ESPANA NUESTRA: THE MOLDING OF PRIMARY SCHOOL CHILDREN FOR A FASCIST SPAIN Ronald W. Wilhelm Much of the history of education in Spain can be characterized as one of intense, often violent struggle among proponents of opposing ideologies. As various socio-economic sectors in Spain have matured, conflicted, and coalesced, Spanish educational history has been riddled with evidence of intrigue, alignments, dissolutions, and realignments of various political factions. Spanish educational institutions did not escape the conflicts in the 1800s between the landed oligarchy and the church hierarchy united against the growing liberal industrial sector to determine the structure of the Spanish state and the direction of economic development. The subsequent emergence of agricultural and industrial workers' organizations espousing Marxist and anarchist doctrines added yet more pressures. The institutions of social organization suffered under such stress that, by the early decades of this century, the nation exploded in a civil war as the only means to establish a new social order. Ideology, as a principal vehicle to promote group interest (whether that be anarcho-syndicalist, communist, Carlist, or national-syndicalist), became increasingly important to all sectors in Spain; so much so, in fact, that when the society dissolved into civil conflict, education was converted by both Nationalists and Republicans into an ideological instrument of war. Once the armed conflict had been decided, the Francoist High Command united, by decree, several nationalist factions, including the Carlist monarchist Comuni6n Tradicionalista and the dominant, fascist Falange Espanola de las Juntas de Of ens iva Nacional Sindicalista (Ellwood, 1990). In order to secure its victory, the new Francoist coalition intensified its efforts to lay the foundation for the "New State" by instilling in Spanish youngsters ideological values heavily influenced by thought. The ideological role by education during the became institutionalized early in the post-war years. The usually unnoticed role of school curriculum and textbooks, in in the promotion of a given group's ideology emerged in Franco's Spain as 67 clearly overt. The present analysis of a single item of the period indicates that, as Jean Anyon suggested, "Textbooks not only express the dominant groups' ideologies, but also help to form attitudes in support of their social position" (1979). Perhaps no better example of textbook promotion of the fascist ideology can be found than Espana Nuestra, published in 1943 for use in the elementary schools of Generalisimo Francisco Franco' s "New State." The study presented here analyzed the content of Espana Nuestra in order to identify the elements of its specific ideological thrust. Of particular interest were attitudes toward and definitions of national­ syndicalism, national-Catholicism, as well as attitudes toward monarchy and democracy, and the heroes, allies, and enemies of the "New" Spain. Ideological descriptions, definitions, and symbols were examined in terms of how they legitimated the power, actions, and needs of the hegemonic group in post-civil war Spain. Ideology, Education and the Consolidation of Victory Espana Nuestra can be seen appropriately as but one minor element in the process of redef ining Spanish society--a process that actually began during the civil war. As the Nationalists gained territory from the Republicans, they reorganized the education system, which, they believed, had, under the Republicans, been one of the causes of the "retreat of traditional values." The Movimiento Nacionalista was eager to restore the Catholic church as the preeminent custodian of a "confessional education,· that is, one in which Catholic dogma and morality would once again be a major subject in all schools, both public and private, and in which the Church retained the right to the education offered in all centers of The "traditional" values by the Nationalists in elementary education included militarism, catholicism, and civic-mindedness. This same code of values facilitated the militarization of Spanish culture after the war. The Nationalist that such a continued militarization of society was necessary in order to defend their victory over the enemies of Spain (often defined as a "Communist­ Jewish-Masonic Conspiracy") with the best defense being youth educated in traditional values of the Sixteenth Century (Fernandez Soria, 1984). Franco and the Movimiento Nacionalista, dominated by the Falangist party, correctly understood the necessity of the use of ideology in the consolidation of power and, thus, sought to transform the Spanish education system. This task was accomplished by instituting a series of edicts, purges, and a new curriculum which was centered upon books such as Espana Nuestra. Teachers who were militants or sympathizers of the Republican Frente popular, members of secret societies (Freemasons), or even those who could have done something but did nothing to stop the "anarchists" were dismissed from service. Over fifty percent of Spain's teachers were affected by these purges. At the time of the