psy- choanalysis shall perish by psychoanalysis. Of course this has nothing to do with Mr. Viereck's repute as a literary man, or with the decision of the Author's League to take away his union label. And, to speak frankly, Mr. Mordell is not capable of contributing a valid criticism of Mr. Viereck's standing in that department: his appreciation of literature is as deep as Mr. Viereck's knowledge of the psychoanalyst's technique, and may be expressed mathematically as varying inversely with the number of terms the author has extracted from the work of Freud, Brill, and others. A rich Freudian vocabulary, however, is hardly an adequate substitute for a mature insight 1919 69 THE DIAL into human motives and actions. An author who can cite the mental evolution of John Ruskin from art critic to economist as an evidence of eccentricity is incapable of evaluating the most simple psycho- logical development. The assumption of the Freud- ian technique in the case of such a person is a simple defense reaction to prevent the exposure of his incriminating lack of common sense. The method is to substitute a verbal symbol for a genuine idea. It is a mark of the pseudo-Freudian that he holds the symbol to be more significant than the fact. His mythological conception of human origins does not begin with the union of Adam and Eve: it begins with the serpent. And the serpent leaves the slimy trail of its symbolism across the whole garden of existence. The Bellman Cb.1906-d.1919] "will not overstay his welcome or overplay his part. . . . Other times and other manners, also other journals to suit them." The Review [b.l919-d.?] "takes itself so seriously that the difficulty will be . . . simply to secure readers, or tnough of them, in this country, who were born without a sense of humor."—The Bellman, Farewell Number, June 28, H)IQ. It is not without regret that The Dial turns to look down Grub Street after the depart- ing figure of The Bellman. For thirteen years this dignified person has gone this way each week, garbed always in the red waistcoat and three-cor- nered hat which set off to best advantage a florid countenance glowing with respectable sincerity. Of late a puzzled expression has become familiar to this face; The Bellman's voice has seemed a trifle querulous; the notes of the Bell itself have at times been scarcely audible among the multitudinous new voices in the street. But bravely now, if thinly, tinkles its swan-song: At last, on June 23, it was officially announced that the republican government of Germany had acceded uncon- ditionally to the allies' terms, and thus peace was at last assured, with democracy triumphant in every part of the world, and the League of Nations created as a prom^e for the future of mankind. And, on June 28, having rung in the new, the Bell falls silent! But not before the Bellman has met and saluted another figure, bound out into the town. This stranger, an infant in stature, has the parch- ment face, the solemn vacant eye, the fumbling gestures of extreme age; his broadcloth garb, his slow and measured step, and above all the con- vincing angle at which he carries his cane proclaim him a gentleman of immaculate lineage and indis- putable good taste. With a well-bred, humorless smile of skepticism, he listens to the last op- timistic echoes of the Bell, shakes his head sadly, and crosses the street, stepping daintily round the puddles in the roadway and pausing at the nearer curb to buy a paper and drop a penny in a beggar's cap. Then he tucks his stick under his arm, spreads the paper for convenient reading as he goes along, and displays before our very eyes an arrest- ing headline: "Democracy Triumphant . . . •Russia . . . Hungary . . . Rumors of Something Happening . . ." For a moment the little old gentleman's savoir faire deserts him. Then his expression of puzzlement gives place to one of anger, and he calls out—after the manner of a town crier—"Hear ye! Hear ye! Nothing shall ever happen here!" And at that he shakes his cane excitedly, as though it were a bell, apparently ob- livious to the fact that it gives forth no sound. Thus crying and gesticulating, he goes on his way, and in. a moment his dry monotone is lost amidst the multitudinous new voices in the street. In these days of disillusionment and Eco- nomic upheaval there no longer inheres in statesman- ship such dignity as resided there when nationalistic politics were in full glory. The statesman is a liberal or a conservative—never of revolutionary tenden- cies, except perhaps where revolution is purely po- litical in character. It would seem then that Sir Horace Plunkett and the other founders of The Irish Statesman have limited by a name the cruis- ing radius of their new weekly, just launched out into the stormy Irish Sea. However Sir Horace's record in the Irish cooperative movement promises wider economic interests than the name of the pub- lication implies. For the time being, the periodical "will devote its main, but not its whole, attention to the immediate satisfaction of . . . the fundamental right of self-government," realizable, the editors believe, through the creation in Ireland of an instrument of government modeled upon those of the British overseas dominions. With liberalism in politics the new journal will combine the ex- pected modicum of interest in the arts, giving Sir Horace Plunkett a running mate in the person of W. B. Yeats, who proposes, so the announcement says, "to deal with new tendencies and rival theories [in the arts] rather than with the com- parative merits of individual works." EDITORS John Dewey Martyn Johnson Robert Morss Lovett Helen Marot Thorstein Veblen Clarence Britten, Associate 7o July 26 THE DIAL Communications To Mary Carolyn Davies In my room I read and write, Somewhere men cry out and fight. Mary Carolyn Davits in The Dial, June 14, 1919. In your room you read and write—and write— And hush and hearken, dreaming, through the night And look and listen through the day and grow To something deep and strange and come to know The dumb unspeaking beauty of sad eyes, The burden of bent backs; the unheeded wise Unconscious gesture of the troubled Folk Who bear, ox-eyed, the unending martyr yoke. The outreaching throng of men and women pass Always before the inner sight; the glass That shuts you from the Infinite wears thin— The great arc widens to the god within. Desire that leads you burning by the hand And lays on you the touch of far, strange land; Desire that gives your spirit wings, your eyes The look beyond the gulfs to dawn-red skies; Ears open to Tomorrow's greater Word; Heart by the world's heartbeat endlessly stirred Keep your lamp burning through our dark and hold Your spirit four-square to the winds and fold With breath of comrades, searching out the dawn "Of spirits exquisite." High heart, press on! The altar-flame whereon your thought burns bright Helps light the Future's torch. Yours is the white And burning way of spirits. Live and lead Tomorrow's children in their hungry need. New York City. Mary Siegrist. Revolutionary Manners, American' and Russian Sir: In 1776 an active, organized, and disre- spectable minority was able in America then, as in Russia today, to overthrow the constituted political authority and to direct a revolution along the Bol- sheviki lines. Take the following account of the American Bolsheviki of 1776-87 done in twentieth century style a la Russe: From lawless persecution of the antis by irresponsible mobs, the Bolsheviki had advanced to a control by revo- lutionary committees, who drove them from the commun- ity, denouncing them as "incorrigibles," and forbidding them food or comfort. Then the provincial conventions took them in hand, and finally the district Soviets and the Soviet Congress. The aim of persecution seemed at first to be the conversion of the anti; but as the war advanced a spirit of revenge and hate was manifest. The Bolsheviki forgot that these men had been their respected neighbors, and they seemed to believe them born with a natural ferocity, like the savage. The refugees at least escaped further personal persecu- tion, though they left their property at the mercy of the *lsheviki; but the suspected antis—those who did not openly take the British side, though they would not de- clare against them—were constant sufferers. They were early deprived of the right to vote, for they were not citizens of the new state, the Bolsheviki argued, if they refused the oath of allegiance. When they tried to vote they were fined or imprisoned. All offices of trust or profit were forbidden them. In the courts of law not even the rights of a foreigner were left them. . . . Their deeds of gift were invalid, and their property was at the mercy of their fellow-men. None of them might serve on a«jury, and lawyers who refused the oath of allegiance to the Bolshevik cause were denied practice in the courts. . . . That the rabble should have made all practical justice impossible for the antis was an inevitable result of the war, but the refusal by the Soviets of even theoretical justice shows how deep-seated political hate had become. . . . The laws did not stop here, but placed an inter- dict upon all speaking or writing against the Bolshevik cause. [TAf] Congress [of Soviets] urged this . . . and the states acted so readily that it was soon truthfully said that "there is more liberty in Turkey than in the dominions of Congress." . . . No word was tolerated against the raising of a Soviet army, and not a whisper derogatory to the Soviet money. Undoubted Bolsheviki might safely refuse the paper money, but a suspected anti became the sink for all this financial refuse. . . . Let him protest, and a violent attack swept away all his wealth at once. He was treated as a "disaffected and evil- minded person-" who had entered a "gigantic plot" to depreciate the Soviet money. In the midst of this democratic revolution the liberty of the individual was hedged on every side. The presence of many spies made the identification of strangers very important, hence every traveller, whether gentleman, ex- press carrier, or common beggar, was forced to keep a certificate of character from Congress or some local com- . mittee. Innkeepers, ferrymen, and stage-drivers were fined if they failed to ask for it. Reputed antis could not get these certificates and were in consequence tied to their homes. . . . Whole anti districts were at times "rooted out," that those "abominable pests of society" might be prevented from mischief. "Not to crush these serpents before their rattles are grown," wrote General L— , "would be ruinous." During" their enforced journeys to exile, the amis asserted that they were treated with great cruelty, even driven like herds of cattle to distant provinces. . . . Armed bands of rangers scoured the country in every direction in search of "traitors," bringing their victims to special committees for trial. In general, the provinces which were the seats of active war made the most rigorous application of the treason laws. . . . Not only were the refugees forever exiled if attainted with treason, but they had no property with which to resume the old life, even if permitted to return unmolested to their former dwelling-places. Every vestige of their possessions had been taken from them, at first by a nibbling system of fines and special taxation, and later by the "all-devouring rage for confiscation." It may be rather startling to turn to such a modernized version of the standard authority on the American Revolution (C. H. Van Tyne, The American Revolution, in The American Nation: A History, vol. 9. p. 255 et seq.). It is presented verbatim with all the changes indicated by italicized words. The Whigs were obviously the Bolsheviki of that day; the Tories or Loyalists were the antis; while the Continental Congress, with its entirely extra-legal and revolutionary authority, was the forerunner of the modern Soviet. Arthur C. Cole. Urbana, Illinois. 19*9 71 THE DIAL An Early Defier of Royalty Sir: In these days when the trade of king and em- peror is attended with certain hazards, it may not be out of place to call attention to the following letter, which was addressed to that very absolute and Christian monarch, Philip II of Spain. It is taken from the early accounts of Amazonian ex- ploration, translated and published by the Hakluyt Society. The letter has been lost sight of, although it might have played a useful part in the various sniggles against royal. authority in the past, and would have given some comfort to Cromwell and possibly io the denouncers of George III. The author is Lope de Aguirre, who was a member of an exploring expedition organized in 1549 by Pedro de Ursua, governor of Ouito in Peru. The expedition descended the river Huallaga to the Amazon. There Aguirre conspired against Ursua, murdered him and his wife, elected one Guz- man to the command, and continued the voyage in starch of gold and El Dorado. Aguirre afterwards killed Guzman and made himself chief. His course down the river was marked by cruelties and atrocities of every kind, so that the name Aguirre is still used by the Indians to frighten their children. He finally reached the sea. The following is a letter he sent to Philip: I take it for certain that few kings go to hell, because they are so few in number, but if there were many none of them would go to heaven. For I believe that you are ill worse than Lucifer, and that you hunger and thirst after human blood; and further, I think little of you and despise you all, nor do I look upon your government as more than an air bubble. They named me Maestro del Campo, and because I did not consent to their evil deeds they desired to murder me. I therefore killed our new king (Ursua), the captain of his guard, his lieutenant general, four captains, his major domo, his chaplain who said mass, a woman, a knight of the order of Rhodes, an admiral, two ensigns and five or six of his servants. It is my intention to carry on the war on account of the many cruelties which thy ministers have committed. I named captains and sergeants, and because these men wanted to kill me I hanged them all. We continued our course while all this evil was befalling us, and it was eleven months and a half before we reached the mouth of the river, having travelled more than fifteen hundred leagues. I advise thee not to send any Spanish fleet up 'his ill-omened river, for on the faith of a Christian I fwear to thee, O King, that if a hundred thousand men should go up not one would escape. It is sad to relate that the King did send a fleet, and captured and hanged Aguirre. W. T. Councilman. Boston, Massachusetts. Writing to The Times Sir: The Dial has done great service in call- ing attention to the outrageous disregard of the pub- lic press for truth or for honor. In particular you have had occasion to point out the sins of the New ^ork Times in this regard. Perhaps your readers will be interested in another illustration: On June 25 the New York Times printed rather prominently a letter from William Adams Brown Jr., who took as his text the report of a speech of mine on Russia. The communication was headed Radicals for Tyranny—They Demand Freedom Here But Would Crush It in Russia. And the heading was a somewhat abrupt way of saying what the writer had said more courteously. Mr. Brown also alleged that Admiral Kolchak had no responsi- bility for the ghastly "death train," and that it was "false and indefensible" in me to blame Kolchak for it.' To this letter I replied, pointing out that the death train was last heard of on December 20, and that Admiral Kolchak after a coup d'etat pro- claimed himself supreme ruler in Siberia on Novem- ber 18, so that it was difficult to see why he had no responsibility for the train. I also stated that I had consistently criticized Bolshevism for its denial of civil liberty, but went on to point out reasons why the Soviet Government was infinitely preferable to Admiral Kolchak's dictatorship. The New York Times never published this letter of mine and never answered any inquiries with regard to it, and yet the New York Times talks piously about Bolshevik denials of free speech. It is very evident that our ruling classes are leaving nothing undone to prove that Lenin was right when he said there was no freedom of speech in the so- called democracies of the West because the capital- ist class controlled the newspapers, halls, and meeting places. New York City. Norman Thomas. Contributors Walter B. Pitkin is author of The Art and Busi- ness of Story Writing (Macmillan) and of a num- ber of essays on philosophical subjects; he was also one of the authors of The New Realism (Mac- millan). At the present time he is Professor of Journalism at Columbia University. Morris R. Cohen is Professor of Philosophy in the College of the City of New York, and author of numerous magazine articles on subjects con- nected with the philosophy of law. James Harvey Robinson is the author of numer- ous historical treatises, and the leader of the'Amer- ican school of intellectual historians. He has re- cently left Columbia to become a director and teacher in the New School for Social Research. Robert L. Duffus, who has had some years' ex- perience as a newspaper editorial writer, now holds this position on the staff of the New York Globe. He has contributed to various liberal journals a number of articles on political and economic sub- jects. Agnes Lee (Mrs. Otto Freer) is author of The Border of the' Lake, The Sharing, and other verse. She has also translated poems by Gautier and Gregh. The other contributors to this issue have previ- ously written for The Dial. 72 July 26 THE DIAL Notes on New Books The Wild Swans of Coole. By William Butler Yeats. 114 pages. Macmillan. The world loves to weigh its hypothetical losses— particularly in the domain of art, where the deflec- tion of a craftsman who has made a noteworthy con- tribution in one field and has subsequently directed his talents into other channels becomes a theme of exhaustless speculation. To say what a poet or a dramatist might have done, if he had not done some- thing else, is a species of criticism in which the haz- ards of refutation are slight, a circumstance which possibly accounts for its wide dissemination. To estimate achievements which—in the nature of things—cannot exist is a facile form of appre- ciation, a mode of appraisal perhaps too patronizing to be prized. William Butler Yeats has come in for occasional doses of this sedative in the shape of recurrent sighs over the loss which his absorption in the Irish Literary Theatre movement involved to his lyric output. One recalls Mr. Weygandt, in Irish Plays and Playwrights, raising the question whether the world shall win "adequate compensa- tion" for the "lost lyrics" of the Yeats of the nineties. Other voices, raised in a similar query, emphasize their point by pouncing upon the lyric passages in Yeats' dramatic poetry as though these were hares of the chase—triumphant trophies of vindication. . The defect of all such puzzling is, of course, a failure to tak^ account of, or at any rate to credit, the inner creative impulses of the artist, which are pretty generally at the root of the deflection and pretty generally unanswerable. The appearance of a new volume of Yeats' verse, The Wild Swans of Coole, may serve to fan the embers of speculation. There are not, however, among these forty poems any which are destined to strengthen the contention of the mourners over the "lost lyrics." Despite flashes of the old magic, and passages which glow with Yeats' haunting fervor, there is an absence of that sustained mystic charm which pervaded the earlier collections. Nor is the folk flavor so delicately mirrored as it used to be. Indeed, the mood of the collection is largely retrospective—a fact of which the poet seems recurrently conscious: Discoverers of forgotten truth Or mere companions of my youth, All, all are in my thoughts to-night, being dead. The foregoing is from the poem In Memory of Major Robert Gregory. There is another, Men Improve With the Years: But I grow old among dreams, A weather-worn, marble triton Among the streams. One or two of the briefer poems, notably one called To a Squirrel at Kyle-na-Gno, present Yeats in the aspect of seeking to copy the simplicity, or rather the Irish naivete, of James Stephens—and doing it in- differently well. As for The Balloon of the Mind— Hands, do what you're bid; Bring the balloon of the mind That bellies and drags in the wind Into its narrow shed —it has the gesture of Greenwich Village about it. More in the spirit of the earlier Yeats are The Phases of the Moon, with its subtly evoked images, and The Sad Shepherd, told with the poetic dignity which weaves a potent charm. Considered as a whole, however, The Wild Swans of Coole beat upon the fancy with ineffectual wings. Abraham Lincoln, the Practical Mystic. By Francis Grierson. 93 pages. Lane. - One is tempted to dispose of this_ bizarre and pathetically insipid volume, by one of our most distinguished "culture-philistines" (to employ Nietzsche's phrase), simply by the method of quota- tion—if only because one's sense of humor makes any critical analysis quite impossible. The book is sufficiently described in its sub-title: we are told, in so many words, to fall down upon our knees and worship Abraham Lincoln, "the greatest practical mystic the world has known for nineteen hundred years"—not to make Christ subordinate to the astute joke-loving statesman who '"saved the Union" for the greater future of the recent war. On this latter, Francis Grierson has a little, though quite unconscious, joke of his own: "The war," he says, speaking of the " spiritual renaissance" that is upon us, " has crushed the juice out of the orange on the tree of pleasure and nothing is left but the peel over which materialism is slipping to its doom." One suspects that Mr. Grierson intends something very mystical here, but the secret is between him and Abraham Lincoln. What Lincoln would have thought of this book may be deduced from an anec- dote the book relates, an illustration of the Great Emancipator's sardonic way of dealing with en- thusiasts of all kinds: Lincoln received them with a neutral politeness, some- times mingled with a grim humor, as when Robert Dale Owen read to- him a long manuscript presumed to b« highly inspirational and illuminating, and Lincoln re- plied, "Well, for those who like that sort of thing that is the thing they would like." New Fallacies of Midas. By Cyril E. Robinson. 294 pages. McBride. The author of this book does not make any fresh contributions to political economy. His survey of industrial and economic problems proceeds from the baseline established by the classical school, and his triangulations come to an appropriate apex in two chapters on " the rights of the individual " and "compromise." What gives the work some slight distinction is that whereas the methods of the sur- vey are traditional the ground over which the author 1919 73 THE DIAL ranges has been explored only in a perfunctory way by the orthodox economist. Mr. Robinson is cognizant of contributions to his science which have not been fitted into the main body of economic doc- trine: the socialist, the syndicalist, the guild social- ist, the cooperator, he does not ignore. The pro- test of Ruskin is considered and Unto This Last is finally recognized for whait k is—a wonderful book, worthy of examination and criticism. More- over there is a chapter on Utopia, a review of Morris's News from Nowhere. This is an excellent indication of the author's willingness to consider foreign hypotheses, even though it is not pledge of a just appraisal. Heretofore the only Utopia the economist deemed worthy of consideration was that quite non-existent paradise of perfect competition, complete freedom of contract, and corrosive in- dividualism which the most depraved realities of Manchester, Lille, Elberfeld-Barmen, and Newark only faintly simulated. The economist's assertion that this particular Utopia of his is any nearer to the current situation is contradicted by the numerous exceptions he is compelled to make in order to take into account the existence of monopo- lies, corporations, and trade unions. In fact the exceptions overwhelm the rule. In treating the commercial economist's social postulates as the basis of merely one out of n number of possible Utopias Mr. Robinson has made a considerable advance in logical technique. It is a method calculated to relax the bonds of economic dogma. The Haunted Bookshop. By Christopher Morely. 289 pages. Doubleday, Page. With Mr. Morley 'the emphasis is always on the cultivation, and never on the cult, of letters; he leaves polemics to the profound. He hugs his literary likings openly—a weakness perhaps, but one from which he draws a genial, boyish delight. Furthermore it is a quality which wins him a circle of influence fairly impervious to the disparagements of those who maintain that literature should com- mand more judicial handling. There are snatches of almost everything in The Haunted Bookshop, for Mr. Morley throws off his impressions like an emery wheel—a contact which can hardly fail to sharpen one's bookish edge. To be sure, the selec- tive instinct is still in a rudimentary state, and The Haunted Bookshop shelters some trivial ghosts— so many in fact that the author may be accused of mirroring the superficialities of the contemporary (1919) mind too assiduously. Time will deal hardshly with Mr. Morley's tarrying over Tarzan and kindred ephemera. As for the plot which gives a fictional skeleton to the book, it is perhaps the most cheerfully unconvincing myth of pro-German intrigue on record; One can only credit the actions of Mr. Morley's secret agents by assuming that they chose to sacrifice the Fatherland upon the altar of Mr. Morley's convenience. A History of the Great War. By Sir Arthur Conan Doyle. Vol. 4. 313 pages. Doran. Forty Days in 1914. By Major-General Sir F. Maurice. 213 pages. Doran. The Dardanelles Campaign. By H. W. Nevinson. 427 pages. Holt. 1914. By Viscount French. 386 pages. Houghton Mifflin. Fifty Years of Europe. By Charles Downer Hazen. 428 pages. Holt. Ultimately books about the war will divide into two classes: history and apology. The line be- tween them is not yet established. The historian loses his neutral interest in truth, and doth protest too much; the apologist desires to make out a case for himself or his tribe and manhandles the evi- dence. In despair at arriving at an unperverted account of the facts the unpartisan reader might well be tempted to lay aside the weighty burden of critical appreciation and allow the whole mass of apologetic history and historic apology to be handed down, unsorted, to those Keepers of the Book of Judgment, the future generations. Certain books however are strait enough to avoid moral and in- tellectual messiness: Sir Conan Doyle's volumin- ous narrative of the Western conflict is one ot them. The present volume embraces the British campaign in France and Flanders in 1917, and since the ban is now off mentioning the names of units, it should be of considerable interest to those who participated, by personal effort or by sympathy, in the movements of that ■ critical year. It is one of those works which everyone must have and no one is under any compulsion to read. Major-Gen- eral Sir F. Maurice's book is in a different class. He limits his field of inquiry to the perilous forty days in 1914 which lost the war for Germany. Without asserting that his is an authoritative his- tory, Sir Frederick makes an interesting conjectural analysis of the German plan of campaign. After pointing out that the abilities of the Allies in mili- tary and economic organization were not inferior to tiiose of the Central Powers, and that the Anglo- French field strategy, even in the early days, was full of unexpectedly superior brilliancies, the author at- tributes Germany's prolonged differentia) advan- tage to the unity of the high command. This was capable of not merely employing " military force to the best advantage, but of combining the whole power of the nation, the whole political, diplomatic, naval, financial, and industrial strength of the country for the defeat of the enemy." What lack of mere military unity could result in is exposed in Mr. H. W. Nevinson's version of the Dardanelles Campaign. His method, in con- trast to that of Philip Gibbs, is confessedly almost to obliterate the individual soldier from considera- tion. But perhaps Masefield's Gallipoli fills up 74 July 26 THE DIAL this human vacancy, and Mr. Nevinson is justified in devoting himself to the pious task of pointing out the potential strategic strength of this ill-starred campaign. Viscount French's 1914 covers slightly more ground than Maurice's survey, and is more in the nature of an official explanation and personal apology. It leads up to the famous ammunition expose of 1915, which caused the collapse of Asquithian hesitantism and the triumph of the dual alliance of Northcliffe and Lloyd George in the new coalition government. Viscount French's justifications have been criticized in England, and Mr. Asquith himself has questioned their faithful- ness to fact. But on this side of the Atlantic one may well suggest that the politics of 1914 are as dead as the heroes of * Mons and Ypres, and the skeleton of the controversy has about it merely that indefinable bad odor suggestive of the grave. The political starting-point of all these reminiscences, recriminations, and reinvestigations is the subject of Professor Hazen's Fifty Years of Europe. It is the latter half of his Modern European History, brought up to date by a chapter which bears irritat- ing evidence of having been written during the war. The sins of Germany are, unduly emphasized by the omission of an account of the reproachable ele- ments in the policy of the Triple Entente, both in international affairs, and in their separate private concerns. There is the skeleton of accurate nar- rative, but not the living breath of truth. If Pro- fessor Hazan could not write about the invasion of Belgium with that fine restraint which characterizes his brief description of the British occupation of Egypt, it was at least incumbent upon him to char- acterize the latter act with the same sort of hearty moral indignation he heaps upon the former. His- tory does not exist where there is a discrimination between "those to whom we wish to be just, and those to whom we do not wish to be just." The military men have set the historians the proper tone for treating the late enemy, for they were close enough to actual warfare to know how dangerous it is to establish headquarters in glass houses. Sketches and Reviews. By Walter Pater. 150 pages. Boni and Liveright. The literary evaluations which men of letters put upon the product of their contemporaries, under the journalistic requirements of short-focus examination, are frequently of more than transient interest, par- ticularly when the subject of the review subse- quently attains a secure niche in the corridor of fame. There is, therefore, ample justification for the reprinting of these reviews of Pater, with their appraisals of such figures as Lemaitre, Wilde, Symons, and George Moore. Pater clearly con- sidered the critical review no place for the selfish display of his own talents, and these brief studies are marked throughout with restraint and with poise. For the most part, there is quiet, considered utterance, with now and then a flash of unreserved enthusiasm, as in the instance of Arthur Symons, whom he hails for his " gift of lucidity." "In this new poet the rich poetic vintage of our time has run clear at last," he affirms. The opening essay, on Aesthetic Poetry, is most emphatically in the manner of the stylist. Writing of the "strange delirious part" which the things of nature played in the sensuousness of medieval poetry, he says: "A passion of which the outlets are sealed, begets a ten- sion of nerve, in which the sensible world comes to 'one with a reinforced brilliancy and relief—all red- ness is turned to blood, all water to tears." There is keen analysis in Coleridge as a Theologian—"with a true speculative talent he united a false kind of subtlety and a full share of vanity "—and there are illuminative paragraphs on such antagonistic topics as Wordsworth and Wilde. Voltaire in His Letters. By S. G. Tallen- tyre. 270 pages. Putnam. Under this title S. G. Tallentyre, author of The Life of Voltaire and The Friends of Voltaire, offers gleanings from a published correspondence filling eighteen volumes in the omnibus edition. By re- ducing so large a subject matter to such compre- hensible limits, Mr. Tallentyre gives the impres- sion that he is seeking to reawaken interest in the sardonic figure upon which he has already lavished so much time, and that 'he has in mind the average reader, who must be tempted with small morsels be- fore he can stomach the entire Voltarian banquet. But is the average reader to be so ensnared? Does the average reader read Voltaire or wish to read him? We may ask with equal impunity if the aver- age reader reads Dr. Johnson. And are not Vol- taire and Dr. Johnson alike in this respect that they remain for him figures of history rather than figures of literature? The book under discussion, whose immediate aim it must be to make us better acquainted with Vol- taire the man, fails to accomplish its purpose. We see many sides of the author of these letters, but so desultory is our view bound to be, considering the vast bulk from which these few selections are taken, and so often perfunctory is the mood behind the pen, that the resultant and composite picture is too faint for recognition. All this is harsh criticism for a work that, shows a great deal of love and sym- pathy on the part of the translator, who exhibits a keen desire to present all phases of Voltaire's life. But the "gentlest art" of letter writing must be practiced by natures more intimate and less formal than Voltaire's if it is at the best to offer more than glimpses of the writer. Voltaire is at all times grandiloquent and oratorical, and the effect is that he wrote his letters, not for the special benefit of the persons addressed, but for a vast and admiring aud- ience more easily reached through other media. 1919 75 THE DIAL THE POLITICS OF INDUSTRY By GLENN FRANK Co-author of "Stakes of the War," etc. B0O,K that wUl helP the alert American to anticipate ,„..*<. 5isc0,UDt the social and Industrial crises that are certain to develop in the near future. The papers that mak,. up the volume are said by many business and labor leaders !t,?.m!