




































The Purpose of Schooling: The German Community in Indianapolis

Alexander Butler
Florida International University

Abstract
German immigrants in the mid-1800s

advocated to have German language
instruction adopted into many public school
curricula across the United States. Though
Indianapolis is not unique in how or why
Germans desired instruction in their native
tongue, the city provides an excellent case
study for examining their purposes. The
German community in Indianapolis
supported bilingual education as a way of
helping Americanize their children, as well
as instilling German high culture in the
community.

Introduction
German immigrants in the mid-1800s

advocated to have German language
instruction adopted into many public school
curricula across the United States. Large
cities such as Cincinnati, Cleveland, Chicago,
St. Louis, Milwaukee, and Indianapolis each
developed some form of bilingual German
instruction after the mid-1800s (Ramsey,
2008). Though Indianapolis is not unique in
how or why Germans desired instruction in
their native tongue, the city provides an
excellent case study for examining
differences in perspectives in the purpose of
education between German immigrants and
native-born U.S. citizens because of the
impact German migrants had in the
establishment of quality schools in
Indianapolis and across the state of Indiana
(Fessler, 1997). The German community,
both religious and secular, fought to promote
bilingual education as a way of helping
Americanize their children, preserve their
culture, and Germanize U.S. students into
high culture. It is the last of these purposes

that is relevant to this paper. The influence
of the German community on schooling in
Indianapolis is particularly important
because the German community sought a
better education not only for their own
children, but all children in the city. They
believed Germans had the best quality of
schools in the world (Ramsey, 2009).
German belief about the purpose of
schooling went beyond those of most
advocates of public education, for whom key
objectives of schooling were limited to
educating the masses and later
Americanizing immigrants; for them,
education was not about sustaining or
inspiring participation in high culture, but
rather producing good citizens. The Germans
in Indianapolis’ commitment to introducing
and teaching their high culture to their
community can be seen in the rise and fall of
the most prominent private school in the city
of Indianapolis in relation to the rise of
public schooling within the city and Clemens
Vonnegut’s participation in both as President
of the German-English School and a trustee
for Indianapolis Public Schools.

The Germans in the City
By the mid-1800s free public

schooling had yet to be offered in
Indianapolis. Though Indiana was admitted
into the United States as the 19th state in
1816 and endorsed free public education in
its first constitution, the state’s financial
constraints meant education remained a local
issue. Reflecting the state’s geographic and
educational status, Indianapolis was known
as the “capital in the wilderness” for many
years (McKinney 1994). By the late 1800s
this moniker had begun to change due to the
influence of Germans in the city, specifically



80

within education. Between the state’s
admittance into the Union and the opening
of free public schools in Indianapolis,
German immigrants were one of the most
active groups in educating youth of the city.

Though Germans were already
present in Indianapolis before 1848, and
were the state’s largest immigrant group,
there was a large influx of German
immigrants after 1848 due to the revolution
in Germany. By 1850, the German
population in Indianapolis accounted for
12.9% of the population (Hoyt 1994). Many
of the new immigrants, called “48ers” were
young idealist revolutionaries who were on
the wrong side of the uprising. These new
immigrants clashed with the older
established Germans in the city, many who
had immigrated in the 1830s and primarily
were farmers (Dunn 1910, 202). The Indiana
Volksblatt reported this clash occurred over
politics (as cited in Stempfel 1991, 7). For
the more political and secular “48ers,”
language and cultural maintenance was
particularly important if they were to return
to Germany, which many of them were
prepared to do if there was another
revolution in Germany. Despite their clashes,
both groups valued education as a tool to
promote the German language and culture.
The German churches in the area also valued
education. The Catholics and Lutherans saw
the teaching of their language as a sign of
the continuation of their Christian faith, and
the relation between faith and language can
be clearly seen in the parochial school
curricula. Despite these different
commitments, and the schism between the
48ers and the farmers, the German
community, were unified in the importance
of bilingual educating for their children
because it gave their children access to their
culture which they considered to be of the
highest quality.