Nationalist triumph in 1939, all teachers were required to take an exam of patriotic and religious content in order to be employed. Students were required to present statements of their religious and patriotic conduct signed by civilian, military, and church authorities before they could matriculate (de Puelles Benitez, 1980) • By decree, at least fifty percent of the vacancies left by the purges were to be filled with Nationalist ex-combatants who met aptitude standards for teachers. Another twenty percent of the educational administration positions were to be filled with those disabled in the war. Thus, an education system directed by those who fought for the "New State" in the trenches insured the institutionalization of the ideology that had driven the Movimiento Nacionalista during the war (Fernandez Soria, 1984). One such soldier of the "ideological trenches" was the author of Espana Nuestra, Ernesto Gimenez Caballero, acknowledged as one of the prominent ideologues of national-syndicalism. Prior to the civil war, he was instrumental in promulgating the feasibility of fascism for Spain through his and writings, many of published in a magazine, La Literaria, which he founded. He was credited as the "intellectual 68 progenitor of the Movimiento Nacional" with adapting the doctrines of Italian fascism to Spain (Foard, 1975; Payne, 1987). During the war, he continued to promote the building of a fascist Spain through his work as an advisor to Franco and through his contributions to the journals Jerarquia and Vertice, both organs of Falangist propaganda (Fernandez Soria, 1984; Gimenez Caballero, 1979). Envisioning himself as the "Spanish Goebbels, .. Gimenez Caballero' s tireless efforts to win the Spanish masses to his version of fascism often placed him at odds with his own Falangist party and with Franco himself (Foard, 1975). Following the war, he used his literary talents to create for the youth of Spain a history textbook, Espana Nuestra, that would exalt Catholic and militarist values, and the Spanish language as a "reflejo constante del alma nacional" (Gimenez Caballero, 1943). Organization of the Text The book, Espana Nuestra, is a history of Spain written for students in the elementary grades. Its style follows a pattern, identified by Fernandez Soria (1984) in other Nationalist works, in which glorious and critical moments in Spanish history were interpreted as coinciding with a given Falangist doctrine such as militarism, Catholic morality, or national unity. On the other hand, tragic moments in history were related to ideological elements of the opposition such as religious freedom and political liberalism. Indeed, the author himself expressed this bias clearly in the introduction to the text. No hay ninguna concesion para el terrible enemigo que ha conducido a nuestro pueblo a la guerra civil mas espantosa: al separatismo de dos Espanas y de dos cast as de espanoles. En cambio, hasta los mas remotos sucesos de nuestra Patria estan siempre referidos al Movimiento unificador de nuestro Falangismo ... (intro. ) I,: For this camisa (literally "old shirt," founding member of the ), fascism, as practiced in Spain and Italy I represented the "political manifestation of the revolt of the Latin peoples the cultural imperialism of their northern neighbours" (Foard, 1975). Gimenez Caballero the book into six epilogue. Each of the six main parts consisted of a varying number of subdivisions for an overall total of Each chapter with three sets of exercises: oral, written, and arts, which the author drawing, and written exercises for facts, as well as sion, analysis, The "Espana: Una, Grande, occurred sporadically throughout the text, summarized the central themes of fascist ideology. These recurrent themes followed closely the essential norms of the Falangist Movement, published as "Los 26 Puntos" and adopted by Franco's "Nuevo Estado" (VEP, 1941). In his introduction, Gimenez Caballero indicated clearly the principles that guided his work and served as the conceptual framework for five major sections in the text. .•• que las bases de esta Nuestra Espana [sic) son dos sentimientos fundacionales: el religioso y el heroico. Cuyas consecuencias llevan a una exaltacion incesante de los valores catolicos y militares de Espana. Unicos capaces de justificar con exactitud y grandeza el Destino universal de Espana, la clave de su Paisaje, el genio de su Lengua, el impetu de sus Fundadores y el fruto de sus Obras. (intro.)3 The final portion of the book was composed of a vocabulary list for use in reading and completing the end-of-chapter exercises. The book contains 145 simple, pen-and-ink illustrations, each occupying a space approximately 7 cm by 10 cm. The sizeable number of drawings in a book of 261 pages can be attributed to Gimenez Caballero's belief that, for educational purposes, the visual of an illustration than (1979) • In his introduct indicated that the book for the children and the author intended diverse and text content exercises. consisted of also, as a teachers in the their children. mixed purpose an unevenness in and While fables 69 events for the very