£? re? "!fm t0 con8"*"'6 the 8ane8t and dearest statement yet made regarding the social unrest, the labor problem and the part American business men may play In this period of readjustment following the war. The book contains the following five papers: A Nation of Improvisers; The Background of Reconstruction? Anony- mous Liberalism; The Politics of Industry; Business States- iiifl D 8 D11}, The author snys in his Foreword: "The statesmanship or ftupiuity of business men is of more social significance than the statesmanship or stupidity of politicians. The recog- nition of this fact brought an interesting task into my nacds. During the past year it has been my assignment and my pleasure to try to interpret the mind and the atti- tude of the more forward-looking business and industrial leaders of this country in relation to the social and Indus trial unrest and the pervasive spirit of change that marks guote tTeir words'." t0 CatCh thelr BpMt rather tha" I2mo, 214 paget. Price SI.SO. WHAT IS AMERICA? By EDWARD ALSWORTH ROSS Author of "Russia in Upheaval," "Changing America," etc.; Professor of Sociology in The University of Wisconsin. Professor Boss always has something to say, and he knows how to say it Following is his description of his intention in writing "What Is America ?": "Our society is developing as the fathers neither foresaw nor intended. Its path is determined chiefly by the Instincts ot multitudes—as in the westward movement and European immigration—by our inherited institutions, and by the re- moter effects of mechanical inventions. In the course of this development strain is produced on a large scale You cannot lay it to persons, it is simply a by-product of social evolution. Of course we should seek out a remedy, but in the meantime, we need not begin to quarrel among our- selves and hate one another. "The bulk of Americans well understand this. There are some who will do nothing about the suffering in the wake of social evolution lest their profits be disturbed. There are otbere who hold certain individuals responsible for this Jittering and would wreck society in order to get at them Between these are the steady-going millions who, without iwlnj; their tempers, seek patiently for remedies. They have contended with a long series of grave problems, yet have not turned bitter. They exhibit that -firm adherence to Justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue' with- out which, according to the Virginia Bill of Rights of 1776 no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people.' "It is to vindicate and commend this »cy that I offer this little book." virtuous democ- llmo, ISO page,, with numerous chart, and graph: Price, SI. 10. At all bookstores. Published by THE CENTURY CO. 353 Fourth Avenue New York City The Oxford History of India From the Earliest Times to the End of IQII By Vincent A. Smith Easily the best work on the subject in the language. It is based on original research, sound scholarship and compresses in a sin- gle volume information which might easily have been extended to six or eight. The illustrations and maps are excellent and bibliographic references leave nothing to be desired. Net $6.25 Oxford University Press American Branch 35 WEST 32D STREET NEW YORK FIFTY VOLUNTEERS WANTED to enlist as candidates for the Christian Ministry in a campaign for a Reconstructed Church and Nation in the spirit which won the victory at Chateau-Thierry and St. Mihiel. Such volunteers are needed at once in the liberal pulpits of America, and may be trained for efficient service at the MEADVILLE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL Meadville, Pa, Autumn Quarter begins Sept. 24. Summer Quarter (at Chicago) begins June 16. Summer sessions at the expense of the School at the Uni- versity of Chicago. Liberal scholarship aid. Traveling fellowships providing for further study at foreign universities available at graduation. Apply to Rev. F. C. Southworth, D.D, LL.D., President When writing to advertisers please mention Th» Dial. 76 July 26 THE DIAL Books of the Fortnight The Science of Labour and Its Organisation, by Josefa 1 Ioteyko (199 pages; Dutton), is an essay in industrial psycho-physiology. It examines four topics: the human motor, the principles of scientific management, the power and aptitude for work, and Belgian meth- ods of technical education. Review later. An American Labor Policy, by Julius Henry Cohen (110 pages; Macmillan), expresses the hope that Mr. Gom- pers and Mr. Rockefeller may be brought together through contracts arrived at by collective bargaining and enforceable at law. Introduction to Economics, by John Roscoe Turner (641 pages; Scribner), like the textbooks of Seager, Taus- sig, Fetter, and Ely, takes the data of economics for granted and deals with the application of "economic principles." It differs somewhat from recent discus- sions in its emphasis on productive capacity, and its almost complete neglect of the theories of consump- tion and distribution. The Politics of Industry, by Glenn Frank (214 pages; Century), modestly purports to be "a footnote to the social unrest." The author is an associate editor of the Century Magazine. He has concerned himself not with the " rank and file, but with those anonymous liberals of the business world—the men who may per- chance be the pioneers of the new order of business and industry." Review later. The Old Freedom, by Francis Neilson (176 pages; Huebsch), is a plea for a system of voluntary coopera- tion and a return to "unlimited individualism," on the ground that this is essential if the cause of human- ity and the brotherhood of man is to triumph. Review later. The German Empire, 1867-1914, by William Harbutt Dawson (2 vols., 1031 pages; Macmillan), is a sur- vey of Germany's, political history by a scholar of first rank who had in mind "less the limited circle of scholars and students than those 'general readers,'" who wish to form their opinions on foreign politics independently, intelligently, and therefore on adequate information. Review later. Prussianism and Pacifism, by Poultney Bigelow (273 pages; Putnam), is a study of the two Wilhelms between the Revolutions of 1848 and 1918, by one who presumes upon the privileges of old acquaintance to write an account of Herr W. Hohenzollern's per- sonal and public career. What Is America? by Edward Allsworth Ross (159 pages; Century), is an elementary disquisition on the make-up of the American people, with respect to the family, government, education, business, labor, and so forth. Review later. A History of the Jews, by Paul Goodman (164 pages; Dutton), presents in a compact narrative the develop- ment of the Jews as a fCuIturvolk from the time of Abraham to that of Zangwill. Zionism and the Future of Palestine, by Morris Jastrow (159 pages; Macmillan), is a criticism of political Zionism. The author fears that "a Jewish State would simply mean a glorified ghetto, narrow in out- look, undemocratic in organization, and that it may well turn out to be reactionary in its tendencies." Review later. Past and Present, by Israel Friedlander (488 pages; Ark Publishing Company, Cincinnati), is a collection of Jewish Essays published from time to time by the author since 1899. It attempts to interpret the events of the past in the light of the present and vice-versa. The twenty-eight papers range from The Political Ideal of the Prophets to Palestine, and the World War. Review later. Mind and Conduct, by Henry Rutgers Marshall (236 pages; Scribner), treats certain problems of conduct in relation to the new psychology of behavior. This book contains the substance of the Morse Lectures at the Union Theological Seminary in 1919. Review later. Letters to Teachers, by Hartley B. Alexander (253 pages; Open Court Publishing Co.; Chicago), col- lects a number of papers on educational reconstruc- tion, chiefly addressed to Nebraska teachers, by the professor of philosophy at the University of Nebraska who is now President elect of the American Philo- sophical Association. Mr. Alexander is the author, among other books, of Poetry and the Individual (1907), Liberty and Democracy (1918), and two volumes in the Mythology of All Races series; and he has been a frequent contributor to The Dial. Review later. Carnegie Pensions, by J. McKeen Cattell (253 pages; Science Press), sets forth the position of those who are adverse to the Carnegie Foundation's plan of academic pensioning. It includes extracts from 214 letters from university and college professors, an article on the history of the foundation by Professor Jastrow, and the reports of the American Association of University Professors. Review later. All the World, by Charles M. Sheldon (203 pages; Doran), was first read to the author's congregation, and then published as a serial in the Christian Herald.- It treats journalistically America's contemporary social issues, not in the fashion of the intellectually exuberant Mr. Wells but in the sincerely common- place manner of a very evangelical Harold Bell Wright. Why We Fail as Christians, by Robert Hunter (180 pages; Macmillan), essays to show the implications of the teachings of Jesus in present-day society. The obstacles to a genuine Christian life encountered by Tolstoi serve the author as a starting-point of dis- cussion. Roosevelt: His Life, Meaning, and Messages, edited by William Griffith (4 vols., 1447 pages; Current Liter- ature Publishing Company), contains his principal speeches, letters, and magazine articles from 1899 to the date of his death. The fourth volume is a biog- raphy by Eugene Thwing. Review later. Theodore Roosevelt, by Russell J. Wilbur (40 pages; Houghton Mifflin), is an appraisal of Roosevelt in sonnet and quatorzain. The thirty-eight pieces, with four exceptions, were written during the month from June 23 to July 24, 1918. They deal with the plati- tudinarian, the four-square man, the man of culture, and many other Roosereltian selves, and show a rare combination of acute criticism, genial sympathy, and fine humor which suggests an American apotheosis of the now redoubtable Lytton Strachey. The greater part of the verses appeared in the New Republic last summer, and Mr. William Hard appropriately writes an introduction that makes one eager to see more of the work of Father Wilbur. iqiq 77 THE DIAL LEO TOLSTOY'S The Pathway of Life (In Two Volumes). Translated by Archibald J. Wolfe "THE PATHWAY OF LIFE" Is Tolstoy's posthu- mous message to a war-torn suffering world. It Is tbe Gospel of right living and right thinking and offers the great philosopher's panacea against world wars and misery, helping mankind to eradicate all those false feelings, desires and doctrines, personal, social, economic and religious, which are responsible for the present plight of humanity. Price St.00 each volume. International Book Publishing Co., 5 Beekman Street, New York Letters to Teachers By Hartley B. Alexander Pre*. Elect of the American PhlloaophJcal Society Goth, f 1.2.'. A collection of papers of the hour addressed to all who realize the importance of a critical re- construction of public education in America. I The Open Court Publishing Company 122 S. Michigan Avenue, Chicago Whatever book you want has it, or will get it. We buy old, rare books, and sets of books NEW YORK and PHILADELPHIA $750.°° IN PRIZES $500 for the BEST STORY (Article or Fiction) $250 for the BEST CARTOON On the Mexican Problem and the Remedy i Open to amateur and professional writers and cartoonists Article must reveal true conditions, and suggest remedy (exclusive of military in- tervention). If fiction, must be based on facts and suggest remedy. The cartoon should point a moral or suggest remedy (not military interven- tion). Sketches may be submitted. Must be submitted before August 15th. The successful story and cartoon will be published in THE FORUM. For further information address to the Prize EDITOR of the FORUM, 118 East 28th St., New York City J ivputnatn Bookstore 2wcSt45,hSt"sS.N.Y. Book Buyers who cannot get satisfactory local service, are urged to establish relations with our bookstore. We handle every kind of book, wherever published. Questions about literary matters answered promptly. We have customers in nearly every part of the globe. Safe delivery guaranteed to any address. Our bookselling experience extends over 80 years. BOOK BARGAINS We have just issued a new edition of our Catalogue of Book Bargains in which several hundred books (new, and in perfect condition) are listed at unusually low prices. Write for a copy THE BAKER & TAYLOR CO. 'Wholesale Dealers in the Books oj All Publishers 354 Fourth Ave. New York At Tnvnty-Slxtli St. When writing to advertisers please mention The Dial. 78 July 26 THE DIAL Sorial Studies of the War, by Elmer T. Clark (283 pages; Doran), are the result of two extended trips in Europe by a journalist who was commissioned to con- duct intensive social investigations for the daily and religious press of America, and the Y. M. C. A. The author asserts that he approaches all questions from the standpoint of the average man on the streets—a due apology for a certain gossipy naivete and a lack of critical discernment. Review later. A History of the Great Waf,by Bertram Benedict (Vol. 1, 412 pages; Bureau of National Literature; New York), marks one of the current attempts to write the history that cannot be adequately written for many years to come. The format of the volume sug- gests that It is intended for house-to-house vending by enterprising young collegians. Unquestionably the book is readable. Review later. Trailing the Bolsheviki,by Carl W. Ackerman (308 pages; Scribner), records a newspaper correspondent's experi- ences in Siberia. Apparently Mr. Ackerman did not get within shooting distance of his prey, but he has an interesting report to make on political and mili- tary conditions in Siberia, with respect especially to the activities of the Czecho-Slovaks and the Japanese. Review later. ltte Way of the Eagle, by Major Charles J. Biddle (297 pages; Scribner), extends conventionality to the skies and succeeds in making the Air Service as matter- of-fact as the Quartermaster Corps. Memoir of Kenelm Henry Digby, by Bernard Holland (251 pages; Longmans, Green), is a biography of a little known Catholic author who took no part in public affairs during his life and who has been forty vears dead. Digby's more important books—The Broadstone of Honour, Mores Catholic!, and Com- fitum—and perhaps some of his verse, deserve more attention than they have received from the reading public; but it is a question whether this can be se- cured through a biography, except as it persuades Catholic readers. Digby's books were markedly autobiographical; and they, along with this sympa- thetic Memoir, should be known to all students of the Oxford Movement. New Voire-!, by Marguerite Wilkinson (409 pages: Mac- millan), adds another volume about contemporary poets and poetry to the crowding line of critical anthologies, treatises, manifestoes, and year books. Better organized than its predecessors—for it is divided between the Technique of Contemporary Poetry (Pattern, Organic Rhythm, Images and Symbols. Diction, Conservatism, Radicalism) and its "Spirit" (Democracy, Patriotism, Love, Religion, Nature, Personality, Children)—it is nevertheless, like many of them, too indiscriminately catholic in its admis- sions and groupings to illuminate the field very brightly—except for culture clubs. It is illustrated by 9 photographs and 210 poems, which (being grouped by subject matter) develop some quaint fel- lowships. Review later. Great Artists and Their Works, by Great Authors, com- piled by Alfred Mansfield Brooks (267 pages; Mar- shall Jones; Boston), presents more than a hundred excerpts about art, or about works of art, from the writings of a varied list of men of letters—from Homer to Lord Bryce, from Plutarch to Walter Crane. An uneven anthology that attests far-ranging if not always discriminating rambles in literature. A stim- ulating source-book in the philosophy of art. Review 'iter. Hopes and Fears for Art, by William Morris (218 pages; Longmans, Green), reprints in a "pocket edition" five insufficiently known lectures: The Lesser Arts, The Art of the People, The Beauty of Life, Making the Best of It, and The Prospects of Architecture in Civilization. Review later. Robbia Heraldry, by Allan Marquand (illustrated, 310 pages, boxed; Princeton University Press), is another of the scholarly essays in fine-arts research that have lately come from Princeton. The text is authorita- tive and well ordered; the illustrations are numer- ous and excellent. Main Currents of Spanish Literature, by J. D. M. Ford (284 pages; Holt), presents in small compass a history of Spanish literature. Though the book may not succeed in arousing great interest in The Cid, it will undoubtedly make Ibanse more intellig- ible. Review later. The Death of Turnus, by W. Warde Fowler (158 pages; Longmans, Green), succeeds his Aeneas at the Site of Rome with the text of the twelfth book of the Aeneid and the commentator's seasoned "observa- tions" on its background and implications. The re- flections are those of a liberal humanist who is some- times erudite to the verge of pedantry. Dangerous Days, by Mary Roberts Rinehart (400 pages; Doran), is another of this author's capably executed novels, although lacking in the freshness which has characterized some of its predecessors. It strikes the martial chords without evoking any new har- mony, and falls somewhat behind The Amazing Inter- lude (Doran) in invention. The Choice, by Maurice Weyl (356 pages; Kennerley), is a first novel in which the author has made a serious attempt to deal with the casual forces which impel young people into dubious marriages before they have reached years of discretion. Both the style and the material suffer somewhat from over-simpli- fication. Mr. Weyl credits his readers with no more sophistication than he allows his heroine. More E. K. Means (369 pages; Putnam) is a second se- lection from Mr. Means' inimitable dialect stories of the Southern village Negro, the legitimate heir to the "laughter and song" of Uncle Remus' ex- tinct plantation darkey. These blacks bear some- what the same relation to the conventionalized Negro of our contemporary fiction that the Irish peasants of Synge and Lady Gregory bear to the stage Irish- man of romance. Review later. Civilization: Tales of the Orient, by Ellen N. La Motte (267 pages; Doran), is a series of atmospheric and effective, though sometimes overcharged, short-story studies of the West as it meets the East in China and the tropics. They are so simply and directly written that their romance seems observed rather than contrived, and that their pathology is entirely credible. Review later. In Defense of Harriet Shelley, by "Mark Twain" (il- lustrated, 405 pages; Harper), is the first essay in a volume that reprints seventeen of the most popular papers of the humorist. The volume includes his memorial poem to Olivia Susan Clemens and a bio- graphical sketch by Samuel E. Moffett. "Same Old Bill, eh Mable!" by E. Streeter (illustrated, 120 pages; Stokes), the third and final volume of the immortal rookies' vernacular letters, carries him over the top in France and into Germany after the signing of the Armistice. 1919 79 THE DIAL A New Movement—Real Education WORKERS WANTED To Inaugurate Recolutionary Educational Activity jot the People! oj all Countries PREPARATION FOR LEADERSHIP. If we would have Real Leaders we must develop Seershlp— which la soul-seeing;, or discernment of Truth. To this end we teach the laws Involved In such de- velopment of the Individual and the Race. OUR WORK Alms to Give Experience of such nature as shall pro- vide for the KNOWING of Principles.—without which EXPERIENCE In Real Living Is Impossible. 8end 25c. for Pocket Manual of Principles The World Workers for Real Education Invite investigation Qni co-operation. Address 518 Pierce Bid a. Copley 8q., Boston. Christine Brown Wheeler and Frederick Morton Packard, Directors. The Bureau of Industrial Research 465 West 23rd Street, New York City announces the publication of AMERICAN COMPANY SHOP COMMITTEE PUNS A digest of twenty plans for employees' representation through Joint committees introduced by American companies. Also 0ne Dollar The Industrial Council Plan in Great Britain Twenty-five cents How the Government Handled Its Labor Problems During the War Twenty-five cents By the author of Grenstone Poems, The New World, etc. THE BELOVED STRANGER By Witter Bynner S1.60 at all book shops Alfred A. Knopf, 220 West 42d Street, New York THE BOUNDER BY ARTHUR HODGES A successful depiction of middle-class New York life with a variety of characters all typically Ameri- can. $1.85 net. HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY, BOSTON THE NEW YORK BUREAU OF REVISION Thirty-eighth Year. Letters Off Criticism, Expert Bbtibion or MSS. Advice as to publication. Address DR. TITUS M. 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LITTLE, BROWN A COMPANY, Publishers, Boston An unusual novel THE UNDEFEATED By J. C. SNAITH i-'lh Prlntint $1.50 net This is an A ppiston Book THE MODERN LIBRARY OF THE WORLD'S BEST BOOKS Sixty-four title* now published—14 new volumes just Issued. The Dial lays "There is scarcely a title that falls to awaken Interest. The series la (lankly weloaaa* at this time" —only 70c. a volume wherever beaks are seld. Catalog ob request. BONI or. LIVERIGHT, 105H W. 40th Street, Now York When writing to advertisers please mention Th« Dial. 8o July 26 THE DIAL We're Young—We Don't Know Any Better! That, at any rate, it what conservative friends say about us. We'll let the verdict stand. But listen I Irving Kaye Davis & Company HAVE SET OUTaTO TABOO THEyTABOOilNILITERATURE W'E are publishing the writings of authors who dare to b« rebels. We are trying to reflect the rising-social »' current of the age—the revolution In thought, the revolution in ethics, the revolution in art, and the revolution in Industry. Boiler-plnto literature does not appeal to us. and we believe it is becoming Increas- ingly nauseating to large groups of intelligent people. We hold that the public is entitled to an absolutely free press, and we shall publish books of burninc truth which may corrode and scorch the timid flesh of our literary pundits. Any book that is vital and interesting cannot be too strong nor too plain to suit us. REVOLT! By Harold Lord Varney (416 paces, illustrated by Cropper, Price 12.00) This startling: labor novel Is one of the literary sensations of the year. Orders covering; almost the entire first edition are In hand before the book Is off the press. In presenting: Harold Lord Varney to the reading: public we are Introducing; a writer whose talent Is as unusual as bis personality. He writes the theme that he has lived —the wild, the bizarre, and the exotic. Why Do Men Revolt? This was the question which young Montgomery asked. And then, suddenly, be was plunged into the underworld. He learned Ills answer. He entered the surg- ing labor movement, where men toll, and dream, and die. He became an I. W. W. In tbe agonies of the class war, he revlsloned life. And be himself became a revolutionist. This is the story which Harold Lord Varney tells in his gripping novel "REVOLT!" For those who would understand tbe social revolution, the I. W. W., Bolshevism, and all the lurid forces of unrest, "REVOLT!" is an epochal book. It Is a book of real people and real incidents, "REVOLT! " will be high among the best sellers for months to come. HURRAH FOR SIN! A Sort of a Book, by Charles W. Wood Illustrated by Art Young. (Pries $1.00 At his best, Charlie Wood makes people think; at his worst he makes them laugh. Here he Is at his damn- dest. HURRAH FOR SIN! is the most Intimate lot of revolutionary vaudeville you ever missed. It's the sort of stuff that no "respectable" publisher would print and that every "respectable" person long.-* to read. Wood knows that either he is crazy or the world Is, and he has decided to make the best—and funniest—of it. BLUE SANDS By Eliot Sarasohn $1.50 Here Is a book that Is In every way a fresh contribution to poetry. BLUE SANDS Is powerful, epic, and vivid. And, odd enough. It Is written with a precision truly classic. It Is an Integration of the pagan spirit and the modern spirit. It has In It great surging rhythms, tossing and Impetuous. The genius of Eliot Sara- sohn is many-sided. We believe that we have here a book remarkable in many ways, one whose advent will not soon be forgotten. THE I. W. W. TRIAL THE NEWEST FREEDOM A Great Book on the Wreck of the Conntitution HOUSE OF SPIDERS (Price $1.25) (Price $1.50) By David Karsner By Leigh Danen and Charles Recht (Price $1.50) By James Waldo Fawcett This Is part of our program. Other volumes will follow. "We want to put you on our mailing list. We want to send you our catalog. We will publish the books, but It Is you—our unknown friends—who will read them and give them success. Others who have tried to be untrammelled have failed. But we are just innocent enough not to worry about that. If you are Interested in the experiment will you send us your name? OTHER BOOKS IN PREPARATION Irving Kaye Davis & Company Publishers 116 West 11th Street, New York THE WILLIAMS HIMi .O OOMI'ANT. NKW TOIK THE DIAL Yellow Terror—and White A FORTNIGHTLY Ev^ VOL. LXVII NEW YORK NO. 796 AUGUST 9, 1919 Kolchak's Backers Gregory Zilboorg 87 A Suppliant Tree. Verse Annette Wynne 91 Washington and Lincoln Norman Hapgood 92 Revolution and Reform in Italian Labor. . . Arthur Livingston 94 The Melodic Line Conrad Aiken 97 A Handy Guide for Business Men Robert L. Duffus 100 China Under Duress Gilbert Reid 101 The Prussians of the Eastern World Joshua Rosett 103 The Old Order and the New 111 Casual Comment 115 NOTES ON NEW BOOKS: What is America?—Bismarck.—The Dry Rot of Society.— . II7 Christopher and Columbus.—The Doctor in War.—Money and Prices.—Banners.— Letters from a French Soldier to His Mother.—Papa's War.—The Rising of the Tide.—In the Footsteps of St. Paul.—The Paliser Case. Books of the Fortnight 124 The Dial (founded in 1880 by Francis F. Browne) it published every other Saturday by The Dial Publishing Com- pany, Inc.—Martyn Johnson, President—at 152 West Thirteenth Street, New York, N. Y. Entered as Second Class matter at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., August 3, 1918, under the act of March 3, 1897. Copyright, 1919, by The Dial Publishing Company, Inc. Foreign Postage, SO cents. $3.00 a Year 15 Cents a Copy 8 2 THE DIAL August 9 "SOVIET RUSSIA" ■'.■& A Weekly Official Organ of the Russian Soviet Government Bureau, New York City UP to the moment of the recent sensational defeats of the counter- revolutionary forces under Kolchak and Denikin, there was danger of immediate recognition of Kolchak by the Entente Powers, as Supreme Ruler of Russia. This would have meant increased sup- port of the powers of reaction, and possibly open warfare on the part of the Entente against the Soviet Republic of Russia. And the friends of recognition for Kolchak are now only resting, ready to begin work as soon as another opportunity offers itself. "Soviet Russia " was founded to combat the enemies of the Soviet Government. It does this, not so much by exposing their crimes, although in that direction much needs to be done, but chiefly by explaining the principles and the practice of the Soviet Government of Russia, which is supported by the great masses of the people of that country. Authentic information is thus made available for those who have lost faith in the unsupported rumors and charges that fill the columns of the daily press. "Soviet Russia " prints articles by prominent officials of the Soviet Government, by members of that Government's Bureau in New York, and by Americans and others who have traveled in Russia, and have an appreciative understanding of the great work that is being done there. Features of Recent Issues of "Soviet Russia" No. 8—July 26, 1919 No. 9—August 2, 1919 I. Max M. Zlppln—The Czecho-Slovaks in Siberia. I. M. Philips Price—The Truth About Soviet II. Arthur Ktinsome—Education in Russia. Russia. III. Armando Zanettl—An Italian View of Inter- II. Italy Opposed to Intervention in Russia, vention. III. America's Need for Russia's Raw Materials. IV. Maxim Gorky—Yesterday and Today. IV. The Japanese in Siberia. V. AlMcd Atrocities in Ukraine. V. Joaef ElsenberKer—Siberian Cooperative So- y cietles. No. 10—August 9, 1919 I. Alexandra Kollontay—Public Welfare Service in Soviet Russia. II. A Soviet Note to Italy on the Czecho-Slovak • Situation. III. Arthur Leuba—Russians in Switzerland and Swiss in Russia. IV. Max M. Zlppln—The Arrests at Vladivostok. V. M. Philips Price—The Truth About Soviet Russia, 2nd Instalment. At All Newsstands, 10 Cents a Copy Subscription Price: S5 per year; $2.50 per half-year; (125 per quarter Order from: "Soviet Russia," 110 W. 40th St., N. Y. C. Room 303 When writing to advertisers please mention The Dial. i9i9 THE DIAL 83 IMPORTANT BOOKS ON WORLD CONDITIONS DURING AND AFTER THE GREAT WAR. Germany's New War Against America By STANLEY FROST of The New York Tribune With an Introduction by A. MITCHELL PALMER. Attorney-General of the United States. Net, $2.00 Defeated on the battle-field, Germany even during the war was planning future victory in the world's factories and markets. In this invaluable book Mr. Frost reveals in detail her plans for that future war and the menace of her commercial aims and methods. Every American manufacturer and business man will be vitally interested in these vivid sketches of a danger that only continued and patriotic vigilance will succeed in averting. *' In my opinion they are a splendid presentation of our present situation, and as far as I have gone, accurate and entirely justified by present conditions."—FRANCIS P. GARVAN, Alien Property Custodian. German Social Democracy During the War By EDWYN BEVAN During- the first months of the war, the question was frequently heard—" What Is the Socialist Party In Germany doing?" This work answers that question largely from the records of the German Socialists them- selves. The main facts of the great tragedy, the opinions and reactions of those leaders whose names have become famous outside of Germany, are to be found here In original documents carefully arranged and analyzed. Net, $2.60 What America Did By FLORENCE FINCH KELLY This Is the complete history of the military and civilian activities of the United States In the war. Every patriotic American who did his bit In the war will find In this book the record of the sum total—an energy tremendous In its cumulative effect. Every patriotic man and woman will want to read this book now and keep It for reference later. Net, $2.00 Helping France By RUTH GAINES The author of "A Village in Plcardy," who herself was spectator and participant of much that she describes, tells what the Red Cross has been doing for the homeless peasants of Northern France, and especially what is yet to be done In those regions, not only for the present sufferers, but for the new generation. 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I enclose $3.00 in payment of the annual dues, of which $2.75 is for the subscription to ASIA for one year; also send the free map of Asia 34 Inches by 33 Inches. Name Address Business or Profession ■ ■■■"-'■ ■ i ■■— — icsa ■ -..-»- Wkaa writias M aJrartisern alesm meartoa The Dial. i9i9 THE DIAL 85 JUST OUT The most informative, authoritative and recent account of Russia, how its people live and are governed under the Soviet Republic: RUSSIA IN 1919 by ARTHUR RANSOME The misinformation that has been ladled out to the American people has made the truth so rare as to be sensational. Mr. Ransome is one of the best known writers in England and a most trustworthy expert on Russian matters. His experience and ability dis- tinguish him from the personally-conducted, hand-picked reporters who "discovered" Russia as tourists used to discover Paris. Here are personal interviews with Lenin and the heads of all important departments of the government; accounts of the meetings of Soviets and the Moscow Executive Com- mittee; figures concerning schools, libraries, etc.; prices of food and commodities; facts about the conversion of private enterprises to communal control; agriculture, transport, police, housing, trade unions, to say nothing of observations on the more personal as- pects of the miracle that the Russian people are valiantly working. Pen-pictures of the leaders; what the people read; the plays and operas given in a sin- gle fortnight in Moscow; the primitive conditions that prevail; the levelling of caste; the permission required to buy a suit of clothes (if the purchaser happens to possess the for- tune that such a transaction involves) ; the government manoeuvres to circumvent food profiteers, and much other information is given. 