented. we can produce different patterns by simply shaking the kaleidoscope but cannot control the nature of the changes or predict their results. all patterns formed will differ from each other to some degree. yet in the end the basic similarity of all patterns far outweighs the differences observable in each. protracted contemplation will result in satiety and force us to confess that all the differences do not, in fact, make any real difference. what we are offered are not similar or different forms but the prototype of a collective form as instanced by an almost endless number of variants or permutations. as a musician who is composer, teacher, and performer, i am naturally and perhaps instinctively interested in and preoccupied with sound (the material of music), with its organization (or the lack thereof), and with the forms organized sound happens or tends to take. in this context, then, certain properties of kaleidoscope and of silly putty have both relevance and significance, on several levels and in various ways. in the first we can see the role played by symmetry, encompassing an almost endless variety of patterns achieved with only a limited number of ingredients. the second exemplifies a total absence of pattern, whatever the shape eventually superimposed on the amorphous and unstructured material might be. furthermore, inherent in the first (kaleidoscope) is an absence of the element of choice: we neither select nor influence the resultant patterns (or their succession) to suit some structural purpose of our own. indeed, we cannot have a directed purpose in mind at all. inherent in the second is the lack of necessity: whatever shapes we construct will be intentional, arbitrary, willful, and therefore self-justificatory. here everything depends on free choice, while nothing (beyond our control) dictates it. the patterns of the kaleidoscope are the products of optical laws and the incidence of chance; we do not provide them with a specific identity and cannot be held responsible for them. but every form into which silly putty is shaped is entirely and exclusively our responsibility. thus i suggest that in musical composition some processes employed in 84 the organization of sound and in giving form to organized sound may be related to aspects-inherent, latent, or manifest-of our two "toys." to a certain degree, our structural concepts of pattern on the one hand and of "free" form on the other can be regarded as metaphorical implementations of those aspects, properties, attributes. of course, even though correspondences are striking and close, i do not mean to assert that they are allpervasive and exclusive. but a number of parallels clearly exist and ought not to be ignored. whatever the degree of influence, however, we must keep in mind that the individual works of art and artifacts themselves are considerably richer in expressive meaning and import than any that kaleidoscopic patterns or silly putty shapes might possess. this is principally due to the many contexts of elements and of their organization in the one and the other. to take one instance only, consider the function of symmetry, the specific proportionate relationship of parts to one another. such symmetry is inherent in the patterns of the kaleidoscope and is also prominent (on several levels of organization) in literally thousands of musical compositions. we would prefer to think of symmetry as existing in nature, as being a "natural" phenomenon and, as such, one of the chief implementing tools of articulated order. we would like to think that given the right conditions and circumstances symmetry will arise by itself, will exist as the proper balance of elements, and can thus be taken for granted. yet this is not so in music. since music is a process in time, unidirectional in its forward flow and (for practical purposes) non-reversible, the segments of its continuity cannot coexist simultaneously: symmetry can apply only to the succession of its events. this means that, in music, no state of symmetry or balance exists, except as a telescoped remembrance of successions that must have been willed to occur in this particular proportionate manner. in other words, symmetry itself is an event that must be brought about, having the nature of a process but not the existence of fact. of course, by abstracting from this continuum we can create a perceptual context in which it can be thought of as functioning, and which can be conceptualized-all of which makes us fully responsible for its occurrence.1 and yet, perhaps we are not fully and individually responsible. for centuries, symmetry has been collectively acknowledged (and practiced) as an important aspect of order and balance, cutting across styles of discourse and often dominating-some would say oppressing-the free unfolding of musical thought, and restricting to a degree the area of individual choice to a comparatively small number of alternatives. philosophic and aesthetic theories were elaborated which asserted that symmetry and order, being "natural," were therefore desirable, correct, and beautiful. hence music, if it is to take its rightful place among the arts, should or must imitate and express-or at least strive for-that same perfect harmony of parts and proportions as exemplified in nature. only in this way can it fulfill its deeper purpose, which is to please god, man, society, or what will you. many 85 composers were caught up in this belief, without necessarily articulating it overtly; they shared it as something fundamental to the nature and practice of their art, rarely to be doubted or questioned. it influenced their imagination at its source and governed their inventiveness, but it also called forth and stimulated a striving for the exploitation to the utmost of preselected resources. there is not much point in quarreling (ex post facto) with such a belief-i suppose it was and is as good as any other. it certainly permitted the creation of many of our greatest works of art, and i am not prepared to argue whether this came about because or in spite of such orientation. at any rate, in periods when assorted symmetries of organization exercised collective sway over creative imagination and artistic production, it was not entirely a matter of individual responsibility to reassert them anew in numerous single compositions. could artists have thrown off such limiting constraints and pressures, had they wanted to? could they have wanted to? this is a moot point; some who did so obviously could. as for the others, who knows? to summarize: symmetry and patterned order are inherent attributes, automatic by-products, of the translucent images formed in the kaleidoscope. in musical composition, on the other hand, they are a function of relationships purposefully created. bringing about a patterned organization on the simplest level is achieved through the intentional exclusion of disruptive opposites. we are accountable for the satisfaction and pleasure we find in such achievement, and also for the aesthetic and expressive values we associate with it. it is frequently maintained today that these "expressive values" belong to the past, that they have become obsolete in our unbalanced world, that they have lost their relevance. i do not agree; i would say rather that they retain as much relevance to our present as all esteem for any other past might be considered to preserve. this, however, is an immense variable and need not be dealt with here. we seem to have left silly putty way behind, but not really. its emblematic relevance to compositional procedures in music (and with some selfrestraint i am not considering here any of the other arts) is of a different yet equally direct order. indeed, we could almost say that in some respects we have entered upon an age of silly putty. i do not mean to sound facetious: silly putty may be a toy, but it is not a joke. the properties that led me to discuss it have already been mentioned and need to be recalled only briefly. first: the amorphous nature of the material itself, without inherent tendencies of its own. today we think of and use sound, the sonorous material of music (and, for that matter, silence) in a somewhat similar way. formerly, sound was manipulated primarily through the specific organization of its concomitant attributes: pitch, duration, intensity (volume), etc. small (or narrow) preselected segments of such spectra were combined into compound units and interrelated within larger entities. it was these patterns of preorganized combinations (e.g., scales, chords, rhythms, tonalities, etc.) that provided the raw materials of composition. but today's composers do not 86 necessarily begin with such preselected, prepatterned sets of relationships, not in respect to melodic, harmonic, or rhythmic articulation, nor, particularly, with regard to form. they begin with the stuff, the material itself, with unorganized, amorphous sound, and with the enormous, if perhaps not yet complete, range of its attributes and of new concepts of utilization. that range has expanded to an unprecedented degree, its materials shaped and molded (like silly putty) into any desired form, not limited to, but not excluding either, the use and development of some preorganized units or patterns. to us it may indicate that there is a break of tradition here, often deliberately posited. old systems seem to have been abandoned or simply ignored, even though they have served us well for at least a millennium. their time seems to have inevitably gone by; yet they survive as monuments to a vitality that is no longer ours to imitate but rather to experience and, perhaps, to re-create under some different guise. the vast number of musical masterworks survive not unlike great cathedrals that have outlasted worshipers, heretics, and even money-changers. but the main and proper concern of most composers today is with the music of the present, and perhaps of the future, too, in the sense that they are conscious of the present as the eventual past of the future rather than the already articulated future of the past. that is all, but it is quite a lot. second: in giving specific shapes and forms to amorphous sound material, we are very conscious today of being free and responsible agents. we select our ingredients anew and even from scratch, as it were, and also create entirely new ones. we try them out, experiment, and sometimes accomplish. we feel very "engages" in all that we are doing and in what we refuse to do. there is a new directness to such compositional intents, a rhetorical quality of address and invocation to such music, which is often immediately effective. at its best this music has an enormous expressive potential, articulated and almost nakedly employed through the hypertrophied qualities of mere sound, of intensity, volume, and rhythmic aggressiveness. this is particularly evident when presented in a strongly personal, if not always individual, manner. the general expressiveness of patterns and balances, of orderliness and restraint prevalent in much music of earlier periods, may seem almost neutral in comparison: impersonal, yet strongly individual. third: many composers do want their "works of sound" to create their own environment in which to function. they aim to achieve this most directly through control-aggressive and total control of the environment. performers and audiences alike, and even the unpredictable chance event, are all subordinated to a compelling drive aimed at maximum impact amounting to tyrannical control. but, fundamentally, this soon becomes self-defeating. the creation and the structuring of environment under imposed conditions of total control tends to become, in the end, a prison for those who conceive the "work" and devise the "event" just as much as for those who listen to, participate in, or want only to experience it. the arbitrary compulsiveness, often quite mindless, of many of these attempts seems to indicate that they 87 represent a newly primitive rather than a sophisticated stage of development. becoming obsolete as soon as their immediate time is over, they turn into remnants of outdated rebellions that have lost pertinence, although they might still command some force of coercion. fourth: although the material of both silly putty and music may be shaped into any number of forms, there remains an important difference. musical forms, even if self-generated and self-justificatory, are highly organic. that is to say, they derive relevance directly from the nature of the material, they acquire significance through purposeful organization, and they show an interrelatedness of the parts to each other and to the whole, one that cannot (and never could) be defined in terms of patterns and balances alone. the organic configurations of compositions, however, are a matter of choice, not necessity. in this sense, the shapes of silly putty, deliberately created though they may be, cannot be equated with the new organic forms that we can see emerging from recent musical practices. a few further observations are necessary to point up instances of unresolved contradictions. mutually exclusive opposites are embraced as a matter of course in the compositional practices of today: e.g., total serialization (of all musical elements) on the one hand, totally aleatory procedures on the other. the most exact specification of parameters in electronic music might alternate or combine with instructions directed toward achieving complete independence from them through positing the widest possible latitude in realization-performance, and even in the "accidents" of the composition itself. thus the distinction between composition and performance may be blurred at will, or sharpened into a contrast between the first as a process and the second as a mere reproduction of the results of that process. such opposites coexist in today's music quite peaceably. how much farther we might go from here, and toward what future, cannot be predicted. our anxieties, if we feel any, are part of the scene, and so are reactions of surprise, shock, indifference, or exaltation. but we do know how far we have come: we can retrace (in historical perspective) a progression from the anonymity of composers to the individualized and even personalized figure of the artist. one line of development might lead to the depersonalization, partial or complete, of computer-made music and its absolute determinacy, if desired. another line might lead to deindividualization, e.g., a sort of symbiosis of composer and performer, the former selecting and supplying the raw material, and the latter attending to sequence and combination. what beckons is a sort of collective improvisation and eventually completely aleatory "happenings," aimed at absolute indeterminacy. thus the future, either future, is full of question marks. from the wish that our works of art possess lasting, unchanging values, created for eternity, as it were (what presumption!), we have moved to the near-compulsion of capturing the immediate present in them and expressing it as the event of the moment (what pretention !). we may organize our compositions without any specific definition of shape, form, or structure, 88 and we might also deliberately avoid giving them any fixed identity. we may want every performance to be different from all others, i.e., induce ever-new permutations of the same elements. at the same time, obverse impulses drive us to immobilize one particular performance on tape, record, or film, to fix it immutably to a degree that was unknown (and would have been both inconceivable and undesirable) in previous ages of symbolic notation through conventional signs. as in our kaleidoscope, such a series of alternate soundevents (performances) constitutes really a prototype of a composition that has no existence other than the totality of all its variants. in the end all such contradictions and opposites are complementary and perhaps even neatly balanced. they serve as new psychological imperatives by the aid of which our turbulent age continues to evolve, offering itself for our comprehension. not all our earlier questions have been answered, it is true; what is to be done about them? jacques barzun has written that "cultural periods are united by their questions, not their answers ... "2 in this sense our present age might have begun long ago to develop and build its own future, for the latter may well reveal what our missing answers were (or must have been), simply by having already implemented them in a synthesis inaccessible to our present awareness. at the same time it will surely reinterpret our questions themselves, placing them in a perspective that we cannot and need not discern. all things considered, this should be a comforting thought to those in despair over the chaos swirling around them, and a reassuring one to those concerned with doing their own thing. as for me, i am looking forward to the next visit of my young friend. he phoned to tell me that he received a new toy called digi-comp no.1, a small digital binary computer. he wants to know all about it, and soon he will want to know all about future implications, developments, and possibilities. i confess to being slightly apprehensive; would you not be? notes 1 we are of course able to compress the consecutiveness of articulated aural events, symmetrical or not, into simultaneity, be it in performance or on tape, etc., but not, however, without a change in identity of the totality of segments, and thus in effect producing a new "composition." hence, the potential of temporal symmetry and proportionate balance with which the original segments might have been endowed is suppressed. 