Considering that they immigrated
from a highly respected country to a state

considered “the capital of the wilderness,”
the idea of German cultural superiority is not
a far stretch of the imagination (McKinney,
1994). At the time, many Germans
considered Germany to be a leader of
nations in many ways because of their
sophisticated culture, purpose, and character
(Stein 1913, 82). Fifty years after the 48ers
immigrated to the U.S. they still believed
this. In a speech at the opening of a large
building used for community gatherings
called Das Deutsche Haus, on June 15, 1898,
Herman Lieber, the President of the Stock
Association asked;

is it not rather an expression of
American pragmatism when we
contribute our share trying to keep alive
the German language as much as
possible for this country’s [U.S’] benefit?
After all, this language contains
treasures of a thousand years of cultural
development in the arts and sciences, in
literature, history and philosophy, in all
areas of life. Is it not our duty to make
sure that the thorough German method
of education, from kindergarten on up,
will also benefit the common good of the
American nation? (Stempfel, 1991)

The Germans in the city believed the
language and their cultural values would
benefit the U.S. The best way to do these
things was to educate their children and the
children of the city in the reputed German
educational style and in the German
language. As mentioned previously, these
goals went beyond those of most advocates
of public education in the U.S., for whom
key purposes of schooling were limited to
educating the masses and making good
citizens (Kaestle 1983).

Schooling in the City
During the first half of the 19th

century, the schools in Indianapolis included
a combination of self-education, private



81

schools, county seminaries, and tax-
supported, but not free schools. Free public
schools were not introduced to the city until
April 25, 1853. Despite opening in 1853,
free public schools in Indianapolis would
struggle for many years to remain open
consistently. At one point during the late
1850s and early 1860s the high school
closed for several years due to funding. One
example of these irregular terms was in
August 25, 1859, the Indianapolis Journal
announced public schools would not reopen
until February of 1860 because of a lack of
state funding (as cited in Stein 1913).
Besides the inconsistent openings, the
schools were often considered in poor
condition and there were issues with the
quality and effectiveness of public-school
teachers. In comparison to the techniques of
the trained German schoolmaster, which
were considered second to none, public
school teachers were often ineffective. The
consequences of the inconsistency and
poorly trained teachers were that instruction
covered only the most basic knowledge.
Despite these issues, German citizens
presented a resolution to the Indianapolis
City Council in 1856 to have German taught
and as a medium of instruction in schools.
Not only would this help preserve their
language, but it would also introduce one
teacher to the public schools that had been
influenced by the superior German
educational system. Though their resolution
was rejected, this led to an eventual
expansion of German’s presence in city
schools in 1859, there were still significant
funding and quality issues. In response to the
lack of quality consistent schooling German
private schools had been and continued to
open.

These German private schools were
not necessarily bilingual, but rather
instructed only in German. As early as 1842
there was a German day school in the house
of the pastor associated with the German

Evangelical Lutheran Congregation (St.
Paul’s Lutheran Church 2015). In the early
1850s there were at least four additional
German schools located around the city. The
Scottish Church at the corner of Delaware
and Ohio streets, Zion’s Church in the
Second Ward between Michigan and
Vermont streets, the Verein Freier Maenner
(Freemen’s club), and a school led by
Theodore Hielscher on Washington St.
opposite the courthouse were all operating
during this time (Stempfl 1991, 19). The
Zion’s Church and the German Reformed
Church only taught a German language
course. The teachers of these two schools,
like other schools associated with churches
were often the pastors of the congregations.
More emphasis was placed on the catechism
than on grammatically correct German
(Stein 1913, 11). The Freemen’s club, an
organization advocating against religious or
monarchical governments and for the
education of free men (Stempfl 1991, 5),
along with the Hielscher School, used
German as a medium of instruction for other
subjects (Stein 1913, 87). Hielscher’s school
and several other independently run private
schools would open and close their doors
periodically through the late 1850s due to a
lack of funding. Despite inconsistent funding,
these schools were often open ten months of
the year.

Amidst the inconsistency and
ineffectiveness of the public schools and the
German community’s desire for a school to
Americanize, preserve their language, and
introduce their high culture, the most
prominent of German schools was
envisioned. It is at this moment where the
growth and decline of the German private
schools became intertwined with the public
schools. Though parochial and other private
schools had been in existence for nearly two
decades, prominent Freethinkers in the city
did not become involved until the formation
of the German-English School.