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In some quarters the excitement has risen to such a pitch that diplomatic politeness has been forgotten and the American liberal press has been summarily characterized as "pro-German, ex-pacifist, and par- lor-Bolshevik." And yet all this fire has been kindled with fuel six months old. When these now-old facts were new, Siberia was in the grip of the "provisional and inevitable" civil war which followed Kolchak's coup d'etat. But today, in the larger part of Asiatic Russia, suppression has done its work and Kolchak is in power. Persons who are interested in knowing what Kolchak would do in Russia if he had his way may well ask: What is he doing now in Siberia? And above all: What interests must he conciliate? Who are his backers? These questions have been so long a matter of controversy that I feel it is impossible to answer them abstractly and in general terms. What is wanted above all things is facts and it is facts rather than generalizations that I hope to supply. What support, then, does Kolchak claim—and what alliances'does he acknowledge—in the mili- tary, economic, and political fields? And what is the actual value of the claim in each case? The allied world has been given to understand that Kolchak has the support of an enthusiastic Russian army enlisted for the crusade against the Bolsheviki. In this connection a sentence from an •rder issued by General Haida to Kolchak's troops on the Ural front may be of interest. "It is a shame," says the order, "that our soldiers desert to and unite with the Reds." These defections no doubt contributed to the agility of Kolchak's "stra- tegic retreat" from the advanced positions he at one time occupied in European Russia. Military weakness is no novelty to the anti-Bol- shevik forces. Now as always their main support is the Allies. The aim of the great powers has been clear from the first to those who know what is actually occurring in Russia. They want to crush the Russian Revolution because a revolu- tionary Russia endangers the putrid economic and political organisms of the allied countries. Eng- land fears that the free spirit of revolution in* Russia will cross the borders of Turkestan and come into India. France wants to include South Russia within her sphere of influence in the Near East and to have an entirely free hand in disin- tegrated Turkey. At first the center of the French "zone " of South Russia was Kiev; after the occupa- tion of Kiev by the Germans, the French head- quarters was transferred to Yassy, in Roumania. England was established at Archangel in the North. Japan controlled Manchuria and the eastern part of Siberia. In the Southern zone the official representative of the Allies was the French General Tabouit. Captain Hennaut was chief economic investigator for the region. This French captain labored cease- lessly to make Yassy a center of the Russian coun- ter-revolution, organized under the banner of anti- Bolshevism. In November and December 1918 a conference of Russians was held at Yassy, Roumania, under the leadership of Paul Miliou- kof and Sergius Sazonof. A short time after this, Sazonof appeared in Paris and announced himself as representative of Denikin, and after- wards as emissary of Kolchak also. During the occupation of Odessa by the Allies, Captain Hen- naut was the official diplomatic representative of the Powers in that unfortunate city. He was con- stantly in communication with the prominent mon- archists who had left Bolshevist Russia and gathered in the South at Kiev, Rostof, and Ekaterinodar, and was particularly intimate with the reactionary Shoulgin, who, in the columns of his own paper Kievlianin, had refused openly to support any form of constitutional assembly. When Captain Hen- naut was in Kiev in January 1918, he said in the course of a conversation with the author: "I see and know Russia. She is not ready for a republican form of government. The best thing for her is a monarchy." He knew at the time that I was aware of his official position, but he made no effort to con- ceal his monarchist leanings. Monarchist activities were also being fostered 88 August 9 THE DIAL by England at this time. Narodnoye Dielo, the Social-Revolutionist paper of Kiev, received from a reliable source the report that the post of Com- mander-in-chief of all the anti-Bolshevist forces had been offered to Grand Duke Michail Alexand- rovich, brother of the Tsar. This choice was made under English influence and was highly acceptable to the British because of the well known Anglophil tendencies of this Romanoff. The Grand Duke refused the proffered position, and for a time the Allies waited." Then came Kolchak. General Boldyriov, the Si- berian commander-in-chief of the anti-Bolshevist forces, refused to subordinate himself to Kolchak, considering him a usurper. The old General was summarily dismissed. Democratic Siberia organ- ized a strong body of opposition to Kolchak, but the reactionaries who had been silent for two and a half years now had the active support of the Allies, and Omsk soon became a center of tri- umphant counter-revolution. Without even a pre- tense of an election or of the formation of a popular government, Denikin declared the allegiance of South Russia to Kolchak. As a matter of fact the union of South Russia and Siberia is only the union of the Anglo-French alliance. Kolchak's troops are so untrustworthy that he has been obliged to depend upon the Japanese and even on Italians for his main support. The com- mander Kalmikov, who is now under Kolchak's con- trol, refers in his Order No. 7 to "the glorious ranks of the Japanese armies, fighting shoulder to shoulder with our soldiers." In a Siberian paper, along with reports of Bolshevist atrocities, we read Order No. 8, posted at Vierino Station, May 30, 1919: "Do not take any prisoners!" (Dalnievos- tochnoye Obozrienye, June 8, 1919.) But even with the aid of such methods and such allies, Kol- chak has not yet triumphed everywhere in Siberia. Fighting is in progress all along the Usourry rail- way, and a number of stations on this line are in the hands of anti-Kolchak forces. Because of this condition the reports of Kolchak's staff are divided into two parts, the first referring to the Western or Soviet front, the other to the internal front of Eastern Siberia. Even the anti-Bolshevist Cossacks are an element of discord. Their conference in Chita in May and June refused to send a pledge of support to Kolchak. The Dalnievostochnoye Oboz- rienye, published in Vladivostok under the Kolchak censorship, made the following announcement in this connection: "... for certain reasons we are unable to publish reports of the Chita Cossack conference." The reasons are not far to seek. In fact the exercise of censorship in this instance symptomatic of what is happening wherever Kol- chak is in control. Siberia has been carefully cleared of all the leaders of moderate Socialism. Those who had the luck to remain alive after Kolchak's massacres are now in Paris, where, under the leadership of Kerensky, they are working against Kolchak and publishing an anti-Kolchak paper, La Republique Russe. The moderate Demo- crats in Siberia are obliged to keep silence, and their paper Daliokaya Okrayna has been stopped. This newspaper existed for thirteen years; it endured the terrible Tzarist reaction of 1910, '11 and '12, but it could not be tolerated under the reaction of Kol- chak. In Irkutsk, according to the paper Coopera- tivenoye Dyelo, a bookstore was raided and some works of Andreyev and Tolstoy were confiscated. The title of Tolstoy's objectionable book was On the Tzar's Power. Liberty of the press appears thus to be very highly developed under the "free and democratic " Omsk government. In the economic field Kolchak claims the support of two strangely incongruous groups—the captains of industry and the cooperative societies. The first he has bought—at a heavy price. But his claim of friendly relations with the cooperative movement is entirely groundless. At the time when political and social initiative were completely suppressed by the Tsar, there were already developing in Russia numerous economic organizations of the greatest importance—the coop- erative societies. These organizations, with the town councils and the provincial Zemstvo assem- blies, represented during the revolution the spirit of real democracy in industry and in politics. During the revolution the cooperative societies, because of their enlightened policy and economic strength, gained greatly in power. But allied capitalism and Siberian autocracy could not tolerate either" the councils or the cooperative societies, and Kolchak very soon found means of clearing out the demo- cratic elements in both. Throughout their history the cooperatives have been purely economic organizations; they have al- ways refused to become involved in political con- troversies. However, a little group of politicians is now pretending to speak in the name of the co- operative societies, pledging the movement to sup- port the Omsk Government. The activities of this' group and the utterances of its organ, the Zaria of Omsk, were repudiated by the most important co- operative organization in Siberia, the Zukupzbyt, in a statement published in the Golos Primoria of Vladivostok, June 12, 1919. In spite of this fact some men now in the United States are trying to play a political role in the name of the cooperative societies. One of them, Mr. Bashkyrof, so far as I know was never connected with the cooperatives 1919 89 THE DIAL in Russia but was always a rich owner of mills. However he has signed, as a representative of the cooperative movement, a published resolution in favor of Kolchak—this in spite of the fact that he represents only the small group above referred to. Another man by the name of Okulich, claiming to represent the Siberian cooperatives, is staying in Washington and working for the Kolchak interests. About eight months ago this same Okulich was in London, where he formed a close connection with the London Supply Company, an organization formed last year, on the model of the famous East India Company, to monopolize the exploitation of Russia. When Okulich's connections were learned, all the representatives of Russian Cooperatives then in England unanimously, without any voice of pro- test, cabled the Siberian Committee to remove him. He was compelled to leave England. And now he has appeared again in the United States, where he, with Bashkyrof and others is operating under the name of the All-Siberian Cooperative Union. Mr. A. M. Berkenheim, Vice-President of the All-Russian Cooperative Union, is now in the United States. This officer, representing the legiti- mate Russian cooperative movement, has issued to the press a statement repudiating the actions of the representatives of the so-called All-Siberian organization and asserting that the cooperative societies in Russia are not concerned with political issues. Many American papers have published the pro-Kolchak matter sent out by Bashkyrof, et al., but only one journal—The New York Call—saw fit to print Mr. Berkenheim's statement. The position of the captains of industry in the area controlled by Kolchak may be characterized in a very few words—they are in the pay of the new dictator. In an address to the big business men of the Ural region, Kolchak said: I find it necessary to create a body that is in its nature a state institution on which will depend all the industrial activities of the region. This body, comprising the lead- ing men of industry, will determine the needs of the state, and in particular, those of the army. It will know the facilities and productive power of the factories and undertakings, and will empower the carrying out of or- ders at its direction and under its control. . . . You will furthermore solve the question of regular financial assist- ance to be given in industrial enterprises. Thus, at the time when England, France, Italy, and the United States are seriously facing the ques- tion of the role of labor in the task of reconstruc- tion, Kolchak gives all power into the hands of Russia's profiteers. He has put the workmen aside because that political element is a hindrance to the working of his machine. But Kolchak did not stop with the authorization of unlimited exploitation by private interests. He subsidized these interests. A bulletin of the Russian Liberation Committee of London reports the loans advanced by the Kolchak government during the period of January-April, 1919, as follows: Roubles Industries 135,000,000 Railways 84,000,000 Towns and Zemstvos 25,000,000 Kolchak Armies 53,000,000 Cooperative Societies 32,000,000 Private Banks 110,000,000 The total revenue of the government for this period was 466,000,000 roubles. t Thus capitalists received 29.4 per cent of the total revenue, while the cooperatives received seven per cent and the towns and Zemstvos only three per cent each. What were the sources of the revenue so equitably distributed by the Kolchak Government? The bulletin above referred to supplied the necessary information. It says: According to information given by the Minister of Finance, 1 the financial situation is improving. Receipts for January-April, 1919 Roubles Spirit Monopoly (vodka) 127,500,000 Railways 124,000,000 Excise 56,000,000 and so forth. The basis of Siberian public finance is the state monopoly of vodka. In order that the party of the capitalistic bourgeoisie and the feudals may rule, the people must be drunk. That was the method of Nicholas II. It is the method of Kolchak. Besides allied diplomats, Japanese troops, and purely Russian vodka, Kolchak has now the Con- stitutional Democratic, or "Cadet," Party. It was this party that formed, with the Octobrists and the Extreme Right, the Progressive Bloc which came into control of the Duma shortly after the outbreak of the war, and it was a ministry of this Bloc headed by Prince Lvoff, that later shouted the im- perialisms of Milioukov until the triumph of Kerensky put a period to this clamor. Ten or eleven years ago the Cadets posed as liberals fighting against the autocracy for a limited monarchy, which was even then the ultimate goal of their political program. They supported t Nicholas' minister Sazonof, who is now the repre- sentative of Kolchak and Denikin at Paris, because of his imperialistic program and especially because of his attitude on the Polish question. Three or four months ago, the French journal Humanite published one of Sazonof's secret notes, sent in 1915. urging the annexation of Poland (German and Aus- trian parts included) to the Russian Tzardom. As a sharer in the idea of Pan-Slavic imperialism, the Cadet party was the main obstacle to the full development of the revolution. Its aspirations for 9° August 9 THE DIAL the conquest of Constantinople and Galicia were constantly opposed by the Socialists and the Sol- diers' and Workmen's Councils, proponents of a democratic peace. The Provisional Government was thus kept in a state of perpetual crisis. After the peace of Brest-Litovsk, the southern committee of the Cadet party, with the approval of the central committee, supported the counter- revolution in Ukrainia, and took part in the gov- ernment of General Skoropadsky, the leader of this movement. As representatives of the Cadet party, Vasilienko, Kistiakovsky and Goutnik held port- folios in Skoropadsky's cabinet. Milioukov was also at that time (May, June, July 1918) in Kiev, the capital of the counter-revolution. Today the same party supports Kolchak. They were forced by the Russian collapse to abandon their imperialistic aims, but they still want political power. All the old "dark forces" that dared not work under the Tzarist banner during the revolution have made the best of it and have entered the Cadet organization. One of the Cadets, Professor Veinberg, stated frankly in the Siberian District Duma that the Russian people want a Tzar. The ultra-moderate Dalnievostochnaye Obozrienye of June 12, 1919, gives the following characterization of the Cadet party of today: The clearly expressed ideas of old-time Cadetism are now deformed. New commonplace elements which came in since the revolution have mixed all the old political cards. The Cadetism of today is a conglomerate of differ- ent elements: there are liberals and octobrists and mon- archists and simply average men, who are dreaming of an iron power. It makes a very bad impression. The latest congress of the party, held May 1 in Omsk, adopted a resolution in favor of Kolchak, which declared that "concerning the principles of foreign policy the party preserves the spirit of its traditional view ... All nations must unite in fighting for the right and for civilization" (Bulletin of the Russian Liberation Committee, London, June 7, 1918). Now as always it is the "traditional view" of imperialism that menaces Russia. The resolution says further: "We must firmly assert that neither in political nor in social question there can be any talk of return to the old regime." Political return means Nicholas II. Certainly nobody thinks of that. But the party re- mains true to the idea of a limited monarchy, while its social program permits it to support a govern- ment financed in part by the vodka monopoly, and backed by Japanese troops. The Kolchak Government takes account of the fact that it must keep up appearances. Therefore, for propaganda's sake, it is always stated that Kolchak's Cabinet counts the most prominent liberal leaders. The value of Kolchak's ministers can be under- stood from the following illustrations. The Min- ister of Finance, Mr. Michailof, is a former So- cialist; but even the moderate Mme. Breshko- Breshvovsky has characterized him as a renegade. The Minister of Foreign Affairs—a most important figure now at the climax of international combina- tions—is a young man by the name of Soukin who was for some time a third secretary to the Tsarist Ambassador at Washington. This is all that can be learned about this prominent liberal—former clerk of a Tzar's office. Kolchak's foreign policy is now guided by the Japanese General Otani, and the French and English Supreme Commissionaires, as they are called in the Siberian Press. For the execution of their orders a clerk is a great con- venience. As to Bielorussof, another Kolchak official, I am able to say that many years ago he was a moderate liberal; however he is now a contributor to the reac- tionary paper Oteschestvienye Viedomosty. To him has been given the task of making preparations for the organization of the Constituent Assembly. The Siberian newspaper Eacho (June 11, 1919) quotes from the Nash Ural the following characterization of Bielorussof: He did not receive any special instruction in state and administrative law. His appointment to prepare a law for the election of the Constituent Assembly can be ex- plained only on the ground that he has been converted [to a- conservative point of view] in his old age. Now, in the perioU of renegades, it is very popular to be one of them. We can say in advance that his appointment is to be interpreted not as an effort to enforce democracy through the Constituent Assembly, but as an attempt to prepare for it a fine funeral. Not only his [Bielorussof s] hatred of the Socialists, but also his unfavorable treatment of all the organs of popular self-government [Zemstvos, Town Councils], reveals his hatred of the principles of the democratic organization of state power. All these things detract from the authoritativeness of the future assembly. In this connection it is perhaps worth while to call attention to a statement which appeared recently (July 12, 1919) in Struggling Russia, the Kolchak weekly now appearing in New York. This maga- zine says: "Among those who support Kolchak we find such prominent revolutionists and Socialists as Nicholas Tchaikovsky, Vladimir Bourtzev, Boris Savinkov," and so on. But they forget that Tschaikovsky has remained entirely alone, without any support from other Socialists, in the pro- Kolchak organization in Paris, acting for no party, without responsibility except to himself. They forget that this man, now seventy-seven years old, represents the Russian Socialists just as much as Clemenceau represents the French Communists of 1870-71. They forget that Bourtzev does not belong to any Socialist party—that he was reac- tionary even during the first period of the revolu- 1919 91 THE DIAL tion, and now represents the spirit of Socialism— even moderate Socialism—exactly as much as Gus- tave Herve represents that of pacifism and anti- militarism. They forget that Savinkov was ex- pelled from the party for his reactionary intrigues as early as August 1917 (still under Kerensky), and that this ex-Socialist represents the Russian revolution just as much as the renegade Jacobin Foushet represented the French revolution when he acted as Minister of Police under Napoleon. Besides the Cadets and certain renegade Social- ists, Kolchak counts among his political supporters a third and very important group made up of cer- tain elements of the Orthodox Church. Today the theocratic clergy have again begun to play upon the religious instincts of the masses. The Kolchak military attache General Nikolaiev published in the New York Times for July 18, 1919, a statement to the effect that the patriotic and religious spirit is arising in the Siberian armies. The Metropoli- tan Platon has recently come to the United States for the purpose of organizing a body of church sup- port for Kolchak. Simultaneously with the arrival of this new emissary, the Kolchak propagandists have begun to use with great fervor the word "religious." In an interview granted shortly after his arrival in the United States, Metropolitan Platon openly warned the American Jewry that pogroms are pos- sible if Kolchak does not become sufficiently power- ful to prevent them. Afterwards, desiring to remove the bad impression created by his involuntary frank- ness, he explained that he had always been a friend of the Jews and that in 1905 in Kiev he stopped a mob of 20,000 persons about to enter upon a pogrom. This statement should be corrected. Platon is a personality of the old regime, very well known in Russia as an active anti-Semite and Tzarist. In this respect he does not differ from Bishop Evloguy and Metropolitan Pitirim, who were appointed by the Tzar to high church posts because of their extreme friendship for the Romanoffs. As to the affair in Kiev, it would be fitting for this Christian clergyman to confess pub- licly in deep Christian resignation that he has changed his opinions since 1905, if indeed he has. But the Metropolitan prefers to forget the deeds of thirteen years ago. I happen to have had the unfortunate opportunity to witness personally how the Archbishop Platon protected the Jews of Kiev in 1905. His protec- tion was as serviceable as that of the Governor- General Kleiguels. For. four days and four nights the Jews were robbed, beaten, killed. The soldiers of Kleiguels supported the rioters, who carried the standards of the church as they went out to mas- sacre the Jews. But Platon has forgotten all these things now—or perhaps he thinks that no one in America can remember those times. Like the Metropolitan Platon, Mr. Kovalsky, a contributor to the magazine Struggling Russia, is very solicitous for the fate of the Jews. In his appeal to the American Jewry he suggests that the trouble that threatens may be avoided if financial aid is granted to Kolchak. Indeed, his predictions of what may happen if this aid is not granted sound very like a warning! Such then, is the support of Kolchak. For mili- tary power he depends largely on the Japanese. His economic supporters are the sudsidized profiteers and a few discredited emissaries who claim to represent the cooperative movement. His chief internal source of revenue is the restored vodka monopoly. His political strength consists in imperialist Cadets, reactionary and anti-Semite clergy, and renegade Socialists now unknown to their party. But, after all, the rufers of Europe do not care very much. With casuist indifference to means, they go systematically about the business of crushing the one threatening economic organism remaining on the continent after Germany's col- lapse—an organism that threatens the other nations* not with mercantilists competition, but with the infection of industrial democracy. Gregory Zilboorg. A Suppliant Tree Better be the wind in any corner of the sky, To blow and blow a wandering way, than be I That hungry love ties to a cruel spot And then heeds not. Better be the wind that blows now here, now there, Than wave a million pleading hands in air, And fastened in hard bedrock be A suppliant tree. . Annette Wynne. 92 August 9 THE DIAL N. Washington and Lincoln ever since any of us was born did the study of history have an appeal so strong as today. It is impossible to write history, since the summer of 1914, or to read it, without feeling especially that we are groping after the laws of a fate that may be a power that "makes for righteousness"; or may not. The relation of biography to history will for- ever be seen differently by different minds. An artist in portraiture will star the protagonists. One who feels himself an adept in generalizing about masses will stress environment, trend, and mob psychology. It happens that in the series of Chronicles of America, being put out by the Yale Press, the two volumes dealing with our two great- est Americans approach history with different emphasis. Professor Henry James Ford, in Wash- ington and His Colleagues, is downright and defi- nite, and somewhat distrustful, I take it, of a Freud- ian interpretation of history. Professor Nathaniel W. Stephenson, in Abraham Lincoln and the Union, is rather severe with the obvious and would teach us that things are not what they seem. The former naturally emphasizes individual leadership more than the latter. Fortunately the eras chosen fit the contrasting points of view. - Whatever Tolstoi did to Napoleon in War and Peace, even that Russian genius"" would have found it rather difficult to tell the story of Washington's time without giv- ing distinctly creative roles to Washington and to Hamilton. It is much more possible to discuss the Civil War period in terms of groups and under- currents and psychological niceties. Mr. Stephen- son says: The old days when the American Civil War was con- ceived as a clear-cut issue are as a watch in the night that has passed, and we now realize that historical move- ments are almost without exception the resultants of many motives. We have come to recognize that men have always misapprehended themselves, contradicted them- selves, obeyed primal impulses, and then deluded them- selves with sophistications upon the springs of action. . . . We are prone to forget that we act from subconscious quite as often as from conscious influences, from motives that arise out of the dim parts of our being, from the midst of shadows that psychology has only recently begun to lift, where senses subtler than the obvious make use of fear, intuition, prejudice, habit, and illusion, and too often play with us as the wind with blown leaves. Professor Ford's manner is indicated by this: The prevailing tone of public life was one of dull and narrow provincialism, at times thickening into stupidity, at times sharpening into spite, although ordinarily made respectable by a serious attitude to life and by a solid fortitude in facing whatever the distracted times might present. It was the influence of a few great men that made America a nation. ... A mistake might have been fatal to the existence of the government. It has become so powerful and massive since that time that we can hardly realize what a rickety structure it then was, and how readily, in less capable hands, it might have col- lapsed. Mr. Stephenson's descriptions of the American people are ambitious. They include all time and even points of exclamation. "Americans have always been the slaves of phrases!" See Mephis- topheles on the power of words, in Faust, where Americans are not specified. "Democracies are mercurial!" See recent newspapers on changes in Russia and Germany. "Greeley was a type of American that no European can understand: he believed in talk, and more talk, and still more talk, as the cure for earthly ills." No European? Shades of the Gauls and Slavs! However, regardless of whether the historian's mouthful is masticable or not, there is something wholesome in a protest against conventionalized his- tory. The actual "no; no; not a sixpence" is to a ripe taste more interesting than the Fourth of July forms about millions for defense and not one cent for tribute. The Washington of Weems died hard, but when it died it left a nobler figure. Lin- coln himself is on record with a disdainful remark about biographies whose heroes are interchangeably perfect. And populations are no more immune than heroes. Vox populi vox dei needs a good deal of explaining to make it satisfactory, as the strongest leaders have realized. When the Jay treaty was being negotiated George Washington was called an incapable general, an embezzling President, and the stepfather of his country, with enough persis- tence to make him say he would rather be in his grave than in the presidency. The general dis- ruptive spirit is indicated by the fact that as late as when Washington was inaugurated Rhode Island and North Carolina were still outside the union. The new constitution was, in the Virginia Con- vention of 1788, called a scheme of the military men to subject the people to their rule. Leading the people forward is never a sinecure. Lincoln endured more injustice than Washington, although he did not face as heavy difficulties. The people's opinion of Lincoln in 1862 was indicated by the loss of 33 seats in Congress. Lincoln acted against the bitterest national wishes in the Trent affair, as Washington did in the Jay treaty. Perhaps if there is anybody now living who thinks the public is always admirable the most disagreeable reading for 1919 93 THE DIAL him would be the private correspondence of George Washington. The two greatest Ameri- cans interpreted the people profoundly but both of them found frequent occasions to defy the mood of the moment. They both had that bigness of soul that makes such defiance easy, because it makes the accidents of personal success of small importance. Both lived in lonely isolation, Lincoln expressing his loneliness like a poet, Washington remaining inexpressive like an impassive mountain. No longer is Washington first in the hearts of his countrymen. Lincoln, secure in that place, belongs there, because men live little in their judg- ments, much in their sentiments. Lincoln was a very great man; Washington was an even greater; but Lincoln lived and expressed the sorrows, the longings, the humor of us all, and the abilities and character of Washington are not easy of approach. There is a Father Abraham, but no Father George. The author of the Gettysburg address, the Second Inaugural, the letter to the woman who had lost five sons, was an inspired artist. The antagonist of Douglas was a matchless debater. The man around whose gigantic figure the American nation ■was formed is not romantic and he is not to a high degree articulate, there is in the actual Washington little to reach the sentimental soul. Professor Ford says of him: "He had a well-balanced nature which was never disturbed by timidity of any kind and rarely by anxiety. His anger was strong when it was excited, but his ordinary disposition was one of massive equanimity." It was a nature fit for bearing the greatest load ever carried by an Amer- ican, but it was not a nature to become the aspira- tion and the consolation of average men. Of course Lincoln's felicity in expression would not have carried him to the heights, had he not performed great acts. It was with splendid self- control that he put into the Cabinet a man who had bitterly insulted him in his humble days, and it is that magnanimous control that gives the charm to what Lincoln said on a later occasion. "Did Stan- ton tell you I was a fool? Then I expect I must be one, for he is almost always right." Sometimes the patience is humorous, sometimes infinitely grave. Listen to the tone of this plea for emancipa- tion by purchase: "I do not argue. I beseech you to make arguments for yourselves. You can- not, if you would, be blind to the signs of the times. I beg of you a calm and enlarged considera- tion of them, ranging, if it may be, far above per- sonal and partisan politics. This proposal makes common cause for a common object, casting no re- proaches upon any. It acts not the Pharisee. The . change it contemplates would come gently as the dews of heaven, not rending or wrecking anything. Will you not embrace it?" Never was the style more a reflection of the man. He was what Ham- let saw: As one, in suffering all, that suffers nothing; A man that fortune's buffets and rewards Hath taken with equal thanks. . . . Few great leaders have been so free from pride, that attribute which, " howe'er disguised in its own majesty, is littleness." He never went further in self-appreciation than to say that the Convention had decided that he was " not so poor a horse that they might not make a botch of it in trying to swap." This intellectual and moral purity, this absence of all pettiness, is the lure that never fails in Lincoln. But his charm is one thing, his his- torical record another. What made him the leader of the nation, and solidified his leadership, was his brains. It was the house-divided-against-itself posi- tion, and the defense of it; the Cooper Union speech, including its condemnation of John Brown; the reply to Greeley on emancipation; the combina- tion of vision with judgment. Not only has his personality won the world. It is also true that his judgment has so impressed us that we daily guess at what his views would be. As to his standards, I will merely quote these words: "The resources, advantages, and power of the American people are very great, and they have consequently succeeded to very great responsibilities." Possibly some poet-historian will some time draw a portrait that will make us feel Washington as definitely as we feel Lincoln; but I doubt if it can be done. There is not the intimacy. There is only size, strength, security. From his boyhood almost to his death he was put in positions of responsibil- ity and he never failed. Before he was made Com- mander-in-Chief he had already established his reputation as the man of weightiest judgment among men remarkable for their gifts. During the war the feeble colonies, whether in the army, the legis- lature, or civil life, drew their strength from him. In founding the new nation, in launching it, in meeting the perils of its first years Washington was the one to dominate, to unify, to give direction. For him the most brilliant minds of all kinds worked. Men like Jefferson and Madison followed him, along with those like Hamilton and Jay. No American has ever collected nearly as much ability around him as Washington, or guided it with such Olympian strength. Even looking at world-history we can almost say literally, with Byron, " there was but one." VT T¥ Norman Hapgood. 