2 classic, romantic and modern (boston and toronto, 1961), p. xx. 89 in remembrance of otto deri ( 19111969) photograph by peter vidor 24 6 the complete and detailed list is printed in the neue bach-ausgabe, series i, vol. 33, (trauungskantaten), kritischer bericht, kassel-basel-london-n ew york-leipzig, 1958, pp.12-l5. 7 reprinted in the bach jahrbuch, 1938, p. 106 ff.; 1939, p. 81 ff.; and 1940-48, p. 161 ff. (bwv 197=bj 1939, p. 88; bwv 195=bj 1939, p. 89.) 8 zeitschriftfiir musik, 1934, p. 191. 9 the writer is greatly indebted to the director, prof. h. kretzschmar, for his laborious search of these and other documents in his care; 10 mus. ms. bach st 73, deutsche staatsbibliothek, berlin. 11 am. b. 39, deutsche staatsbibliothek, berlin. 12 the ful1score, piano/vocal score, and performing parts of this reconstruction are currently in the press, and will be published by breitkopf und hartel, leipzig. 13 mus. ms. bach st 43, deutsche staatsbibliothek, berlin. 14 mus. ms. bach p 670, dahlem, berlin. 15 friedrich smend, bach in kothen, berlin, 1951, p. 64. 16 reconstruction of bwv 1z0a published by curwen (london) and schirmer (new york) 1955. 17 mus. ms. bach p 91, deutsche staatsbibliothek, berlin. 18 mus. ms. bach st 12, dahlem, berlin. 19 mus. ms. bach p 65, deutsche staatsbibliothek, berlin. 20 full information concerning bach's wedding music, sources and history, is contained in the critical report to nba. 1/33, barenreiter, kassel, 1958, deutscher verlag fiir musik, leipzig, 1958. musical research in israel,' its history, resources, and institutions don harran the history of musicology and ethnomusicology in israel is closely interwoven with developments on the national educational and artistic scene.! seeds of an indigenous musical culture were planted around 1910 with the opening of the country's first music school and, in 1911, of the israel school of music, the latter headed by abraham j. idelsohn. growth accelerated with the founding of the hebrew opera by mordechai golinkin (1923), the formation of a society for new music (1929), and the launching of the palestine orchestra, today the israel philharmonic orchestra, by bronislaw hubermann (1936) and, in the same year, of the radio station voice of jerusalem with its own chorus and orchestra. the year 1933 marked the inauguration of the first conservatory of music (now the rubin academy of music, jerusalem), and the year 1945, the first teachers' training school for music (tel-aviv). the educator leo kestenberg (1882-1967),2 to whose initiative the latter is due, drew up a blueprint for an educational system predicated on the specificity of the jewish cultural heritage. it .was no easy matter to find a "didactic" norm among the different ethnic strata of israeli society, each with its own language, folkways, and artistic traditions. nor was it easy to reconcile the correspondingly different opinions that raged then-and now-about what music education in this country should be like. 120 kestenberg, as far-sighted in his own right as was his teacher busoni, geared his reform to encompass both the past with its 2,ooo-year-old history of jewish music and the present with its colorful ethnic practices. his conviction that a system of education must grow out of its own national and cultural roots-that it must be invested with its own content and guided by its own purposes-is one to give food for thought in an era when israeli music, folk and artistic, is following a pattern of increasing westernization. those who believe that music education in israel ought to be like unto itself may take heart from israeli musical research which has been-and, as long as music withstands the process of acculturation, promises to remain-true to the character of its subject matter. those two areas about which kestenberg's program turned were, from the very beginning, the two directions in which musical research in the country evolved. the first, the music of the jews and its history from biblical times to the present, may, generally speaking, be divided into three phases: music in the bible (old testament), its development in the post-biblical period, and music in modern times (from the 16th century on). knowledge about biblical music rests in large measure upon the correlation of the information gleaned from scriptural writings with the findings of the historians and archeologists. the objects of inquiry are various: musical instruments, their names, classes, ancestry, and functions; the texts that underlay vocal music (e.g., psalms and their prosody); the music, its varieties, its performance practices (e.g., soloistic, antiphonal, responsorial), and, as much as can be reconstructed, the build of its melodies and rhythms; the occasions for which music was employed (merrymaking, warfare, signaling, harvesting, etc.); the grounds for a distinction between sacred and secular forms; psychic effects of music, its application as a therapeutic aid, the role women played in its performance, and the affiliation of music with dance. the sources of knowledge about post-biblical music-extending from the hellenistic period through the middle ages and down to the 16th centuryare the later books of the old testament (daniel, ecclesiastes), the apocryphal writings, the dead sea scrolls, the new testament, patristic literature, and the oral traditions of ancient eastern communities (e.g., the melodies collected by idelsohn and others among jews of syria, persia, babylonia, etc.). its subjects are synagogal music and its centers (palestine, babylonia, and later, eastern and western europe), its relation to christian chant (during the first six or seven centuries a.d.), its instruments (the shofar was the only one permitted by talmudic authorities, but were there others ?), its varieties (psalm singing; cantillation of the pentateuch, the prophets, etc.; post-biblical prayer hymns or piyyutim); the influence of hellenistic cultureand with it the new importance that accrued to secular music; the organization of the synagogue service, the functions of the shamash (beadle) and the chazan (cantor), the extent of congregational participation, and the use of singing in the talmudic schools; the practice of cantillation (te'amim), its kinds, its correlation with the different modes assigned to the biblical books, 121 its development from an oral tradition to a system of written stenographic signs, the differences in the meanings of these signs from one period or locality to another, and the later theoretical fixation of these meanings; chazanut (cantoral singing), its structural types (or prayer motives), its improvisational practices, and the balance struck between the two; the historical and sociological questions that surround the shift from music in the religious ceremonial of the temple to that of the synagogue; the degree to which the former was transmitted to and preserved by the latter; the development away from a group mode of performance (as entrusted to the levites) to a soloistic practice (as carried on by the chazan); the early growth of cognate musical traditions-ashkenazic, sephardic, eastern-following upon the breakup of babylonian culture; the study of the dozen or so theoretical tracts in hebrew dating from the 10th to the 15th centuries. the history of jewish music from the 16th century on has been explored along the following lines of investigation: later developments in the various synagogal traditions; the division of the ashkenazic line into an eastern and a western european branch; the incorporation of melodically fixed chants=drawing no little sustenance from the style and content of gentile music-into the synagogue service (e.g., kol nidre, ma-oz tsur, adonai melech, etc.); the paths of assimilation to or alienation from european art traditions in the synagogal music of western europe; the institution of reform movements in the same; the popular religious songs (niggunim) of the hassidim; the zmirot or table chants employed for the singing of grace; art music in the jewish communities of the diaspora; the life and works of the internationallyfamed jewish composers of the 19th and 20th centuries (e.g., from mendelssohn to schonberg) ; and art music and its composers in israel from the time of the first waves of immigration to the founding of the state (1948) and down to the present. the second large area· to engage the interest of researchers here falls rightly within the province of ethnomusicology, though it is difficult to draw hard and fixed bounds between it and the "history" of jewish music. its investigators are concerned in the main with recording and analyzing the musical practices-religious and secular-of the ancient jewish and non-jewish communities of the near and middle east, in particular, those settled today in modern israel. like his colleagues abroad, the israeli ethnomusicologist wrestles with the usual problems of methodology and, sometimes, epistemology previous and subsequent to the notation of his material: how does he best go about recording it? what kind oftranscription reveals the general contour of the music while, at the same time, doing justice to its wealth of subordinate detail? how does one achieve, in analysis, an equilibrium between stylistic description and the marshalling of pertinent ethnic, social, and cultural data? to what extent can the information served up by music help to revise the tried and true concepts established by the latter? beyond the study of separate ethnic groups, the researcher is intent on furnishing answers to the wide range of ancillary questions that touch 122 upon knowledge about cultural or ethnic contacts, the relationship between present musical practices and those of earlier, perhaps ancient, times, the acculturation that overtakes these practices as they are passed on from one generation to the next, the origins and wanderings of musical instruments, performance traditions and the personality of the oriental musician, and the degree to which theoretical and musical systems are the bedrock on which live musical practices are grounded. despite the quickening of the pace of ethnomusicological research within recent years, it is still too early to speak of an attrition of musical sources. israel is a small country, to be sure, yet within its circumscribed boundaries there lies a rich store of ethnic materials waiting to be recorded and brought to the research table. a further branch of the "ethnomusicological" area of oriental musical research is the study of the folk-song traditions that grew up, following the destruction of the second temple, among the jewish communities dispersed throughout eastern and western europe. these are the songs, properly speaking, of the ghettos, and they range from semi-spiritual and ceremonial types to tunes patterned on the social and domestic conditions of jewish life in the diaspora (work songs, love ballads, dances, wedding songs, dirges, lullabies, etc.). they command attention for their texts (of which most are in yiddish, hebrew being the sacred language reserved for worship), for their styles (which, in most cases, represent a hybrid mixture of europeanisms flavored by the modal and, sometimes, improvisational idiosyncrasies of the orient), and for their connection with the social conditions that begot them. folk song in modern israel is still another branch of investigation. it is as varied as the ethnic sources from which it sprang. by and large, the pattern of development may be traced to the geographical origins of the migrations beginning in the 1880's and continuing to the present. jews flocked to their religious and, after 1948, national homeland, some as a refuge from persecution and pogrom, others as a fulfilment of zionist ideals. they brought with them their songs and folkways, and these were the separate alloys which melted together into the amalgam that is israeli folk song. its "history" spans the songs of the pre-world war i years-melodies whose style was more or less of a hodgepodge of russian, ukranian, germanic, and hassidic ingredients; the first attempts (starting with yoel engel in the later '20s) to create an indigenous popular literature by welding together-with greater homogeneity than hitherto had been achieved-a western-styled melos (slavic or germanic) with eastern modes; the borrowing of dance rhythms (among them the boisterous "horah") and the more conscious imitation of . near eastern melodies-free in rhythm, narrow in range, formally asymmetrical, deviant from major-minor modality-both of which characterize the tunes of the '40s and early '50s; and the stylistically variable, highly westernized popular music repertory that has formed since then. the acculturative processes to which art and music submit are, for the most part, 123 beyond the control of the researcher, whose function it is to observe and explain their workings. 