82

Through 1858 and 1859 school funds
were collected within the German
community for the purchase of a lot and
construction of a schoolhouse for the
German-English School. One of two German
newspapers in Indianapolis at the time, the
Freie Presse, reported on the progress and
meetings of the school’s committees. The
Freie Presse not only reported on the
progress of the German-English School but
also deplored those in the German
community who would not support the
school either by funds or by competition (as
cited in Stein 1913, 26). Finally, on May 14,
1860 the Die Deutschee-Englishe Schule
(the German-English school) opened (Stein
1913, 14-39). Two private schools within the
city, one having been run by Hielscher, were
combined with the German-English school.
These two schools alone brought 110
students to the school. The school would be
open for ten months of the year, quite a
contrast from the public schools of
Indianapolis.

Not only did the German-English
School serve German students, but also
French, English, and American students.
Parents of other nationalities sent their
students for several reasons. First, the public
schools in Indianapolis were inconsistently
open. For example, many high school
students attended the German-English
School because the Indianapolis High
School, having only been opened since 1853,
stayed closed from 1858-1864. Second,
parents sent their students to the German-
English School because of the strong
reputation of a German education. Unlike
the public schools that often hired
inexperienced teachers with no training, the
German-English School hired native German
teachers who had been teaching in
Cincinnati’s thriving bilingual public schools.
Cincinnati’s public-school German programs
were so strong, that in 1867 Indianapolis
public schools would send representatives to

observe their program and hire teachers.
Even the Indianapolis Journal, a newspaper
for English speakers, supported German
language acquisition and instruction as
important to everyone. Their editorials and
columns praised German schools’ successes
(Indianapolis Journal, 1859).

The education students received was
so strong that by the fall of 1862, the school
had enough students to start a third
classroom and hire a third English teacher
(Stein 1913, 49). Within two years the
Indianapolis Journal reported plans to build
an additional school building and floor. The
new construction was needed according to
the Indianapolis Journal on June 15, 1864
because of the “great and constantly
increasing number of German children in the
city, whom their parents desire to have
educated in both languages” (as cited in
Stein 1913, 58-59). The editorial also
advocated for German to be taught in the
public schools but until it was, exhorted
Indianapolis citizens to support the school
not out of generosity but justice. The article
reasoned the Germans were not only paying
the city tax for public schools but also taxing
themselves for the German-English school.
By this time the school had 180 students. By
1866 the school had a waiting list of students
to attend the school (Stein 1913, 59). The
increase in numbers might suggest the
German parents in the community thought
the school was successfully Americanizing
their students and promoting the
continuation of their high culture and non-
German parents felt their students were
receiving a quality education.

Despite the success of the German-
English School, German community leaders
continued to heavily petition the public-
school trustees to establish German as a
medium of instruction. Clemens Vonnegut,
a leader within the German community, and
who would eventually become a leader
within the city was one of these people. He



83

was a shop owner in the downtown area, a
Freethinker, and heavily involved in the
German-Indianapolis community. By 1865
Vonnegut was on the Board of Trustees for
Indianapolis Schools. He would serve from
1865-1869 and again from 1871-1894. Not
only did he serve as a trustee for the city’s
schools, but he was a member of the
Schulervein (School Club) and became
President for the school’s last eleven years.
At one point he was the President of the
German-English School and a trustee
member of the city’s public schools. It seems
Vonnegut was working both sides of the
aisle to establish good schools, which
included encouraging the acquisition of the
German language and exposure to German
culture.1 As a Freethinker he exemplified the
belief that the best way to advocate for an
ideological or political position was through
education. Vonnegut defended the inclusion
of the German language through public
letters. The letters argued learning German
would not supplant the learning of English
and German influence in Indiana had been
healthy.

Finding their financial situation
improved in 1863, the Indianapolis Board of
Trustees in May of 1863 established a
committee to investigate employing German
teachers. They formed this committee after
witnessing the growth, popularity, and
success the German schools were having at
teaching and attracting students. The
promulgation of German’s high culture was
not only evident in the success of the
German-English School, but in the
manufacturing industries work force where
one quarter of all workers were German
(Probst 1989, 69). This success would also

1 Eventually the school board of Indianapolis
named the Ninth Ward School, the Clemens
Vonnegut School, to honor Vonnegut’s work on
behalf of public schools in Indianapolis. The school
was closed in 1973.

manifest itself in the ability to influence the
state legislator.