young, contained abbreviated figures, such as artists, that exercises were to and/or the the illustrations in Ideology and Prose Imagery Gimenez Caballero wrote his lessons in a first person, conversational style addressed to young readers. Throughout the text, he used anthropomorphic images and fables to explain events from geology to human emotions to the origin of the Spanish language. Several examples, which follow, illustrate this point. The story of Little Red Riding Hood introduced a section on four visions of the Spanish countryside (PP. 69-112). The author c6mpared the effect of Little Red Riding Hood' s fear on her perceptions of the woods with the effect of Nationalist soldiers' fear in combat on their perceptions of the surrounding countryside. Later in the same section, the geography of Spain was presented in terms of the search, by the Desert, as a savage knight, for and, finally, marriage to his lost love, the Rain, a princess whose court was in Spain. The mining industry was explained, not in terms of the miners' organizations and struggles, which were a recent part of Spanish reality when the book was but rather by the story of "Blancaflor" (Snow White and the Seven Dwarfs). In addition, young students learned that the Pyrenees Mountains resulted from violent battles between French mountains and is oric Castilian ranges ( ercitos de rocas de lavas") when was a (p. 34). some an the because of his own , Gimenez Caballero his most for of • For , the dialect were and newborn chicks. was described as the words which were set butterflies each time children discovered and used new terms. Latin was presented as the father of the Spanish (Castilian) language, with the nation of Spain, its mother, and the other romance languages and dialects, its siblings (pp. 127-128). With the death of the father (the fall of the Roman Empire), the widowed mother was forced to raise her children alone. In another passage more closely related to the Falangist ideology of restoration of Spain as a world imperial power I the language was presented as a mother, sent by God, to embrace her children throughout the world so that they might understand one another (pp. 116-117). Lest the readers miss the importance of the Spanish language, the author admonished: iEscuchad bien esto y para siempre, n~nos espanoles! jel que de vosotros olvide su Lengua espanola o la cambie por otra dejara de ser espanol y cristiano! iPor traici6n contra Espana y pecado contra Dios! iY tendra que escapar de Espana! Y cuando muera, su alma traidora lira al inf ierno ! (p. 11 7 ) 5 The impact of such an admonition on young Spaniards in provinces other than Castile and whose first language was not the Castilian dialect is not difficult to imagine. Gimenez Caballero later underscored his warning with a tale of a Basque grandfather ("El Abuelete Vasco") who held fast to his allegiance to Spain and Castilian Spanish even when under pressure from Basque separatists, who eventually left him in frustration and went off "bufando con los rojos" (pp. 122-124) . Ideology and Visual Imagery Symbols of the Falangist movement, some of which were revived from fifteenth century monarchies, were inserted independently or interwoven with illustrations throughout the text. These symbols were first proposed by Gimenez Caballero for the national-syndicalist movement in 1929 in an article entitled "Carta a un companero de la joven Espana" (1985 . By 1943, the young readers of Nuestra would have been very with the symbols of the so the author needed only romanticized accounts of significance and origin. The illustration on the front cover of the book combines several symbols 70 in an image which summarizes the goal intended by Gimenez Caballero in writing to the youth of Spain. HIAlerta Jovenes centinelas de Espana I" (p. 67).6 A young boy wearing the red beret and blue shirt of the Falangist movement holds a rifle and watch over (a map of) Spain, whose five kingdoms (symbolized by five black arrows) are united and bound together under the yoke of an imperial monarchy. In developing the mystique of the arrows (flechas) and the yoke (yugo), the author explains they were symbols from the imperial and unified Spain of the Catholic monarchs, Queen Isabel and King Ferdinand II; the bundle of arrows symbolizing Isabel's uniting of the kingdoms of Spain and the yoke symbolizing Ferdinand's bringing order to the world. Arrows, as symbols, appear independently eight more times in illustrations in the text and the yoke, three. In addition to the cover illustration, the Falangist symbol of five arrows bound together under the yoke ("el haz y el yugo") appears five more times, usually to signify the end of a major section of the book. Gimenez Caballero uses ascending and descending arrows in an illustration to represent the history of the rise and decline of Spanish destiny as the summit of a sierra (p. 41). Beginning with the first century "unification of Spain with the Roman Empire," the arrows point to an ascending destiny, passing on to "Spanish-Gothic unification" of the six century, then to the wars of the "Great Reconquest" from the eighth to