3 still, in the wake of the increasing americanization of popular song, it is hard not to sigh at, if not outwardly deplore, the ensuing loss of national musical identity. musical research in israel would not be what it is today were it not for the host of scholars-musicological and ethnomusicological-who have madle it so. they range from its distinguished "founders," abrahamj. idelsohn (who took up residence in jerusalem from 1907 to 1921 while working on his fundamental ten-volume thesaurus of hebrew-oriental melodies, 1914-32) and robert lachmann (in jerusalem from 1935 until his death four years later), to the several scholars active outside of israel whose research has advanced the methods and enriched the content of musicology at home (curt sachs, eric werner, paul nett!, egon wellesz, et al.), and the later generation of musicologists living in israel, chief among them edith gerson-kiwi and hanoch avenary. for a review of their achievements until the year 1958, the reader is referred to edith gerson-kiwi's excellent article on "musicology in israel."4 just as musical research would not be what it is were it not for its researchers, so its researchers would not be what they are without the availability of adequate opportunities and materials for research. musical scholarship here owes an untold debt to the efforts of robert lachmann (1935-39) and edith gerson-kiwi (after 1947) in building up the impressive collection of recorded materials now housed in the record archives of the national library (hebrew university). to lachmann's original nucleus of 2,500 or so recordings dr. kiwi added some 4,500 more, and these were later augmented by extensive supplements from different quarters. the largest percentage of these thousands of phonograms is constituted of examples of jewish liturgical music (nearly half). the rest may distributed among. jewish non-liturgical music (about one-third) and the music of separatist or non-jewish ethnic groups (samaritans, karaites, moslems, etc.) in and out of israel. this vast museum of sound materials places a rich and diversified body of primary sources in the hands of the musical scholar. the further expansion of these archives and the co-ordination of the separate endeavors of native researchers have been the guiding goals in the foundation (as an affiliate of the national library) of the jewish music research center in 1964. the center employs the talents of its scholars in the classification and analysis of the musical, literary, and recorded documents on jewish and oriental music housed in the national library. its most notable accomplishment to date is the publication of a festschrift in tribute to eric werner and "his achievements in the field of jewish music studies" on his 65th birthday 5: 'yuval' studies of the jewish music research center (jerusalem, the magnes press of hebrew university, 1968). among the contributors figure both israelis and such lights of the musicological world as higinio angles, jacques chailley, dika newlin, and bence szabolcsi. planned for the future, as part of the internationally-scaled projects of the 124 international repertory of musical sources (rism), is a complete inventory of the primary sources, musical and literary, of jewish music throughout the ages. it will bear the same relation to alfred sendrey's fundamental bibliography if jewish music (new york, columbia university press, 1951) as do the various volumes of rism to eitner's bio-bibliographisches q,uellenlexikon. another fund of materials is stored in the center for israeli music, founded in 1968 under the auspices of the music division of the public council for culture and art. it aims to bring together the music (scores, records, tapes) of israeli composers of art music from the turn of the century to the present and, at a later stage, to do the same for israeli folk and popular song. once the center has achieved its aims, the way will be cleared at last for a systematic appraisal of modern israeli music-its composers, schools, and developments-and the writing of a history of contemporary music in israel. further research materials are held by the israel institute for religious music, founded in 1955 under the auspices of the ministry for religious affairs and the ministry for education and culture. its phonoarchive contains several thousand items from the jewish religious sphere only. one must mention, in addition, the general bibliographical materials belonging to the music division of the national library (in jerusalem) and, on a lesser scale, those belonging to the central music library (in tel-aviv), to the library of the music academy and department of musicology of tel-aviv university and that of the rubin academy (in jerusalem), and to the library of the ethnological institute for jewish music (in haifa). the researcher may have further recourse to the ethnic materials held by the national and rockefeller museums (jerusalem) and the museum of ethnology and folklore (haifa), to the private collection of musical instruments originally built up by edith gerson-kiwi during the years 1953-58 for the now defunct ethnological institute for oriental jewish music at hebrew university, and to the impressive assembly of african and asiatic instruments-secured through the offices of a number of foreign embassies in this country-housed in the rubin academy of music in jerusalem. an aid of inestimable value in ethnomusicological research is the melograph, an instrument for notating single melodies. it registers sounds diagrammatically: a needle traces on graph paper the up and down contours of linear movement. exact intervals are later measured by reference to a numerical scale fixing cent distances. such an apparatus was built in 1957 at hebrew university for what is now the ethnological division of the center for electronic music in israel (founded in 1958). just as mechanical aids have revised or reversed established opinion in the social and physical sciences, the users of the melograph envision the possibility of a reanalysis of near eastern music with no less crucial results for ethnomusicological research.6 musicology in israel officially came into its own with the founding in 1956 of an israeli branch of the international musicological society. largely silent until the early '60s, the society was reconstituted in 1967 as the israel musicological society. it sponsors lectures and public forums, and com125 municates through a bulletin. the first issue of this bulletin (may, reviews the activities of the society for the year 1967-68, states the official bylaws, and lists the current members. mention should be made of the first international congress for research in jewish music held under the auspices of the world jewish congress in paris, 1957. its various resolutions-the preparation .of a complete corpus musicae hebraicae, listing all writings on and documents of jewish music as well as collections of ethnological materials; the development of comprehensive phonogram archives; the publication of an annual on jewish musical research; etc.-have largely been taken over by the center for research on jewish music (see above). the first musicological congress of international scope to be held in israel took place in jerusalem in the summer of 1963. it also marked the 16th annual congress of the international folk music council. its theme, "east and west in music," was explored in depth through lectures and live concerts. to mark the occasion, a number of monographs by local scholars were published covering such diversified aspects of jewish and eastern music as folk song in israel; hebrew, syrian, and greek liturgical recitative; the persian doctrine ofdastga-composition; and the performance of arabic song in the middle ages. . the annual congresses of the israel institute for religious music-held during the week of hanukkah-provide an important forum for communication about research on jewish liturgical and non-liturgical music. its lectures and proceedings are subsequently gathered together and published in the annual duchan ("pulpit," 1960 on). beyond the publications of this institute (which include an annual bulletin on world-wide activities in the of jewish religious music as well, 1960 on) and of the center for research on jewish music, many original research papers of israeli scholars are scattered about in local journals, chief among them bat-kal ("echo," two vols., 1956 and 1961) andtatslil ("chord," 1961 on). perhaps the most significant step in the advancement of musical research in israel has been the inauguration of academic training programs in musicology. hebrew university opened its doors to musicology with the founding of a department in 1965-66, and tel-aviv university followed suit in 1966-67. their programs of undergraduate studies are spread out over three years, and comprise a number of historical, theoretical, and methodological subjects set up in the form of preparatory courses, lectures, discussion groups, proseminars, and seminars. plans for graduate departments should materialize in the not-too-distant future. about the paths of israeli musicology in the years to come, perhaps the best signpost is the title to the above-mentioned convention: "east and west in music." that israel stands at the crossroads between eastern and western musical cultures places it in a unique position. the kind of universality evidenced in the multiple ethnic structure of israeli society suggests as its 126 corollary the universal attitudes that should inform its musical (and humanistic) research. israel has the sources and talents for a direct, vital study of semitic music. it has assimilated western musical culture and the intellectual habits of western scholarship as well. what this means is that studies of eastern and western music are equally viable areas as a framework for future scholarship. explored separately, and then conjointly, the combination of the two should open up a perspective for a vigorous, rewarding comparative research. notes 1 the writer acknowledges his gratitude to the bialik foundation (in jerusalem) for permission to excerpt this article---with minor changes-from his forthcoming book, an introduction to musicology (in hebrew). 2 for a general account of kestenberg's educational reforms in germany and elsewhere, the reader is referred to the article and bibliography in die musik in geschichte und gegenwart 7:863-65 (1958). 3 a number of israeli scholars-less dispassionate about this issue than the present writerfeel it is their duty not only to engage in research, but to stem the tide of change overtaking its objects. they advocate an accelerated program of education in native folk and ethnic traditions designed to preserve the old and to resist the new. such a program-as they see itwould enlist the aids of discretionary radio and television programming, professional training facilities in near eastern music and its practices, publication of trustworthy editions, and live interchange with eastern musicians and musicologists invited to come and discuss their own music. the whole question of where the researcher's role begins and ends is, at any rate, one that invites heated debate in this country. 4 in acta musicologica 30: 17-26 (1958). 5 actual publication was delayed for technical reasons by 18 months. 6 see dalia cohen and ruth katz, "the melograph, some remarks concerning its use," 'yuval' studies qfthe jewish music research center (see above), pp. 155-68. 127 bryan r. simms. the atonal music of arnold schoenberg, 1908-1923. oxford university press, 2000. ix, 265 pp. reviewed by ethan haimo schoenberg's decision, around 1908, to begin writing compositions that had no tonal center and few, if any, traditional harmonies, remains an event of surpassing historical importance, one that has had an incalcu­ lable influence on the subsequent history of music. given the central sig­ nificance of this repertoire, it is surprising that-before now-no one had undertaken the challenge of writing a book devoted to schoenberg's atonal compositions. bryan simms has responded to this curious lacuna with a book entitled the atonal music of arnold schoenberg. however, the scope of his book is even wider than is implied by its title: the second chapter discusses schoen­ berg's evolution toward atonality and the last chapter addresses the early serial period. thus, in some important ways, simms's book discusses at least parts of all three of schoenberg's principal compositional approaches: tonal, atonal, and serial. one of the interesting changes that has taken place in anglo-american studies of schoenberg's music has been the gradual widening of the per­ spective with which the music has been examined. whereas once upon a time, much of the discussion was resolutely technical, with the emphasis placed almost exclusively on the development and use of sophisticated theoretical tools to explain the pitch organization, 1 nowadays one is apt to find more discussion of the contexts in which the works originated.2 the atonal music of arnold schoenberg reflects and celebrates this change by placing considerable stress on factors other than pitch organization. simms quotes extensively from schoenberg's writings, coordinates stylistic developments with biographical events, carefully examines schoenberg's choice of texts, analyzes the meanings of those texts, discusses schoen­ berg's interactions with his contemporaries, weighs the rationale for his use of a particular stylistic approach, describes the philosophical and aes­ thetic ideas that lay behind specific compositional decisions, and much else besides. when this repertoire is approached in such a comprehensive manner, it quickly becomes apparent that schoenberg's atonal music did not con­ stitute a single unified, period-not technically, nor stylistically, nor in any current musicology, no. 70 (fall 2000) © 2001 by the trustees of columbia university in the city of new york iii 112 current musicology other meaningful way. rather, as simms demonstrates, it was a complex and ever-changing reality, one that embraced such sharply contradictory tendencies as the motivic intensity of op. 11, no. 1 and the radical athe­ maticism of erwartung, op. 17. simms's decision to extend the range of his discussion beyond the chronological boundaries of the atonal period and his choice to expand the parameters of his discussion far beyond pitch structure together con­ stitute one of the many strengths of this book. at the same time, the broad scope of this book is-alas-a serious flaw. in a book with only 219 pages of text, it is impossible to do justice to all of the topics that are contem­ plated; inevitably at least some are given short shrift. as a general rule, i think that the biographical, philosophical, documentary, and textual as­ pects are handled quite well. however, at the same time, other important topics are given insufficient attention. for example, in his second chapter, "schoenberg's evolution toward atonality," simms describes the features of schoenberg's early works that prepared the way for the rise of atonality. in keeping with his approach, he does not limit himself solely to a technical analysis of the changing pitch language. instead, he starts with an interesting discussion of the ori­ gins and use of the term "atonality" and an extended examination of schoenberg's theoretical writings on the subject. these two tasks are handled very well. simms provides an insightful summary of the sometimes contradictory attitudes within schoenberg's circle to the term "atonality." we find that-notwithstanding its later re­ jection by schoenberg-the term may have originated with a supporter (egon wellesz) and that there was far more sympathy to its use in schoenberg's circle than is generally recognized. equally effective is the discussion of the idea of atonality in schoen­ berg's writings. simms points out that although schoenberg wrote no trea­ tise devoted solely to the subject of atonality, his "literary oeuvre still offers an invaluable entree into this repertory." simms then skillfully weaves dis­ parate writings together to show what schoenberg meant by "extended," "suspended" (aufgehoben), and "fluctuating" (schwebend) tonality and ex­ plains how these ideas played a role in the gradual transformation of schoenberg's language. only after completing his consideration of these topics does simms il­ lustrate the process of evolution by means of analyses of selected compo­ sitions from schoenberg's tonal period. this is an essential step if the theoretical generalities of the previous section are to have any precise meaning. however, this task simply cannot be accomplished in the ten pages that are allotted for the purpose. reviews 113 and it is not merely the number of pages devoted to the problem that is problematic. simms illustrates the decline of tonality in schoenberg's works by making analytical remarks about only three of schoenberg's works, all of which are songs: erwartung, op, 2, no. 1 (1899), die aufgereg­ ten, op. 3, no. 2 (1903), and der wanderer, op. 6, no. 8 (1905). on a num­ ber of grounds, this is unsatisfactory. in the first place, schoenberg's songs are not