94 August 9 THE DIAL Revolution and Reform in Italian Labor A he general strike, proposed for July 21 in France, England, and Italy was an effort on the part of labor leaders to reconstruct, over the dog- matic differences that have divided the revolu- tionary leaders since 1914, the new International on the basis oi joint action. It was distinctly an affair of the leaders—a strike with a purpose. That it did not materialize with any great effectiveness was an issue to be expected. Since the date of the attempt had been twice postponed in the interests of greater coordination of the international leadership, the element of popular enthusiasm was largely ab- sent, having spent itself already in a number of important local manifestations. Moreover the failure of the Italians to secure at Southampton the acceptance on the part of the French and English organizations of the principle of coordinate leader- ship, approved at the conference of Milan, with the resulting fact that each national group was left to act autonomously, deprived the whole movement of the grandeur on which reliance had been placed to move the popular imagination. With the English standing aside to cultivate their own garden, the French were glad to find in slight ministerial alter- ations an excuse to avoid the issue. This left the Italian movement hanging in suspense. Since the Nitti ministry assumed power on the issue of the internal question, which the Orlando cabinet had been neglecting—to no visible advantage —in favor of the international problem, the nation has been in a mood of expectancy for adequate measures of relief. Reliance on Nitti's economic shrewdness has created a feeling of optimism in many quarters formerly disaffected. With some show of seriousness, Mr. Nitti repeated promises of amnesty for political prisoners, more effective re- straint by price regulation on profiteering, and hastening of demobilization, all of which were de- mands in the strike program. It was reported also, on the eve of the general strike, that the Govern- ment would withdraw its cooperation with the Entente policy in Siberia and Hungary, and cease using Italian troops and Italian instruments of supply to further the campaigns against the prole- tarian governments in the East. These announce- ments were in the line of conceding in advance the demands which the strike was to make. And they seem to have placated especially the newcomers in labor organizations from the petty bourgeois classes, such as the school teachers, and the higher clerks of the governmental departments. From the moment when the Railway Federation and the Seamen's Union voted to abstain from striking, a general paralysis of the country became out of the question. And what was intended to be a general strike for two days actually turned out to be a series of local disturbances of less extent than the spontaneous food protests of two weeks before. Viewed from the inside of the Italian movement, this abortive attempt indicates that the Italian So- cialist and Labor organizations have not as yet effected that complete return to contact with the masses which has been the unifying effort of official policy for the last eight months. To make this essential point clear one great misconception must be removed. Belief in the imminence of an Italian revolution has had only one solid fact to go on: the undoubted existence of the revolutionary spirit in important contingents of Italian labor. For the rest that be- lief has been allowed to persist largely because of its utility to all sides in the diplomatic game dur- ing the war and at the peace conference. During 1917 the Italian Government attributed to Socialist propaganda the low popular morale resulting from cold, hunger, and war-weariness; and the food riots of Turin were made the pretext for imprisoning socialist leaders. To disguise the ministerial ineffi- ciency and the military blunders resulting in Caporetto, the legend of a vast revolutionary in- trigue behind the lines was invented and made the burden of orthodox Allied propaganda in all coun- tries. The danger of revolution was capitalized by the Italian Government, in 1918 to support its de- mand for Allied military assistance; for a major offensive on the Italian front to create a fait accompli for use at the Peace Conference; for a "united financial front" to export a portion of the Italian war debt to the United States; and, during 1919, for material economic concessions to Italy in Africa and the Near East, and for the recognition of the Italian major "aspirations." The same threat has been of service to France and England in keeping Italy in third place in the imperialistic and economic grand march. Had the Allied govern- ments really believed in an Italian social upheaval, they would have postponed their programs in for- eign export trade to give necessary relief to Italy. Instead it has been more profitable to keep Italy on the ragged edge of starvation and in economic in- action to control her the better by the threat of withholding financial and economic relief. Corol- lary to this policy lias been the stress laid by the foreign press on Italian internal weakness. People have believed in an Italian revolution because the same agencies which minimize revolutionary activi- 1919 95 THE DIAL ties elsewhere have been taking upheavals in Italy for granted. How artificial the resulting impres- sion has been may be illustrated by the example that around May 1 an Italian revolution was being predicted abroad at a time when the Italian sub- versive organizations were breaking all precedents by coming to a written treaty of arbitration with the Italian Association of Manufacturers, and after the moderates had been winning by two to one in every resolution of the Italian radical organizations for five months. The same artificial atmosphere influenced foreign press reactions to the disturb- ances that became more frequent in Italy with the month of April; and*even the radical press abroad began to take each movement as the initial blow in the expected revolutionary effort. These disturb- ances may indeed have contained the revolutionary germ; but the maturation of the germ depended on elements which were unknown to everybody and which the Italian official organizations were bending every effort to evaluate. The consistent attitude of the Italian Socialist Party and the General Federation of Labor in op- position to the war had been for three years a matter of grave concern to all the Allied cabinets. That attitude was all the more ominous from the fact that no one, not even the revolutionists, knew exactly how much force was behind it. The posi- tion of the "official" Socialist leadership (a standing committee of not more than twenty men and women) was exactly identical in its relation to the labor masses, with that of the different govern- ments in relation to their various national publics. Just as since 1914 the governments have been act- ing independently of their respective constituencies, so the Italian labor organizations have been cut off, by mobilization, from the workers they used to rep- resent. Incident to the passing of the workers under arms and to the great translocations of labor to the large industrial centers, came a disintegration of the pre-war structure of Italian labor. In these conditions it was as easy for the "labor cabinet" to be consistent as it has been for the national governments to be inconsistent. The attitude of the "official" group in Italy was a magnificent gesture, a grandiloquent pose on the part of a few people, forced only to agree on virtual non-essentials among themselves. Mr. Turati, Mr. Lazzari, Mr. Lodovico d'Aragona, and their friends, viewed the war as something like a rainstorm. They retired to Party Headquarters till it should be over, and there they discussed the theoretical relationships of Marxism to war, gave out proclamations of de- fiance to militarism, drew up peace programs in op- position to the various "notes" of the belligerents, and in general spoke with an orthodoxy all the purer because it was not called upon to meddle with any of the complexities of action. The Italian "official" leaders approved the "peace offensives" of Zimmerwald and Kienthal. They expelled from their councils those of their number who took up the war; and these heretics went off and formed—on paper—a new organiza- tion of their own, to represent, in a pro-war sense, "the [unexpressed] majority will of Italian labor in arms." In due course the official leaders refused to speak to Mr. Gompers, who had gone to Italy for the summer social season, and they had a warm argument with Mr. Spargo as to whether Karl Marx would have supported the war. They ap- proved as a matter of routine the five hundred odd strikes which occurred in various establishments, for increased wages, for shorter hours and better conditions of living. They heckled the author- ities of the prefectures in those centers where the elections of 1913 had instituted Socialist local gov- ernments. They continued to work on their pro- grams for social reforms, and on their scientific in- vestigations of industrial and agrarian questions. The Parliamentary group in the Chamber said "I told you so" to every Allied reverse and threw cold water on every patriotic rejoicing in victory. The intellectual character of the "official" organization agitation may be illustrated with reference to Russia. The leaders approved the Miliukoff revo- lution; then the Kerensky revolution; and finally the Bolshevik revolution, the moment the Allies de- clared 'against it. All this, to the patriots of war, looked like a gigantic conspiracy fomented by Ger- man money to sabotage the Italian war effort. The statements of the Party itself are more accurately descriptive of this policy, as an effort to keep the Socialist organization alive and coherent in it class struggle principles under the adverse condi- tions of war. Hence aloofness from a conflict originated by the middle classes and being fought for the realization of middle-class ideals; but also, avoidance, obeying a recommendation of Marx, of any overt acts which might wreck proletarian organization on the fundamental nationalistic emo- tions most rife in wartime. Now with the Armistice came again the oppor; tunity for action, but action in what direction and with what immediate goal? It must be remembered that in June 1914 the "red" provinces of Italy, Romagna and the Legations, with the industrial centers of the Lombardo-Veneto, were in virtual revolution—a spontaneous uprising under syndi- calist auspices on the soil impregnated with the old republicanism of 1848 revised according to Bakunin. That revolution, which proclaimed republics— soviet before the fact—and in truth gained control 96 August 9 THE DIAL for a day or two of the administrative mechanisms of the state, was the sequel to a period of Socialist obstructionism in Parliament on the question of dis- tributing taxation to pay the debts of the Italo- Turkish war. The uprising occurred, however, against the will of the labor organizations, which gave only tardy adherence to it. Nevertheless it revealed that organizations controlling at the out- side four hundred thousand members, could, under favorable circumstances, develop support of nearly two millions of workers in a single region of the country. That revolution failed because of its spontaneous tumultuous character, and its lack, after all, of a truly revolutionary orientation. When the Syndicalists gained the power they had not the slightest idea what to do with it. The tumult subsided as suddenly as it had grown, and mobilization beginning after the episode of Sarajevo postponed a fight to the finish on the Italian social question. Certain elements in the Socialist-Labor groups professed to believe that the proletarian spirit of 1914 had been preserved through four years of war. Last November they were pointing out in addition that the Russian example had furnished method and object to ""the submerged revolutionary spirit of the workers—that the end of the war would furnish the opportunity for overthrowing the established order, and substituting for it the organizations of the workers themselves. This feeling was some- what tempered as it passed into statements of policy by what proved to be a minority of the leadership. There it became simply an "outlook toward the left," propaganda, that is, for an immediate revolution, for the creation of a proletarian army to seize power. The majority program opposing this view was stated somewhat as follows: "Assuming no responsibility for war, the Italian proletariat will assume likewise no responsibility for peace. We cannot afford to take the tasks of reconstruc- tion which the middle-class governments have created for themselves." In other words, no revo- lution—for the economic isolation of Italy makes that impossible—but reconsolidation of labor forces, to gain specific necessary improvements in wages, working hours, security of employment, pensions and sick relief, and political power—the old pro- gram, in short, of a movement revolutionary in language but reformistic in principle and in fact. How has this policy worked out? Last August, the "war cabinet" of Italian revolution nearly went to pieces over the question of participation in the government "Commissionissima," or grand coalition commission to draw up a program for reconstruc- tion. The moderates like Mr. Turati insisted on uniting with the Government in working out a labor program. The radicals insisted on rigid adherence to the program of non-participation in peace or re- construction, and they carried their point. But this was still during the war period of Marxian ortho- doxy. Late in December the first break in non- intervention occurred when the General Federation approved the Government program for the fight on illiteracy. In January Mr. Orlando gave out his proclamation for the national elections, and the General Federation, independently of the Socialist Party, responded with its own political program, so that for a time the conservative press was heralding a split between Party and Federation. This how- ever was a mistaken interpretation of that event. The Federation's action was simply its own enunci- ation of issues later incorporated in the platform of the Party itself, which voted not to boycott the elections, then regarded as impending, but to par- ticipate therein in force. Next came the acceptance by the Federation of a proposal, originating with Mr. Meda, the clerical minister of reconstruction, for direct representation, in the bureaucracy, of cap- ital and labor independent of political machinery. And finally, when the Government had been deaf to the demands of the northern industrials that the bureaucracy remove war restrictions on business and restore individual initiative, and when, in im- patience, the industrialists convening at Milan had voted to dispense with bureaucratic assistance and to resist interference from the Government, the Federation signed with the manufacturers a pact for the realization of the eight-hour day, with ad- justable wage scales and guarantees of social improvements. This, viewed objectively and stripped of revolu- tionary enthusiasms and anti-Bolshevik interpreta- tions, is the record of the "official" revolutionary organizations that form the nucleus of the pre- dicted Italian upheaval. It is an official record, and a record of officials; for the measure in which the proletariat itself has participated in agitation is to be found in the various movements that have featured the Italian social war during the last four months. It is in the populace that the revolutionary spirit exists, but in doses unknown to everybody. To test out this spirit, we witnessed during April and May a number of propagandist^ strikes and demon- strations the sole intent of which was to arouse enthusiasm, advertise leaders and organizations, bring the workers back into the Labor Chambers, and discover the temper of the masses and learn the psychological motives to which they are most likely to respond. The spectacular features of these movements, such as the destruction of the Avanti establishment at Milan, were, as usual, 19*9 97 THE DIAL furnished by the reactions of the young class-con- scious Nationalists, reinforced, for the moment, by the spoiled children of the victorious army—the dec- orated Arditi—always ready for excitement and eager for a fight. During June and July the effort was broadened, and the organizations began to bid for a centralized agitation. Here we come in contact with the internal structure of Italian labor organization. There is the superficial rift in the Socialist-Federation combination made by the exclu- sion from the official organizations of the pro-war revolutionists, who formed last year the Italian Socialist Union and the Italian Labor Union. There is then the fundamental division isolating on the left the Italian Syndicalist Union—heirs of the anarchistic tradition—and on the right the Ital- ian Federation of Workingmen, which is the Catho- lic union. Inside the really representative Gen- eral Federation we have the autonomous Labor Chambers, the various industrial and agrarian trade federations, and the provincial organizations. In the last months the rival organizations have been bidding for popular support by initiating strikes and demonstrations, or contesting for the leadership of disturbances in course. Nor' has the General Federation been able to prevent its local units from starting enterprises of their own. The causes of discontent in Italy are expressed, for the individual worker as for the individual citizen, in very specific terms of comfort. It is a long distance between the theories of revolutionary action and eagerness of suffering people to give vent to their impatience. That is why the actual uprisings are always greater and smaller than the calculated policy which inspires them, greater in that they at once involve more people than the revolutionary organization em- braces, but smaller in that often a revolt starts to change the world order but subsides with a change in the price of potatoes. When the Italian situation is stripped of exagger- ation, we come to an organization committed to revo- lution, yes, but to revolution by reform; striving to reassemble its scattered forces and failing in its first effort, since the war, to affirm its centralized leadership. If this conclusion is unromatic, it has the advantage of being objective. The cry will be for revolution, but the Italian proletariat will be content with—less than justice—the promise of at- tempts to get justice. As a matter of fact, it is going to get more justice than ever before. When something like normal conditions are restored in Italy, we shall find, in her internal organization, a recognition of organized labor quite parallel to that in England, and a trend toward industrial liberal- ism, on a capitalistic basis, proportionate to labor strength. This is the whole significance of the con- ferences now going on in the "eight-hour day" commission composed of representatives of the Gov- ernment, under Maggiorino Ferraris, representa- tives of capital, and delegates from the General Federation and the Socialist Party. When one studies the Italian revolutionary movement, not in what is said about it by its enemies, nor even in what it says about itself, but in what it actually does, one gets a vivid impression of its sense of re- sponsibility, not only for the happiness of the work- ing people of Italy, but for the preservation and de- velopment of what is called civilization. Arthur Livingston. The Melodic Line I t has been said that all the arts are constantly attempting, within their respective spheres, to at- tain to something of the quality of music, to assume, whether in pigment or pencil or marble or prose, something of its speed and flash, emotional complete- ness and well-harmonied resonance; but of no other single art is that so characteristically or per- sistently true as it is of poetry. Poetry is indeed in this regard two-natured; it strikes us, when it is at its best, quite as sharply through our sense of the musically beautiful as through whatever implica- tions it has to carry of thought or feeling; it plays on us alternately or simultaneously through sound as well as through content. The writers of free verse have demonstrated, to be sure, that a poetry sufficiently effective may be written in almost en- tire disregard of the values of pure rhythm. The poetry of H. D. is perhaps the clearest example of this. Severe concentration upon a damascene sharpness of sense-impression, a stripping of images to the white clear kernel, both of which matters can be more meticulously attended to if there are no bafflements of rhythm or rhyme-pattern to be contended with, have to a considerable extent a substitutional value. Such a poetry attains a vitre- ous lucidity which has its own odd heatless charm. But a part of its* charm lies in its very act of de- parture from a norm which, like a background or undertone, is forever present for it in our minds; we like it in a sense because of its unique per- versity as a variation on this more familiar order of rhythmic and harmonic suspensions and resolu- tions; we like it in short for its novelty; and it even- tually leaves us unsatisfied, because this more famil- 98 August 9 THE DIAL iar order is based on a musical hunger which is as profound and permanent as it is universal. When we read a poem we are aware of this musical characteristic, or analogy, in several ways. The poem as a whole in this regard will satisfy us or not in accordance with the presence, or partial presence, or absence, of what we might term musi- cal unity. The Ode to a Nightingale is an example of perfect musical unity; the Ode to Autumn is an example of partial musical unity—partial because the resolution comes too soon, the rate of curve is too abruptly altered; "many of the poems by con- temporary writers of free verse—Fletcher or Ald- ington or H. D.—illustrate what we mean by lack of musical unity or integration, except on the sec- ondary plane, the plane of what we might call oro- tundity; and the most complete lack of all may be found in the vast majority of Whitman's poems. This particular sort of musical quality in poetry is however so nearly identifiable %vith the architec- tural as to be hardly separable from it. It is usually in the briefer movements of a poem that musical charm is most keenly felt. And this sort of brief and intensely satisfactory musical move- ment we might well describe as something closely analogous to what is called in musical compositions the melodic line. By melodic line we shall not mean to limit our- selves to one line of verse merely. Our melodic line may be, indeed, one line of verse, or half a line, or a group of lines, or half a page. What we have in mind is that sort of brief movement when, for whatever psychological reason, there is suddenly a fusion of all the many qualities, which may by themselves constitute charm, into one indivisible magic. Is it possible for this psychological change to take place without entailing an immediate height- ening of rhythmic effect? Possible, perhaps, but extremely unlikely. In a free verse poem we shall expect to see at such moments a very much closer approximation to the rhythm of metrical verse: in a metrical poem we shall expect to see a subtilization of metrical effects, a richer or finer employment of vowel and consonantal changes to that end. Iso- late such a passage in a free verse poem or metrical poem and it will be seen how true this is. The change is immediately perceptible, like the change from a voice talking to a voice singing. The change is as profound in time as it is in tone, yet it is one which escapes any but the most superficial analysis. All we can say of it is that it at once alters the character of the verse we are reading from that sort which pleases and is forgotten, pleases without disturbing, to that sort which strikes into the subconscious, gleams, and is automatically re- membered. For example, in the midst of the rich semi-prose recitative of Fletcher's White Symphony —a recitative which charms and entices, but does not quite enchant or take one's memory—one comes to the following passage: Autumn! Golden fountains, ..:, And the winds neighing ._;. , .' Amid the monotonous hills; Desolation of the old gods. Rain that lifts and rain that moves away: In the green-black torrent Scarlet leaves. It is an interlude of song, and one remembers it. Is this due to an intensification of rhythm? Partly, no doubt, but not altogether. The emotional heightening is just as clear, and the unity of im- pression is pronounced; it is a fusion of all these qualities, and it is impossible to say which is the primum mobile. As objective psychologists, all we can conclude is that in what is conspicuously a magi- cal passage in this poem there is a conspicuous in- crease in the persuasiveness of rhythm. This is equally true of metrical poetry. It is these passages of iridescent fusion that we recall from among the many thousands of lines we have read. One has but to summon up from one's memory the odds and ends of poems which willy nilly one remembers, precious fragments cherished by the jackdaw of the subconscious: A savage spot as holy and enchanted As e'er beneath a waning moon was haunted By woman wailing for her demon-lover. Beauty is momentary in the mind,— The fitful tracing of a portal: But in the flesh it is immortal. And shook a most divine dance from their feet, That twinkled starlike, moved as swift, and fine, And beat the air so thin, they made it shine. Part of a moon was falling down the west Dragging the whole sky with it to the hills. Its light poured softly in her lap. She saw And spread her apron to it. She put out her hand Among the harp-like morning glory strings, Taut with the dew from garden-bed to eaves, As if she played unheard the tenderness That wrought on him. . . . Awakening up, he took her hollow lute,— Tumultuous,—and in chords that tenderest be, He played an ancient ditty long since mute, In Provence called, "La Belle Dame Sans Merci." And suddenly there's no meaning in our kiss, And your lit upward face grows, where we lie, Lonelier and dreadfuller than sunlight is, And dumb and mad and eyeless like the sky. All of these excerpts, mangled as they are by being hewed from their contexts, have in a noticeable de- gree the quality of the "melodic line." They are the moments for which, indeed, we read poetry; just as when, in listening to a modern music how- ever complex and dissonantal, it is after all the oc- casionally arising brief cry of lyricism which thrills 1919 99 THE DIAL and dissolves us. When the subsconcious speaks, the subconscious answers. It is because in a good deal of contemporary poetry the importance of the melodic line is forgot- ten that this brief survey has been made. In our preoccupations with the many technical quarrels, and quarrels as to esthetic purpose, which have latterly embroiled our poets, we have, I think, a little lost sight of the fact that poetry to be poetry must after all rise above a mere efficiency of charmingness, or efficiency of accuracy, to this sort of piercing per- fection of beauty or truth, phrased in a piercing perfection of music. It is a wholesome thing for us to study the uses of dissonance and irregularity; we add in that way, whether sensuously or psychologic- ally, many new tones; but there is danger that the habit will grow upon us, that we shall forget the reasons for our adoption of these qualities and use them passim and without intelligence, or, as critics, confer a too arbitrary value upon them. The poetry of Mr. D. H. Lawrence is a case very much in point. His temperament is modern to a degree, morbidly self-conscious, sex-crucified, an affair of stretched and twanging nerves. He be- longs of course to the psychological wing of modern poetry. Although we first met him as an Imagist, it is rather with T. S. Eliot, or Masters, or the much gentler Robinson, all of whom are in a sense lineal descendants of the Meredith of Modern Love, that he belongs. But he does not much re- semble any of these. His range is extremely nar- row—it is nearly always erotic, febrile, and sultry at the lower end, plangently philosophic at the upper. Within this range he is astonishingly various. No mood is too slight to be seized upon, to be thrust under his myopic lens. Here, in fact, we touch his cardinal weakness; for if as a novelist he often writes like a poet, as a poet he far too often writes like a novelist. One observes that he knows this himself;- he asks the reader of Look! We Have Come Through! (Huebsch) to consider it not as a collection of short poems, but as a sort of novel in verse. No great rearrangement, perhaps, would have been necessary to do the same thing for New Poems or Amores, though perhaps not so cogently. More than most poets he makes of his poetry a sequential, though somewhat disjointed, auto- biography. And more than almost any poet who compares with him for richness of temperament, he is unselective in doing so, both as to material and as to method. He is, indeed, as striking an example as one could find of the poet who, while appearing to be capable of what we have called the melodic line, none the less seems to be unaware of the value or impor- tance of it, and gives it to us at random, brokenly, half blindly, or intermingled with splintered frag- ments of obscure sensation and extraneous detail dragged in to fill out a line. A provoking poet! and a fatiguing one: a poet of the demonic type, a man possessed, who is swept helplessly struggling and lashing down the black torrent of his thought, alternately frenzied and resigned. "A poet," says Santayana, "who merely swam out into the sea of sensibility, and tried to picture all possible things . . . would bring materials only to the work- shop of art; he would not be an artist." What Santayana had in mind was a poet who undertook this with a deliberateness—but the effect in the case of Mr. Lawrence is much the same. He is seldom wholly an artist, even when he has his medium most under control. It is when he is at his coolest, often —when he tries rhyme-pattern or rhythm-pattern or color-pattern in an attempt at the sort of icy kalei- doscopics at which Miss Lowell is adept—that he is most tortuously and harshly and artificially and alto- gether unreadably at his worst. Is he obsessed with dissonance and oddity? It would seem so. His rhymes are cruel, sometimes, to the verge of murder. Yet, if he is not wholly an artist, he is certainly, in at least a fragmentary sense, a brilliant poet. Even that is hardly fair enough; the two more recent volumes contain more than a handful of uniquely^ captivating poems. They have a curious quality—tawny, stark, bitter, harshly colored, salt to the taste. The sadistic element in them is strong. It is usually in the love poems that he is best: in these he is closest to giving us the melodic line that comes out clear and singing. Closest indeed; but the perfect achievement is seldom. The fusion is not complete. The rhythms do not altogether free themselves—one feels that they are weighted; the impressions are impetuously crowded and huddled; and as concerns the commanding of words Mr. Lawrence is a captain of more force than tact; he is obeyed, but sullenly. Part of this is due, no doubt, to his venturings among moods and sensations which no poet has hitherto attempted, moods secret and obscure, shadowy and suspicious. This is to his credit, and greatly to the credit of poetry. He is among the most original poets of our time, original, that is, as regards sensibility; he has given us somber and macabre tones, and tones of a cold and sinister clarity, or of a steely passion, which we have not had before. His nerves are raw, his reactions are idiosyncratic; what is clear enough to him has some- times an unhealthily mottled look to us, esuriently etched none the less. But a great deal of the time he overreaches; he makes frequently the mistake of, precisely, trying too hard. What cannot be cap- tured, in this regard, it is no use killing. Brutality is no substitute for magic. One must take one's lOO August 9 THE DIAL mood alive and singing, or not at all. It is this factor which in the poetry of Mr. Law- rence most persistently operates to prevent the attainment of the perfect melodic line. Again and again he gives us, indeed, a sort of jagged and spangled flame; but the mood does not sing quite with the naturalness or ease one would hope for; it has the air of being dazed by violence, or even seems, in the very act of singing, to bleed a little. It is a trifle too easy to say of a poet of whom this is true that the fault may be due to an obtrusion of the intellect among the emotions. Such terms do not define, are scarcely separable. Perhaps it would more closely indicate the difficulty to say that Mr. Lawrence is not only, as all poets are, a curious blending of the psychoanalyst and the patient, but that he endeavors to carry on both roles at once, to speak with both voices simultaneously. The solilo- quy of the patient—the lyricism of the subcon- scious—is forever being broken in upon by the too eager inquisitions of the analyst. If Mr. Lawrence could make up his mind to yield the floor unreservedly to either, he would be on the one hand a clearer and more magical poet, on the other hand a more dependable realist. One wonders, in the upshot, whether the theme of Look! We Have Come Through! had better not have been treated in prose. The story, such as it is, emerges, it is true, and with many deliciously clear moments, some of them lyric and piercing; but with a good deal that remains in question. It is the poet writing very much as a novelist, and all too often forgetting that the passage from the novel to the poem is among other things a passage from the cumulative to the selective. Sensations and impres- sions may be hewed and hauled in prose; but in poetry it is rather the sort of mood which, like a bird, flies out of the tree as soon as the axe rings against it, that one must look for. Mr. Lawrence has, of this sort, his birds, but he appears to pay little heed to them; he goes on chopping. And one has, even so, such a delight in him that not for worlds would one intervene Conrad Aiken. A Handy Guide for Business Men Ahat child of the nineteenth century, of a plethoric continent, of a protective tariff, of competition and natural rights, the American busi- ness man, seemed lately to have passed his best days. His authority was disputed, his ethics questioned, his sacred efficiency doubted. He ceased in multi- tudes of minds to be considered the corner-stone of the nation, and sank to be the weary prop of vaudeville and musical comedy. The war did some- thing to restore his prestige, allowing him to appear in the role of self-sacrificing patriot and organizer of victory. Simultaneouscly it became evident that the tides of the new day had not lapped unnoticed at his feet. Welfare work of the old-fashioned sort began to develop under his groping hands into schemes of industrial self-government, some of them manifestly adopted to head off the unions, but others conceived in a real spirit of well doing. The more farsighted of the business men (using that term as loosely as Mr. Glenn Frank uses it) now realize that to save the privileges of their order they must make concessions to the rampant spirit of democracy. This is the text of the papers from the Century Magazine which Mr. Frank has collected under the title of The Politics of Industry (Century). Mr. Frank is not one of those venturesome thinkers who openly question the functions and prerogatives of the business man. He advocates a change of methods, not of status. No sense of a contradiction of democracy appalls him. For example: I think I could name twenty leaders of American busi- ness and industry who at this moment hold it within their power to determine the course of industrial relations in this country for the next twenty years at least. If these twenty men should pool their brain-power in a study of the labor problem with the same sustained thought they have given to financial problems, if they should counsel with students of labor as they have counselled with students of chemical, electrical and other problems that touch their business interests, and if they should take the initiative in making a sincere and exhaustive study of the whole area lying between the extreme forms of private capitalism and the extreme forms of State Socialism in order to find out whether or not there is a middle ground of industrial self-govern- ment on which both labor and capital can stand in a cooperation that will minister to the legitimate aims of both, I have no hesitancy in saying that they could with dramatic suddenness invent a new order of industry. Here is reform from the top such as would suit any benevolent potentate. The passage illustrates as well as any other the limitations of this really sin- cere attempt to get at the heart of the labor prob- lem. Mr. Frank writes like one addressing him- self, as perhaps he was, to the best side of a conven- tion of chambers of commerce. If he has doubts of the propriety of leaving the settlement of a grave social question to a limited class of interested men who now appear to have power in that field he fails to dwell upon them. Perhaps this is a defect only if his book is considered for general reading, and is an essential quality if it is intended, as it might easily be, to serve as a manual by whose aid the 1919 101 THE DIAL faltering captain of industry may guide his steps through the dark days that now overhang the world. Mr. Frank appeals to the business man's pride, as when he urges that business be considered a profession of service on an equality with medicine and the ministry; to his fears, as when he points out that "the man who fails to adjust himself to the spirit and standards of this time will be ruth- lessly scrapped "; to his acquisitiveness, as when he declares that "business cannot be permanently suc- cessful and permanently profitable unless its rela- tions with labor are cordial "; and in several pas- sages to his sense of justice. Like a good attorney or a wise premier he presents even the less pleasant truths. He does not attempt to leave the illusion that either control or profits will be to the business man under the new order what they have been under the old. He holds up the naked menace of revolution: The question that concerns men who want consistent ind orderly progress instead of revolution is whether the King Johns of business and industry will collaborate with labor or take an attitude that will drive labor to wrest from them by revolutionary methods the Magna Charta in industry. And he gives warning to all whom it may concern that "calling in the police, mobilizing the militia, employing detectives, arresting labor leaders, block- ing discussion, and forcing passions underground are not only undemocratic methods; they are unin- telligent methods; they are played out." By the new order Mr. Frank seems to mean three things: the admission of the workers to a share in the control of industry, the control of in- dustry by industry rather than by government, and possibly a less accidental connection between the output of industry and the needs of the community. It is on the last point that he is most vague. He would introduce a measure of democracy impar- tially into department stores, coal mines, glue fac- tories, and all enterprises in which the relation of employer and employed exists, but he suggests no apparatus by which these working units, however perfect in themselves, may be knit into the larger social organism. His principles might produce a society in which many groups of workers would be, exceptionally favored, but in which the general level of well-being would still be held down by wastes of competition and exigencies of the market. A more exact definition of the business man, whom Mr. Frank seems to consider indiscriminately both as maker of goods and as competitive seller, would have to be made before it would be possible to tell just where he stands on the fundamental in- dustrial question of the time. Some business