Up until 1869 there had not been
much state support for German as a medium
of instruction. State legislator support for
German as a medium of instruction in public
schools was important for the German
community around the state, but particularly
in Indianapolis, because the Indianapolis
public schools had not moved to include
German due to their interpretation of state
law. However, in Indianapolis in the late
1860s German implementation gained
significant ground because of German
leaders and the German press. The German
community and the German press of
Indianapolis worked hard to promote
German as a medium of instruction. Both
believed this would improve the local public
schools. The German newspapers’
demonstrated a strong concern and a desire
to reform public education in the state. The
papers also encouraged Germans to support
public education once improved. The
educational reform the press sought allowed
a said number of voters in a district to
demand the hiring of a German teacher.
Though the press was supportive of
educational reform, the Telegraph on
February 1, 1867 recommended parents of
children attending the German-English
School cautiously inspect the public schools
before sending their children to them. If the
schools were compared to one another, the
Telegraph believed public education still left
much to be desired (as cited in Ellis 1954,
126).

The Telegraph increased the fervor
of its reform support when on February 11,
1867 William E. McLean of Terre Haute
introduced a bill to the legislature regarding
the introduction of German in the state’s
elementary schools. The paper published
editorials on the subject regularly through
the month of February (as cited in Ellis 1954,
126). Frances H. Ellis a Professor of German



84

at Indiana University in the 1940s interprets
the frequency of the Telegraph’s articles as
representing the tenacity in which the
Germans held onto their language and
culture (Ellis 1954, 126). The editorials
discussed the origin of the German language,
its relation to other European languages and
English, the connections between the
cultures, and praised the language’s beauty.

Although the German community
and press pushed for changes in state
legislation, there was a delay at the state
level. This delay led German leaders in
Indianapolis to present a resolution to the
city council stating

That the members of our City School
Board be, and they are hereby,
earnestly requested to introduce, in at
least one of the Wards of this city, the
system of joint instruction in the
English and German languages, by
employing at least four teachers who
are capable of instructing in both
languages. (Proceedings 1867, 754)

The resolution was adopted. Clemens
Vonnegut was considered an instigator of the
board’s support to further German studies.
This is an interesting turn of events because
eleven years earlier the trustees had not
approved the German proposal. One of the
reasons had been state law. By this time state
law had still not been changed and the city
was prepared to use German as a medium of
instruction alongside English in part because
of the success of the German-English School.

Vonnegut and fellow trustee A.C.
Shortridge were sent to Cincinnati to hire the
teachers and observe the successful
Cincinnati German public school programs.
Despite issues at the state level and contrary
to state law, Indianapolis moved forward to
teach German and other courses in German
in the Ninth Ward. On May 29, 1867 the
Telegraph reversed its questioning of public
schools and published a column encouraging

Germans to send their children to the Ninth
Ward School. Reasons to support the school
included the hope of having more Wards
with German teachers (as cited in Ellis 1954,
129). The overwhelming support for the
Ninth Ward School led the school trustees to
add German instruction in the Sixth Ward
School in 1868 (Ellis 1954, 131). In less than
three years Indianapolis had gone from
having German taught in English to having
other courses be taught in German.

Around the same time the
Indianapolis compromise took place, the
Telegraph returned its focus to state issues
because the General Assembly was getting
ready to reconvene. Editorials gave reasons
for why German instruction should be
allowed, letters to the editor were published,
and petitions and reports on meetings of
Germans in the city printed. A committee of
German leaders proposed an amendment to
state law similar to the one in 1867. Their
amendment and petition were published in
the Telegraph on January 20, 1869. Clemens
Vonnegut was one of these petitioners
(Indiana 1869, 185). Despite the continued
expansion and prominence of the German-
English School in the German community,
the also supported the state’s education
reform. Vonnegut and other German-English
School leaders at the Schulervein meeting on
January 24, 1869 decided to adjourn early in
order to attend a meeting of the state
legislature. The leaders, including Vonnegut,
joined other petitioners for the inclusion of
German in public schools at the legislator
(Stein 1913, 77). These actions beget the
question of why school leaders would
petition for teaching German in the public
schools even though teaching German in free
schools would surely undermine their
constituency base?