the fifteenth century, and culminating with the "unified and imperial" Spain of the Catholic monarchs. At this point the arrows start their descent through the "disaster of the Invincible Armada" in 1588, to the "loss of empire" from the seventeenth to nineteenth centuries, down to the "loss of Spanish unity" during the Republican government from 1931-1936. Here the dates 18 julio 1936 to 1 abril 1939 (the dates encompassing the Spanish Civil War) are accompanied by an arrow that I not to the nadir of disintegration, but toward the and Two other s I the red beret and the blue ,were to the author, from The beret­ of Castile were book as the defenders of all Both were related to the contributions of agricultural laborers in terms of production and defense. Another prominent Falangist symbol, appearing in two illustrations, merits attention: the open-hand, Roman salute, similar to the one used in Mussolini's Italy and in Nazi Germany. In the text's first section on the images of Spain (pp. 11-25), the reader encounters an outline map of Spain over which was placed the open palm of a hand, "en seftal de paz y de saludo al mundo" (p. 19). The narrative explains that, historically, the Germanic peoples to the north saw Spain as a nation which extended its hand in peace and salutations to the world and to Germany in particular. The narrative further suggests that the name "Espafta" was derived from an old German word, spanne, meaning the span of an open hand. In one other illustration entitled "El pufto cerrado y la mano abierta," GimAnez Caballero cleverly juxtaposed the closed fist, often associated with Communist salutes, with the Falangist salute to illustrate an explanation of the evils of envy (p. 210). The open palm appears surrounded by five stars and next to a cloud hovering over a hairy, brutish clenched fist entwined by a serpent. The narrative explains, "Por eso el comunismo es la politica de la Envidia y hace que el Comunismo enrosque la mano--cierre el pufto--con el rencor de una cabeza de serpiente" (p. 201).7 GimAnez Caballero uses these images to pay subtle tribute to Nationalist allies, Hitler's Germany and Mussolini's Italy. Images of National-Catholicism Molding a unified, fascist Spain so recently divided by the civil war called for the promotion of nationalism as the principal ideological concern. For the Comuni6n Tradicionalistas, Spanish nationalism was intricately interwoven with Catholicism. Thus, the nation was to be unified, not in the diversity of its regions, but in steadfast obedience to Catholic dogma and the State. In the first section Espana Nuestra, which dealt with of Spain, Catholicism and were united ically in a "medal" that students were instructed to make and wear. Each child's medal consisted of a photograph of his/her mother pasted on a small outline map of Spain. The and photograph, then, were to a ribbon that 71 the students had painted red and gold, the imperial colors of the Spanish flag. The following coloring instructions subtly inculcated the fascist ideology of militant nationalism in union with Catholicism: ... color de sangre como la que habAis visto verter quiza a vuestros padres, a vuestros hermanos mayores, a vuestros amigos grandes, en las trincheras del Caudillo. Y con color de oro, con el color del pan que Dios os da todos los dias, con el amarillo de la tierra espaftola donde triunfaron nuestros combatientes (p. 22-23).8 On the reverse side of the map, the children were instructed to draw a cross. The medal was then to be worn inside the students' blue shirt held over the heart by the pin of the Falangist symbol ("el haz y el yugo") on the outside of the shirt. The ideological message to young learners emerged clearly: Spain was one's mother! Given the still fresh memories of civil strife, such strong imagery must have been a powerful force in the development of political socialization. But, GimAnez Caballero was relentless in molding young defenders for the Caudillo's Spain. He followed the construction of the medal with an admonishment to young male readers. ... si alguien ante ti se rie 0 insulta el nombre de Dios, 0 de Espafta, 0 de tu madre, ino vaciles! Con tus puftos, con tus dientes y tus pies, arremete contra Al. Y si no 10 haces, lcobarde! Ya no podras llevar esa medalla de papel sobre el corazon, ni las flechas en la camisa. (p. 23)9 Apparently little girls were to respond to such insults in a manner more appropriate to their sex according to the Traditionalist view of women. Llora con pena, amarga, infinita, callada. Y veras como quien ha insultado tu tesoro se pone palido, y babucea. Y te intenta hacer una caricia, y se a con la cabeza a y en silencio vencido por la fuerza de tu pena ~ por el valor de tu • (p. 23)~ In Espafta Nuestra, young students were to learn that the destiny of Christ was also the of "Morir y resucitar. Dar su sangre para que se unan todos los pueblos y todos los paisajes del Mundo" (p. 29) .11 Pupils studied an outline map of Spain upon which a crucified Christ had been placed with arms outstretched across the Pyrenees and feet extending down to Gibraltar (p. 30). Gimenez Caballero called