representative of all aspects of his compositional thought in the years 1899-1908. in general, the songs are rather short-nothing close to the size of the important instrumental works from this period. those in­ strumental works face issues of tonal definition and relation that are much different than those faced in the more diminutive dimensions of the songs. moreover, schoenberg generally made a fairly clear distinction be­ tween the texture of his songs and his instrumental compositions. his songs tend to be homophonic, often reliant on a principal melody (not necessarily in the voice) supported by successions of discrete chords. by contrast, his instrumental works tend to be less clearly chordal and, corre­ spondingly, more reliant on contrapuntal textures. this is an important distinction because major steps on the road to the "emancipation of the dissonance" were made possible by the radical treatment of intervals found in the contrapuntal textures of the instrumental works. to be sure, simms offers some reasons for analyzing only songs. he ar­ gues that the "genre of song was an especially useful laboratory in which to try out new ideas." he goes on to claim that the "inherent expressivity of the song provided an environment in which harmonic and tonal exper­ iments needed no further justification than their alliance with heightened emotions and new poetic ideas." finally, he cites schoenberg's claim that "extramusical influences produced the concept of extended tonality." but none of these is convincing. the argument that "the genre of song was an especially useful laboratory" could be said equally persuasively of any genre in schoenberg's works. and is there really more "inherent ex­ pressivity" in schoenberg's songs than in instrumental works like verkliirte nacht or pelleas und melisande? finally, it is an error to assume that schoen­ berg's statement that "extramusical influences produced the concept of extended tonality" is a reference just to the songs. all of schoenberg's completed works from the end of his apprenticeship with alexander zemlinsky to the writing of the chamber symphony, op. 9 were based on a text and thus everything schoenberg wrote before 1906 had extramusi­ cal influences. although simms gives insufficient attention to a detailed consideration of the evolution of schoenberg's language and although the examples he chooses are not completely representative, i should not like to leave the 114 current musicology impression that what he actually says is faulty. to the contrary, the analyti­ cal remarks that he does make are well chosen and accurate. for example, in his analysis of die aufgeregten, op. 3, no. 2 (24-26), simms points out that "the ambiguities that characterize the tonal plan of the song are evi­ dent from the very outset." he shows that the opening refrain "is made from a chain of primarily vagrant chords, whose progression is guided solely by a descending stepwise bass line" and thus, the listener has "no way of relating the passage definitely to any key." furthermore, he points out that unlike earlier examples, this occurs right at beginning of the piece so that "the listener has no tonal context in which to interpret it." simms also asserts that the composition "exhibits an experimental and nontraditional use of key that the composer described as schwebend." although schoenberg had applied the term only to short spans, simms feels it is appropriate to extend the idea to the large scale. he suggests "it produced its most fundamental disruption in the macrostructure of a work, weakening the unifying capacity of a key throughout the entirety of a composition." simms further argues that in die aufgeregten, unlike the earlier erwartung, there is no "large, tonally unified plan at work." instead, the song moves through a number of remote tonal areas. simms asserts that "the order in which these tonal areas occur and the presence of ellip­ tical and incomplete progressions prevent the listener from deducing any one key that controls the totality of the piece." although the key signature suggests that "schoenberg conceived of the work as moving in f minor" he believes that "even the most astute listener cannot trace the persistence of that key from beginning to end"-as one could with earlier composi­ tions. thus "traditional tonality wavers to the point of fragmentation and is relegated to dim and localized references to distant regions." in sum­ mary, "no longer does schoenberg use key to produce a unified and inte­ grated structure." although these remarks are to the point, accurate, and broadly illustra­ tive of some important tendencies in schoenberg's early works, they do not come close to giving a full picture of what happened in the crucial pe­ riod that led to atonality. indeed, the three songs chosen, and what simms elects to discuss in those songs, do not illustrate some aspects of the birth of atonality at all. in the first place, none of the songs simms chooses adequately captures the extent of schoenberg's restless experimentation with new chordal types in the years 1899-1908. from the examples, one might conclude that schoenberg's chordal vocabulary was only a modest extension of tra­ ditional harmony, involving mainly the increasing use of vagrant chords. but in this period (and principally in the instrumental works), schoen­ berg experimented with many new chords: from the ninth chord in fourth reviews 115 inversion in verkliirte nacht, to the whole tone hexachord in pelleas und melisande, on to the hexachordal chord of fourths in the chamber sym­ phony, op. 9-to name only a few famous examples. these chords are important not just because they were new, but be­ cause they are part of another important trend that is not covered in this chapter. in schoenberg's music from this period, there was a clear evolu­ tion, not only in the treatment of chordal dissonance, but also, in its very definition. at the beginning of schoenberg's career, many chordal dis­ sonances still resolved in a traditional manner. but relatively quickly, chordal dissonances lost their distinctive status within a chord and their motivation for resolution. by the end of the tonal period, it had become impossible to tell which was the dissonance and which was the stable chord tone. in short, the emancipation of the dissonance was intimately connected both to the changes in chordal vocabulary and to the way in which that vocabulary was used. but nothing of this process is illustrated in the examples or discussed in any depth elsewhere. and this highlights another important omission: the absence of ex­ amples from instrumental works makes it difficult to understand how schoenberg's contrapuntal textures contributed to the emancipation of the dissonance. it was primarily in instrumental works like the string quartet, op. 7 and in the chamber symphony, op. 9 that schoenberg made radical strides in the direction of creating a musical language in which triads (or chords derived from triads) played little role. in passages like the fugal transition in the first movement of the string quartet, op. 7 (beginning at 1al, ex. 1), the constant motion of the attack rhythm yields a quickly changing succession of simultaneities (mm. 103-6), almost none of which are triadically-based harmonies. by choosing only songs and by placing the emphasis almost exclusively on harmonic progres­ sions, simms shows none of this. indeed, as can be seen from the sum­ mary of simms's arguments above, there is no discussion of any aspect of schoenberg's evolving pitch language other than its harmonic progres­ sions. the story of the evolution of schoenberg's pitch language is con­ siderably more complicated and multidimensional than is evident from simms's discussion. unfortunately, the inadequate treatment of pitch language in the chap­ ter on the evolution toward atonality is not an aberration, but the norm. by trying to do so much, simms ends up giving some important topics in­ adequate consideration. and too often, the internal structure of the music is one of the topics that receives insufficient attention. for example, in the fourth chapter, "small instrumental works," simms discusses four important collections of compositions: three piano pieces, op. 11, five orchestra pieces, op. 16, six little piano pieces, op. 116 current musicology example 1: schoenberg, string quartet, op. 7, first movement, mm. 97-108. etwas weniger bewegt 97,., ~,~~ ~ p ,., ~ areo ~3 sehr ausdrucksvoll oj ~ ~." 101 areo 105,., (gl ______ , (d) __________________ , ~ ---i i ~ i ~.i i (gl_ , ~~~ reviews 117 19, and three pieces for chamber orchestra-seventeen separate move­ ments, and this in a chapter of only twenty-nine pages. as always, simms does not limit his attention solely to the pitch language, but covers a broad range of other issues as well. for instance, his discussion of op. 11 begins with some general observa­ tions about the opus as a whole: that it is not a unified cycle; that schoen­ berg may have been hesitant about writing for piano; that he seems to have written intuitively and without sketches and with only one major rewrite in the third piece; that he made various revisions in 1924 and 1942; that he wanted the pieces to be played freely; and that he argued with busoni about the latter's unauthorized rewriting of the second piece. these are important points, and, as usual, simms has provided a very good, well informed, appropriate, interesting, and completely satisfactory discussion of these topics. simms then continues with a general summary of the formal structure of the first two pieces of the opus. he points out that they both are ex­ amples of what he calls "developmental ternary form" in which an open­ ing group of thematic ideas returns in highly varied form after a middle section that, though contrasting, also includes fragmentary and highly var­ ied restatements of the original themes. only after this does simms get down to talking about the harmonic vo­ cabulary itself. here is the entirety of what he says on the topic: the harmonic vocabulary in op. 11, nos. 1 and 2, also differs sub­ tly from that of many of the george songs in that it greatly reduces the direct use of triads and familiar seventh chords. it also moves cautiously away from the late-romantic harmonic palette-altered or vagrant chords, whole-tone harmonies, triadic tetrachords, and pen­ tatonic subsets-that schoenberg had used repeatedly in the early atonal style of op. 15. the harmonic language of the three piano pieces begins to show an important change in schoenberg's thinking about atonal music, as it abandons, however tentatively, the mixed idiom of op. 15 and adopts a homogenous, dissonant, and distinctly anti-romantic alternative that had been hinted at in "sprich nicht" from op. 15 and in its contemporaneous "am strande." this was a new harmonic practice to which schoenberg referred in 1911 in the harmonielehre when he confessed his "aversion to recalling even re­ motely the traditional chords ... the simple chords of the earlier har­ mony do not appear successfully in this [new atonal] environment. i believe, however, that there is another reason for their absence here. i believe they would sound too cold, too dry, expressionless. or, perhaps, what i mentioned on an earlier occasion applies here. 118 current musicology namely that these simple chords, which are imperfect imitations of nature seem to us too primitive." (63) the first sentence is correct insofar as it goes: the direct use of triads and familiar seventh chords is indeed greatly reduced in these two pieces. so too, simms is probably correct that nos. 1 and 2 "move cautiously away from the late-romantic palette." however, those statements are both nega­ tives: they say what was abandoned; they do not say what is present. that is left to the end of a single sentence: "it adopts a homogenous, dissonant, and distinctly antiromantic alternative." but this is completely inadequate. it tells us almost nothing about the harmonic vocabulary of op. 11, nos. 1 and 2 and nothing at all about the syntax. what specifically does "homogenous" mean? what precisely does "dissonant" mean in this context? (what could it possibly mean after the emancipation of the dissonance?) what is "a distinctly anti-romantic alter­ native?" since none of these claims are illustrated with musical examples, we are left with very little precise idea of what is being asserted about schoenberg's music. as before, it is not so much that there is anything specifically wrong with the claims that are made but rather, it is that they are far too general, too simplified, cover too little ground, or simply omit crucial parts of the discussion. to be fair, there is some further examination of the pitch language of these compositions as simms continues with a discussion of some of the controversies that have arisen about how to understand these pieces. but even this discussion is astonishingly incomplete. simms starts by citing some of the studies that claim that op. 11, no. 1 retains significant residues of tonal structure, even including tonal cen­ ters. he then summarily rejects this line of argument by quoting schoen­ berg's assertion (in a letter to busoni) that: "my harmony allows no chords or melodies with tonal implications any more." simms then offers one and only one alternative. he cites and briefly explains allen forte's theory of pitch class sets, and remarks that op. 11, no. 1 "has proved to be especially susceptible to analysis by these principles." he then supports this assertion with a single example where the pitch class set formed by the total pitch content of one measure is equivalent to the pitch-class set of the opening hexachord in the melody. this survey of the literature is every bit as unsatisfactory as the analyses of the works themselves. suggestions that some tonal references remain in schoenberg's atonal music have persisted for some time. is it enough sim­ ply to cite one of schoenberg's statements in order to reject this line of thought? as simms shows in other places, schoenberg's comments cannot always be taken at face value. if so, shouldn't there be at least some furreviews 119 ther discussion of this topic? and shouldn't there be at least some interac­ tion with the secondary literature?3 moreover, forte's analytical approach has hardly gone unchallenged. pitch class set theory has been highly controversial and has sparked a vig­ orous debate. richard taruskin (1979, 1986, 1987, 1988), george perle (l990a, 1990b), and the present author (haimo 1996) have raised ques­ tions about this method of analysis in general and its application to the works of schoenberg in particular. forte and his supporters have made numerous, forceful responses to these criticisms. at the very least, should­ n't some mention of this have made it into the footnotes of simms's dis­ cussion? and wouldn't it have been appropriate for simms to participate in this lively intellectual debate? shouldn't we expect a book on schoenberg's atonal music to engage forcefully with the debates about the structure of this music? but even beyond this, must this be the sum of all possible choices? tonal harmony or pitch-class sets? that's it? nothing more? does simms have no independent views on the subject? shouldn't he? shouldn't some­ one who undertakes to write a book on schoenberg's atonal music have some clear and original (not to mention thoroughly detailed) ideas on the pitch structure of these compositions? simms's failure to confront the relevant literature in his discussion of op. 11 is, unfortunately, not an exception, but the norm. although the bibliography as a whole is rather impressive (including dozens upon dozens of recondite entries), simms customarily fails to be in dialogue with that literature in an effective way. time after time, relevant citations are either not made at all, or (as with op. 11) are given only the most cur­ sory consideration. for example, in the second chapter ("schoenberg's evolution toward atonality"), simms scarcely interacts with recent literature on the subject. typical of this is his response to walter frisch's book, the early works of arnold schoenberg: 1893-1908 (1993), which covers the same time span as simms's second chapter. however, in the entire chapter, simms cites frisch's work only twice (footnotes 47 and 50) and both times, these cita­ tions are nominal. yet, frisch's book discusses in considerable detail many of the problems that simms only limns in his chapter and has many force­ ful ideas about the evolution of schoenberg's pitch language, ideas that are typically supported with cogent and illuminating analyses. indeed, in many ways, frisch's book is a model of what simms's book could have been. like simms, frisch examines schoenberg's works in a broad context, not limiting himself only to the pitch language. but, unlike simms, frisch does not let the more inclusive scope of his book lead to a superficial consideration of the pitch language. and, again, unlike simms, 120 current musicology frisch constantly interacts with previous writings on the subject, making his work part of a lively intellectual discourse. for all of these reasons, simms's book is a troubling mixture of excel­ lence and negligence. on the one hand, he has provided a significant amount of information about schoenberg's atonal compositions-their historical background, choice of texts, relationship to the composer's bi­ ography, and much else beside. any subsequent scholar who wishes to ex­ amine any of these pieces will shorten his or her work considerably by be­ ginning with simms's discussions. indeed, anyone wishing a good general introduction to the compositions and their historical background should start here. but, unfortunately, seeing these compositions in a wider con­ text has come at the expense of a detailed and systematic examination of the pitch language and has come without a meaningful interaction with the work and ideas of others. notes 1. see, for example, milton babbitt's seminal articles (1955,1960,1961,1962). 