men, it may perhaps be demonstrated, serve no useful purpose. To democratize their uselessness will not of itself make them useful. Nevertheless, this book has a valuable service to perform. It will be read by men who could not be expected to listen to the radical's injunction to go hence and abolish themselves, and who will think Mr. Frank an exciting, dangerous man. And it will do them good. By the time they have learned the present lesson Mr. Frank, or some of his suc- cessors, will have moved along far enough to teach them another. Such are the ways of progress. RORKRT L. DlJFFUS. China Under Duress Wh 'hen the Chinese delegates at Paris argued that the Chino-Japanese Agreements of 1915 should be abrogated by the Council of the League of Nations since they had been effected "under duress," the Japanese made the pertinent reply that all the treaties which China had made of late years were signed by China "under duress." As a matter of fact, all the diplomatic relations con ducted by outside nations with China have been characterized by the use of force, not on the prin- ciple of righteousness, conciliation, and fair-play. Politically, China once and again has been fleeced. The rule of right rather than that of might may possibly eject militarism from the nations of Europe, both great and small, but the decisions reached as to the Far East by the Big Three seem destined to postpone to some future century the beneficence of a world-reconstruction. The record is a bad one; any prophecy will be a gloomy one. In memory of Willard D. Straight, T. W. Over- lach has given a comprehensive, unbiased, historical account of the commercial, industrial, and political advance into China, and sometimes encroachment, by the great outside Powers, Great Britain, Rus- sia, France, Germany, Japan, and the United States. (Foreign Financial Control in China; Macmillan.) The book contains valuable citations and describes the growth of the idea of spheres of interest, which is commercial, and the idea of spheres of influence, which is political. The ambition of one country is not much higher than that of another. Perhaps the United States appears a little better than the rest, for the reason that with her there is no polit- ical ambition. Mention is made of the building of the Tientsin-Pukow Railway by joint participation of German and British companies and on terms 102 August 9 THE DIAL more generous to China than in previous railway concessions, but it is not stated that the original concession with its element of cooperation by the Chinese was exclusively German, and that the British were afterwards admitted only through German good-will and on acceptance of the same generous terms. So far as rivalry existed among the great Powers prior to the war, there were in the main two groups: the one comprised Russia, France, and Belgium, and the other Great Britain and Germany, while the United States and Japan for one reason or another were associated more with the latter group than with the former. The Four Power Loan Syndicate of Great Britain, France, Germany, and the United States became the Six Power Syndicate by admission of Russia and Japan, and was an effort at international cooperation on a big scale. This effort was weakened by withdrawal of American bankers, and later by forced exclusion of German interests. The status quo ante, not- withstanding friction and jealousies, was far better for China than the present confusion and passion of hate, with elimination and wellnigh extinction of all German interests. Here comes in the political feature, which is gen- erally overlooked as to its ultimate bearings on the future welfare of China and the preservation of her national integrity. From a military point of view there was no necessity whatever for bringing the European War into China. The capture or fail- ure to capture Tsingtao could have no effect on the ultimate issue of the war. The reason for the mili- tary move was those "commercial rivalries and jealousies," which President Wilson has declared to be "the prolific source of all wars." This is dis- closed by the Allied and Associate determination to force China, even months after the armistice, to liquidate all German property in China and close all German business houses. Linked with the com- mercial design—by no means very laudable—is the political one, resulting in the transfer to Japan of the German sphere of interest, which, along with the acquisition of Russian interests and the reten- tion of Japan's recognized sphere in Fukien, gives Japan a place of unequaled predominance. By the original arrangement before the war, with each country equal to every other in matters of influence, China had a chance to be held together, but by the new arrangement China finds herself helpless, first at the hands of predominant Japan and then at the hands of a group of nations victorious in war. This commingling of military, commercial, and po- litical designs, working disaster to China, has not yet been fully realized by the American public. It is apparent to even the most superficial observer that the war has been only a curse and a menace to China, though a. gain to various other powers. W. Reginald Wheeler, who has lived only three years in China, in connection with the Hangchow College, has written a useful and interesting book on China and the World War (Macmillan). Like most writers he leaves the impression that Japan alone was concerned in bringing the war onto Chinese soil, and was alone responsible for all the disaster wrought on China. The omission of Great Britain, or at least the British Government, from the responsibility taken, is neither true to the facts nor fair to Japan. It is not believable that Japan would have sent an ultimatum to Germany for surrender of Tsingtao, if Japan's ally in Europe and one of the chief antagonists had not so wished it or asked for it. That Japan made use of her opportunities to further her own interests as well as to help England is only to be expected. There is no reason for leaving the spoils of war only to the European Allies. The only sound objection is to the unconcern of all the Powers for the rights and welfare, the wishes and efforts, of China and her new venture at establishing a Republic. Mr. Wheeler, while accurate as to all the wrongs and designs of Japan, likewise makes light of the responsibility of the American Government and especially of the American Minister in Peking, in inducing China to sever relations with Germany and in bringing the war issue into Chinese political discussion. It is only in a foot-note that he says: "The personal influence of the American Minister and his associates at Peking, throughout all the negotiations leading up finally to a declaration of war, was one of the strongest factors in inducing China to join the Allies." It was probably unknown to this author that at the very time the American Minister was urging on China American example and friendship, to coun- teract Japan's evil designs, the four Ambassadors in Tokio, for Great Britain, France, Russia and Italy, were negotiating secret agreements with Japan, assuring Japan of the possession of all the German rights and interests in Shantung, if Japan would allow China to go into the war. The author tells of all the promised advantages to accrue to China by accepting the American advice and the Japanese demand, but he failed to take note of the other side of the shield, how China would be in danger of unexpected entanglements and sore dis- appointment. Mr. Wheeler criticises the Lansing-Ishii Agree- ment, recognizing a special position for Japan in Chinese affairs, but he condemns even more the Chinese-Japanese Military Agreement of 1918. Comparatively, then, Japan is to be blamed more than the instigators, for all the wrongs which have 1919 103 THE DIAL been done to China since the beginning of the war in August 1914. It is well, in all discussion of Far Eastern ques- tions, to have more than an European or American statement; let the Japanese also be heard. A Japa- nese graduate of Columbia University, Shutaro Tomimas, discusses some of the more recent bear- ings of outside pressure on China. (The Open Door Policy and the Territorial Integrity of China; A. G. Seiler, New York). He does not feel com- pelled to applaud all that the Japanese Govern- ment has done in China. His criticism of other nations is all the more effective. The second part of his book was a thesis awarded the Ernstein Prize in American Diplomacy by Columbia University in 1918. The larger part of the book deals with the background of the Great War rather than with its development and fruition. He says correctly: "By the close of the last century 9,500,000 square miles, or more than half of the total area of Asia with a population of 400,000,000 or four-ninths of the total of the Asiatic races, had fallen into the pos- session of European Powers." But today he must add that Japan, like the European Powers, has en- croached on Chinese territory, and intruded on China's sovereign rights. Japan perhaps is only a learner—a learner of Prussia—but it seems a pity that " democratic " nations like America and Britain 'should have condoned the military, haughty, high- handed policy of Japan, or that Japan failed to act the true and generous neighbor in coming to the rescue of China. China at the moment is bewildered. Whom can she trust? The professions of what country are likely to be realized? Has the American Govern- ment shown good sense or generous impulses not only by going into the war against one group of warring nations, but also by urging China to aban- don her neutrality and become entangled in the harrowing, perilous incidents of a war which con- cerned rivalries on the other side of the globe? Would not the true friend be one who would see the danger of war, and strain every effort to keep China at peace, both within and without, equally friendly to all, and devoted to the supreme task of making secure and lasting the ideas of democracy and the forms of a democratic government? Shall China ever be free? Or shall she continue in slavish submission to take orders from others, whether Japan, or Europe, or America? ~ R The Prussians of the Eastern World J. have been asked to explain the causes of what appears to be a singularly flagrant case of human ingratitude. After her brilliant success in 1905, Japan was in a position to impose heavy con- ditions upon Russia. She showed herself, however, as generous in victory as she had been brave in war. Port Arthur, to be sure, yields but little in point of importance to Vladivostok; and it was largely due to the statesmanship of President Roosevelt, backed up by American public opinion, that Japan stopped at one-half of the Island of Sachalin. But all in all it must be admitted that heathen Japan exhibited a spirit of conciliation that might well afford a lesson in Christianity to the nations of the Western World. During the period that elapsed between the sign- ing of the treaty in the United States, and the out- break of the World War, Japan made every effort to manifest feelings of friendship towards Russia, and viewed without the least sign of irritation, in- deed with a supreme complacency, the puerile sulk- ings and snappings of Russia's stupid autocrat. Japan did not erect enduring arches of triumph after the example of Christian France, or set up statues symbolizing victory over her neighbor. The slogan of her policy was, so far as we could make it out, "Let us forgive and forget and be friends." When the call came in 1914, Japan was prompt to join on the side of Russia. And when in 1918 the tidal wave of Bolshevism swept from European Russia into Siberia, it was Japan who led the Allied Powers to the aid of a distressed and helpless neigh- bor. Yet, for all that—in the face of so much mag- nanimity—the Siberians have not ceased to hate the Japanese; they resent the presence of the Japanese in Siberia just as much as we ourselves would resent the presence in America of the soldiers and subjects of a victorious Germany! The whole world knows the Russians to be a patient and hospitable people, quick to appreciate an act of kindness, and never slow to forgive an offence. Sullenness and vindictiveness are not parts of their nature. Whence then this stubborn hatred of a neighbor, this inveterate resentment of the co- operation of a friend? The explanation obtruded itself upon me in the course of my activities in Siberia. It is an unpleas- ant task to tell the things that I have come to know in this connection, for I have acquired a real liking for Japan and the Japanese. In Siberia the Japan- ese treated me with a cordiality and a politeness that left nothing to be desired—except, of course, any degree of success in my efforts at mediation between them and their unfortunate hosts. In Japan itself I met with nothing but the utmost kindness and consideration. Like many another visitor I admired the beauty of the scenery and the artistic achievements of the people, from the making 104 August 9 THE DIAL of lacquerware to the decoration of landscape. I admired the clean, frail little houses in which they live, the picturesque kimonos which they wear, the tiny charcoal stoves on which they cook their delicate food. It is true that the sight of little children— mere babies they seemed to me—preparing oakum, curling hair for mattresses, carrying heavily loaded baskets of earth and doing a variety of other hard work, was very distressing. And I must confess that my sense of distress amounted to downright nausea when I saw women harnessed to wagons by ropes and dragging burdens that would bring down a Ktorm of opprobrium upon the head of an Ameri- can mule-driver. But amid the wonders of this toy- land an apology rises automatically to one's lips: the country is so small that it cannot produce food for both mules and people, and people, therefore, must serve as mules. I was shocked by the sight of naked old women shivering in the cold and rain on the road to Nikko. But I soon found myself gazing with wonder and delight at the carved wood- en temples, fantastically decorated with copper and bronze, like so many huge, enchanted steamer- trunks in which the fairies of a dream-ship might pack their gossamer trousseaux. And as I wandered through the sacred groves of Nikko I thought that old Jupiter must have been a barbarian to choose Olympus for his dwelling place. For the sake of the pretty country and the pretty things in it, and the odd, childlike ways of the people, I would willingly overlook many a fault. I have even forgiven the sleepless nights that I passed in the Japanese sleeping cars, with berths a foot too short for the average-sized Westerner. And when a man forgives that, he forgives every- thing else. But the Russian cannot forgive and forget. The factor of distance, which in our case lends charm to —and ensures safety from—Japa'n, is in his case in- considerable. Proximity to and fear of the needy little country have both conspired to enhance Rus- sian prejudices. Japan's effort to don the dress of German civilization has only tended to maintain the Russian superstition that the Japanese is an inferior racial type. There is a deeply grounded conviction among uneducated Siberians that the Japanese are not really human, and that they indeed have little tails. The great advantage of the Japanese—their capacity to live on little—is interpreted by the Rus- sian as a corroboration of his belief in the inferiority of the type. The art of Japan, so charming to us, impresses her nearest neighbor as but an arrogant attempt to ape the works of man. And it is the Russian's conviction that, being sub-human, the Jap- anese is not susceptible to persuasion by argument, and that slyness and low cunning serve him instead of the human faculty of reason. Such is a common Russian estimate of the Japanese. What then must have been the feelings of the Russians when they received their humiliating thrashing at Port Arthur! If by the least chance Russia could have said to Japan at the outbreak of the World War, "Keep out of this, you execrable monkey! I refuse to have you for an ally!"—if Russia could only have said it, we may be sure that she would have done so. But to decline an alliance with Japan meant to create an ally for Germany—and Japan was a model of German militarism. And so Russia clenched her teeth—and submitted to the embrace. "We went into the war with this horrible ser- pent on our backs," an army officer of the old mon- archist stamp, a staunch supporter of Kolchak, once said to me. "We knew perfectly well what a hard job we should have to shake it off. But we had no choice. And now the serpent's coils grow tighter about our bodies from day to day." "But," I objected, "the Japanese are certainly weeding out the Bolsheviki for you. You wouldn't know what to do without them." "True," he replied sadly. "The boa-constrictor is killing the parasites on our body—but she is crushing our bones at the same time." Japanese Theft of Siberian Military Secrets It was easy to account for intolerance of the Japanese on the part of a disgruntled army officer of the old regime. From a position of influence and power he had dropped to the ignominious state of an ordinary mortal, with the usual prosaic advan- tages of a meager salary and a precarious pay-day. And here was the undersized Japanese officer—a thing upon which he would not have deigned to cast his eye in better times—strutting about all over the place, ostensibly his protector, really his lord. But the elected Zemstvo officials—those humble intellec- tuals, the clerks and school-teachers of yesterday, modest, reasonable, and unprejudiced men—their in- tolerant attitude toward the Japanese was puzzling indeed. For it was the moral backing of the Japan- ese that had induced the Czechoslovaks to put the Bolshevik Soviets out of business in Siberia, thus enabling the regularly elected organs of democratic government to take their proper places. I pointed out this important fact to one of their leading officials. "What unsophisticated people you Americans are," he said. "Do you think the motives of the Japanese are dishonest?" I asked. "The fishermnn's motives in catching fish can- not really be said to be dishonest—from the stand- point of the fisherman. He must eat in order to live. And if he can catch more fish in muddy water, he will, of course, keep the water muddy. Japan must have fish." I asked why he emphasized the "must." "Because 'must' is the key to this particular situation. If you have traveled in Japan, you have doubtless noticed that the country fairly swarms with children. The fact is that she has reached that stage when the productivity of her land can no longer keep pace with her increasing population. The question of expansion, therefore, 1919 »°5 THE DIAL is with Japan not one of choice, but of necessity." "Is that a reason for disliking the Japanese?" "If we are to retain a hold on the Far East," replied the Russian, "we must keep an eternally vigilant eye upon Japan; and eternal vigilance is the equivalent of eternal enmity. There is another consideration. Remember that Japan is a monarchy, while we are a republic. We are weak and strug- gling, but we are a republic nevertheless. Japan knows that republicanism is contagious—Russian republicanism virulently so. And she realizes that her security as a monarchy can to a great extent be assured by keeping the water in our republic as muddy as possible." My friend's reasoning struck me as rather cir- cuitous and abstract. It was not long however before I bumped against more proximate and con- crete explanations of the hatred of the Siberians for the Japanese. I sat at lunch with the delegate who represented Habarovsk in the Provincial Zemstvo Council. M. Medviedyeff, Chairman of the Maritime Province Zemstvo, was also a member of the party. The conversation turned on Japan. M. Medviedyeff declared that the Japanese had been amply re- warded for their friendship to Siberia; that as friends, they had been able to obtain certain things in Siberia which, as enemies, they could not have obtained except at the cost of billions of rubles and tens of thousands of lives. My curiosity was thoroughly aroused, and I promptly asked M. Medviedyeff what he meant. "There are some things that one country ought never to take from another. Japan has taken these things from us," he said in his usual sad, modest way. I repeated my question. He exchanged glances with the gentleman from Habarovsk. "Are you by any chance familiar with the topo- graphical features of the Maritime Province?" he asked me. I replied that I had seen of them as much as one may see in approaching Vladivostok by steamer, and in the course of a few drives through the hills. The Vladivostok harbor gateway was Juarded by high rocky islands which seemed capa- ble of concealing defenses more formidable than those of Gibraltar itself. For the rest I supposed that the Maritime Province consisted of a chain of low mountains facing the Sea of Japan. "True," he said. "Thousands upon thousands of hills stand between the sea and the plains. Have vou noticed anything peculiar about those hills?" "No." "I hardly supposed you would. The fact is that a number of them are really fortresses. This, the eastern entrance to Siberia, has been protected against the invasion of an enemy. You will readily see that it would be a difficult matter to pass through a wide belt of mountains a number of which contain concealed fortifications." I saw the point. "The construction of these fortifications," he continued, "has taken over 60 years, and has cost scores of millions of rubles. Now, my friend, can you guess against whom this protection was de- signed? Against America? Against France? Against Spain perhaps?" I ventured to guess that it might have been de- signed especially with a view to the possibility of Japanese aggression. "Japan! Ah, you guessed right." The speaker sighed, and his sad face became sad- der still. He dropped his head till his beard rested against his breast. "The Japanese haven't destroyed your fortifica- tions, so far as I know?" "They have!" he responded abruptly. "To discover such fortifications is to destroy them. Once the enemy knows which of the thousand hills is fortified, the defenses become practically useless. The topographical maps and descriptions of these fortifications were kept in the archives of Haba- rovsk. There the Japanese went, as you have been told, to hunt down some straggling remnants of Bolsheviki. What they really wanted and what they actually got, was the collection of topographi- cal maps and descriptions of the fortifications of the Maritime Province—Siberia's supreme protection against invasion by Japan." I searched my mind for an apology. Japan was our ally. "You see," continued M. Medviedyeff, seeing that I was silent, "the Japanese, of their own merit, could not have come here as friends. As such we would never have admitted them, for we know that Japan's love for Siberia is the love of the lion for the lamb. We admitted the Japanese under, as we thought, the best guarantee in the world." nVhat was that?" "The guarantee of the United States of Amer- ica. We knew that America was our friend, and we were convinced that in permitting the Japanese to enter our country, America would protect us at least to this extent—that she would not allow Japan, of all nations* to rob Siberia of her de- fenses." I asked whether our General Graves had been informed of the seizing of the topographical maps at Habarovsk. It appeared that the head of the government of the Province was not acquainted with the American general. I offered to arrange an introduction, so that he might make his com- munication in person. The next day Gen. Graves received us, together with M. Agareff, the mayor of Vladivostok, whom I had thought it advisable to take along. The chief of the A. E. F. was both surprised and shocked by the 'statements of the representa- tives of the city and the province, and he ex- pressed himself with his usual frankness. He told them, however, that with the authority at his disposal he was powerless to curb the Japanese, io6 August 9 THE DIAL particularly as their general was his senior. But he promised to report the matter immediately to Washington. "Economic Penetration" of Siberia on the German Plan One of the guiding principles of the American War Trade Board in Vladivostok, to which I was loaned for a time by the American Committee on Public Information, was to stabilize as far as possible the Russian ruble, or at least to abstain from any action that might tend to depreciate it Such an attitude was necessary if the establishment of a Russian branch of the Board was to render honest assistance in the rehabilitation of the coun- try. Whenever Russian merchants proposed to order goods from America, the local office took all the trouble in the world to ascertain whether such goods could not be obtained on the spot, so as to save the Siberians the high cost of shipping. Importation from America would involve the crea- tion of new credits for Siberia," with a consequent further depreciation of the already depreciated cur- rency. It was naturally disappointing to discover that our Japanese allies had very small consideration for the financial problems with which Siberia was struggling. Japanese war bonds, for instance, were floated in Siberia, thus abstracting the little actual wealth that was left in that poor country. Nor was the practice of paying for merchandise with these bonds discontinued "after the lively protest of the Vladivostok Exchange, in October. True, the Bank of Korea thenceforth confined such payments to Japanese merchants resident in Siberia, provid- ing a stock of rubles for payment to Russian firms. The change in transaction, however, really amounted to this: instead of borrowing Siberian products from the Russians, Japan borrowed these products through Japanese merchants in Siberia. Following the Brest-Litovsk treaty, indignation ran high in the United States when it was reported that Germans were taking advantage of unstable political conditions to exploit Russia. They were said to be buying farms, houses, mines, factories; the American sense of fairness revolted at such an appropriation of the last drops of sustenance of a country in agony. But I am pained to admit that the methods employed in Siberia by our Japanese allies were strikingly similar to those employed by the conquering Germans in European Russia. Throughout the country the Japanese bought fev- erishly both real estate and industrial enterprises. A recital of the numerous individual instances would make, I fear, indifferent reading. I shall mention but a few typical cases. In September the only large electrical plant at Chita was bought for 1,600,000 rubles (the ruble being equal now to about 10 cents) by Iodo Usi- nosuko, a Japanese merchant. In the same month, in the city of Chita and in ''hboring towns, Japanese landbanks were opened, estates were bought by Japanese subjects as fast as bargains could be transacted, and large contracts were closed for the erection of buildings. The Irkutsk newspapers reported that in the month of October the Japanese were negotiating for the purchase of the Tchernoffsky mines. The Temporary Siberian Government, upon discovering this, issued an order by telegraph prohibiting the sale. The Japanese were obiiged to be satisfied with contracts for supplies. The following item is of interest. It is taken from Zemstvo Information, the official organ of the regularly elected government: "Benevolence" A group of Japanese capitalists have made an offer to the Blargovieschensk City Administration of a loan for the construction of a tramway and water system, propos- ing in this connection to undertake the construction and subsequent exploitation of the same on the basis of a franchise. One of the most disagreeable phases of the situ- ation was the fact that in a number of instances the Japanese attempted to make direct use of the presence of their military forces to promote their commercial advantages. Japanese army officers were stationed on the docks of the Port of Vladi- vostok. They soon insinuated themselves into virtual control of the customs, meddling with the management of the Russian officials and frequently countermanding their orders. This objectionable activity went to such limits that in November the Director of the Customs, M. Kovalevsky, whom I knew quite well, was driven to complain to M. Zimmerman, the Commissar of the Province (Kol- chak's appointee), that the interference of the Japanese made it impossible for him to comply with the Customs Regulations.' It was plain that the Japanese had little respect for the law of the country. "They seem to consider the presence of their troops an adequate substitute for our laws and institutions," said a leading official of the Zemstvo administration. I asked him for a concrete example. "Our law, for instance," he replied promptly, "prohibits the exportation of metals. There is good reason for this prohibition. We have done very little mining for the past five years. To carry metals out of Siberia now is to take away the last breath of our life." I knew it. For the lack of a couple of cast iron stove-doors I had been compelled to relinquish a building that might otherwise have saved two hundred wretched Russian lives. "The Japanese paid no attention to this prohi- bition, and in spite of our repeated protests con- tinued to carry metals out of Siberia. The other day an. idea struck us. We despatched a company of militia, armed with revolvers, to the docks, with orders to stop the outrage. The demonstration proved a success—we rescued a large quantity of metal. The fact is that the Japanese did not care to 1919 107 THE DIAL risk their reputation with the Allies, and so de- sisted from the use of rifles." I asked the Zemstvo officials to bring this inci- dent to the attention of Gen. Graves, which they did forthwith. On January 1 the Zemstvo of the Mari- time Province published a discussion of the new economic problems facing Siberia. I noted among other items the following: "Japanese capital, being unable to compete with the high quality of American and English manufac- tured products, is resorting in Siberia to the old and well-tried method of creating for itself a sphere of economic influence. Japanese capital, of the typically usurious kind so far as Siberia is con- cerned, has seized the entire market of the Far East. Moreover, the occupation of Vladivostok and of the other Russian ports on the Pacific, to- gether with the maintenance of a practical control over the railway transportation of the Far East, affords this capital the opportunity to monopolize almost the entire market of Siberia." An utterance of the Japanese Director of the South Manchurian Railway seems to me to sum up the whole question with admirable clearness and brevity. Speaking of the Russian problems before the Peace Conference, M. Kavakani de- clared: "Siberia cannot be left alone in her present condition. The lawful interests of Japan and America in that country must be ensured inde- pendently of the Peace Conference." The brief comment on this statement by the editor of the Irkutsk newspaper, Nashi Dni, is as interesting as the statement itself. "Such talk," says the editor, "on the part of a representative of an allied power sounds strange to us. Is it true then that the assistance to Siberia consists in ensuring the lawful interests of Japan? Who was it that wrote those 'laws'? And how comes it that they were unwritten five years ago? Woe to the vanquished!"