upon Spanish youngsters to suffer and sacrifice as did Christ. Then, the author joined militaristic nationalism and Catholicism in an ideological twist to the suffering servant theology: "Por eso--ninos mios--es preciso imagineis a Espana como un perpetuo combate y mireis su vida con mirada militar" (p. 29) .12 Being a suffering servant in Christ's image meant that one not only must serve but also defend Spain in military conquest. Unity in Christ justified Spain's return as a world imperial power. Images of the New Spain's Allies and Enemies In addition to such Catholic nationalism, which readers encountered repeatedly throughout the text, Gimenez Caballero took great care to instruct Spanish children about Spain's historic relations with other European powers. The images used to inform readers about international relationships illuminated a unique aspect of the author's version of fascism. Some ten years prior to the publication of Espana Nuestra, Gimenez Caballero became increasingly marginalized from Falangist leadership circles because he advocated an international fascist movement (Foard, 1975) • The Falange, on the other hand, sought to unify Spain under a decidedly nationalist, Catholic state in order to return her to the "destino universal" of world empire. In Espana Nuestra, Gimenez Caballero pursued his version through a series of prose and graphic images that clearly identified Spain's enemies and friends. Of particular interest, given the political alignment of Europeans at the time the text was written during World War II, were descriptions of the relationship between Spain and Italy. The author presented Rome, not as an invader of Spain, but rather, as a mother--one who provided a , laws, methods in agriculture, commerce and civil defense, and built the infrastructure for Spanish culture (p. 50). Spain, on the other hand, was a loyal daughter and rightful heir to the empire. "Espana--hija--fiel de Roma toda la Historia--realiza, al fin, en el siglo XVI, otra vez la unificaci6n del Orbe, la fusi6n de razas y credos" 72 (p. 59).13 The Roman Empire, by uniting the world under one rule, prepared "la venida de Cristo." In addition to the references regarding Rome and Italy already cited, readers of Espana Nuestra learned that Germans, too, were allies. "Y ante el heroismo frente a Napole6n y la grandeza del Castellano, dec ian los alemanes que los espanoles eramos sus hermanos" (p. 140) .14 The author suggested that the Goths provided Spanish royalty with two essential characteristics: "una raza aria, aristocratica y los atributos regios, copiados del mundo romano" (pp. 173-174) .IS If Germany and Italy were Spain's allies, then who were the enemies against whom young Spaniards must be ever vigilant? The guideposts of the Falangist Movement, "Los 26 Puntos" stated, "Toda conspiraci6n contra esa unidad es repulsiva. Todo separatismo es un crimen que no perdonaremos" (VEP, 1941) .16 Throughout Espana Nuestra, the author identified various elements as contributors to division and separatism in Spain. Most of them were subsumed under the term "los rojos" (the Reds). Historical events, even those from centuries past, were reinterpreted in terms of recent struggles during the Spanish civil war with los rojos. For example, Carthage, identified as the first great enemy of Spain, was likened to "la Rusia bolchevique" (p. 49). The Moor invasion of Spain was presented as a struggle between Christians and "aquellos rojos orientales" (p. 54). The strategies of the wars (the "Gran Reconquista") to drive the Moors from Spain were equated with those used during the Spanish civil war against "los barbaros rojos" (p. 55). The devastation caused by Napoleon's invasion of Spain was comparable only "a como nos los destrozaron los rojos" (p. 64). A child, Dominguito del Val, martyred in 1250 A.D. was compared with "esos ninos nuestros que murieron bajo la metralla y el hambre de los rojos" (p. 153). A Spanish bishop of the church in Rome was described as having "los primeros (p. 165). The historic battle of Lepanto in A.D., Soliman, the Turk, was referred to as "el Stalin de entonces" (p. 170). In one particularly strong Communism, dubbed the Envy," was in an accompany ing illustration as a viper (p. 201). In other passages, which emphasized national-syndicalism, the author carefully explained that he chose to use the term artesano rather than obrero because the former was a syndical term for a manual laborer, which ..... lleva en si una idea de amor y de arte, de individualizaci6n, para regenerar masas gregarias de 'trabajadores en serie' que la maquina y la industria pesada habian convertido en esclavos y cosas" (p. 196) .18 The term obrero was not employed because .. con tanto odio y violencia ha sido profanado por el socialismo" (p. 196) .19 Likewise, the author chose to use labrador rather than campesino when discussing agricultural workers because the former term was "mas nacional It than the latter, which was used by Marxists (p. 194). While "la Rusia bolchevique" received the brunt of Gimenez Caballero's vehemence, France and Great Britain did not escape it. The author lamented the results of the French influence on Castilian. "La Lengua de Espana, atacada como por Cain por su hermana la Lengua francesa, comenz6 a morir sutilmente de envenenamiento. Moria de infecci6n, plagada la sangre de unos bichitos 0 carcomas llamados galicismos, francescismos" (p. 139).20 British influence on Castilian Spanish is described as ..... iotra nueva enfermedad grave: el anglosajonismo y el nordismo" (p. 141).