2. a highly successful example of the newer approach is walter frisch (1993). 3. some of the more important post-war studies relating specifically to tonal re­ lationships in op. 11 include: reinhold brinkmann (1969), will ogdon (1981), and howard cinnamon (1993). simms cites only brinkmann in this chapter. references babbitt, milton. 1955. some aspects of twelve-tone composition. score 12: 53-61. ---. 1960. twelve-tone invariants as compositional determinants. musical quarterly 46: 246-59. ---. 1961. set structure as a compositional determinant. journal of music theory 5: 72-94. ---. 1962. twelve-tone rhythmic structure and the electronic medium. perspectives of new music 1: 49-79. brinkmann, reinhold. 1969. arnold schonberg, drei klavierstucke op. 11: studien zur frilhen atonalitiit bei schonberg. beihefte zum archiv fur musikwissenschaft, vol. 7. wiesbaden: f. steiner. cinnamon, howard. 1993. tonal elements and unfolding nontriadic harmonies in the second of schoenberg's drei klavierstiicke, op. 11. theory and practice 18: 127-70. frisch, walter. 1993. the early works of arnold schoenberg: 1893-1908. berkeley: university of california press. haimo, ethan. 1996. atonality, analysis, and the intentional fallacy. music theory spectrum 18: 167-99. ogdon, will. 1981. how tonality functions in schoenberg's opus 11, number 1. journal of the arnold schoenberg institute 5: 169-81. perle, george. 1990a. pitch-class set analysis: an evaluation. journal of musicology 8: 151-72. reviews 121 ---. 1990b. the listening composer. berkeley: university of california press. taruskin, richard. 1979. review of the harmonic organization of "the rite of spring" by allen forte. current musicology, no. 28: 114-29. ---. 1986. letter to the editor. music analysis 5: 313-20. ---.1987. reply to van den toorn. in theory only 10: 47-57. ---. 1988. review of the music of alexander scriabin by james baker. music theory spectrum 10: 143-68. psychological jargons of our own day qargons that are themselves a heritage from german romanticism)-but let us hope that the links have not yet been welded tight. footnotes 1 her explicit description of "the great formal types of musical organization" as perceptual categories" (p. 64) becomes a frank example of this sort of parochialism (p. 68). 2 we can now, with hindsight, find precursors or progenitors of absolute music earlier than the 18th century, but composers had to cleanse their minds and their music of the ideas and emotions specifically linked with the modes (six or twelve) and with the affects (whether as intarsia or as mystique) before "absolute music" could become a conscious aim and program. incidentally, one looks through history nearly in vain for a creative artist (as distinguished from critic or philosopher) who clearly displays a belief or an interest in "universal" . 8 many of aristotle's phrases have acquired the quality almost of incantation. a good example of this is the frequent use, by both miss carpenter and professor crocker, of the aristotelian phrase "beginning, middle, and end". for greek tragedy, based on familiar legends, the "beginning" of a play was the point in the story selected by the dramatist as making clear the part of the story he was going to use; the magic of aristotle's phrase is not easily transferred to another context. for music (with the exception of john cage), "beginning" means flatly a change from the inaudible to the audible. 4 an instance which strikes me as combining the perennial philosophy with a bit of aristotle and some special pleading occurs in glossing harmonia as "the perfect attunement between microcosm and macrocosm". true enough, and miss carpenter also calls this "one ofthe oldest images of music". but i hope that no one will start building systems on the fact that, as metaphors, "democracy" or "snowflake" may also serve to symbolize a perfect attunement between macroand microcosm. 5 perhaps this subjective-objective business is only another instance of a trait shown by schools of psychology during the past century, the trait of borrowing fundamental concepts from the physical sciences-and, rather regularly, not fully exploiting the physical concept until the physical scientist has discarded it and moved on to something quite different. on subjective-objective, see, for an instance already old, alfred north whitehead, science and the modem world (new american library), p. 50 and passim. 6 theodor lipps, who, in an imposing number of works of major size in aesthetics, reduced all music to a departure from and a struggle back to the tonic chord, should have provided, for ever, a salutary lesson for builders of universal aesthetic systems. david burrows, on patricia carpenter's" the musical object" "the musical object" is neither short nor long enough. i hope miss: carpenter will take up her big and convincing idea at book length, for, al. though she argues it most convincingly here, it deserves to be traced in detail through the literature of the period she deals with. one byway that could 'i receive attention in a fuller treatment of the theme is the history of notation 112 as it related to the history of the piece. more important are the implications of her theme for general cultural history. not only does the period of "the musical object" correspond roughly to that in which painting was "conceived as a piece of three-dimensional visual space", -as miss carpenter points out herself, but it also corresponds roughly to the period of the objectivization of discourse in printed books, as marshall mcluhan has been reminding us. unfortunately, she does not deal with one question in the history of ideas that is raised by her use of the sapir-whorf hypothesis: did we not spatialize and objectify time in our ways of talking about it before process became product in our music? going into linguistic relativism should mean going into it historically, since "the musical object" is historically relative. if i have any real disagreement with miss carpenter, it is not with her idea, but with the extent to which she gives in to it. i feel that the momentum of the argument she produces to defend the proposition that a piece of music from about 1420 to about 1910 was "stylized toward objectivity", that it represented "a musical illusion of the kind of wholeness we associate with a thing visually perceived" carries her too far when she maintains that we grasp such a piece "not only as a successive, but also as a simultaneous whole". to begin with, miss carpenter's notion of the word "object" (and her notion of the word "simultaneous" as well) is so broad as to be almost unsporting, including as it does objects material, immaterial, real, and unreal, along with thoughts, events, and states of mind. at the same time,although she gives "three minimal requirements for objectness", these do not include two requirements essential to our common sense understanding of objectness. for one, an object (as opposed, say, to an entity) is commonly assumed to be a material presence, something accessible to touch and sight. more importantly, an object is commonly assumed to be something lifeless and static. miss carpenter naturally has the right to define "object" in any way she wishes, but the word lacks bite without these restrictions, for it permits too much. is a gesture usefully described as an object? it can have beginning, middle, and end, take place out there, be stylized and repeatable. what about a roller coaster ride ? yet even though miss carpenter plays down our common understanding of "object" as something material and static, it silently 'accompanies her discussion throughout, giving it an air of paradox that is one of its strengths. this feature could be further strengthened; i 'think, by openly acknowledging that "object" here is a metaphor, rather than a description for a piece of music. one great advantage it has as a metaphor is its very ordinariness. if this is to be exploited fully, then its ordinary usage must be acknowledged. during the period miss carpenter is concerned with, music-making detached itself more and more from its traditional background of ritual and social occasions. in a sense the whole activity of music confirmed the drift toward objectivity that she describes at the level of the piece. but during the 17th century and beyond-and this is one feature of the underlying paradox of miss carpenter's thesis-there was a drift away from concreteness of 113 reference, away from cantatas and toward sonatas. it is hard not to think of this as a retreat from objectivity in an important sense of the word. . miss carpenter demonstrates beautifully how tautly self-entailing a struc-: ture a fugue is. there is much in a good one for memory and for recognition., in claiming then from this that a fugue is perceived "as a simultaneous; whole", she obviously is not using "simultaneous" in the sense of "occurring: at the same time" (and so fusing in the instant)-this would entail a fatal; confusion of our perception of chords with our perception of motives-bu< instead in the static, visual sense of "present together, contiguous". but this' sense of "simultttneous" does not seem justified here, for memory cannot con-:: front past and present in the way that vision confronts contiguous features of a j; visual field. the point may be crudely obvious, but, husserl to the contrary, the first note of a melody is over when the next, let alone the last, has begun, let alone ceased to sound. husserl's observation is true only in the sense that, the first note is not forgotten, but it is definitely gone. ' in fact, truly to comprehend a piece as a simultaneous whole would be an act of annihilation. the most absolutely structured piece depends absolutely on succession for, to name one essential feature, its appeal to kinesthesia. it may be that the composer begins with a static grund gestalt and that composition is the process of its animation, but we as listeners or performers cannot retrace that path. at any given moment in a piece we are oriented by the memory, more or less distinct, more or less relevant, of what we have heard up until then, and by some notion of what we might hear in what is to follow, but we have no real access to the whole until it is all over-and then the residual imprint of the whole is a feeble thing. such as it is, does not this residual imprint depend heavily on the conceptual identity of the piece, and on, that weak analog of the piece, its notated score? in this connection, the distinction between willaert and bach is surely one of degree, not of kind. (intriguingly, miss carpenter tells us which structurally" defined bach fugue to consider as an example, but not which structurally diffuse willaert ricercar.) i find that i can as successfully, or rather, no more unsuccessfully, hold in my imagination a (diffuse) image of a willaert ricercar (i took the one in the historical anthology of music) as i can a (defined) image of the bach fugue. . again i think she goes too far in asserting the claims of the whole when she writes: ''just as i cannot see a chair, a man, the letter a, without some sort of schema into which it fits, so also i cannot hear a piece of music that is not part of my world." it is true that "the importance of the great formal types of musical organization developed in our tradition cannot be discounted, for they serve as perceptual categories", though it is also true that there is some endemic academic inclination to give them more than their due as serving the convenience of academic discourse. but when i have no global schema that applies to a new experience, i apply whatever i have at hand, that works over smaller ranges, often with highly satisfactory results. surely we can all remember being caught up in sonatas as children without benefit 114 of the schema "sonata", and surely we are all capable of being caught up as adults in contemporary or exotic music whose premises are strange to us. listening is at its most vital when it is an act of enlargement, not simply one of confirmation, and the range of miss carpenter's examples persuades me that she would agree. what schema should i bring, for example, to an "occasion for experience" by john cage? miss carpenter's point is that, unlike the varese ionization, the cage variations is no object; but i do not think she wants to imply that i cannot hear it for that reason. actually, "occasions for experience" fits v arese as well as cage, bach as well as willaert, musical "objects" as well as nonobjects. an experience is no less an experience for being structured. both extremes are itineraries for auditory experience, for trips through different sorts of auditory landscape. and i can no more comprehend as a whole, as a single object, a trip through a formal garden than one through an open field. on one other matter, miss carpenter does not make a distinction that seems important, the distinction between distance from the aesthetic object and distance from the world. the user of a work of art may play the role of participant or that of observer, but in either case he suspends his participation in practical affairs and acts within a special aesthetic enclave. this is as true of tribal music as it is of drawing room music, and something like the same kind of stepping within a magic circle is an aspect of ritual and games as well as of the arts. so that i think when miss carpenter writes of stepping back from the musical object, she is noting a polarization of the aesthetic enclave. to sum up: miss carpenter leaves me convinced that for a time european music of privilege, by means of the gestural enclosure of spans of time, went about as far as may be toward creating a musical illusion of objectivity. but it did remain an illusion. there are dangers as well as benefits in talking as though being of a time is the same as being of a piece, and at some points in her paper miss carpenter seems to me to come dangerously close to confusing metaphor and reality. maybe this is just the good standard average european in her, but in this case that is something to resist. finally, i should like to congratulate miss carpenter on having had a new idea-we need all of those we can get-and to thank her for acting on it as persuasively as she has. her idea is not only new, but big as well, for it confronts our best understanding of the perception of music with our best understanding of its history. few readers will put down "the musical object" with their views of that history unaffected. 