—thus he answers his own question— "As it was in the time of the Roman Empire, so is it to-day!" Japanese Humanitarianism in Action Towards the latter part of November I saw some six hundred sick and dying Russians in a military hospital at Nikolsk-Ussuriysky. The hospital had accommodations for only two hundred. The patients were crowded in a manner quite inconceivable to an American. Some of the cots were moved close together, so as to accommodate three patients in two cots. Most of the patients lay on the cold, black asphalt of the corridors, resting their heads on each other's bodies. There was no bedding whatever. There was no food except coarse black bread and very weak tea. There were no medi- caments. There were only three doctors, three nurses, and twenty orderlies. A great number of the patients were suffering from a disease which re- quires particularly ample sanitary accommodations, and particularly strenuous efforts on the part of doctors, nurses, and orderlies. Insufficient sanitary provisions, together with insufficient attendance, soon converted the hospital into an abomination. Typhus made its appearance, and was spreading rapidly. The only hope of stopping its spread was to separate the patients at least to the extent that their bodies would not touch. Next door to the congested hospital was another hospital of 500 beds, fully equipped. It also was a Russian military hospital, one of the most capa- cious in Siberia. The Japanese had asked that it be loaned to them, promising to run it for the benefit of the Russians, and the Russians, good-naturedly enough, had consented. The new incumbents indeed advertised that they were ready to receive and treat any Russians who might apply—a wise procedure, I thought, which might serve to placate a rather unfriendly population. But none of the townspeople were willing to be treated by the Japanese, and so only eight out of the five hundred beds were occupied. The American Red Cross relieved the situation in the congested hospital with respect to food, medicaments, and clothing. On the twentieth of No- vember, in response to my urgent telegram, I received from Vladivostok several carloads of sup- plies. But with or without food and clothing, typhus and congestion would surely kill most of our patients. What we needed above all else was room. I sat in solemn consultation with the three hospital doctors. The plan which first presented itself was, naturally, to place a number of our patients in the large hospital next door. "But I have already seen the Japanese physi- cians," declared Dr. Seliesnieff, the superintendent. "They decline to admit our people." This announcement struck me as ridiculous and I decided to give them a specimen of the American way of doing things. In the company of another American, Mr. Bukely, and Dr. Seliesnieff I imme- diately went to the hospital occupied by the Japanese. But the Japanese sentry at the gate refused admittance, in spite of the American uni- form. We must first obtain passes from the Japan- ese Headquarters. We called up the Japanese Colonel by telephone and explained the urgency of our business. He gave us an appointment—for the next day at three. While waiting that afternoon in the office of the Russian hospital, a strange thing happened. The head nurse rushed in pale as a ghost and trembling with fright. She had been approached by a couple of Japanese soldiers from the hospital across the way with a request to relinquish forthwith some medical paraphernalia of which she had charge. She refused. They struck the ground in front of her feet with the butts of their rifles and then at the points of their bayonets compelled her to yield. It is difficult to describe the state of consternation into which the Russians were thrown by this an- nouncement. io8 August 9 THE DIAL "A conquered nation!" murmured one of the doctors. "How long, O Lord, how long!" I attempted to comfort them by an assurance that the American Red Cross would make good their loss. "But they have also taken—they have taken— they—" stammered the nurse. "Dear Madam," I said, "don't you see that you are creating a panic here by speaking like that? You are driving fear into the hearts of these Rus- sians. What else have the Japanese taken from you? Your typhus patients, perhaps?" I tried to be as cheerful as possible. "My orderlies! They have taken seventeen of my orderlies! What can I do now with only three orderlies for so many sick people?" The poor woman burst out crying and dropped into a chair. I knew that the doctors and nurses had. not slept for the past three nights, and that they had hardly stopped to eat. But I tried to comfort them by pointing to the satisfaction which they must derive from doing their duty to the uttermost. "If only we escape a repetition of yesterday's outrage! We live in everlasting dread." Yester- day's outrage consisted in the entrance of some Japanese soldiers into the woman's ward, where they attempted to make free with the patients. They had been driven off, however, by Dr. Selies- nieff's threat of a beating and by the chorus of frightened screams. The next day, at the appointed hour, we were entering the Japanese Headquarters at Nikolsk— Mr. Strong, Mr. Bukely, and myself, together with Dr. Manget, who had just arrived from Vladi- vostok. Instead of the Colonel we were to be received by his adjutant. While waiting for him to take his warm bath, we were accorded every politeness. We were given tea and cigarettes, and an interest- ing talk on flower arrangement. In due course of time the adjutant appeared. He was very sympathetic and seemed eager to relieve the situation as quickly as possible. He knew of three buildings near the hospital, each of which would accommodate from thirty to forty people. They were old, abandoned wooden barracks. All they needed was to have some window panes set in and the heating arrangements put in order. He could let us have any one of the three buildings, but he asked that we take the building furthest away from the hospital. We explained that many of the Russian patients would surely be dead before any of the buildings he proposed could be properly equipped for hospital use; that what we wanted was very definitely the hospital held by the Japanese. Was the situation as desperate as all that? Well, well, if that was the case he would look into the , matter immediately. . We all of us mounted drozshkis and made for the hospital. We entered the spacious hospital yard. The adjutant ordered the superintendent to come down and the two talked in Japanese. Finally he turned to us and said through his German inter- preter, with an air of surprise: "The doctor tells me that we already have patients in our hospital." "Yes, but how many? I understand onlv eight?" Again he talked for a long time with the doctor. "Yes, you are right, eight patients. But those Russians you speak of are suffering from contagious diseases. The entire hospital might be infected." I explained that the Japanese doctors could pick out, say two or three hundred Russian patients, such as might seem to them to be free from typhus and dysentery. The patients could then be led in batches to the bathhouse, where the Red Cross would have new clothing ready for them, and in that state they would be brought to the Japanese hospital. The adjutant was sorry, but he had not the authority to open the hospital for such purposes. Had the Colonel the needed authority? He didn't know, but as this hospital was reserved for military uses, he hardly thought the Colonel could permit it to be used otherwise. We pointed to, the fact that the hospital was already advertising its readiness to receive poor Russian civilians. Really? He was quite ignorant of medical matters. To make a long story short, four or five days later we saw the Colonel himself. We were again given tea and cigarettes. Again the Japanese offi- cers cast about in vain for ways and means to re- lieve our difficulties. But the fact was that no one present had any authority in the matter, and such being the case, we parted excellent friends. Three or four days later, we obtained the consent of the highest Japanese officials at Vladivostok, and in the company of a Japanese captain, who spoke English excellently well, and who was expressly sent by the high officials to facilitate our business, we came in force to Nikolsk again—five Americans and the Japanese captain. We were received at the hos- pital by the superintending physician and his first adjutant. We were given tea and cigarettes. We were asked how many beds we wanted, and after a great deal of good-humored bargaining we compro- mised on ninety. Then the question of medical at- tendance arose. We would furnish the attendance, medical and other. Now was raised the question of food. We would furnish the food. Medica- ments? The American Red Cross would supply them. Slippers, pajamas, handkerchiefs—the Red Cross . . . "But," interrupted Dr. Seliesnieff, addressing me in Russian, " I turned over to the Japanese complete outfits for five hundred patients. If I am permitted to go through the stock room, I can prove . . ." "Drop that, Doctor, for the time being—let us get hold of those ninety beds." We left Nikolsk greatly elated by our success. A week later I received a letter from Dr. Seliesnieff, saying that the number of additional conditions at- tached by the Japanese to the transference orf 1919 109 THE DIAL patients was so great that he had been obliged to drop the matter altogether. He also informed me that he now had over seventy cases of typhus to cope with, and that the disease had attacked several of the attendants who lived outside the hospital and threatened to spread among the population at large. Siberia and Belgium—A Disconcerting Parallel As instances of arbitrary and violent action on the part of the Japanese soldiery in Siberia forced them- selves upon my attention in increasing numbers, I was irresistibly struck by a parallel between the con- duct of the Japanese and that of the Germans. I asked myself the question: Is there really any essen- tial difference between the wrongs committed by our enemies, the Germans, in Belgium and those committed by our allies, the Japanese, in Siberia? Cast about as I might for apologies, I was always obliged to answer in the negative. Out of a host of incidents a few examples may serve by way of illustration: In Arcadie-Semionovka the Japanese military authorities demanded that the Township Council supply them within four days with information re- garding the amount of cultivated land, the extent of the population, the numbers of domestic animals, of buildings and of wells, and the means of transporta- tion. In its report concerning this demand of the Japanese, the Township asks the County Adminis- tration whether in the future similar demands should be complied with. In the beginning of November, the City Council of Habarovsk received the following communication from Captain Nakamura, Commander of the Japa- nese Naval Company: "The workshops of the River Flotilla, as the property of the Russian Gov- ernment, pass under my control. The closing of the workshops by the City Administration will be considered illegal." The Sidiminsk Village Administration reports the following to the County Administration of Nikolsk- Ussuriysky! "On October 23 a company of Japanese soldiers quartered themselves in the Posiet Agronomic House, but finding it unsuited to their needs, vacated and settled in the schoolhouse. Upon leaving the Agronomic House they carried with them a great number of its belongings, includ- ing a quantity of lumber, parts of the stove, the locks of the doors, and even some windows. They destroyed the barns for lumber. . . . The dep- redation still continues. The Administration has appealed to the Japanese Command to put a stop to these actions, but the appeal has so far brought no results." The following telegram, from Barabash, dated in November, and signed by the Commander of the local Japanese regiment, was received by the Executive Committee of the Maritime Province Zemstvo: "Have schoolhouse vacated for our quar- ters. If you wish you may move school into clock- tower. Reply immediately." No such advance announcement preceded the occupation of the village schoolhouse of Kruglicovo. The Japanese soldiers surrounded the building, tore down the doors, ordered the resident teacher and her family into the street and occupied the schoolhouse. "As a result of the incursion of Japanese troops," says the official report of the Zemstvo, " the Village of Uglovaya has suffered losses to the extent of 15,000 rubles." The Tihonoff Township Administration reports to the Zemstvo County Administration in October as follows: "Armed detachments of the Japanese troops guarding the railway visit almost daily the farms and villages of the neighborhood and take away food products without paying for them. They search the houses for sugar and milk, and, upon finding these articles, seize themi without offering to pay a single kopek. They treat the women roughly, insulting them with words and ac- tions. If the men intercede on behalf of the women, the Japanese soldiers threaten them with bayonets." Bolshevik Baiting as a Cloak for Common Murder Complaints were incessantly arriving from all quarters—from private civilians, from Zemstvo offi- cials, and even from Kolchak and his appointees— of the revolting and cruel activities of one of the most ferocious gangs of ruffians in history—Cos- sack band of Kalmikoff. Under the pretense of hunting for Bolsheviki, they kept northeastern Si- beria in a state of unceasing terror. Citizens were kidnapped; prisons were opened and prisoners exe- cuted; men were dragged from their workshops and their homes and murdered without the least pretense of a trial. The protests of the Zemstvo authorities proved fruitless. An American detachment sent by Gen. Graves to Habarovsk to prevent the murder of a number of Russians by Kalmikoff was foiled by the crafty ataman. The repeated warnings of the Allies were unavailing. And to the admonition of Colonel Butenko, Kolchak's military commandant of Vladi- vostok, the ataman replied with a degree of arro- gance that hardly left a doubt but that the small band was backed by a much stronger power. I asked myself: Why do the Kalmikoff Cos- sacks commit these atrocious acts? They can- not have hope for real power in Siberia. They are few in number and despised by the other cossack bands. They are hated, naturally, by the popula- tion. How does the band maintain itself? They do not rob to any appreciable extent. Who feeds Kalmikoff and his men? Who pays them? I pro- ceeded to ask the same questions of Zemstvo officials, of Kolchak officers and, what was more to the point, of Kalmikoff's Cossacks themselves. And the answer came uniformly—Japan! Japan was maintaining I IO August 9 THE DIAL the band for the laudable and legitimate purpose of killing Bolsheviki. The name of Bolshevik being almost equivalent to a death sentence in Siberia, the Japanese were not always above threatening to brand as Bolsheviki persons who complained against their activities. The Manager of the Russian Volunteer Fleet turned over in the beginning of December to the Commissar of the Maritime Province—Kolchak's appointee—a protocol of the Posieta Township, setting forth a number of grievances against the Japanese. Upon this, the Japanese threatened the complaining per- sons, including the agent of the Volunteer Fleet, with deportation from their homes as Bolsheviki. The killing of Bolsheviki was considered in Siberia, except by the Americans, as both a whole- some sport and a legitimate business. Under the heading of Bolshevik-killing, therefore, the Japanese found it convenient to classify such indiscriminate murders as those described below. The following telegram, dated at Prohasko, was received by Medviedyeff, the Chairman of the Mari- time Zemstvo, from the Zemstvo of the Tihonoff Township; copies of the telegram were sent to the military authorities and the Allied Consulates at Vladivostok: "On the 30th of September, at 3 P. M., at the Station of the 36th verst, at the switching- point of Busse, Foma Orchenko and Anton Suhin, citizens of the Nevskaya Village, were brutally shot by order of the Japanese Command. They had come to apply for employment from the foreman of the railway repair shops. Upon investigation it was made clear that the victims were innocent of any crime, and that their death had been inflicted with- out legitimate reason by the Japanese Command. On the first of October the bodies were buried by the Japanese. The relations of the fallen men re- quest that the bodies be re-interred according to the Christian custom. Am awaiting your orders. I beg that you take the necessary measures." "What have you done about it?" I asked M. Medviedyeff. "Your question embarrasses me," he replied, sadly. "Don't you see that I am helpless? We, the elected administration, count for nothing now. The Ja- panese have no respect whatever for our laws and customs. They entered our country as friends, and they behave as conquerors." "Perhaps that Tihonoff place is tainted with Bolshevism?" "It isn't. The Tegularly elected Zemstvo offi- cials administer the affairs of the township, and the population, which consists of farmers, is peace- ful and law abiding. Here, I'll prove it to you." And he handed me a communication which read as follows: "The Tihonoff Village Assembly, having con- sidered the political questions of the moment, has resolved: Owing to the fact that only an adminis- tration regularly elected by all the citizens can lead our locality out of its difficult circumstances, we de- clare our recognition of the Temporary Siberian Government, and demand that the Siberian Duma and the All-Russian Constituent Assembly be con- vened as soon as possible." "You will note," added M. Medviedyeff, "that the people who passed this resolution are the same people that sent the telegram denouncing the mur- ders." "That looks pretty straight," I said. "What is the attitude of the Allied Consular Corps?" "Oh, well, what can you expect? Diplomats are not in the habit of scrapping. And since the Corps here, which includes the Japanese, is com- posed of friends and allies. . . ." He concluded with a hopeless gesture of the hand. Divide et Impera The Bolsheviki were not the only group in Siberia against whom the activities, of the Japanese were directed, nor the Kalmikoff cossacks their only con- federates. When Vladivostok was taken on June 29 by the Czechoslovaks, it was the Japanese who encouraged and assisted them. The immediate result of this act was to put the Bolshevik Soviets out of business and to re-establish the Zemstvos. Had the Japanese stopped at that, Siberia might have been by now a peaceful, and even a prosperous country. But the Zemstvo officials had no sooner resumed their proper places than the Japanese began to encourage the rising faction of an autocracy with Kolchak at its head. Within the space of four months the authority of the elected adminis- tration was completely undermined. The rising power of Kolchak called forth a renewal of riots and bloodshed throughout the country. The mod- erate and law-abiding elements of the population were driven to despair by a program of unpre- cedented oppression and repression. And all the time the Cossacks were making confusion worse confounded. In the disorder which resulted from pitting every faction against every other faction, the Japanese saw their opportunity to help themselves to Siberia. They kept the waters of political and eco-. nomic life in Siberia muddy in order to catch fish. By the end of January the people of Siberia, and whatever shadow was left of their elected represen- tative government, saw the utter futility of protests and complaints relative to the behavior of Japanese troops and merchants. On the 29th of that month the Zemstvo of the Maritime Province made a cul- minating attempt to prove to the Allies the necessity of being on guard against Japan in the Far East. "What will happen," asks the Zemstvo in the course of a long published argument, " if in die Far East a new Balkan-States-system arises out of Siberia, and a new Austro-Germany in the form of Japan? Will the fault lie with Japan alone, or will a great part of it lie with other powers, shortsighted and busy with unessential diplomacies?" Unhap- pily the question was put in Russian. It stands mighty little chance of being understood or answered by any of the Allies. Joshua Rosett. THE DIAL A FORTNIGHTLY The Old Order and the New Out of the war to end war has come the peace to end peace. With the passing of time, sor- row for the failure of the first-named enterprise tends increasingly to lose itself in elation over a second failure—over the sheer inability of the peacemakers of Paris to put everywhere into prac- tice their plan for the partition and the exploita- tion of the world. Liberals who support the Treaty and the Covenant have said that these documents do not anywhere provide means for the suppres- sion of internal movements for industrial and social revolution. It does however appear that an alli- ance has been perfected between Great Britain, the United States, France, Japan, and Italy. And it is likewise sufficiently plain that this alliance has as one of its chief objects the partitioning, among its members, of the more backward portions of the earth, now called mandatories. To the calloused occidental mind there is nothing very terrible about this scheme of things, familiar already under the name of colonial exploitation. Indeed it begins only now to appear that a system evolved for application to backward peoples, is already being applied, in its essence, to forward nations also. It has always been an international crime for a people to have great possessions and a dark skin, but only recently has it been considered equally heinous to have advanced ideas and to act on them. Conceivably a communist revolution might have occurred "somewhere in Europe in ante-bellum days; but only in a world remade by the war and ruled by the League are red Russia and black Rhodesia subjected to the same treatment. A back- ward country tempts capitalism to new gains, but a forward country threatens the very existence of the system that makes such gains possible. Thus the hope of the world today lies in Russia's resistance to the new Paris verdict, rather than in India's restlessness under an old sentence, and China's under a new one. Tor months the League of Nations has had in making two bodies of law—the statutes pub- lished in the Treaty and the Covenant, and the common law embodied in secret decisions enforced at the ends of the earth by bayonets that write more plainly than official pens. First and foremost among the statutes of the League are those that provide for the partition and exploitation of the earth. To supplement this Imperial Code of aggres- sion, there has been developed a common law doc- trine of defense—that the established system of private property must be preserved at all costs. Whoever doubts that this is as truly a law of the League as any of its statutes may profitably observe what threatens in Mexico, and what is already hap- pening in Hungary and in Russia. The last named and greatest offender against the League is con- demned to dismemberment—and the League is in process of executing the sentence. French and British imperialism, already dominant from the Bosphorus to Thibet, is surging ambitiously against the elastic boundaries of South Russia and Siberia; will Denikin and Kolchak dare to set a limit to this advance? The West, like the South, has its line of clamorous creditors—Finland, Poland, and the lesser states between—demanding to be paid in Russian lands. But it is at the other extreme of the Eurasian continent that the climax of impe- rialist generosity has been reached. Eastern Siberia goes to Japan. There is no mistaking the fact that by the purchase of depreciated properties, by armed occupation and the pilfering of the plans of Siberia's defenses, perhaps even by placating promises to withdraw from Shantung, Japan is con- solidating and extending her possessions in north- eastern Asia to such an extent that she will pres- ently shut Russia off from the Pacific Ocean. Korea, Manchuria, Siberia—and the thing is done. Thus we turn to the Prussians of the Orient for proof that there has at last been developed under the League a type of international unity that de- fies race prejudice and makes the yellow man and the white man comrades at arms in the war on industrial democracy. 1 he Siberian Railroad is not only the main artery of transportation in Siberia, but it is the only open access to European Russia as well. . . . The population of Western Siberia and the forces of Admiral Kolchak are entirely depend- ent upon these railways." Reduced thus to its es- sential sentences, the President's explanation of the presence of our troops in Siberia proves to be not only the latest but altogether the wittiest of Wil- sonian pleasantries. What does the President mean when he says that the Siberian Railway is "the only open access to European Russia?" The Black Sea and the Baltic and the White are just as open as the Siberian Railway for the transportation of supplies and reinforcements to the enemies of Soviet Russia. And the Siberian Railway, guarded 112 August 9 THE DIAL by American troops (8,000) and Japanese troops (100,000 or so), is just as tightly closed to ship- ments of food to the communist area as are the Russian ports, guarded by British and French troops and gunboats. That this blockade is illegal is entirely beside the point. On July 9 the Lon- don Daily Herald published a dispatch from a Paris correspondent reading in part as follows: The blockade of Russia is to be raised immediately the German Peace is ratified. The Blockade Commission ad- vised the Big Four that its continuance would be impossible under international law, since no state of war exists with Russia, and since the agreements with neutral States, on which the present blockade depends, will lapse with the ending of the German war. . . . The Big Four ac- cepted the inevitable, and signed a document ordering that on the ratification by Germany of the Treaty of Versailles, all positive measures of interference with Russian trade must cease. On July 10 a supplementary statement from the same correspondent appeared in the Herald; the opening paragraph read thus: The blockade against Russia and Hungary has been ordered to be raised by the Supreme Economic Council as soon as the Treaty is ratified and the ban against the Central Empires lifted. I can now state positively that the order of the Economic Council has received the neces- sary signatures, and exists as a legal bulwark against the enemies of the Russian and Magyar masses. A Paris dispatch published in the New York Times for July 17 stated that "the developments in the resumed meetings of the [Supreme] Council show that if is not intended to permit a free flow of food and other supplies into that large portion of Russia controlled by the Lenine administration." How effective the action of the Council has been is shown in another dispatch (Times, July 26) dealing with the work of the American Relief Ad- ministration in the Baltic Region. To quote: There is sufficient American food available in the Gulf of Finland to supply Petrograd and its suburbs for three months, but the lack of coordination of allied assistance to the Western Russian Army and to the Esthonians oper- ating in conjunction with it is declared to be preventing the movement upon Petrograd from progressing with suf- ficient speed to effect relief much before Winter, as things stand now. It appears then that, at the best, American food follows the flag of the counter-revolutionary armies, while at the worst our troops maintdn the mili- tary railroad which brings life to the forces of reaction. It is not surprising that certain items of interest did not find their way into the President's message on Siberia—such items as the following: From official sources we are informed that the government of the United States of America has given to the Omsk Government a credit of one million dollars. One million dollars more is expected; the government of the United States has already declared its consent. If Galos Primoria (June 18, 1919), the Kolchak organ of Vladivostok, had been fully aware of the intricacies of American statecraft, this item would surely have been censored out of existence. But as it is, we feel compelled to ask Mr. Wilson to state —" if it is not incompatible with public interest"— where this money came from and by what authority it is used to aid counter-revolution in Russia. On June 12 this same Siberian paper printed another item of more than passing interest—an American Army order addressed to the striking workmen of Soutchan, Siberia: Warning! When I took the place of commander of Soutchan I was told that the workmen of the mines do not work because of the agitators. I intend to defend all the mine workers from external influence. I will consider all menaces from outside, and all interferences, as disorderly conduct, and any person or persons who so act will be punished, or sent to Shotovo for trial. This agitation must be sus- pended; I ask all to support and obey my orders. You must know that if you do not work you will suffer from hunger. If you do not fulfill my orders you will be deported. (Signed) Major F. B. Alderdice. Adjutant D. L. Bressler. June 4, W19. The paper remarks elsewhere that crews made up partly of Chinese laborers have been engaged to work in some of the mines of Soutchan, under the protection of patrols of soldiers. American dollars finance the counter-revolution. American soldiers protect Chinese strike-breakers in Siberian mines. And over it all, like butterflies over a battlefield, flutter the President's phrases. One of the reasons why the Bolsheviki should be starved is that they are bent on destroying the family. It is said that they have nationalized the women and institutionalized the children of Russia. The first of these two myths has been disposed of—and re-disposed of—until it has be- come a propagandist chestnut. The second is as easily handled, now that the facts are known. A traveler just returned from Petrograd brings some interesting information acquired during a personal inspection of the children's institutions of that city. The scarcity of food, caused by the blockade, is the chief reason for the widespread inability of parents to keep their families intact. No child is received into the Petrograd institutions until the case has been studied and reported upon by professional social workers representing the institution, by a committee ot neighbors of the family, and by a sec- ond committee representing the citizens of the political district in which the family resides. Meas- ured by the standards of the Charity Organization Society of New York, such an investigation is more than adequate. Similarly, many of the Russian institutions compare most favorably with those of highly civilized countries. In the matter of food distribution an earnest and successful effort has been made to secure to the children of the city a major 1919 ii3 THE DIAL share of the supply. These measures have done much to keep down child mortality in the face of the blockade, although ten per cent of the adults of Petrograd are partly disabled by malnutrition, and an additional ten per cent are confined to bed from the same cause—that is to say, starvation. The process of careful apportionment of food be- comes meaningless, however, when the supply of a given article is entirely exhausted; The Dial has first-hand information that there are sick babies in the hospitals of Petrograd for whom no milk what- ever can be had. And at Jamburg, seventy miles southwest of Petrograd, are the officers of the Ameri- can Relief Administration, safe within the counter- revolutionary lines, while in the Gulf of Finland "there is sufficient American food available to supply Petrograd and its suburbs for three months." Whose war is this anyhow—this war for the pres- ervation of the family? And above all, whose blockade? Trom the American point of view the exploitation of backward peoples is of three kinds. American capital operates at home with cheap im- ported labor; this situation obtained in California until Asiatic immigration was stopped. Or Amer- can capital operates abroad with cheap native labor; this situation holds in the Tampico oil fields. Or foreign capital operates abroad with cheap native labor; this situation exists in all the formal and informal grants under the League of Nations. American labor has in times past felt the direct pressure of the first of these three forms of exploita- tion, and has protested loudly against Asiatic, South European, and Mexican immigration. Against the use of our army to protect the foreign ventures of American capital labor has likewise protested, though with less vigor. But the newest and most astonishing form of exploitation is that now prac- ticed in foreign grants by foreign capital; from such enterprises America reaps no sort of profit— unless the broadening experience of her soldiers in the service of foreign imperialism may be considered profitable—and yet the American Federation of Labor has indorsed the League of Nations. Our Republican Senators have taken a more reasonable position. No amount of beautiful language can persuade them that we ought to share the burden of maintaining a system of world imperialism when we do not at the same time share the harvest. Even the exquisite technique of secret conferences, im- ported from Paris by Mr. Wilson, has not yet won these gentlemen over. However these is one means by which we may yet be rescued from our ridiculous position as non-participating stockholders in the League. A little note to England: another one to France; a confidential word in a Senator's ear— then let the League be adopted and the invasion of Mexico begin. Is this what our imperialists are holding out for? 1 hroughout Europe a general strike was called for July 20 and 21. It resulted only in a few local tieups and stoppages, and the fuse of revo- lution fizzled into silence. That is the impression of the movement toward international labor solidar- ity which one gains in the American press. As a tally of intentions and results it has the typical journalistic merit of complying with editorial wishes by playing fast and loose with facts. In the first place a general strike was not called in France, Italy, and Great Britain; what was decided upon at the Southport Conference was a general demon- stration, "in the form best adapted to the circum- stances and the methods in operation in each coun- try." The purpose of these demonstrations was to manifest international solidarity and goodwill. In no portion of this resolution was there the threat of an international general strike: the whole wording shows on the contrary that none of the labor groups wished to inflict hardship or to court failure by premature action, by attempting to take over an international mechanism which they did not have the force to, put into effective opera- tion at this early moment. The demonstration was planned merely as a preliminary step toward organ- ization. Now what was the outcome of this pre- liminary exertion of pressure without recourse to the general strike? In Italy, despite the absence of an overt revolutionary mandate, if we accept the earliest press reports dealing with the situa- tion, the mere threat of action was enough to wring from the government all that the South- port conference suggested in the resolution reported by The Daily Herald (London) for June 28: namely, according to the New York Times for July 20, the recall of Italian troops from foreign service in Russia and Hungary, the hastening of demobiliza- tion and the breakup of the supreme military com- mand; the liberation of political prisoners on a large scale; and the restriction of profiteering in the necessities of life. What more could a strike have obtained without the complete political cap- ture of the state? That British labor is likely to use industrial action to the same end is shown in the decision of the Triple Alliance to submit a referendum on a general strike against conscrip- tion. Whatever the weakness of international labor cooperation, due to the unequal develop- ments of the movement in the various countries, it is plain that labor groups have at hand a weapon by which they may potently influence the conduct of their own government. By exercizing that influence they will be able to control indirectly the counter revolutionary operations of the league. Suppose the Covenant is rejected. What will follow? Chaos! answer the liberals who have not yet awakened from the pleasant trance of Wilsonian formulae to confront the realities which underlie the documents. Public law will be under- ii4 August 9 THE DIAL mined; public order will cease to exist. Thus these liberals. Mr. Herbert Hoover however is more candid and less disconcerting. The New York Times for July 28 quotes him as saying that "to abandon the Covenant now means that the treaty itself will collapse." When Mr. Hoover said this he may have fancied that he was sounding the siren of alarm; but second thought will show that this is the most hopeful remark that has been made about the international situation since General Smuts had the courage to append his reservations to the signature he affixed to the Peace Treaty. The present covenant is not an instrument for creating a new comity in the relations of states: it is a mechanism for perpetuating the preponderance of military power exercised by certain allied and asso- ciated imperialisms. With the Peace Treaty in view, the idea of public right is subordinated in the Covenant to the idea of economic and military ex- pediency. What makes the Covenant indefensible is the Peace Treaty; what makes the present treaty inimical to the processes of pacification is the Cov- enant. The rejection of the Covenant would strike a blow at the Peace Treaty, for it would leave it without the necessary political and military means of fulfillment. What then? Chaos! The pro- visions of the treaty would be flouted. There would be dissensions, renewals of warfare, and a more drastic series of peace terms written (if need be) by France and Italy alone. But this is the un- thinkable possibility, unthinkable because it does not recognize the collapse of an artificially stimulated war morale, and the increasing political and indus- trial recovery of the European labor groups. The erstwhile belligerents have only by now sufficiently cooled off to be able to write an unprovocative Peace Treaty, more equitable in its demands, less prehensile in its exactions, and less in need of a vigilant military coalition to enforce its terms. The mood of belligerency has evaporated, and there is an opportunity to express in a revised treaty a correspondingly dispassionate state of mind. The enforcement of the Peace Treaty through the in- strumentality of the Covenant would stereotype the relations'of the master states to the subject states, and the conditions that would favor a revision would be absent. Its collapse on the other hand would result in the disruption of an imperialism whose aims are inimical to any sort of peace, order, justice, or liberty except that which exists within the bour- geois oligarchies of the West. The sort of chaos which this would involve seems antecedent to the establishment of any secure and decent system of public right. Better a passing disorder than an order which makes injustice and illiberalism permanent. Ihe race riots in Washington, Chicago, and elsewhere must not be regarded merely as incidental outbreaks of hoodlumism. They are a local aspect of that wider problem of races which rose into -ominence less than a hundred years ago. It is a problem which the Negro question in America only accentuates in the brutality and irrationality of its treatment. What conditions hamper diverse races from meeting freely on the same economic and social planes? We have yet to make a complete and candid inquiry into this subject. That we have failed however is no occasion for puzzlement; for the forces that brought the yellow man, the brown, and the black, within the scope of Western civiliza- tion have been barely a hundred years in operation. It is too early to expect the problem to be solved, but it is at least time that it should be stated. What is needed, first of all, is an analysis that will separate contemporary economic inequalities from the more permanent underlying anthropological and social elements. Part of the American prej- udice against the Negro has no other ground than the dislike of the medieval townsman for the Jew, or the California landholder for the Japanese. In these cases racial antagonism is simply a mask for concealing the dislike of an established economic class for a rival group which aspires to throw off its status of menial subjection. Where the Negro has no inferior economic place to fill, as in Ancient Greece or modern France, he is treated with sym- pathy, cordiality, and good will; and is not badgered into " keeping his place " on account of a supposedly innate psychological or cultural incapacity. The remedy for race intolerance, in so far as it is based upon the superstition of natural servitude, is eco- nomic equality. It is by establishing his economic independence, and not by physical recalcitrance, that the Negro will be able to create respect for himself as a member of the human race, instead of being dubiously tolerated as the member of a per- haps dangerous subject people. This however does not dispose of the racial ques- tion as a whole: it merely does away with the eco- nomic aspect of it. Apart from the economic motives of exploitation we have still to discover whether there are any grounds for erecting barriers against the natural movements of population from China, Japan, India, and Africa to regions in- habited by the multifariously hybrid white man. What has historical anthropology to say about the mingling of races in the past? What has ex- perimental eugenics to say about racial character- istics, the terms of their transmission, the extent to which they mingle or retain the attribute of units. What has ethnology to say about the relation of race to culture? Is there enough critically tested data to assure us of the innocuousness of a thorough- going process of racial intermixture, to the extent that a man might have a Nordic grandfather, a Chinese grandmother, a Negroid mother, and a Semitic father? If not, what at the present stage of our knowledge would seem a prudent limitation? Questions of this sort are fundamental to a scien- tific political approach to the race problem. Until we are prepared to answer them the glib human- itarian and the bestial hoodlum will hold the field with their respective "solutions." 