~ The "grave new sickness" involved the use of English terms by intellectuals and nobility. "Y hubo la 'nurse' y la 'miss' para los ninos. Y el 'flirt' para los j6venes. Y los 'clubs' para los mayores. Y el 'five o'clok tea,' y el 'bridge,' y el garden-party' (pp. 141-142).n For Gimenez caballero, this new sickness appeared to be a recrudescence of "parlamentarismo," which had invaded political thought and brought on the Carlist wars--Nineteenth Century conservatism's attempt to "liberar a Espana de sus invasores parlamentarios, liberales, intelectuales y revolucionarios. Para lograr que Espana sea vez Una, Grande y Libre" (p. 140). As be in a work by a fascist ideologue, Jews also were identified as the enemies of Spain. Jews were as conspirators consorting "elementos franceses" in the separatist revolt in Cataluna in 1640 (p. 138) or with Russia to fill the and working classes 73 with "odio social" and "separatismos regionales" (p. 66), or with the Freemasons to assassinate priests and monks in the Nineteenth Century (p. 154) . They were also presented as murderers of children, like Dominguito del Val (p. 153), and as exploiters who stole from the serf class (p. 195). That Jews posed a problem for a unified Spain seemed clear to Gimenez Caballero, but his work also inferred a solution, one not inconsistent with Hitler's Final Solution. Los Reyes Cat6licos traen a Espana el supremo organismo que ha existido de Unificaci6n y depuraci6n nacional: el Santo Tribunal de la Inquisici6n (1478) 0 Ministerio general de Seguridad Estatal. Gracias al cual se logra la unidad religiosa, vigilando y castigando a judios y herejes. (p. 217)24 In order for the Francoist "New State" to survive such a panoply of enemies from within and without, the citizenry of Spain, according to Gimenez Caballero, had to adopt a vigilant and militarist world view. Images of Militant Nationalism Perhaps, not surprisingly, a dominant theme of the text was the militaristic aspect of Falangist nationalism. The philosophical source of Falangist militarism, as defined by Gimenez Caballero, was derived from the writings of Seneca, ..... a quien se debe la concepci6n de que 'la vida es milicia'" (p. 51).25 In one of two chapters dealing with the economic bases of Spain (pp. 85-91), which the author called "services" to the nation, readers encountered a description of a mule as an animal ..... que sube el pan y las balas a nuestros soldados" (p. 88).~ In describing the shepherds of Castile, the author wrote: Y--en un momento de peligro--el cayado 0 la garrocha se transforman en fusil. Su ojo, habituado a la lejania, precisa la bala. Y sus se hacen viveres de todo un para que ese Ejercito s avanzar, moverse y vencer a las ciudades inm6viles, a las huertas comodonas, a los obreros que impunan martillos, a los payeses que impunan hoces. (p. 84)27 In the section dealing with the or geography of Spain (pp. were identified in terms of their historical military value. HEl rio Ebro es el baluarte contra la invasion musulmana en Arag6n, y el de Zaragoza contra Napole6n, y el de nuestros combatientes nacionales contra los rojos" (p. 83).28 A discussion of Spain's mineral resources included, "Espafia tiene sustancias y piedras minerales ... Y hast a explosivos para matar a la gente mala que no quiere a Espafia" (p. 94).29 Even the citrus groves were interpreted as representing the colors of the Spanish flag: "Los naranjales de Espafia, con su encarnado, y los limones, con su amarillo, significan nuestra bandera frutal ante las naciones" (p. 92).30 The intellectuals who founded the Academia de la Lengua were portrayed as "guerrilleros de la erudici6n y las Letras" in a war against French influence over Castilian Spanish (p. 140) • Gimenez Caballero joined a militant nationalist ideology with theology in his discussion of the defense of Hispanidad. He explained that fe (faith) meant F. E., or the Falange Espanola, and that since July 18, 1936 (the date of the Movimiento Nacionalista's revolt against the Republican government) , " ... la fe reedifica triunfal sus obras en Espafia" (p. 208).31 The Eucharist was explained in terms of Spain's farm laborers who produced bread and wine, which "Los Heroes tuvieron que comer para guerrear" (p. 194).n Approximately twenty percent of the textbook's illustrations contain militaristic themes. Four illustrations, for example, refer specifically to Falangist military exploits during the civil war; another from the same period is entitled "Revoluci6n marxista." Sixteen questions from the end-of the chapter exercises related directly to symbols of the Falangist movement. Over one hundred questions, ranging from "Escribid sobre los avances y frentes nacionales en la guerra