115 gesualdo: misguided or inspired? faye-ellen silverman gesualdo remains to this day one of the most controversial composers in the history of music. critics have accused him of poor writing, excessive and disorderly chromaticism, and the indiscriminate use of chords,l and they have pointed knowingly to the fact that he had no followers.2 adherents, on the other hand, have admired his craft3 and pointed to his spiritual affinity with 20th-century atonality.4 the obvious question arises: which side is right? an analysis of gesualdo's works reveals that both of these extreme positions tend to ignore the essence of his music. his work is contemporary in sound due to its highly chromatic, nervously fluctuating, and extremely fragmented melodic lines, and its short contrasting sections. yet it could not have been written at any other moment in history, for it is firmly rooted in the traditions of its own century. the counterpoint, with its careful treatment of dissonance, and the use of thirds and fifths in local as well as longer-range motions (yet without implications of harmonic movement), the employment of a modal center rather than a free use of the twelve-tone scale, and the constantly shifting rhythms and textures are the best examples of these roots. the genius of gesualdo, then, comes from his ability to integrate all of these elements into a unique system, one which enables him to use freely cross relations and fragmented lines while retaining the underlying coherence and unity which are essential to good art. his system seems to arise from a preference for a three-note chromatic motif, such as cc:ltd (sometimes reordered cdc:lt, dc:ltcq, etc.), used especially to express musically such emotionally charged words as "morire" or "torcete." this motif is occasionally extended to four, five, or even six notes. these notes may be stated in direct succession or may be separated by intervening notes. in the former case the motif is sometimes obscured by rests or by octave transference within a voice. in addition, there is occasional transference between voices, especially (a) in instances of intervening rests (ex. 1)5; example 1 luci serene e ghiare (sopranos r & ii), l1111. 19 20 • ,6 1.1 non do-lor nel-la pia ma • "j '" i i v non do-lor nel-la pia ga, rna 49 (b) in homophonic passages; (c) where the chromatic motif is transferred locally but stated in the original line by long-term references (ex. 2); example 2 arelita zanzareta (soprano ii and alto), nun.45 49 fi lit pro-van-do in quel bel sen dolce ve-l't ;fa, dol-ce ve 19 no fi 'it pro-van-do in quel bel sen dol ce ve ie (no) or (d) where a complete statement of the motion in one voice is not necessary since that voice or a neighboring one has stated the same progression a few measures earlier. in cases where the motif is interrupted by intervening notes, a single voice part is divided into two vocal levels, one of which states the chromatic motif (ex. 3). example 3 dolcissima mia vita (soprano r), nun,s 11 c f i if' ijr,j j 1-'(' dji! i-if ,. j j j i la brarna ta a-i-ta, a-lta? ere-de te for-se analysis: r---o ., ;j ,; f t j n?i!j j r f g r i wm ' (note the perfect symmetry between the ascending and descending levels.) the chromatic motif often leads to the juxtaposition of major and minor chords. other chromaticisms arise from gesualdo's preference for the chromatic neighbor note rather than its diatonic counterpart. gesualdo treats the neighbor note in a manner similar to his way of handling the three-note chromatic line. he postpones the return to the original note, through rests, until the start of the next phrase; he intersperses notes at a separate vocal level; and he sometimes transfers resolutions to another voice, especially when such a transference would sound like a continuation of the original line. thus, this neighboring motion is really a variant on the three-note chromatic motif. when gesualdo's juxtaposition of chromatic triads does not arise from such motivic considerations, it is generated by the harmonic movement of a third or a fifth. a harmonic analysis of gesualdo's music (which does not use functional harmony of the classic-romantic tradition but does foreshadow certain harmonic tendencies of the baroque)6 shows that most chords, both chromatic and diatonic, move by thirds and fifths (ex. 4). 50 example 4 moro, lasso, al mio duoio, mm.l 4 f, ie.! f, iu" 1 ,.,. mo ro, lasso, al mio u tmo _ ?o, yas1\ i' mo ro, lasso, al mio duo mo ro, lasso, al mo third third third ----e chi mi pull dar t:i ::::: , duo10 e chi mi dar 10 10 duo10 third cta b'----g.-----e a"'----'c g '---" fifth fifth the movement by thirds is sometimes an extension of the basic tonal area, for example, gbd-egb, and sometimes an independent gesture, e.g., gbd-edgb. occasional stepwise motions are used to create symmetry: when f-a is balanced by b-g, the a-b progression is stated. local motions are supported by long-range ones. the intervals from the beginnings to the ends of phrases are usually statements of a third or fifth or movements of a second which are then followed by a third or fifth at the starts of subsequent phrases. homophonic sections, however, sometimes move by seconds for contrast. the long-range motions of 10 pur respir07 are (ex. 5) : example 5 phrase (1) mm. 1-12: (2) end m. 12-16: (3) mm.17-18: (4) m. 19-beg. m. 22: (5) mm.22-23: (6) mm. 24-27: (7) mm. 28-33: intervals texture used polyphonic polyphonic with increased rhythmic motion homophonic polyphonic homophonic polyphonic with three chordal changes per measure and many repeated notes polyphonic but only two chordal changes per measure. 51 phrase intervals (8) end m. 33-beg. ma3: c -7 g (9) mm. 43--45: (10) end m. 45-54: texture used polyphonic; fast to slower motion balances acceleration at end of phrase 7 homophonic returns to same tonal area as opening. (note the textural contrasts outlined in the chart above. these will be discussed later in this essay.) there is no modulation, although an occasional progression which we would nowadays label v 7 of v resolving to v is sometimes used, as well as the transposition of motivic material. yet no new tonal area is ever established. such a systematized use of chromaticism may have been overlooked by other theorists who have had a bias toward tonal motion and/or have tended to regard each verticality as a chord. gesualdo's music, however, stems from a pretonal, highly contrapuntal tradition and uses many notes purely as voice-leading dissonances. he employs, for example, incomplete as well as complete neighbor notes, anticipations, chromatic and diatonic passing tones, and suspensions and suspended passing tones, and will sometimes add a sharp or flat in order to smooth out a line by avoiding intervals such as the augmented second. an analyst, therefore, must look at metric stresses and think in terms of chordal areas which encompass more than one verticality. george ruffin marshall is one of the many theorists who have dealt with gesualdo's works.8 i disagree with his conclusions, however, because i feel, for the reasons described below, that his focus is too narrow. he limits himself to the hindemith system of analysis (whereby the lowest note of the strongest harmonic interval, in any combination, is taken as the root of the chord). in so doing, he treats the music as tonal, classifying chords by tonal functions, e.g., "the various types of chords used,"9 rather than examining the unique system of a pretonal composer. moreover, since gesualdo's chords are related by a preference for harmonic thirds and fifths, it is also hard to agree with daniel rowland,lo who says that unrelated chords from the chromatic gender [genus] are juxtaposed. while the chords mayor may not be from the chromatic genus (i tend to think, however, that they are not but are built up anew by thirds), they are logically chosen in order to achieve an expressive effect rather than being merely juxtaposed. for similar reasons alfred einstein's conclusionll that all chords are tested and all transpositions are permitted seems to overlook gesualdo's system. new chordal combinations were certainly tried. but gesualdo's purpose was not to test every chord (in contrast with some modern compositions which are written to "test" or demonstrate new instrumental effects). he chose his chords most carefully. the position of some of gesualdo's admirers is equally naive. for, in spite of the modernness of sound, gesualdo is not, as lowinsky believes, an 52 atonal composer (see note 4, below). he lived in a period of musical transition, an era similar to the ars nova and to the 20th century. he was a composer who, writing at a time when the current style had reached its limits, had to create his own system. this transitional position in history led him to find solutions to the problems of creating contrast, a process which parallels the experiments of our own transitional era. gesualdo's music "works," therefore, for many of the same reasons that 20th-century compositions "work." timbral and rhythmic contrasts (see example 5, above) rather than harmonic motion propel his pieces and prevent stagnation. each composition creates its own form. gesualdo alternates polyphonic and homophonic sections, brings forth rhythmic differentiations between polyphonic sections, varies the rhythm of repeated words, constantly changes metric stresses and the ordering of the entering polyphonic voices, and uses contrasting motives. in addition, he employs other original solutions, such as the use of distinct phrases which move locally away from the modal center and have differing rates of chord changes, and his use of expressive dissonances, which create crossrelation tension and also contribute to the vital, nonstagnant quality of his music. this transitional position also seems to explain the fact that gesualdo had no followers. scientists had just proven that the earth was no longer the center of the universe. this discovery had upset current philosophical and theological beliefs. man, therefore, had to reestablish his sense of unity and sense of self. the development of tonality, which actually had its roots in the 16th century, seemed to answer this need for a unified system. gesualdo, then, could have no successors, since, in order for such composers to carry further the implications of his music, they would have had to break with the traditional intervals of the third and the fifth, use tones independently, and fragment melodic lines completely. this step was taken at the beginning of the 20th century, where fragmentation occurred in everyday life and where, consequently, dissonance in music seemed expressive of the times. nevertheless, the very uniqueness of gesualdo's music has led to its being admired and accepted hundreds of years after it was written. this acceptance may be linked to a change in aesthetics which has led to the use of a musical language which finds dissonance expressive and melodic fragmentation comprehensible. tonal music was motion-oriented; music "worked" if it flowed from beginning to end, propelled by the resolution of chordal tensions. in the 20th century, however, there is a tendency to evaluate each piece in terms of self-consistency, rather than according to a set of predetermined rules. each piece sets up and, when successful, adheres to its own rules. gesualdo's music fulfills this criterion; with its unique but consistent use of chromaticism and its careful craftsmanship, it should continue to enjoy the appreciation it deserves. 53 notes 1 see, for example, charles burney, a general history of music, ed. frank mercer (new york: harcourt, brace, and company, 1935), p. 181; donaldj. grout, a history of western music, rev. ed. (new york: w. w. norton and company, 1973), pp. 292, 303; and daniel b. rowland, mannerism-style and mood: an anatomy of four works in three art forms (new haven, yale university press, 1964), sec. 4, p. 36. 2 alfred einstein, the italian madrigal, vol. 2, trans. alexander h. krappe, roger h. sessions, and oliver strunk (princeton, n.j.: princeton university press, 1949), p. 215. 3 stravinsky's admiration of gesualdo may be seen in the former's composition monumentum pro gesualdo di venosa and in his discussion of this homage in conversations with igor stravinsky by the late composer and robert craft (garden city, l.i.: doubleday & com" pany, 1959), pp. 33-34. 4 see, for example, edward e. lowinsky, tonality and atonality in sixteenth-century music (berkeley and los angeles: university of california press, 1962), p. 77. o all musical examples and measure numbers are taken from gesualdo's siimtliche madrigale fur funf stimmen, compo wilhelm weisman (hamburg: u grino verlag, 1962). 6 in oliver strunk, source readings in music history: the renaissance (new york: w. w. norton & company, 1965), p. 40, there is a passage from zarlino which says: "the third [condition of what is sought in every composition] is that the procedure of the parts should be good, that is, that the modulations should proceed by true and legitimate intervals arising from the sonorous numbers [e.g., the unison, octave, twelfth, fifteenth, seventeenth, and nineteenth], so that through them may be acquired the usage of good harmonies." this shows that movements by thirds and fifths, which later became systematized in the baroque, were very much accepted by 1558, the year of zarlino's istituzioni armoniche. 7 this madrigal may also be found in archibald t. davison and willi apel, historical anthology of music, vol. 1 (cambridge, mass.: harvard university press, 1963), no. 161 pp. 182-83. 8 "the harmonic laws in the madrigals of c. gesualdo," (ph.d. diss., new york university, 1955; ann arbor, mich: university microfilms order no. 16-774). 9 ibid., pp. 48-51. 10 see his mannerism-style and mood, pp. 17,27,36,37. 11 einstein, the italian madrigal, vol. 2, p. 717. 54 approaches to musical historiography of the 18th century leonard g. ratner history can be told in many ways. each writer will highlight those facets of the past which are sympathetic to his own view; this coloring may be personal or it may reflect the spirit of the times. over the past one hundred and fifty years we can distinguish such coloring in the musical historiography of the 18th century. some of the phases have been: 1. a kind of hero worship, in the early 19th century, reflecting the napoleonic mood. attention was centered upon the great figures of the 18th century, and upon beethoven. 2. a dialectic or evolutionary view, in the later 19th century and early 20th, reflecting the ideas of darwin and hegel. the evolution of the classic style and of sonata form was traced in order to explain the heroic achievements of the later haydn and mozart, and of beethoven. 3. nationalism, paralleling the political nationalism of the 19th century. claims were made for mannheim, berlin, vienna, italy, and bohemia as playing decisive roles in the evolution of the classic style. 