John R. Coffroth introduced the
proposed amendment to the house with one
change, the minimum number of voters
needed to request German instruction in a



85

school was reduced from forty to twenty-five
(Indiana 1869, 415). A representative
suggested the amendment be recommitted to
the committee for a report that there would
not be a greater expense to the state (Indiana
1869, 437). Other objections included the
bill favored Germans, immigrants should be
Americanized through English not by being
educated in their native language, the bill did
not represent the majority of citizens in
Indiana, it would open the door for other
subjects or constituents to make demands on
the curriculum, it endangered public well-
being, there could be issues with teacher
certification, the school terms were short and
already struggle to cover the expected
curriculum without having to teach in a
second language, and it could result in an
unwanted language (possibly referring to
Pennsylvania Dutch). Arguments on behalf
of the amendment as stated in the
Indianapolis Journal on February 9, 1869
included the benefit children gained by
knowing two languages, German immigrants
would be attracted to the state, German
literature and science would could be
understood in their original form,
Americanization of immigrants would be
hastened because Germans would begin
attending public rather than private schools,
Germans were the largest minority and paid
more in taxes than other minorities, and the
minor additional expense was not enough to
prevent a desirable bill to be rejected.

In the middle of the previous list, is
the idea that knowing the German language
would give access to German literature and
science. This is important to notice because
it suggests even the legislator respected the
high culture of the Germans. Though
English newspapers like the Indianapolis
Journal suggested objectors would have
voted for the bill because it would hasten
Americanization of immigrants, it is clear
proponents of the bill valued German
language for its relation to German culture.

After several weeks of engrossments, the
Telegraph rounded up support and
encouraged supporters to go to the state
house on February 10, 1869 and make their
desires known.

Finally, on February 17, 1869 the
state passed legislation that included German
in the course of study. The bill stipulated
that if there were twenty-five parents or
guardians in a school district demanding
German, then German as a branch of study
would be introduced. The bill passed the
House by a vote of 77 to 7. The Telegraph
had worked hard to report and support the
passing of the bill. At this point the bill
stalled again on its way through the state
senate. The senate convention was half over
when the Telegraph began writing editorials
to encourage action. One editorial drew
attention to the large population of
approximately 2000 students attending
private German schools in Indianapolis (as
cited in Ellis 1954, 135). The Telegraph
published a letter written by Vonnegut,
Sediensticker, and Köhne in response to the
newspaper’s call to action on April 26, 1869.
The letter called for the gathering of those
interested in the passage of the bill at 9am
the following morning to go together to the
senate chamber. Supposedly, when the
senators saw the flood of Germans entering
the State House the senate immediately
organized for business, suspended the rules,
and moved the bill up to the third order of
business. The German delegation made it
known they would not leave until a vote was
cast (as cited in Ellis 1954, 135-136). After
some deliberation it passed the Senate by a
vote of 37 to 3 (Indiana 1869, 535).
Vonnegut and the Telegraph had won the
passage of the bill. All that was needed was
the signature of the governor to make it law.
The Telegraph cautioned for the supporters
of the bill to keep vigilance but their concern
was for naught. When the governor received
the bill on the fifth he signed it into law.



86

Similarly to the Indianapolis Journal’s quote
earlier about the justice of helping the
German-English school, reflections on the
passage of the law say the bill was passed in
recognition of the services of the German
community (Dunn 1910, 214). What were
these services to the greater community, they
were the running of strong businesses,
promoting the welfare of the city, and
helping build a stronger educational system.

Though the passage of the law would
be the deathblow to the school by 1882, the
German-English School’s attendance began
to decline because of the inclusion of
German as a medium of instruction and
therefore the growing effectiveness of the
Indianapolis public schools under the
influence of Clemens Vonnegut and the
German press within the state. By 1882 there
were at least ten public schools in
Indianapolis teaching German or using it as
a medium of instruction. The German-
English School had existed for over twenty
years and was known for its thoroughness
and high standards. This might demonstrate
the real purpose Germans had for education.
Supporting German in public schools was a
way to continue to promote their heritage
and Americanize their students, but it was
also a way to promote a higher culture
throughout the city.

Vonnegut and the German
community would continue to bring German
educational innovations to the Indianapolis
public schools throughout the rest of the 19th
century. In the 1880s, Vonnegut along with
other leaders also introduced both manual
training, the Gewerbeschul (vocational
school), and physical education to
Indianapolis public schools (Probst 1989,
100-01). The Vocational School would meet
in the old German-English School building.
Subjects such as descriptive geometry,
architectural drawing, design work, machine
draughting, ornamental drawing, and
ornamental modeling were taught. At one

point, the school applied to the school board
for a monetary appropriation. Though the
board could not legally financially support
the school, they assigned William H. Bass as
a teacher there for a year. The manual
training curriculum was considered a great
contribution to the city and one of the few
programs like it at the time. In fact, within a
few years after watching the Gewerbeschul’s
success, the school board opened their own
program at Shortridge High School in 1888
under the direction of Mr. Bass. Six years
later the school board opened Manual High
School dedicated to manual training (Dunn
1910, 276).