de 1936 a 1939" (p. 40)33 to ""Que juegos teneis de ~uerra vosotros los muchachos?" (p. 85) , are related to militaristic themes. If Spain were to the glory of world empire, she would need a warrior king, decisive in battle and skilled in itics. In this regard, the author's treatment of HEl Caudillo," as Franco was affectionately known, merits attention. a series of comparisons with legendary heroes of 74 Spain, Gimenez Caballero is able to expand the image of Generalisimo Franco beyond that of a mere military figure to that of the caring father and generous provider and defender of a nation. The author explains, "Los Caudillos son aquellos jefes que van a la cabeza de sus pueblos en las guerras y triunfan ... ' Mussolini en Italia, Hitler en Alemania, Oliveira en Portugal, Franco en Espafia. La palabra Caudillo significa 'cabeza, gui6n, capitan'" (p. 164).35 Of note again here is the relationship drawn between Franco and other fascist leaders of the day. To Franco befell the task of breathing life into the "Genio de Espafia" . Gimenez Caballero called upon heroes both real and legendary from Spain's romanticized past in an effort to glorify and almost deify Franco. The Caudillo was heralded in Espafia Nuestra as "el heroe de romance como el Cid" whose destiny was the reconquest of the Spanish Empire. He demonstrated the decisiveness of Pizarro, the Spanish conquistador. As a military strategist, he rivaled "el Gran capitan," Gonzalo Fernandez de C6rdoba, conqueror of the Moors. In the epilogue (pp. 231-236), "La fabula maravillosa de Espafia," Franco appeared as the Caudillo arriving mounted on a white stallion to save the princess, Spain, from a deep stupor caused when she ate a fruit poisoned by her evil step-mother, who was envious of Spain's power and beauty. "Franco es el Caudillo nuevo y tradicional de Espafia" (p. 172).M The Impossible Dream The ideological perspective uncovered in this analysis of the textbook provides insight into education in Francoist Spain following the civil war. More importantly, it illuminates some of the ideological processes by which the victors of the Spanish civil war consolidated and justified their power to a new generation of Spanish youngsters. Gimenez Caballero, when interviewed in 1977, spoke as a poet of the conditions in a society which produce fascism: HEl fascismo se produce en los paises que han tenido una historia, una tradici6n, y que se ven desposeidos de ellas, que se quedan anulados en la Historian (1979). Clearly his work in Espana Nuestra constituted one attempt to rekindle in the youth of Spain what he called the genio or the essential nature and of her people. Yet, his chosen for molding minds was encumbered an that looked beyond Spain's borders, and thus, beyond Falangist nationalism, for strength. Gimlnez Caballero desperately envisioned a new generation of Spaniards, emboldened by his effort in Espana Nuestra, to restore Spain to her Sixteenth Century grandeur as an imperial power. He called upon his young readers to be vigilant defenders of Franco's "New State" but armed them only with rhetoric, religiosity, and a romanticized revisionist history. NOTES 1 This and all subsequent passages quoted from the text are in their original form. My translation of the passage to English appears by the corresponding number in the notes. 2 There is no concession for the terrible enemy which has brought our people to a most frightening civil war: the separatism of two Spains and of two casts of Spaniards. On the other hand, even the most remote successes of our Fatherland are always related to the unifying Movement of our Falangism ... 3 .•. that the bases of this Nuestra Espana are two fundamental feelings: religious and heroic, whose consequences lead to an unceasing exaltation of the Catholic and militaristic values of Spain, the only ones capable of justifying with preciseness and greatness the universal Destiny of Spain, the key to her Countryside, the genius of her Language, the impetus of her Founders, and the fruit of her Works. 4 Write about the eagle as a bird of prey and as an imperial symbol. 5 Listen well and forever, Spanish children! He of you who forgets his Spanish Tongue or exchanges it for another ceases to be Spanish and Christianl For (committing) a betrayal of Spain and a sin against God I And he must leave Spain I And when he should die, his traitorous soul shall go to Helll 6 Be alert, youth, sentinels of Spain. 7 For that (reason) Communism is the politics of Envy which makes Communism twist around the hand--closing the fist--with the rancor of the head of a serpent. 8 ••• color of blood like that which perhaps you may have seen your fathers, or your older brothers, or 75 your older friends shed in the trenches of the Caudillo. And with the color of gold, with the color of the bread which God gives us everyday, with the color of the yellOW Spanish soil upon which our combatants triumphed. 9 •.• if someone laughs at or insults the name of God or of Spain, or of your mother before you, do not vacillate! Assail him with your fists, with your teeth and your feet. And if you do not do it, coward! You shall not wear that paper medal over your heart, nor the arrows on your shirt. 