4. an approach which might be designated as psychological or generative, in which the coloring of 20th-century psychology can be sensed. basic organizing and motivating forces in 18th-century music (and in music of other periods) are sought for, to explain how the subconscious or subliminal expresses itself outwardly. the writings of kurth, reti, westphal, and schenker would be subsumed here. 5. afactual or objective treatment, aiming at completeness and accuracy of all types of data. present-day technology has given this approach much emphasis; air travel, photographic and sound reproduction methods, along with subsidies for scholarship have made the recovery of data much more feasible than heretofore. the result has been comprehensive catalogues, reliable modern editions, and depth studies of genres and persons. 6. a phenomenological approach, centering upon the work of art itself. traditionally, this has consisted of analysis of the 154 structure ofa composition; recently, the idea of performance practice has been incorporated, to consider not only how a piece was put together, but also, how it might have sounded to 18th-century listeners. 7. 18th-century music as representing a facet of the history of ideas. this approach searches for the philosophical, social, economic, aesthetic, scientific, religious, and other motives in 18th-century life in order to throw some light upon the characteristic qualities of the music itself. each of the approaches listed above has its own validity; each is a point of perspective that organizes the historical terrain. yet each has its own problems and its limitations. for example, the "great man" view can easily misrepresent the relative importance of lesser figures in their time and milieu; while the dialectic approach as well as that of nationalism can run the danger of misreading trends, influences, and the connections between causes and effects. some special problems relating to the recovery of data are: 1. the immense quantity of data, representing an output of hundreds of thousands of individual compositions, by thousands of composers; and, in spite of the large amount of data available, the gaps that presently exist, often due to the irretrievability of many works. 2. reading the data correctly. this includes proper transcription of the music, frequently complicated by irresponsibility in copying, inconsistencies in notation and editing; authentication of a composer or composition, complicated by the exuberant piracy of many 18th-century musicians and publishers; interpreting a properly-notated work with respect to valid sonority, tasteful ornamentation and nuances of performance; correcting the errors and emendations made in later editions. 3. the immense task of putting music newly-recovered into score; typically, ensemble music, both vocal and instrumental, was prepared or published only in parts or short score. each of the approaches discussed first in this paper must necessarily incorporate elements of various other attitudes as a substructure. a history of 18th-century music that co-ordinated intensive treatment of all of these facets in proper balance would be a gigantic undertaking, not only because of the 155 immense amount of data involved, but also because many uncertainties exist regarding the arrangement of historical perspectives. very likely, for these reasons, no up-to-date comprehensive history of 18th-century music or of the classical period exists. still, the difficulty of marshalling material and co-ordinating points of view can be overcome if a context can be established that will be flexible enough to adjust to new material or to shifting emphases. one way to attack the problem of historical perspective is to deal with the work of art in its own time, a co-ordination of the phenomenological and history of ideas approaches. studying the work of art, we would try to trace its life history from the general premises of composition upon which it was based, through the special formulations that give it its special distinction, to the actual realization of the work in a reasonably valid performance. also, we would try to place the work in its social context, to learn how it embodied ideas of musical expression and how its genre evolved to serve the purposes of its times. to do this, we can determine what general assumptions, what basic criteria, were accepted in 18th-century musical composition. each work can then be seen as a special variation or combination of the common elements of 18thcentury musical rhetoric and expression, not as an item in a category but as a variant of a type. in this approach, musical theory and criticism by 18th-century writers can play important roles. they can reduce speculation to a mihimum, providing clues to the scholar as to lines of investigation; they can correct misconceptions that have grown up over the years; and they can indicate generic tendencies proper to the music of the 18th century. the final object of this view of history would be to create anew the work of art in a performance that had as much of the color of the 18th century as we could recover. history would then be brought up-to-date, giving us a heightened sense of what the musical experience might have been in the 18th century. when the editors of current musicology asked me to prepare a brief statement "assessing problems inherent in attempting a comprehensive history of the music of the 18th century," i accepted the assignment with some degree of confidence, but i find that confidence rapidly draining away with the recognition of the extent of the problems that remain to be solved before a 156 truly comprehensive history of this period can be written. the crux of the matter lies in that term "comprehensive." it calls for a synthesis that, in my view, would be premature at this time. the writing of history is a social phenomenon conditioned by the state of knowledge and society's readiness to absorb it. comprehensive histories tend to be of two kinds: (1) they can be imaginative introductions to a new field, or (2) masterful summaries of existing information. the present state of our knowledge of 18th-century music does not encourage either of these approaches. it is doubtful that any "introduction" to the music of the 18th century, written at this time, could have much scholarly authority. it would tend to fall into easy, if not misleading, generalizations. at the same time, it is too soon to expect an achievement at the level of a book such as reese's music in the renaissance. there are too many gaps in our know1edge, too many primary investigations to be conducted before the over-all patterns become clear. it has been observed that the more remote a period is in time the easier it is for the historian to command it. the observation is a half truth at best, but it suggests one reason why the coverage of our studies in 18thcentury music is still far from comprehensive, and by the same token why it will take us an even longer time to bring the 19th century under historical control. 157 2 see, for instance, william w. abbott, certain aspects of the sonata-allegro form in piano sonatas of the 18th and 19th centuries (unpub. diss., indiana university, 1956) where a number of movements of this kind by these composers are listed. mayer joel mandelbaum-multiple division of the octave and the tonal resources of i9-tone temperament ann arbor: university microfilms (um order no. 61-4461), 1961. (479 p., indiana university diss.) john chalmers while some recent developments in music have tended to minimize the role of defined pitch as a structural element, there nevertheless are theorists and composers who are concerned with creating a new music in which the melodic and harmonic orders are still fundamental organizing parameters. rejecting both the extremes of 12-tone combinatorial serialism and the psychological ambiguities of the aesthetic of indeterminacy, these musicians seek to organize sound by means which, though grounded in history, are consistent with the results of modern acoustical research. such endeavours may be subsumed under the somewhat unsatisfactory term multiple division,l the division of tonal space into steps which deviate significantly from the 300-year-old norm of twelve equal tones. in a field as large and complex as this, no general attempt at a theoretical treatment has appeared since bosanquet in 1876.2 the relevant material that has appeared in the meantime has tended to suffer from relative obscurity and either unsympathetic or idiosyncratic treatment by its authors. in correcting these long standing deficiencies in the literature and in proposing a new and rational theory of composition in the 19-tone system, dr. mandelbaum has created the definitive work in the field. the dissertation is divided into three sections, the first of which is devoted to the various reasons for advocating multiple division grouped under the general categories: acoustical, historical, and evolutional. the last, since it deals in part with concrete aspects of style and performance, may have the greatest immediacy for the contemporary musician although the speculative theorist, as dr. mandelbaum considers himself, must also build his case on traditional foundations. musical acoustics, or, one is tempted to say, harmonics, is developed from a consideration of tonal consonance and its relation to the ratios of small whole numbers. dr. mandelbaum's elaboration of these concepts through a thorough discussion of tone lattices is particularly valuable. explained in this manner, the functional relationship of rather complex pitch ratios is made clear. the voluminous literature on this aspect of acoustics is wellcovered. nonharmonic and nonoctaval scales, fields of active interest today, 138 are briefly introduced, as are a few examples from physical acoustics such as inharmonicity. in general, however, the emphasis is on what is usually referred to by the term musical acoustics. multiple division finds its greatest support historically in that it affords a means of re-creating the glories of past musical cultures, while retaining the advantages of more recent styles. preeminent among such cultures is that of the greeks. mandelbaum provides an interesting analysis of how the pythagorean system breaks down when applied to the enharmonic genus. this may lend support to those who believe that the various tunings catalogued by ptolemy enjoyed actual use. on the other hand, kathleen schlesinger's subharmonic harmoniai deserve more attention than given here. despite their controversial status, they form an imposing system which is capable of fascinating development beyond that of her modal tuning for the piano.3 senary just intonation is well-handled, with the usual reservations made about its employment even in the pure scale era. the often passed over mean-tone system and its analogues are gratifyingly discussed, since unequal systems are not only interesting per se, but are very closely related to certain important equal divisions such as 31,43, and 19 itself. oriental and folk musics are included in the historical section, since some theorists hope to assimilate them too into a world-wide synthetic musical culture. most writers on the future evolution of music have expressed a profound dissatisfaction with current practices, although few have been as thorough as yasser in a theory of evolving tonality, a major landmark in the literature. in addition to a consideration of yasser's theories, mandelbaum discusses quarter and other aliquot divisions of the tone. one important aspect of these systems is that of interperformability. while one may grant the performability of the existing duodecimal literature on quarter-tone instruments, the same cannot be said for those tuned to 19-tone or other systems which are not multiples of twelve. since most of the multiples of twelve have little acoustic advantage over twelve itself, this could be interpreted as a further reason not to advance to a new system. however, the wide acceptance of electronic music suggests that the time of change has come and that the necessary readjustments are not insuperable. having introduced the main concepts of multiple division, mandelbaum turns to a more detailed examination of the writers advocating specific systems. since many of these writers are poorly known and not easily obtainable in this country, this section is extremely useful. these writers can be roughly divided into four groups. the first consists of those primarily interested in equal temperaments. of these, bosanquet is the most important. his classification scheme and generalized keyboard are highly relevant today, nearly a century after first publication. any keyboard designer or notation reformer would do well to read his elementary treatise. more widely known for their music are two 20th-century theorists and composers, i van wyschnegradskii and the late julian carrillo. the music of the latter is now available on discs from mexico.4 139 the second group comprises those concerned with unequal systems built on some version of just intonation. the best known of this group is harry partch, theorist, composer, and instrument builder, whose own book, genesis of a music, has recently gone out of print. by far the most attention is paid to those writers advocating 19-tone temperament, although many of these have made other noteworthy contributions as well. the two most vocal partisans of 19 are "ariel" in germany and yasser in the united states, though the latter's theories are applicable to other systems too. kornerup is perhaps better known for his golden system, which is of note today because of the growing interest in musical application of the golden section.5 while he has championed 31 more than 19, a. d. fokker's contributions to multiple division are so pervasive that his work may be conveniently discussed here, as he has helped greatly to clarify the position of 19 among other proposed temperaments. the final group of authors are those presenting generalized methods for finding optimal equal temperaments. in general, two approaches are used. one, which might be termed melodic, simply examines the errors in representation of a given set of just intervals. this is basically "ariel's" method, and is as valid as his choice of intervals. the other is a harmonic one, based on the accuracy of certain generating harmonic intervals such as the third, fifth, and harmonic seventh. fokker has developed an interesting method which depends on the choice of certain intervals which wiirschmidt termed defining intervals.6 if the factors of these intervals are taken as components of a set of vectors, the resulting octave division corresponds to a periodicity in the corresponding tone lattice. professor viggo brun, a norwegian mathematician, has applied the euclidean algorithm to the problem of finding series of temperaments which represent the generating intervals with increasing accuracy. its chieflimitation is the difficulty of differentially weighting the factors. in both these cases, one assumes that some just intonation is the ideal for which the required temperament is a cyclic approximation. while these approaches may be cfiticized, they serve to stress the point that there is no one ideal temperament, but only temperaments more or less well-suited to individual musical needs. the frequency with which certain temperaments are arrived at by different methods could be interpreted as evidence of similar intentions among theorists, as well as of the universal value of these tunings. mandelbaum's contribution to this literature is an analysis and evaluation of 19-tone temperament relative to its possible competitors. he goes about this by defining a quantity to be known as the combined error factor (cef), the product of the absolute error in an interval's representation and its fractional error in scale degrees. cef's for various intervals are combined to form an overall harmonic evaluation. in addition, the full range of equal temperaments is subdivided in order not to have to compare such incommensurables, from a performance viewpoint, as 19and 53-tone temperament. 