1919 H5 THE DIAL Casual Comment The essential prostitution in popular writing has rarely been so glaringly manifest as it is manifest in The Gibson Upright, a play by Booth Tarkington and Harry Leon Wilson, just pub- lished serially in the Saturday Evening Post and announced for fall publication by Doubleday, Page and for Broadway production next season. The piece is a party plea for the Old Order in indus- try—that well-nigh vanished old order of open competition, individual initiative, thrift, and benev- olent paternalism so futilely dreamt about in an- other Mr. Wilson's unlamented New Freedom. The scene is laid in a manufacturing backwater, an inherited little factory, owned and managed by the Utopianly just and benevolent son of its Vic- torian founder—a piano factory that has main- tained itself outside the "syndicate" by substituting for its former product ("a very fine piano—and only a few of them") the Gibson Upright, made "on a quantity-production basis" to sell at $188 —and enough of them made by 175 laborers to pay $50,000 a year in profits to the younger Gibson! Gibson happens to be blest with miraculous knowl- edge of where to buy raw materials and relies on his own plant even for his celluloid key coat- ing. Probably no such anachronistic factory exists or could exist; $188 pianos are "assembled" from ready-made parts, and the assembling factories are subservient cogs in an intricate industrial organi- zation. Upon this initial, and woefully ignorant, misrep- resentation the authors have constructed an eco- nomic chimera fantastically adapted to their prej- udices—and to their dramatic necessities. The laborers are made as preposterously stupid and can- tankerously grasping as their employer is omni- sciently shrewd and exasperatingly generous. The theme seems to be the familiar and utterly unsub- stantiated one that the more you "give" labor the more it will demand and the nastier it will be about its exactions. (The converse is shirked.) Facing strikes thus motivated in every department, interviewed by an "ignorant idealist" deliberately got up to burlesque the hypothetical "bolshevik" journalist, and rebuffed as a "capitalist" by the girl of his choice, a disagreeable copy of the Rus- sian worker-agitator, young Gibson turns the man- agement of his factory over to Ms employees, re- taining only his title—and, incidentally, his indis- pensable secret knowledge of the materials market. Before the curtain falls on the first act they are paying $2 a thousand more than they need to for lumber, substituting management by guesswork for management by magic. And after that, of course, the deluge—prompt restoration of inequality be- cause certain feeble-minded workers sell their shares at a discount, labor troubles with the "wops" the new capitalists have hired to work their pur- chased shares, too early division of hypothetical profits, no business management and no sales, squabbles, insolvency, joyful reversion to Mr. Gib- son. Everywhere the blind stupidity that is possible to average men and women only in Post fiction and on the Broadway stage. Nowhere in The Gibson Upright is there even accidental intimation of the real problems that, in the present industrial scene, would sur- round such an experiment in democratic control. Nowhere the faintest gleam of open-mindedness or dispassionate investigation. Gibson, moved more by love than by social justice, in sheer petulance deserts a factory his employees do not deserve and cannot operate—and, again moved by love, pays a $17,000 deficit to get it back. The eco- nomics of the authors is exposed in a choice moment. Asked whether he thinks himself worth $50,000 a year to his business, Gibson produces as crushing proof a $50,000 salary offer from a competitor— query: what is the rate of return on his capital? Such is the unabashed ignorance of this propaganda on behalf of a supposititious "existing order" that ceased to exist on any considerable scale almost be- fore its principles were formulated by economists. The thing would be comical were it not so vicious. It could pass with a grin if Messrs. Tarkington and Wilson were merely having the rather taste- less fun with radicals that Mr. Sinclair Lewis was having with Bohemians in his Hobohemia— produced, appropriately, at the Greenwich Village Theater. But the Gibson Upright is not farce— that is, by intention. In it one of our most suc- cessful novelists and perhaps our most successful humorist have entertainingly and profitably re- flected back to the myriad readers of our most widely circulated weekly, and will reflect to as many purchasers of the book and as many auditors of the play as they can decoy, the bourgeois passions and prejudices of the hour. That they may be, and probably are, honest in their ignorance and in- nocent of deception scarcely lightens the picture. They have administered a soothing syrup to the wakening suspicion that perhaps all is not well in our order; they have contributed to that dangerous state of mind—compact of smug ignorance and fatuous aversion to change—whose prejudices re- sist the rational and amicable impulses toward social readjustment, and encourage the irrational and violent. And their contribution will be more welcome to the interested parties than if it had been ordered, censored, paid for, and distributed as a Tory document in a modern War of the Pam- phlets. In fact the most significant, and equally the most disturbing, distinction between the Grub Street pamphleteer and the Broadway success is this: the valuable pamphleteer, who usually knew better than he did, received for his thirty pieces a precarious insurance against starvation; whereas the innocence of his American successor will keep him on the fat of the land. And—where ignor- ance is bliss . . . • n6 August 9 THE DIAL £ RENCH THOUGHT AND FRENCH JOURNALISM have lately brought out a magazine, unique and ad- mirable, Le Progres Civique. It is a journal of po- litical criticism and social improvement. By itself this is not a distinction. What makes Le Progres Civique a singular institution to Anglo-American eyes is that the weight of its contents is mitigated by a journalistic levity in typography and makeup. No weeklies or fortnightlies in English have achieved the combination. The Liberator, for example, en- joys the same pictorial enlivenment as Le Progres Civique, and might conceivably adopt its editorial catchlines and its boldfaced footnotes; but it could hardly live by the motto "Never partisan! . . . Never neutral!" nor would it be likely to enlist such a diverse company of contributors as Marcel Sem- bat, the socialist; Pierre Hamp, the laborist; and Charles Brun, the regionalist. On the other hand Le Progres Civique dares to dissociate the dignity of learning from the dignity of dress, and it takes off its coat and gesticulates and stamps its emphasis with a vehemence which the stodgier traditions of our own more gentlemanly and suave journalism do not permit. Does this account partly for its ready popularity, for the fact that more than eighty thous- and copies of the first issue were disposed of, at one franc a copy? In America the popular magazines alone have the typographic boldness of Le Progres Civique: does their success mean that the literary and political journals must eventually follow its ex- ample? As if partly in answer to this question the National Municipal Review appeared a little while ago with a new policy, a new editor, and an every- month issue; and while the change is indicated chiefly by a new colloquial tone in the editorials, it is only a short step from this to the adoption of a more modern makeup. If there is a question how- ever as to whether intellectual dignity or typo- graphical dignity must be sacrificed in the interest of a wider circulation, it is our opinion that the first quality must be maintained at all costs. A literary style should fit the subject matter primarily, and only incidentally the audience. The repulsive familiarity of contemporary popular journalism is symptomatic not of democratic sympathies but of downright condescension. The worst demagogue is he who flatters his inferiors by pretending to be their equal. That quality of demagogery slashes like a yellow streak through American journalism. It is an offense that Le Progres Civique, which courts popularity without condescension, may well show us how to avoid. JOoomalaca, Congo, July 22 (delayed in transmission). Immediate armed intervention in the United States of America was decided upon at an extraordinary session of the Council of Ten to- night. The object of this drastic action on the part of the League of Unfree Nations is the protection oi the lives and property of African citizens now resi- '-nt in the United States, and the establishment and maintenance of a stable government in that coun- try. An, official high in diplomatic circles stated after the close of the meeting that the League pro- posed to grant to Liberia a mandate over those por- tions of the United States where the population is predominantly of the Congo race, with the idea of first putting an end to the pogroms which have of late become so frequent, and of arranging eventu- ally for the determination by plebiscite of the de- sires of the population as to their future national adherence. It is said that in this manner the world will be made safe for diplomacy. No official con- firmation of these statements had been obtained up to a late hour tonight. At the opening of the session of the Council, King Hahhah read a dispatch from the Washington representative of the Liberian Tribe Department in which it was stated that soldiers and sailors in uni- form were attacking African citizens on the streets of the American capital. Prince Hodge Podge stated it as his opinion, based on long and careful study of all the evidence in hand, that these out- rages had been encouraged by the Wilsonist ad- ministration. The Prince even suggested the possi- bility that an alliance exists between the Wilsonist faction and the Empeyistas, General Bulbo offered the opinion that the present unstable condition of the American government and the prevalence of lawlessness could not be excused on the ground that there was a revolution in America a hundred and forty-four years ago. The General explained that ever since the suspension of the hostilities caused by the imperialistic expansion of the Abyssinia in the Nile Valley, the Congo General Staff had been preparing plans for the invasion of the United States. He was of the opinion that the discontent now rife in the hunting and fishing centers of Africa would be relieved by another war, and that the resumption of military operations would bring pros- perity in business. Mr. B. B. Babboon emphasized the fact that only by securing the establishment of a stable government in the United States could the Congo be assured of the supply of gee strings and cigarettes so necessary to her industrial progress. EDITORS John Dewey Martyn Johnson Robert Morss Lovett Helen Marot Thorstein Veblen Clarence Britten, Associate 1919 117 THE DIAL Notes on New Books What Is America? By Edward Allsworth Ross. 159 pages. Century. What Is America? is the question that the census answers decennially, in many large and bulky volumes. Professor Ross has realized the unpopu- larity of these complete and authoritative statistics, and he has conceived the happy notion of engross- ing a part of rhem and presenting them as a socio- logical analysis of the American nation. Where Professor Ross follows the census humbly, as in his demographic maps and tables, his little hand-book is not without interest for those unacquainted with the original sources; but it cannot be said that the comments that bind these charts together add very much to the illumination. In default of critical analysis Professor Ross offers opinions which have the defect of platitude without the merit of truth. "The federal government is erected upon the people, not upon the states." Is that a realistic analysis of the underlying community to the state? Professor Ross alleges that the monthly magazines which are published in New York or Boston "so far as local bias goes, might as well be edited on Pike's Peak." Does that touch off the preponderant influence the financial capital of America has had upon foreign and domestic policy by means of the periodical press? Again, in surveying the country- side the author observes that "typical of America is the independent farmer living on his own farm." How docs this jibe with the statement four pages later that farm tenancy has increased from 25.6 per cent of all the farmers in 1880 to 37 per cent in 1910? Professor Ross openly set out to " vindicate and commend" the virtuous democracy alluded to in the Virginia Bill of Right of 1776. It is hardly an act of piety to the dead to answer the question "What is America?" by glibly retailing what America is—not. Bismarck. By C. Grant Robertson. 539 pages. Holt. No subject would make an easier polemic at this time than a life of Bismarck. But Mr. Robertson has the good taste to refrain from dusting his picture with patronizing excuses or pious recriminations, nor does he cheapen it by pointing the moral of Bis- marck's career straight at the present day. The pic- ture is first and foremost a portrait of the politician. But, as the politician rounds into form, we notice a sketch of the man taking shape behind the politician, and as the man gains in solidity, we see emerging an outline of the whole system which the man created. What was Bismarck's chief work? It was the re- placement of sentimental politics by Realpolitik. In fine, it was the feat of lifting an old structure from crumbling foundations and setting it on more mod- ern and much stronger ones. For Bismarck abol- ished the old absolutism grounded on dynastic whims and replaced it with an absolutism grounded on the scientific exploitation of the people. He set the Prussian ruling class in an imposing edifice of which the reinforced concrete was the systematic coordi- nation of industrial, commercial, and political power. Of that host of diplomats, politicians, and semi-di- vine-right princelings and potentates who played the mock-heroic game of the Balance of Power, Bis- marck was the Hercules. No individual overcame him. The two reverses he met with were adminis- tered by great systems. The first reverse, inflicted by the Roman Church, was a check rather than a de- feat. But the second, inflicted by the Imperial sys- tem he had created, was a knock-out. Mr. Robert- son's work, based on insight and sympathy, provides ample data for a judgment on Bismarck's value to Germany and to the world. It is a judgment- no more to be ignored by a German than by an English- man or an American. The Dry Rot of Society and Other Essays. By Marion Cox. 158 pages. Brentano. In these essays on the psychology of the drunkard, the Lady in love and in war, the Gentleman in war, and the insanity of the German nation, Mrs. Cox (according to the advertisement) turns an "intellec- tual flashlight on the chaos of the times." Her epi- grams are often thought provoking and amusing. Most diverting is the characterization of the Lady in War—" the female of our reigning plutocracy." War revealed the Lady, not as the lover and saviour of life, but as the knitting woman who counts the falling heads of pacifists and blasphemers of the god- head of war; as the passionate patrioteer, who roams at large in her new-found freedom of war, the chip of patriotism for her epaulet, so eager for the fray that, with her wild scent for the pro-German, she threatens to destroy the peace of every community of interests alien to her own." Seeking power in- stinctively, the Lady is without democracy in her cultural makeup. What then is the real trouble with Germany? Feminization. The femininity of Germany has been at grips with the masculinity of England, as typified by the English gentleman in war. He has the gift of getting under the other mau's skin, whether white, yellow, or black, "to which delicate feat he owes his courtesy and his em- pire—He just happened to run across his vast empire through an adventurous curiosity to meet and under- stand the strange folk of this pluralistic old planet"— a pleasant way of phrasing the motives of economic imperialism! "The English conqueror makes le beau geste of liberation to the conquered, grasps his hand in honor of their mutual humanity, and then is worried ever afterwards how to do the. right thing by him." This eulogy might make even an Anglo- maniac think of Ireland or India in 1919. Mrs. Cox's humor is submerged in this essay by her enthu- siasm, and humor takes its revenge at the end when she selects the Tank, an invention of English gentle- I I 8 August 9 THE DIAL men, as the emblem of Great Britain—“slow, safe, and sure, in her magnificent empiricism.” Thus the flashlight upon the chaos of our times reveals the Tank making le beau geste of liberation to the conquered CHRISTOPHER AND Columbus. By the author of Elizabeth and Her German Garden. 435 pages. Doubleday, Page. The sophisticated fiction reader who finds himself quickly and completely captivated by the ingenuous charm of this gay little story will feel somewhat like a blase and indulgent parent who has consented to take his youngster to the circus and finds that he himself has dropped a score of weary years outside the big top. It's a rare misanthrope who will not surrender to the fascinations of these irresponsible seventeen-year-old Twinkler twins, who romp through the best of impossible worlds. Anna- Felicitas and Anna-Rose, have (for a reason) emi- grated from England to America, with two hundred pounds and a blissful ignorance of the world and its ways. Event piles upon event in this unfamiliar land, and the spell of romance is upon all their ad- ventures. But under the protection of the not too fatherly Mr. Twist, inventor and manufacturer of Twist's Non-Trickler Teapot, “well known on every breakfast table,” the young explorers sail through the perils of sea-sickness and the rough winds of offended and offensive Madame Grundys, past treacherous shoals of philanderers young and old, into the good harbor of matrimony. The style of this narrative is one of easy vivacity, and the gay make-believe is quite spontaneous and unforced. Surely Lady Russell must have enjoyed the writing of her book as much as her readers' will enjoy the reading of it. - * THE Doctor is WAR. By Woods Hutchin- son. 481 pages. Houghton Mifflin. The Doctor in War by Woods Hutchinson is the first book dealing with the doctor in war, and is the result of Dr. Hutchinson's tour of the trenches and field hospitals from January 15 to December 24, 1917, including three months in France, and four weeks on the Isonzo front. It contains much first hand information, which is vitiated in part by the fact that the author did not make his book deliber- ately enough, but slung together a series of articles which he had contributed to various periodicals. There is a vein of optimism which runs through the book, which is justified by the fact that the death rate in this war was only 3 per cent per annum, and that ninety per cent of the wounded were saved, and over eighty per cent were returned to the battle- field in less than four weeks. Some of the chapter headings such as The Land of the Happy Wounded and New Faces for Old, are a trifle Charlie Chap- linesque and would look well on the screen. Dr. Hutchinson vigorously attacks the vegetarian myth, - - says a good word for tea and coffee, and is enthusi- astic about the sports and amusements which pre- serve the soldiers' morale. He is so very, very optimistic in his treatment of the subject of the care of the wounded that it reminds one of the popular song, I'm in love with a beautiful nurse, I don't want to get well. and the reader unconsciously wishes that the genial doctor were able to write from a more personal ex- perience on this topic. He waxes enthusiastic over the Dayton-Carrel method of treatment, but neg- lects mentioning other discoveries of equal import- ance. Although he pays a fitting tribute to the ambulance corps, he neglects to stress the most significant development in modern warfare, getting men as far from the front lines as possible before operating on them. It is also unfortunate that Dr. Hutchinson says nothing of the services per- formed by the doctor in this country. The draft was made feasible by the work of doctors who volunteered for service, and in the camps the doctors performed a notable work in sanitation, prophylaxis and fighting epidemics. In dealing with the plague of influenza they participated in the greatest of battles—that which perpetually takes place in the war against disease. MoMEY AND PRICEs. By J. Lawrence Laugh- lin. 307 pages. Scribner. The ripe experience of more than a generation's close association with the world's fiscal experiments stands behind and gives solidity to Prof. J.Lawrence Laughlin's concise addition to the many volumes on financial subjects which, in large part, clog the economic shelves of our libraries. In Money and Prices the author desires finally to set at rest the ancient discussion on the validity of the quantitative theory of prices, and to present a clear exposition of the relationship between the gold standard and the process by which prices are “made.” While Prof. Laughlin does not maintain that the quantity of gold in a given locality has no influence on the fluctuations of price in that locality, he strongly emphasizes the fact that other influences of trade and commerce, and not gold, determine the price trend. By presenting the question as a ratio Professor Laughlin clarifies his argument. On the one side is the constantly increasing world supply of gold, whose tendency is to raise the general level of prices; on the other are various economic factors, such as labor saving devices, increased skill of man- agement, and other technical advances, which tend to reduce them. These latter, because they affect the immediate supply of commodities in the world at any given time in a far larger way than the yearly addition to the world's gold supply, are the real causes of price fluctuations. However, it cannot be denied that a sudden influx of gold into a small community, such as results when a new gold field is I919 THE DIAL 19 THE POLITICS OF INDUSTRY By GLENN FRANK Co-author of “Stakes of the War," etc. BOOK that will help the alert American to antici- pate and discount the social and industrial crises that are certain to develop in the near future. The papers that make up the volume are said by many business and labor leaders who have read them to constitute the sanest and clearest statement yet made regarding the social unrest, the labor problem, and the part American business men may play in this period of readjustment following the war. The author says in his Foreword: “The statesmanship or stupidity of business men is of more social significance than the statesmanship or stupidity of politicians. . . . During the past year it has been my assignment and my pleasure to try to interpret the mind and the attitude of the more forward-looking business and industrial leaders of this country in relation to the social and industrial unrest and the pervasive spirit of change that marks our time. I have tried to catch their spirit rather than quote their words.” Price $1.50 12mo, 214 pages. WHAT IS AMERICA2 By EDWARD ALSWORTH ROSS Author of “Russia in Upheaval,” “Changing America,” etc.; Professor of Sociology in The University of Wisconsin. “Our society is developing as the fathers neither foresaw nor intended. . . . In the course of this de- velopment strain is produced on a large scale. You cannot lay it to persons, it is simply a by-product of social evolution. Of course we should seek out a remedy, but, in the meantime, we need not begin to quarrel among ourselves and hate one another. “The bulk of Americans well understand this. There are some who will do nothing about the suffering in the wake of social evolution lest their profits be disturbed. There are others who hold certain individuals responsible for this suffering and would wreck society in order to get at them. Between these are the steady-going millions who, without losing their tempers, seek patiently for remedies. They have contended with a long series of grave problems, yet have not turned bitter. They exhibit that “firm adherence to Justice, moderation, temperance, frugality, and virtue," with- out which, according to the Virginia Bill of Rights of 1776, "no free government, or the blessings of liberty, can be preserved to any people.” “It is to vindicate and commend this ‘virtuous democ- racy" that I offer this little book.”—From the author's introduction. 12mo, 150 pages, with numerous charts and graphs. Price, $1.10. At all bookstores. Published by THE CENTURY CO. 353 Fourth Avenue New York City "|P"||||P. Short Stories tn the Making A Writers' & Students’ Introduction to the Technique & Composition of Short Stories By R. M. NEAL This carefully written volume deals with the theory of the short story, the factors in its com- position, development of action, etc. The experi- enced writer can also learn much from Prof. Neal's volume. EUGENE MANLovE RHoDEs says: “If no one can show would-be writers how to write, the author at ſeast shows them how writing is done, and that beyond a doubt.” , NET $1.00 OXFORD UNIVERSITY PRESS American Branch h 35 WEST 32D STREET 1 a-e- NEW YORK º Fº | What She Found Beyond the Footlights All the pleasures of life were hers—beauty, talent, fame, the favor of men. She loved her vaga- bond life—the dancing and the music—the bright lights—the crowds—the popular applause. And yet her soul was starved. Was it religion she needed? Love? A home? It was something greater even than these. Her long quest—and what she found in the end—this is the thread on which are strung the rainbow-colored beads of this dramatic story. SYLVIA and MICHAEL 18y Compton MacKenzie Intangible as a fairy cobweb is the mellow beauty of this story—a-spangle with excitement and adven- ture—as colorful as a rainbow—full of sacrifice and love and a kind of mysticism that lifts you out of yourself into a spiritual exaltation. It is a masterpiece of literary style—superb in a quality of distilled sweetness. Get it to-day at the nearest bookstore. treat. §1.75. HARPER & BROTHERS Established 1817 It is a rare 120 August 9 THE DIAL discovered, temporarily swings prices in that dis- trict in the other direction; that is, to the gold side of the ratio. In method, Professor Laughlin establishes his position by broad induction. His argument is based on an examination of economic conditions during the tremendous increase in the world's supply of gold between 1850 and 1873, and the gradual decline in prices which folowed from 1873 to 1896. Accord- ing to the quantitative theory, says the author, had prices kept pace with the increase in the world's gold supply between 1850 and 1873, and had the theory been sound, there would have been no panic, but an increased price level with a generally healthy business condition throughout the world. But while prices did increase (shown by excellent charts), the causes were found to reside in the expansion of trade, various European wars, and the growing importance of American agricultural efforts on world trade. For gold alone to be responsible for an upward trend in prices, the annual product must be large in pro- portion to the existing supply, while other conditions remain practically unchanged. But as inventions, tariffs, taxes, changes in the cost of raw materials, and higher wages are moving factors in the price question, gold as a commodity, alone, never has been a weighty enough explanation for the general move- ment of prices. An analogy taken from conditions which the present war generated further illustrates Prof. Laughlin's position. While prices have risen 100 per cent or more in both Great Britain and in America, Great Britain has exported millions of pounds sterling to America. If the quantitative theory were sound, prices would have declined in Great Britain. And the reason for their stability and uniformity with prices in America is that busi- ness is conducted on a credit basis, and is not de- pendent on the comparatively insignificant move- ment of gold. Banners. Doran. By Babette Deutsch. 104 pages. There are so many of the younger poets whose chief delight it is to tramp in the mud of realism and then leave a gritty trail across the emotions that it is with something approaching a sense of re- lief that one turns to the author of Banners. Miss Deutsch's muse is close enough to earth for a touch of common humanity, but she does not mire her sandals in all the puddles. As a consequence there is a fresh vigor in her imagery, and a quickness of vision which carries her past some of the pitfalls of expression. What one finds lacking however in many of these poems is an appreciation of the posi- tive values of repression. Miss Deutsch embroiders too heavily upon her pattern, thrusting in new fig- ures, until the fabric is hidden in the profusion. By succumbing to this occasional temptation to overelaborate she lessens the dramatic effects which are the fruits of determined pruning. Her poems reveal a subtle sense of the contrasts which lie in crowds, and the contradictions between the fevers of modern life and the verities of nature. Pessimism is in the roots of many of them, but pessimism with- out bitterness. Their philosophy is significantly mirrored by the recurrence of the adjective " alien" to designate those who have died. Letters from a French Soldier to his Mother. Translated from the French of Let- tres d'un Soldat by H. R. P. 67 pages. Alex- ander Moring; London. It is seldom enough that war or peace produces art so exquisite as that of the simple soldat Fran- cois whose letters fill this little book. Sharing in the vast suicidal courage of armies marching to a required sacrifice, this soldier had also a rarer and more individual quality. The war condemned him, an artist, "to gather flowers in the mud," and yet permitted him to write on the eve of his last bat- tle, "Come what will, we shall have known beauty." For him a landscape was " a cameo set in mists lighted by the moon "—albeit the fields hid here and there "a corpse, white and magnificent." In the trenches he watched the scampering field- mice "pretty as a Japanese print, their ears pink as shells," or looked out upon "a sky in fury, all rose-colored and charming, sweeping across a phantom wood; the trees, luminously blue beneath, brown lacework above, the earth white. . . ." Finally in the presence of beauty and horror he could say, "For myself, I have no longer any de- sires. When the ordeal is past endurance, I am content to be merely unhappy." In filial devotion and in art's Ivory Tower he had found that last "degree of acquiescence which surpasses human courage." Papa's War and Other Satires. By Edward Garnett. 120 pages. Allen & Unwin. In these satires one is struck particularly by the absence of the detachment and grim humor that are usually to be found in this form of writing. The author is obsessed by his subject, which is so vital and serious that he can hardly get far enough away from it for even a wry smile. The articles appeared in various British periodicals during the War, and reflect radical opinion in England on certain phases of the great conflict. The initia- tion and conduct of the War, the treatment of pacifists, the manipulation of the press, the defec- tion of the liberal party, false idealism, religious hypocrisy, narrow patriotism, and all the reac- tionary tendencies that manifested themselves dur- ing that time are attacked with a freedom and vigor that would hardly have passed the censor in this country. The most noteworthy sketches in the volume are Papa's War, which gives its name to the collection, and Truth's Welcome Home, in both of which the part that the Virtues have had in bringing about and prolonging the War is emphasized. 