10 Cry with grief, bitterness, unceasingly, quietly .. And you shall see how whoever has insulted your treasure will grow pale and shrivel. And he will try to caress you and will draw away with head lowered in silence vanquished by the strength of your sorrow and by the valor of your grace. 11 To die and to live again. To give her blood so that all the peoples and nations of the world may unite. 12 For that (reason)--my children--it is correct that you should imagine Spain as (in) a perpetual combat and that you should view your life with a military vision. 13 Spain--daughter--loyal to Rome throughout History--realizes, at last, at the end of the XVI Century, once again the unification of the Globe, the fusion of races and beliefs. 14 And in face of the heroism while confronting Napoleon and the greatness of the Castilian, the Germans said that the Spanish were their brothers. 15 ... an Aryan race, aristocracy and the regal attributes copied from the Roman world. 16 Every conspiracy against that unity is repulsive. All separatism is a crime which we will not pardon. 17 ... those of our children who died under the machine gun and hunger of the Reds. 18 ... carries an idea of love and of art, of individualization, to regenerate the collective masses of "workers in series" who the machine and heavy industry had converted into slaves and things. 19 ... with such hate and violence has been profaned by socialism. 20 The Spanish Language, attacked as (happened with) Cain by her sister French Tongue, began to die subtly of poison. And she died of infection, her blood plagued by some vermin and beetle larvae called "Gaulisms, Frenchisms." 21 ... another new, grave illness: Anglosaxonism and Nordism. 22 And there was the "nurse" and the "miss" for the children. And "flirt" for the youth. And "clubs" for adults. And "five o'clock tea," and "bridge," and garden-party." 23 ... to free Spain from her parliamentarian, liberal intellectual and revolutionary invaders. So that Spain might once again be United, Great and Free." 24 The Catholic Monarchs bring to Spain the supreme organism of unification and national purification which has (ever) existed: the Holy Tribunal of the Inquisition (1478) or General Ministry of State security. Thanks to which religious unity is achieved (by) watching and castigating Jews and heretics. 25 ... to whom is attributed the concept that "life is militia." 26 ..• which carries (into the mountains) the bread and bullets to our soldiers. 27 And--in a moment of danger--the shepherd's hook or crook is transformed into a rifle. His eye, accustomed to (seeing) at a distance, aims the bullet. And his cattle become victuals for an entire Army, so that that Army can always advance, move and conquer immobile cities, commodious orchards, workers who hold hammers, ignorant peasants who hold sickles. 28 The Ebro River is the bulwark against the Muslim invasion in Aragon, and the (river) of Zaragoza against Napoleon, and of our combatants against the Reds. 29 Spain has substantial mineral deposits ..• and even explosives to kill the bad people who do not love Spain. 30 The orange groves of spain, their red, and lemons, with yellow, signify our fruitful before the nations. with their flag 31 ... faith triumphantly reconstructs her works in Spain. 76 32 The Heroes had to eat in order to do battle. 33 Write about the advances and nationalist fronts in the war of 1936 to 1939. 34 What war games do you boys have? 35 Caudillos are those chieftains who go at the head of their people in wars and triumph ... Mussolini in Italy, Hitler in Germany, Oliveira in Portugal, Franco in Spain. The word Caudillo means "head, guide, captain." 36 Franco is the new and traditional Caudillo of Spain. 37 Fascism is produced in countries which have had a history, a tradition, and have been dispossessed of them, (and) which are left obliterated in History. BIBLIOGRAPHY Anyon, Jean. "Ideology and United States History Textbooks." Harvard Educational Review 49 (1979) 361-386. de Puelles Benitez, Manuel. Educaci6n e ideologia en la Espana contemporanea. Barcelona: Editorial Labor, S.A., 1980. Ellwood, Sheelagh M. "Falange Espanola and the Creation of the Francoist 'New State'." European History Quarterly 20 (1990) 209-225. Fernandez Soria, Juan Manuel. Educaci6n y cultura en la guerra civil. Valencia: Imprinta Martin, 1984. Foard, Douglas Falangist: Caballero." Contemporary 1975) : 3-18. W. "The Forgotten Ernesto Gimenez Journal of History 10 (January, Gimenez Caballero, Ernesto. Memorias de un dictador. Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1979. Gimenez Caballero, Ernesto. Espana nuestra, el libro de las juventudes espanolas. Madrid: Ediciones de la Vicesecretaria de Educaci6n Popular, 1943. Gimenez Caballero, Ernesto. Retratos espanoles. Barcelona: Editorial Planeta, 1985. Payne, Stanley G. The Franco Regime 1936-1975. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1987. Vicesecretaria de Educaci6n Popular. Fundamentos del nuevo estado. Madrid: Ediciones de la Vicesecretaria de Educaci6n Popular, 1941.