140 according to his the temperaments of number twelve through twenty-four will be considered in one group. employing only the perfect fifth and the major third as generating intervals, mandelbaum computes the total cef in several ways with the advantage usually going to the 22tone system. if, however, he adds the minor third into the calculations, the favor turns strongly to 19. one might ask, though, whether the minor third is really independent of the other two intervals, and whether its inclusion is objectively justified. one might also take exception to dr. mandelbaum's exclusion of any intervals derived from the seventh harmonic in this group of temperaments. granting that the cef of 7/4 is quite large even in 22 (the only possible tuning in this area), this system can articulate a dominant seventh formation, making a one-unit distinction between the 6/5 and 7/6 minor thirds. it is thus possible that such a melodic phenomenon would permit 22 to be used as a musical system embodying the 4 : 5 : 6 : 7 tetradic structure, despite its acoustic errors. the other temperaments are treated in a similar but less controversial manner. turrung specifically to 19 in the last section, dr. mandelbaum explains his method of composition in this system. the basic gamut is considered to be derived from cycles of perfect fifths and minor thirds, the first because of this interval's overwhelming importance, the second because of the great accuracy with which it is represented in this tuning. here, as in twelve, consonance and dissonance function as opposites; there are, however, six new neutral intervals peculiar to 19. consonances include the traditional thirds and fifths and their inversions with the addition of the major second and minor seventh. major sevenths and minor seconds are dissonant. scales are formed by projecting cycles of each of the nine intervals of 19 until only two interval classes differing by one unit remain. when arranged symmetrically, these scales are termed "quasi-equal-interval-symmetrical". such scales occur in pairs-typical ones are the 12 + 7, 13 + 6, 14 + 5, and 11 + 8, to name the most important. since each of these scales is formed by analogy to the diatonic scale of seven fourths, modulations will be made most naturally by the generating interval. thus, each scale pair demands a unique harmonic treatment. chords are classified according to their intervals; consonant chords are composed of consonances, while dissonant and imperfectly consonant formations contain dissonant and neutral intervals respectively. a pentadic basis for harmony is postulated in which no chordal interval contains less than three nor more than five units of the temperament. the discussion closes ,with a consideration of the type of resolution demanded by certain of the neutral and dissonant intervals and the relationship of these requirements to the harmonic context. in addition to proposing a theory of composition, dr. mandelbaum has realized his concepts in nine preludes for two specially tuned pianos. the scores are included as part of the dissertation, and since 19 is a system for which standard notation can be used, they should present few problems to the reader. the tuning of the two pianos is a reasonable solution to the prob141 lem of assigning 19 tones to two 12-tone octaves. considering the 19 pitches as derived by a series of altered fifths one piano is tuned to sharps and naturals, the other to flats and duplicated sharps. the music is of a vigorous, rather percussive nature and makes free use of the unique sonorities and progressions available in 19. a particular attachment is seen for intervals derived from the golden section-the interval c to f-flat is very close to .382 octaves. in other places, sonorities reminiscent of yasser are seen. of particular interest is an attempt to treat 12 of the 19 tones in serial fashion, reserving the other seven for the purpose of modulation. little use seems to be made ofpentadic harmony; this may be partly due to instrumentallimitations. a tape containing the preludes and a number of textual illustrations accompanies the manuscript. as it is really an integral part of the dissertation, the prospective reader should make an effort to obtain it. the publication of this work would fulfill an important function, as there is no good reference book available on multiple division. anyone considering a seminar on the subject would be advised to locate some copies, before plunging into partch and others. however, since six years have passed, a number of additions and revisions would be desirable. a considerable amount of new material has appeared, so far unpublished, from an informal but very active group in los angeles.7 this group has' also been active in building instruments and performing locally. in the general literature, important suggestions have been made in psychoacoustics as well. some exploration into the serial properties of 19 as '19 should be offered for the sake of composers who lean toward this technique. since it is a system with a prime number of tones, 19 has certain properties not shared by 12. for example, neither an all-interval row nor an all-interval set is possible. nonetheless, in spite of its age, this work is an indispensable addition to anyone's library on multiple division and should be made available by better channels than interlibrary loans and university microfilms. footnotes 1 rvor darreg has suggested the term xenharmonics. 2 this is his general theory of the division of the octave, appearing in his book an elementary treatise on musical tuning and temperament, london 1876. 3 for example, ervin wilson has developed what he calls "diaphonic cycles", which combine arithmetic division with tetrachordal articulation. 4 a collection of records is currently available from cruzada pro-sonido 13, santfsimo 25, san angel, d.f. mexico. o two other examples of golden ratio systems are schroer's "aureotonality" and walter o'connell's ingenious and elaborate system which is to appear in volume 8 of the english edition of die reihe. 6 defining intervals are small intervals set equal to zero degrees of a temperament. they comprise the various commas and dieses. 7 this group is made up of colleagues and students of ervin wilson, harry partch, and others. 142 there is no justification for "free rhythm'" in grocheo or any other medieval theorist; but we have no proof that it never existed. we must be content with the best explanation of the facts that can be devised. "free rhythm" is not such an explanation. how can we accept that "the use of a rhythmically noncommittal notation in times when a metrical script was available indicates a free or optional rhythm" (sachs 1953: 178), when examples abound of motets and conductus in non-mensural notation? anonymous iv tells us that such pieces were read "by the understanding alone, by saying, 'i take this note as long, and that oneas short' ... " and on the evidence available there is no reason to suppose that a similar practice was not applied to monodic songs in non-mensural notation. references beck, jean-baptiste 1927 chansonnier cange, 2 vols., philadelphia. 1938 le manuscrit du roi, 2 vols., philadelphia. coussemaker, charles henri edmond de, 1864 scriptorum de musica •.. , 4 vols., paris. grocheo, johannes de 1943 der musiktraktat des johannes de grocheo, ed. ernst rohloff, (media latinitas musica ii), leipzig. sachs, curt 1953 rhythm and tempo, new york. spanke, hans, ed. 1955 gaston raynauds bibliographie des altjranzosischen liedes, leiden. vanderwerf; hendrik 1965 the trouvere chansons as creations of a notation1ess musical culture. current musicology (1965) 1: 61-68. 1967 deklamatorischer rhythmus in den chansons der trouveres. die musikforschung (1967) 20: 122-144. concerning the measurability oj medieval music hendrik vanderwerf i am very grateful to neal zaslaw for his invitation to add some commentary to j. e. maddrell's article printed above. understandably i am also very appreciative of mr. maddrell's acknowledgment of having been influenced by some of my writings, and i am happy to respond to some of his "observations, offered in the hope of provoking discussion." i welcome this opportunity especially since mr. maddrell directs attention to medieval theory, a source of information i have not touched upon in my publications in journals, although i have not at all ignored it in my research. i am very much intrigued with maddrell's evaluations of some of the medieval statements in relation to rhythm and meter in medieval music, but 69 i hope that his article is not a return to evaluation of medieval music as it was prevalent early in this century and before. it was customary in those days to concentrate on treatises for one's information on medieval music, without simultaneous evaluation of the preserved music in all its sources; at that time this approach could be in part because the treatises were much more accessible than the practical sources. maddrell turns to actual music only once when prompted by grocheo's mention of four actual songs, three of which occur in the ghansonnier gange. i suppose that i have no reason to be disappointed that maddrell does not refer to my evaluation of the notation in that chansonnier, but i think i amjustly disappointed by his own evaluation of it and by the lack of evaluation of the other ten sources in which these same chansons occur. one cannot simply say that the gange "clearly uses longs and breves for single notes." interestingly, one of the three chansons under discussion, quant ii rossignol (r 1559), occurs twice in the ghansonnier gange (on fols. 110 and 117) and, if it was the scribe's intention to indicate the meter ofthis chanson by using longs and breves, he must have changed that meter drastically from the first to the second notation. i had specific reasons for omitting discussion of medieval theories from my article on declamatory rhythm in the chansons of the trouveres. there was first the practical cqncern of keeping the article reasonably short in order to make it qualify for inclusion in a journal. i hope to have an opportunity to fill this gap in my forthcoming book on the songs of the troubadours, trouveres, and minnesinger. but there was a second and more important reason for leaving this part of the discussion for a later publication: i have my doubts about the practical value of grocheo's writing on this whole subject. but before explaining these doubts i would like to question some specific observations made by maddrell. i fail to see how grocheo's remark-whatever it may mean-about the ductia, which have no text, can shed any light on the performance of the chansons, which do have text and which, in the opinion of many medievalists, were poems in the first place. i also wonder about maddrell's observation that grocheo "tells us that the cantus coronatus was performed with instrumental accompaniment" and that this fact is "difficult to reconcile with 'free rhythm' as it is generally understood." why are free rhythm and instrumental accompaniment so difficult to reconcile? furthermore, where does grocheo say that the cantus coronatus is accompanied? there are two very cryptic passages in the treatise (rohloff, p. 52 and p. 63) in which the words "viella" and "cantus coronatus" occur within the same sentence. both passages are so obscure that even ardent advocates of instrumental accompaniment hesitate to rely upon them. in addition, there is a rather questionable translation by albert seay of a passage (rohloff, p. 50) in which the word "coronatur" is translated as "is accompanied ... (i.e., instrumentally)" rather than as "is crowned" (i.e., in a contest). (johannes de grocheo goncerning music, translated by albert seay, colorado springs, 1967, p. 16.) 70 i would also like to .question maddrell's interpretation of the famous statement by anonymous iv quoted at the very end of the above article. why is it so certain that the unknown author is referring to clearly measurable music? is it not possible that there were long and short notes in free rhythm? i for one would think so, although such longs and shorts would not be in a ratio of 1:2 or 1 :3. when trying to pry information about meter and rhythm in medieval music from statements by theorists we have to keep in mind the peculiar tradition of treatises about musica; above all we have to realize that the word musica as used by the learned writers of the middle ages is not necessarily synonymous with our word music. indeed many treatises hardly touch upon the latter; instead they discuss numerical laws, partly inherited from the greeks, which were supposed to govern all movements and functions of the bodies in the universe, of human beings, and of what we call music, the latter seemingly including poetry. it is obvious that in many instances music owes the privilege of being discussed in treatises about musica exclusively to its property of being the only readily measurable element in the entire realm of musica. in such treatises we find discussion about scales, about the ratios of intervals, and about verse feet in classical latin poetry and certain ambrosian hymns. this poetry was extremely suitable because it was based upon an alternation of long and short syllables in a ratio of 2 : 1. the entire discussion of duration in medieval music is given in such a way that it is clear that, even if all medieval music had been performed in free rhythm, it would have been unlikely that there would have been a place for something as unmeasurable as free rhythm in a discussion about musica. there are also instances in which learned authors of the middle ages write primarily about actual music, but the concept that music is part of musica very often makes the authors prejudiced; they insist upon taking it for granted that music has all the properties of musica and that therefore music must be measurable in all aspects, regardless of whether the author could discern this measurability or not. thus free rhythm was something medieval theorists tried to circumvent or at best it was mentioned without giving it the proper name. in the statements from grocheo quoted by maddrell the distinction between music and musica is so blurred that it is impossible to distinguish clearly and consistently between the two. and perhaps the only safe conclusion one may draw is the observation that not all medieval music was as clearly measurable as grocheo would have liked it to be; in other words, all music was measurable as long as one did not measure too precisely. when giving his own division of music grocheo does not lump plainsong and secular monody together, as maddrell rightly points out, but neither does he lump secular monody together with measurable music. and he may have had good reasons for his division of music into three groups other than a preference for tripartite divisions. one could perhaps argue that, if all chansons by troubadours and trouveres had been performed in some form of clearly measurable meter, grocheo or some other theorist of the time 71 would have amply described it. yet we find no such discussion in treatises about either musica or rhetoric, and treatises on the latter certainly present extensive discussions on the art of writing chansons. next i would like to respond to maddrell's observation that "it is, surely, an editor's duty to minimize discrepancies between medieval and modern choices [of "rhythmization"] by choosing on behalf of the performer a rhythm likely to have been chosen by his medieval counterpart." i realize fully that the terms "free" and "declamatory" by themselves do not solve the problem of how each individual chanson was performed seven or eight centuries ago nor how it should be performed now. but, i trust, my discussion of free rhythm in die musiliforschung has made it sufficiently clear that we have to examine each chanson