Physical education was introduced
into public schools through Vonnegut and
the Turnvereins, a German gymnastics club.
Vonnegut was also founding member and
President of the Turnvereins at the time of
physical education’s introduction to
Indianapolis public schools. Physical
education was an important part of German
high culture. The Turnverein club was made
up of many 48ers who believed a strong
mind grew best in a strong body (Probst
1989, 89). These types of innovations
alongside the introduction of German as a
medium of instruction demonstrate how the
German community was not only interested
in educating their own children, but in
raising the culture in Indianapolis to their
cultural standards.

The German Press and Vonnegut
State acceptance of German may not

have happened without the German press.
The newspapers, especially Der Täglicher
Telegraph in Indianapolis helped advocate,
organize the movement, and provide reports
on the progress of German’s acceptance.
Alongside the newspaper, were critical
leaders such as Clemens Vonnegut. He
would go on to serve twenty-seven years on
the Board of Trustees for Indianapolis
Schools. For a stretch of eleven years he was
the President of the German-English School



87

and a trustee on the Board of Trustees. When
the German-English School closed in 1882
he continued to serve as a Trustee for the
city schools until 1894. As a Freethinker and
an astute businessman, he used his
connections to hire other German
Freethinkers to hold important positions in
the public schools. Vonnegut helped hire his
fellow Freethinker, Charles E. Emmerich, as
the administrator over the German program
in the city. Emmerich held the post into the
early 1890s.

Under the guidance of Vonnegut and
Emmerich the German program quickly
flourished. The state law passed in 1869 only
called for German to be added to the course
subjects, however, in Indianapolis, under the
instigation of Vonnegut and other leaders the
public schools would offer German-English
bilingual education in some schools. By
1883 there were sixteen public schools in the
city providing German language instruction
to 2,432 students (Twenty-Second 1883).
Unlike other cities that had adopted bilingual
instruction in their public schools as a
mechanism of assimilation (St. Louis) or as a
political concession to appease the large
minority population of Germans (Chicago),
though these reasons were present in
Indianapolis, it was the Germans themselves
who had pushed for the inclusion of German
through their participation in local and state
politics as well as being civically active. The
Indianapolis political climate more closely
resembled that of Cincinnati, where German-
English bilingual education was highly
valued for its reputation, than St. Louis or
Chicago (Ramsey 2008, 285). Also like
Cincinnati, Germans had quickly taken up
some of Indianapolis’ leading political
positions and ran prosperous businesses.
Though it had taken many years to get
German into the school system, once it was
there it grew quickly. By 1888, 1,200
students were enrolled in the bilingual

German-English programs in the city
(Twenty-Seventh 1888).
Conclusion

It is interesting how the German-
English School grew out of necessity and
declined in necessity. When the public
schools were unable to provide adequate
education for the community, German
community leaders formed their own highly
respected school. These same German
leaders, especially Clemens Vonnegut and
other Freethinkers, fought for the inclusion
of German in the public schools for the
benefit of all children. Had Vonnegut and
other members of the Schulervein not lent
their support to the public schools or
encouraging German to be a part of the
course of study there is a strong possibility
the German-English School would have
survived until 1919. Consider the state law
to include German in any school was passed
during the peak years of the German-English
School. Without the German press and
Vonnegut’s support, state educational law
would not have been changed. However,
when the time was right, the Schulervein
shut down the German-English School and
put all their support behind the public
schools. The German community had helped
Germanize the local school system in order
to provide a better education for all students.

Epilogue
After the German-English School

closed in 1882, the public schools’ German
programs took off. Though there would be
obstacles to German’s inclusion in public
education in the late 1880s, it would not be
until 1919 when the state whipped itself into
a nativist hysteria that the McCray Bill was
passed. The bill made teaching German
illegal and a punishable offence (Indiana
1919, 133).

Though other foreign languages were
permitted under the McCray Bill, it would
not be until the U.S. Supreme Court ruled in



88

Meyer v. Nebraska in 1923 that Indiana
would remove the McCray Bill from state
law. Despite this ruling in 1923, bilingual
education in Indianapolis has taken a slow
path to return for at least two reasons. First,
Germans after WWI did not work to
reestablish the once flourishing German
program in the city. Second, nativists
concerns have continued to play a role in the
shaping of language acquisition in
Indianapolis. It was not until 1994 that two
schools opened up in Indianapolis that have
language immersion programs. One is the
private International School of Indiana. The
other was Forest Glen Elementary School in
Lawrence Township. It took until the early
2000s for Indianapolis Public Schools to
open their own elementary immersion
program in School 74. The two public
schools are application only magnet schools.
One reason these schools have grown over
the last few years is a shift in the purpose of
language acquisition in the minds of many.
Though bilingual education exists as a
process of Americanization, these schools
are less about assimilation into American
culture and more about language acquisition
to participate in a global world (Clevinger
2015).

References

Clevinger, Tim. 2015. Interview by the
author. November, 4, 2015.

Dunn, Jacob Piatt. 1910. Greater
Indianapolis: The History, the
Industries, the Institutions, and the
People of a City of Homes. Vol 1.
Chicago: The Lewis Publishing Co.

Ellis, Frances H. 1954. “Historical Account
of German Instruction in the Public
Schools of Indianapolis 1869-1919.”
Indiana Magazine of History 50 (2):
119-38.

Fessler, Paul R. 1997. “Speaking in Tongues:
German-Americans and the Heritage of

Bilingual Education in American Public
Schools.” Doctoral thesis. Texas A&M
University.

Hoyt, Giles R. 1994. “Germans.” In The
Encyclopedia of Indianapolis, edited by
David J. Bodenhamer and Robert G.
Barrows. Indianapolis: Indiana
University Press.

Indiana. 1869. Journal of the House of
Representatives of the State of Indiana:
During the Forty-Sixth Regular Session
of the General Assembly. Indianapolis:
State Printer.

Indiana. 1919. Journal of the House of
Representatives of the State of Indiana
During the Seventy-First Session of the
General Assembly. Indianapolis:
William B. Buford.

Kaestle, Carl F. 1983. Pillars of the Republic:
Common Schools and American Society,
1780-1860. New York: Hill and Wang.

McKinney, Marianne W. 1994. “Performing
Arts.” In The Encyclopedia of
Indianapolis, edited by David J.
Bodenhamer and Robert G. Barrows.
Indianapolis: Indiana University Press.

Probst, George Theodore. 1989. The
Germans in Indianapolis: 1840-1918.
Revised by Eberhard Reichmann.
Nashville: NCSA Literatur.

Proceedings of the Indianapolis Common
Council and City-County Council. 1867.
Indianapolis University Purdue
University Archives. Indianapolis.
https://journals.iupui.edu/index.php/ccci
/issue/archive.

Ramsey, Paul J. 2008. “A Polyglot
Boardinghouse: A History of Public
Bilingual Schooling in the United States,
1840-1920.” Doctoral thesis. Indiana
University.

St. Paul’s Lutheran Church. n.d. “History.”
Accessed December 4, 2015.
http://www.stpaulsindy.com/index.php/
aboutus top/history-top.html.



89

Stein, Theodore. 1913. Our Old School:
Historical Sketch of the German-
English Independent School of
Indianapolis. Indianapolis: The
Cheltenham-Aetna Press.

Stempfel, Theodore. 1991. Fifty Years of
Unrelenting German Aspirations in
Indianapolis. Translated by. Giles R.
Hoyt and others. Nashville: Indiana
University Press.

Twenty-Second Annual Report of the Public
Schools of the City of Indianapolis for
the School Year Ending June 30, 1883.
Indianapolis: Sentinel Co..

Twenty- Seventh Annual Report of the Public
Schools of the City of Indianapolis for
the School Year Ending June 30, 1888.
Indianapolis: Sentinel Printing Co.

Newspapers
Der Täglicher Telegraph. Indianapolis:

1865-1907.
Freie Presse. Indianapolis: 1853-1867.
Indianapolis Journal. Indianapolis: 1867-

1904.
Indiana Volksblatt. Indianapolis: 1848-1875.