1919 121 THE DIAL The Literary and Political Sensation of the Year GEORGE CREEL'S THRILLING BOOK, IRELAND'S FIGHT FOR FREEDOM The former Chairman of the Committee on Public Information has written the full story of Erin's Seven Century struggle for liberty. In his vivid pages Shane the Proud and Hugh O'Neill live again—He gives for the first time the "inside history" of Home Rule's betrayal- He handles the so-called "Ulster Problem" in detail—Follows Sinn Fein's Rise to Power- Paints the full picture of'tyranny and persecu- tion, and answers the question, "Can Ireland Stand Alone?" by a masterly analysis of facts and figures. WHAT FRANK P. WALSH SAYS: "Every American with Irish blood in his veins should read George Creel's book. All Americans who want the truth about Ireland should read the book. It Is written as only George Creel can write when he writes from his heart. No more unanswerable argument against English rule In Ireland was eyer made; no clearer, finer presentation of the Irish cause was ever framed. The hook is worth an army to Ireland." Illustrated, $2.00 HARPER & BROTHERS Established 1817 NEW YORK Do we really die? Can we communicate with the dead? CONTACT WITH THE OTHER WORLD The Latest Evidence as to Communi- cation with the Dead By JAMES H. HYSLOP Formerly Professor of Logic and Ethics in Columbia University, author of "Problems of Philosophy,' etc. Psychic phenomena were never so generally interesting as now. Dr. Hyslop. who for fifteen years has given his entire time to their scientific investigation, herewith treats the whole subject of the supernormal in the psychic world, giving its history and the re- sults of the latest experiments. It is ex- tremely fascinating and may be of stupendous importance to mankind. Royal octavo, 493 pages. Illustrated. Price $5.00. All bookstores. Published by The Century t^>. 353 Fourth Ave., New York City If you would understand the League of Nations and the causes that led to its formation; if you would get a clear view of the old, war-breeding diplomacy of Europe; if you would understand, too, the present labor unrest and what should be done to meet it; if you would see why and how WOMEN MUST END WAR—then whether you are man or woman read women and world federation By Florence Guertin Tuttle FOREWORD BY FORMER PRES. TAFT The first discussion of world politics and de- fense of the League of Nations from the wom- an's viewpoint—(written by a woman who is at once a mother, a home-maker, a courageous thinker, and an American.) Just out. At all bookstores. $1-60 net. Robert M. McBride & Co. Publishers, New York FIFTY VOLUNTEERS WANTED to enlist as candidates for the Christian Ministry in a campaign for a Reconstructed Church and Nation in the spirit which won the victory at Chateau-Thierry and St. Mihiel. Such volunteers are needed at once in the liberal pulpits ot America, and may be trained for efficient service at the MEADVILLE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL Meadville, Pa. Autumn Quarter begins Sept. 24. Summer Quarter (at Chicago) begins June 16. Summer sessions at the expense of the School at the bni- versity of Chicago. Liberal scholarship aid. Traveling fellowships providing for further study at" foreign universities available at graduation. Apply to Rev. F. C. Somhworth, D.D., LL.D., President Whea wrttnvg te advertisers please mention Tut Dim. 122 August 9 THE DIAL The Rising of the Tide. By Ida M. Tarbell. 277 pages. Macmillan. Anyone who read the magazines of a dozen years ago remembers the muckrakers, that gallant lot of crusaders who acted on the assumption that America was Holy Land and Big Business the infidel in possession thereof, but who today seem as far orff and abortive as the Jacquerie. Among that cour- ageous but rather priggish set, Ida M. Tarbell was one of the foremost exposers of iniquities. It is in- teresting to discover, therefore, that she has experi- enced a change of heart. Ralph Gardner, the young editor of this novel, is a muckrake wielder who might well have been one of her companions of other days; Reuben Cowder is a representative of secret and iniquitous forces. Yet almost the whole volume is devoted to proving Ralph wrong and the wealthy malefactor right. The acid test by which Cowder is shown to be the better man is that of pa- triotism; not that Ralph Gardner turns Bolshevik, but rather that his opponent—by manufacturing munitions—aids the Allies even before we enter the war. The purpose of the novel is ostensibly to show the reactions of a small American community to the war spirit. What it really proves is that Miss Tar- bell, during her years of literary composition, has not neglected her reading. Indeed, all her char- acters have come out of the current periodicals. The Reverend Dick Ingraham, her hero, who stalks from page to page preaching the good in all bad people— especially if they are prosperous munition makers— does not so much mouth platitudes as live them; he is the embodiment of an editorial in the Times. Otto Liftman, villain, is a cartoon in Life; Miss Patsy McCullon, the heroine of a Ladies' Home Journal story; Nancy Cowder, the picture of a fine lady out of Harper's Bazaar. And when at last she discovers her love for the Reverend Dick, when after an hour they come out of the house " with a look of glory on their faces," one strains a little to sniff the printer's ink which is their life blood, and to catch the faint rustle of paper. In the Footsteps of St. Paul. By Francis E. Clark. 434 pages. Putnam. The patriarch of Christian Endeavordom. has written a pleasantly informal study of the first Christian missionary through the eyes of a traveler standing on the sites of cities his hero once visited. If only the traveler did not have to rhapsodize inter- minably over every spot " where St. Paul's feet may have trod." Dr. Clark's incidental discussion of contemporary characters, events, and movements in Antioch, Athens, Corinth, and so on fits Paul into the framework of the Graeco-Roman world of his time and gives him a background that most popular studies of St. Paul omit. The author is not always an informed traveler: for instance, he refers to several villages in Palestine as "Turkish villages." He has a passion for elucidating the obvious: he repeats more than once that. Paul never saw the minarets on the Mosques of present-day Mohamme- danism. He has too a penchant for pious persiflage, as witness his preaching about the Isthmian games: "Let us hope and pray that the decadence and final destruction, which was undoubtedly hastened for Greece and Rome by the undue absorption of the people in mere sport, may not for the same reason overtake America and England." So he twaddles while the world suffers from a shortage of paper. The Paliser Case. By Edgar Saltus. 315 pages. Boni and Liveright. On the wrapper of this volume there is a super- fluous statement: "This is not the great American novel." Between the covers there are many other superfluities—characters and situations that exhibit the author's familiarity with metropolitan clubs and salons but do little to promote the progress of his story. One gets the impression that in Mr. Saltus' circle it is the thing to play polo and extend week-ends until they overlap. However, it must be set down to the credit of this novel that its most suggestive situation lacks in thrills all that it lacks in reality—and that is a good deal. A study of the highly developed technique of bedroom comedy will enable Mr. Saltus to produce a novel that is posi- tively offensive. This one is merely shallow and annoyingly clever. Contributors Gregory Zilboorg has been successively a grad- uate student at the University of Petrograd, a worker in the Social Revolutionary Party under the Tsarist regime, a member of the Workmen's and Soldiers' Council of Petrograd, secretary of the Ministry of Labor under Kerensky, editor of the Social Revolutionist daily Narodnoye Dyelo in Kiev, and newspaper correspondent at various revo- lutionary centers of Hungary, Austria, and South Germany. He has recently arrived in this country. Gilbert Reid went to China in 1882 as a mission- ary for the Presbyterian Church. In 1894 he organized the International Institute of China, devoted to reform and the welfare of the Chinese people, and ever since that time has been its director. Joshua Rosett, a physician by profession, was sent to Siberia by the United States Committee on Public Information. He served for a time with the American Red Cross and had charge of fitting out the Allied Anti-Typhus Expedition train. He was also associated with the American War Trade Board as an investigator of supply conditions at Vladivostok, He is a Russian by birth. The other contributors to this issue have pre- viously written for The Dial. 1919 123 THE DIAL LEO TOLSTOY'S The Pathway of Life (In Two Volumes). Translated by Archibald J. Wolfe "THE PATHWAY OF LIFE ■• is Tolstoy's posthu- mous message to a war-torn suffering world. It is the Gospel of right living and right thinking and offers the great philosopher's panacea against world wars and misery, helping mankind to eradicate all those false feelings, desires and doctrines, personal, social, economic and religious, which are responsible for the present plight of humanity. Price $%.Q0 each volume. International Book Publishing Co., 5 Beekman Street, New York Whatever book you want has it, or will get it. We buy old, rare books, and sets of books NEW YORK and PHILADELPHIA BOOK BARGAINS We have just issued a new edition of our Catalogue of Book Bargains in which several hundred books (new, and in perfect condition) are listed at unusually low prices. Write for a copy THE. BAKER & TAYLOR CO. Wholesale Dealers in the Books of All Publishers 8S4 Fourth Ave. New York At Twenty-Sixth St. Letters to Teachers By Hartley B. Alexander Prea. Elect of the American Philosophical Society Cloth, $1.25 A collection of papers of the hour addressed to all who realize the importance of a critical re- construction of public education in America. The Open Court Publishing Company 122 S. Michigan Avenue, Chicago j ifcputnani Bookstore 2 A t«><~ Just west »T V Book Buyers who cannot get satisfactory local service, are urged to establish relations with our bookstore. We handle every kind of book, wherever published. Questions about literary matters answered promptly. We have customers in nearly every part of the globe. Safe delivery guaranteed to any address. Our bookselling experience extends over 80 years. ROMEIKE FOR AUTHORS operates a special literary department as complete in every detail as an entire PRESS CUPPING BUREAU Having the use of our international facilities this depart* ment is known and patronized by as many authors and publishers as make up the entire clientele of an ordinary bureau. With our exceedingly large patronage it is necessary for us to maintain a standard of efficiency and service which cannot be approached by bureaux that devote their efforts to the acquiring of new sub- o f\ A/I P i v- r scribers without thought for »* v 1V1 EL. i In. H, those they have. An ineffi- 108-110 Seventh Avenue cient press clipping service M p —. V r. R fcT will prove irritating, so don't w & w I \J K\ r± experiment. Use the reliable Established 1881 LECTURERS ON RUSSIA In response to widespread requests. The Dial announces the organization of a bureau to supply speakers to Open Forums, churches, women's clubs, labor unions, educational Institu- tions, etc., on different phases of the Russian question. Requests received will be transmitted to those known to us as havtng first-hand knowledge of conditions in Soviet Russia and Siberia—former Red Cross officials, Y. M. C. A. and Y. W. C. A. secretaries, civil and military government offi- cials, journalists, etc. Available for this service are men holding different atti- tudes towards Russian revolutionary parties, but united in advocating self-determination for Russia, lifting of the block- ade, and In desiring to spread before the American public the facts as to actual conditions In present-day Russia. Address communications to RUSSIAN LECTURE BUREAU The Dial 152 W. 13th Street, New York City When writing to advertisers please mention The Dial. >" I 24. - August 9 º-º-º- THE DIAL Books of the Fortnight Russia in 1919, by Arthur Ransome (232 pages; Huebsch), demonstrates the possibility of discussing the Rus- sian Revolution without resorting to verbal gesticula- tion. When Mr. Ransome discourses of his even- tenored journey into Russia and out again, he is at once matter-of-fact and quietly humorous. When the life of the country is his theme, his character studies are crisp and deftly drawn and his record of events *. in it the material that makes history. Review ater. Commercial Policy in Wartime and After, by William Smith Culbertson (479 pages; Appleton), is a study of the application of democratic ideas to international commercial relations. The author is a member of the United States Tariff Commission. Review later. Greater European Governments, by A. Lawrence Lowell (329 pages; Harvard University Press), is an abridg- ment, brought up to date, of the two classic works on the Government of England and on the Governments and Parties in Continental Europe. The countries in- cluded are England, France, Italy, Germany, and Austria-Hungary. - Self-Government in the Philippines, by Maximo M. Ka- law (210 pages; Century), bears internal evidence of the fitness of the Filipinos to exercise their proper political functions. The author, who is chief of the Department of Political Science in the University of the Philippines, presents a summary of a development which can be only equaled in rapidity by that of the Japanese. Review later. Bolshevism and the United States, by Charles Edward Russell (341 pages; Bobbs Merrill), adds the author's own testimony on the subject to the cloud of witnesses which he cites for support. The book does not en- lighten the reader however as to whether, the cloud consists of angels or—buzzards. Review later. America's Tomorrow, by Snell Smith (385 pages; Britton, New York), may be used as a criterion of Major General Leonard Wood's mental capacities. He says “it shows an immense amount of hard thinking.” Cerebration of a sort may be found in this “his- toric, prophetic, and anthroponomic treatise,” but the quality of the thinking is soft to the point of mushi- ness. General Wood's judgment was corrupted by the fact that the author thinks the I. W. W., an almost extinct organization, is a greater menace to liberty than the National Security League, a very active and powerful one. The Covenanter, by William H. Taft, George W. Wick- ersham, A. Lawrence Lowell, and Henry W. Taft (188 pages; Doubleday, Page), brings together a series of papers which first appeared in the daily press. They are modeled after The Federalist, and deal point by point with objections to the Covenant. Scenes from Italy's War, by G. M. Trevelyan (240 pages; Houghton Mifflin), is an historical narrative rather than a collection of personal reminiscences, although material of the latter sort is frequently made service- able to the history. Breadth of scope and dignity of style give Mr. Trevelyan's volume a place of distinc- tion among the war books of the day. Review later. Canada at War, by J. Castell Hopkins (448 pages; Doran), is a “record of heroism and achievement” from 1914 to 1918. The text is replete with names and statistics, not very well digested. The Religion of Old Glory, by William Norman Guthrie (414 pages; Doran), expounds the creed of a clerical Ferrovius who has turned from the Christian God of the Church Universal to worship the martial deity of local nationalism. A mystical, symbolical, fetich- istic, nonsensical attempt to inculcate flagolatry in a populace that needs no such special encouragement to join in the war dances of the National Security League's great religious cult. - The Sword of Deborah, by F. Tennyson Jesse (126 pages; Doran), contains first-hand impressions, by a distinguished romancer of the variously initialed divisions of the British Women's army in France. A belated bit of propaganda, as the author is frank enough to say, with a flavor now and again that re- calls the age of Tennyson, rather than that of Jesse. The Story of the Rainbow Division, by Raymond S. Tompkins (264 pages; Boni & Liveright), presents a war narrative stamped with the official approval of the Commanding General of the Division, and illu- minated with a more than official enthusiasm for the achievements of the first National Guard unit to join the A. E. F. Animism, by George William Gilmore (241 pages; Marshall Jones), presents a study of the primitive origin of religious beliefs. Man, the author believes, has always been essentially “theotropic, though he was not always conscious of the direction of his trop- ism.” Review later. Experiments in Psychical Science, by W. J. Crawford (201 pages; Dutton), is a detailed examination of physical phenomena of spiritualism, as demonstrated in the Goligher circle at Belfast. The author is a doctor of science, and his report of a series of forty- one experiments has at least the formal technique of a scientific investigation. The Book of the Cave, by Sir Ananda Acharya (148 pages; Macmillan), is speculative philosophy in son- orous prose, cast in a mold of ritualistic dialogue, and shedding somewhat Dantean illumination upon Brah- manic paths. It adds one more to the expanding bookshelf of the Hindu mystics. Theology as an Empirical Science, by Douglas Clyde Macintosh (270 pages; Macmillan), is an attempt to pour the proverbial old wine of theocentric religion through the funnel of metaphysics into the new bot- tles of science. - Leaves in the Wind, by “Alpha of the Plough " (274 pages; Dutton), is another collection of thumb-mail essays by the author of Pebbles on the Shore, which Henry Fuller reviewed in The DIAL for June 6, 1918. They are genial, varied in theme, and follow for the most part familiar grooves. Clive Gardiner supple- º the text with numerous illustrations. Review ater. Golden Days, by Romilly Fedden (233 pages; Houghton Mifflin), comprises reminiscent sketches from the fish- ing log of a painter in Brittany. The author is an ardent fly-fisherman, and his pages will echo respon- sively among fellow devotees of the rod. He has, in his own phrase, turned back the pages of his fishing log and re-lived the past. The descriptive flights are prone to be flowery; the author is more at ease as he discourses of avocational technique. 1919 - THE DIAL Dunster House Papers No. 1 FREEDOM of SPEECH in WAR TIME by ZECHARIAH CHAFEE, Jr. Harvard Law School A sound discussion of a problem of particular contemporary interest—well printed—in permanent form. Forty cents, postpaid, to any address D U-N STER HO U S E B O O K S HOP 26 HOLYOKE STREET & M.T.AUBURN Cambridge, Mass. AN IMPORTANT NEW DIAL REPRINT Collective Bargaining—or Control? By Geroid Robinson Under the headings, “Trade Unionism and the Control of Industry” and “Collec- tive Bargaining in Politics,” Mr. Robinson analyses the forces that have thrown A. F. of L. officialism into direct opposition to the development of industrial democracy—and suggests the way out. 24 pages. Per copy 10 cents; 100, $7.00; 500, $30.00; 1000, $40.00 THE DIAL PUBLISHING CO. 152 West 13th St., New York TWO BOOKSTORES Main Store, 30 Church St. Hudson Terminal, New York Phone 1779 Cortlandt Branch Store, 55 Vesey St. Phone 498 Cortlandt McDEWITT-WILSON'S, Inc. A SCHOOL THAT STUDIES LIFE The Training Sehool for Community Workers Reorganized on the Cooperative Plan JOHN COLLIER, Director In an eight months' course the School prepares stu- dents to meet the demand for trained workers in Communities, Industrial Welfare Organizations, Public Schools, Churches and Colleges. Also offers short courses for trained workers already in the field and for volunteers. Address for full information. MESSA. A. FREEMAN Room 1001, 70 Fifth Avenue, NEW YORK CITY Charles Seymour THE DIPLOMATIC BACKGROUND OF THE WAR 1870-1914 (Tenth Printing.) Cloth, $2.00 YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS New Haven, 280 Madison Avenue Connecticut New Muaa Uity Adventures in Propaganda BY CAPTAIN HEBER BLANKENHORN A series of letters forming a vivid and coherent nar- rative of the most interesting aspects of war propa- ganda. $1.50 net. HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY, Boston Have you read A HUNDRED AND SEVENTY CHINESE POEMS Translated by Arthur Waley The outstanding event of the literary season 00 net at all book shops ALFRED A. KNopf, 220 west 42d street, New York Being the Book of Ecclesiastes A GENTLE CYNIC . By MoRRIS JASTROW. J.R., Ph.D., LL.D., Author of "The War and the Bagdad Railway,” etc. Small 4to. $2.00 met A delightfully human beok on the Omar Khayyam of the Bible with an exact translation of the original text." How it came to be written and who wrote it (and it was not Solomon), why additions were made to the original text and the whole interesting story is here given. J. B. Lippincott Company, Philadelphia ALIGE (MUSER.". 1402 BROADWAY, NEW YORK (Established 1895) MOTION PICTURE DEPT., R. L. Giffen, Manager “A wonDERFUL Book"—Chicago Daily News BLIND ALLEY # GEORGE “"Blind Alley" is an extraordinary novel. But it's more than that. It is a cry in the night.”—Chicago Daily News. 431 pages. $1.75 net. LITTLE, BROWN & COMPANY, Publishers, Boston THE NEW YORK BUREAU OF REVISION Thirty-eighth Year. , LETTERs of CalTicism, ExPERT Rºvision of MSS. Advice as to publication. Address DR. TITUS M. COAN, 424 W. 119th St., New York City An unusual novel THE UNDEFEATED By J. C. SNAITH FO R T H E B O OK LOVER Rare books-First editions—Books Cat Sent ** out of print. C. GERHARET. 25 W. 42d Street. Lºew York 12th Printing This is an $1.50 met Appleton Book WANTED, BY A RESPECTABLE WRITING PERSON, A Fireplace in Greenwich Village or thereabouts. The room in which the fireplace is located should be small, unfurnished, and inexpensive; an attic room will do. Anyone who wants a permanent and inconspicuous male tenant for such a room may profitably open negotiations with Box No. 10, THE DIAL, 152 West 13th Street, New York City. When writing to advertisers please mention Thr Dial. I 26 August 9 THE DIAL The Men Who Make Our Novels, by George Gordon (262 pages; Moffat, Yard), is a labyrinth of bio- graphical disorder, top-heavy with quotations, and held together upon the precarious thread of the com- piler's self-assurance. The ground work of the vari-' ous chapters, each dealing with a separate novelist, is usually the solicited autobiography of the writer in- volved. If this proved adequate, it is thrown upon the canvas with slight embellishment; but in cases where the response has not fulfilled expectations, Mr. Gordon has caught up a handful of quotation marks, a quart measure of parentheses, and gone manfully to his task. Judith: A Play, by Arnold Bennett (96 pages; Doran), tells .again the apocryphal story of Judith, lady mur- deress of Judea, who seduces the Assyrian chieftain besieging her native city, cuts off his head, and brings it triumphantly home in a sack. The dry humor ef Mr. Bennett's lines gains by incongruity. Review later. Abraham Lincoln: A Play, by John Drinkwater (112 pages; Houghton Mifflin), has in it certain little an- glicisms that will fall queerly upon American ears, and the scenes are interspersed with Greek recitatives that seem strangely out of place among America's plain people. But incongruities are forgotten in the final masterly restraint of this picture of triumph and of tragedy. Review later. Stuff—and Nonsense: A Book of War Verses, by Ian Malcolm (196 pages; Hodder and Stoughton), reveals, through its off-duty activities, the quality of a safe British mind. The author is an M. P. and was one of Mr. Balfour's Mission to the United States. His hu- morous reactions to the Pope's appeal and the replies it drew, to Karl's notes, to the Armistice, the Peace Conference, and the Prinkipo proposal, as to air-raids and submarine warfare, are the reflexes of a mind conventional, insular, unremittingly partisan—senti- mental over every Saxon virtue, cynical toward every foreign virtue and novel hope. The verses dealing with the Mission, from Mr. Balfour's mat de mer to the circular injunction on deportment and silence, will be of first interest to Americans; obviously dashed off for the "missionaries," they are something of a give-away. Mr. Malcolm's lines are deft enough to read easily; most of its jokes are italicized. The Taker, by Daniel Carson Goodman (248 pages; Boni & Liveright), is another novel from the author of Hagar Revelly. In his intimate exposition of the life of his hero Mr. Goodman has not neglected his other characters; the result is an honest, full-bodied, some- times memorable representation of a sector of the con- temporary Amerjcan scene. A study in frustration that suffers a little for lack of a maturer economy of means. Review later. Sanl: A Novel of Jewish Life, by Corinne Lowe (347 pages; McCann), is, for the most part, a portrayal of the industrial life of the Jewish garment-maker. Life outside the shop is given but scant attention. Yet in Saul Furinski Miss Lowe has caught, behind the shrewd struggle for financial success, a groping love of beauty. Review later. The Sword, by G. O. Warren (152 pages; Longmans, Green), is 3 substantial collection of short poems, oc- casionally marked by freshness of treatment, though rarely by novelty of theme. Otherwise the author would have banished death more rigorously, and not permitted its intrusion on so many pages. The verses reveal an adequate sense of rhythm and that lean vigor which comes from economy of images. From Father to Son,by Mary S. Watts (310 pages; Mae- millan), is a well-written but inconclusive story of the conflict of business ideals. It has excellent char- acterization and workmanship but the note of convic- tion is lacking and this impairs the reader's interest. The Blooming Angel, by Wallace Irwin (285 pages; Doran), applied the familiar get-rich-quick formula to the familiar get-into-the-Saturday-Evening-Post- quick sort of fiction. The heroine is breezy, vivacious, and a delightful money-maker. Mr. Irwin presents one more variation of the favorite fairy story of the American reading public. Far-Away Stories, by William J. Locke (265 pages; Lane), were written, with one or two exceptions, in pre-war days and have just been collected by an author who declares himself unwilling to let them lie in "the vaults of dead-magazine numbers." Sweet Sixteen may welcome these tit-bits as a relief from Red Cross work and high-school examinations on the nature and origin of Bolshevism. Rebecca's Promise, by Frances R Sterrett (330 pages; Appleton), makes its contribution to Pollyanna phil- osophy by propounding the original idea of memory insurance against the exigencies of old age—for "memories are the only real fountain of youth." An Adopted Husband, by Futabatei, translated from the Japanese by Buhachiro Mitsui and Gregg M. Sin- clair (275 pages; Knopf), is done in a flat monotone reminiscent of the Russians. When the complicated relationships of illegitimate-daughter-and-all-endur- ing-son-adopted-to-marry - legitimate - daughter - and- preserve-honorable-family-name are once understood; little of interest remains. The Groper, by Henry G. Aikman (282 pages; Boni & Liveright), is a first novel that offers very little to the numerous gropers who will be intrigued by its title: it throws only a jaundiced light on their prob- lems and lacks the realism to support their habit of self-identification. The Trail of the Beast, by Achmed Abdullah (343 pages; McCann), is one more reverberation of the spy plot heard 'round the world, which re-enforces its bid for popularity by putting its adroit American detective in Parisian setting. The story is brisky told, and the colors are laid on with more skill than sincerity. One of Three, by Clifford Raymond (285 pages; Doran), is a mystery story by the editorial writer on the Chicago Tribune, whose somewhat mysterious edi- torial was responsible for the Ford suit. Off Duty: A Dozen Yarns for Soldiers and Sailors (337 pages; Century), collects a group of stories that will appeal to a wider audience than that named in the sub-title—unless O. Henry, Bret Harte, W. D. How- ells, and the rest have lost their hold on America. The Land of Tomorrow, by William B. Stevenson (240 pages; Doran), is devoted to a description of the won- ders of Alaska. The book has not enough intimacy with man or nature to save it from that least desired of qualities—mediocrity. i9i9 THE DIAL 12 7 DO YOU READ FOR YOUR LIVING? THE NEW AGE | SAYS APROPOS OF THE DIAL "A world of readers connotes large numbers, consisting chiefly of readers in search of amusement; but the world of readers consists of the few in every coun- try who really read for their living, or rather, for their lives. To appeal to the latter class is to be ' of the centre,' for the centre of every movement of life is not only the most vital, it is the smallest ele- ment of the whole . . . the most re- cent American journals appear to be en- deavoring to become organs for this class of reader. Among tne most encouraging of them is The Dial, a fortnightly review and topical miscellany published in New York. Since the war, The Dial has ex- panded considerably and of set purpose; and it is now one of the best of such peri- odicals in any part of the world, France and England not excepted." If you wish to be identified with this "vital central life " you will find that The Dial is essential. You may take advantage of our special sum- mer introductory offer, made only to new subscribers: A six months' subscription to The Dial ($1.50) and a copy of Johan Bojer's master- piece, "The Great Hunger" (Moffat, Yard, $1.60), will be sent upon receipt of $2.00. THE DIAL, 152 West 13th Street, New York City. Enclosed find two dollars for a six months' subscription and a copy of Johan Bojer's "The Great Hunger." This is a new subscription. (Foreign and Canadian postage, 25 cents additional.) The Dial, 6 months, $1.50 "The Great Hunger," 1.60 $3.10 D/8/0 When writing to advertisers please mention The Dial. 128 August 9 THE DIAL TEAR THIS OUT!—RtfJSiW TTERE is a list of titles from The Modern Library specially selected "^* for readers of The Dial. Here are the Great Moderns that educated people talk atout every day. You should be able to discuss them from first-hand acquaintance. In your spare time, moments that might other- wise be lost, you can make these Great Books a part of your intellectual equipmen*. The volumes are so bandy, so alluring, so easy to read, it is a delight to carry them with you, in your pocket, or in a'corner of your handbag—and read them|" as you go." Some of these books cannot be had at all in any other edition, and certainly not in any such convenient, attractive form. They make excellent gifts! Treat yourself and your friends to The Mcdern Library—get the habit, and pile up vour mental treasuresj2_ Check a few volumes in the list below, and take it to your bookseller, or mail us the coupon. Every volume is hand bound in limp cr oftleather, stamped in gold, with decorative end papers—only 75c per copy." (Add 6c per copy for postage.) n JUST PUBLISHED 70 Baudelaire His Prose and Poetry 71 Gertrude Atherton Rezanov 72 De Maupassant Love and Other Stories 73 Best Ghost Stories 74 Poems and Prose of Ernest Dowson 75 W. L. George A Bed of Roses 76 E. and J. de Goncourt Kenee Mauperin 77 Leo Tolstoy Redemption and Other Plays PREVIOUSLY PUBLISHED 1 Oscar Wilde Dorian Gray 2 August Strindberg Married 6 Henrik Ibsen A Doll's House, Ghosts, An Enemy of the People 7 Anatole France The Red Lily 8 De Maupassant Mademoiselle Fifi, etc. 9 Nietzsche Thus Spake Zarathustra 11 Maeterlinck A Miracle of St. Antony, etc 13 Samuel Butler The Way of All Flesh 15 G. B. Shaw An Unsocial Socialist 16 Geo. Moore Confessions of a Young Man 17 Thomas Hardy The Mayor of Casterbridge 19 Oscar Wilde Poems 21 Turgenev Fathers and Sons 22 Anatole France Crime of Sylveatre Bonnard 23 Swinburne Poems 28 Gustave Flaubert Madame Bovary 30 James Stephens Mary, Mary 31 Anton Chekhov Rothschild's Fiddle, Other Stories 32 Arthur Schnitzler Anatol and other Plays 33 Sudermann Dame Care 34 Lord Dunsany A Dreamer's Tales 35 G. K. Chesterton The Man Who Was Thursday 36 Henrik Ibsen Hedda Gabier, Pillars of Society, The Master Builder 37 Haecltel, Thomson, Weismann, etc. Evolution in Modem Thought 39 Arthur Schnitzler Bertha Garlan 40 Balzac Short Stories 43 Lord Dunsany Book of Wonder 44 W. B. Yeats Irish Fairy and Folk Tales I 46 George Gissing Private Papers of Henry Ryecroft 47 Voltaire Candide 48 Maxim Gorky Creatures That Once Were Men and Other Stories 51 Edward Carpenter Love's Coming of Age 52 August Strindberg Miss Julie and Other Plays 56 John Macy The Spirit of American Literature 57 De Maupassant Une Vie 58 Francois Villon Poems 59 Ellen Key, Havelock Ellis, G. Lowes Dickinson, etc. The Woman Question 60 Frank Norris McTeague 61 Oscar Wilde Fairy Tales and Poems in Prose 64 Leo Tolstoy The Death of Ivan Ilyitch and Other Stories 65 Gabriele D'Annunzio The Flame of Life r- -,ORDER FORM BONI * LIVERIGHT, 105% W. 40th St., New York. Please send me the volumes of THE MODERN LIBRARY checked. I enclose $- payment. Name Address in full BOW & LIVERIGHT-NEW YORK TUB rTUXUKD PUNTING COM PANT, NIW TO&* Responsible Revolution THE DIAL A FORTNIGHTLY VOL. LXVII NEW YORK NO. 797 AUGUST 23, 1919 Responsible Unionism Helen Marot 131 Canada's One Big Union Ben Legere 134 Military Paternalism and Industrial Unrest . Gerold Robinson 137 To A Thrush at Evening. Verse . . Herbert Gerhard Bruncken 139 The Ordeal of Reality Clarence Britten 140 Deportation of Hindu Politicals . Sailendra math Ghose 145 Deportation and Political Policy Phillips Russell 147 The Meaning of National Guilds . . Ordway Tead 150 Mr. Ransome's Facts and Mr. Russell's Fancies Lewis Mumford 152 A Jazz Critic John Gould Fletcher 155 The Old Order and the New . . . 157 Casual Comment 160 COMMNUICATIONS : American Money and Kolchak Propaganda.—Indian Melodists and l6l Mr. Cntermeyer.—Imagism: Original and Aborignial. NOTES ON NEW BOOKS: Samurai Trails.—American Charities.—The Forgotten Man I 64 2nd Other Essays.—The Good Man and the Good.—The Soul of Denmark.—Social Work. —The See-Saw.—American Civil Church Law.—The Mulatto in the United States.— The N'ear East From Within.—A Short History of Rome.—A History of Latin America.— Field and Stream.—La Jeunesse de Joubert. Books of the Fortnight 172 Thz Dial i founded in itSo by Francis F. Browne) is published every other Saturday by The Dial Publishing Com- pacy, Tnc—Martyn Johnson, President—at 152 West Thirteenth Street, New York, N. V. Entered at Second Class matter at the Post Office at New York, N. Y, August 3, 1918, under the act of March 3, 1*97. Copyright, 1919, by The Dial Publishing Company, Inc. Foreign Postage, 50 cents. $3M) a Tear 1$ Cents a Copy 3°» August 23 THE DIAL Here are the essential facts about Bolshevism BOLSHEVIK AIMS AND IDEALS And the Revolt Against Bolshevism After months of misstatement and prejudiced opinion this new book on Bolshevism comes as clear, sane analysis of the whole movement. Everyone who honestly wishes to understand what Bolshevism is and how it has worked in Russia will find in these articles, reprint from "The Round Table," a compact survey and sensible discussion of the ques- tion. The theory and practice of Bolshevism are here presented in a way that every in- telligent man will understand. N • $1.00. New Macmillan Novels THE GAY-DOMBEYS Sir Harry Johnston's New Novel "Something striking in fiction, an original novel of very obvious enduring qualities. To say it is a masterpiece is not to say too much." —Boston Transcript. "A vivid, fascinating presentation of life as it was lived in an extraor- dinarily interesting period of history."—N. Y. Post. $2.00 FROM FATHER TO SON Mary S. Watfs New Novel "A cross-section of American life. ... A fine piece of craftsmanship very cleverly writ- ten."—N. Y. Times. "Admirably done . . . all the people are immensely interesting and human. ... It is pure art. —J?. Y. Evening Sun. $1.75 JINNY THE CARRIER Israel Zangwill's New Novel In this new novel Mr. Zangwill turns to a lovely countryside away from war and Ghetto. The scene is Essex. Against a background of opulent valley with glints of winding water, ancient country seats and mellow tiles of lost villages he pictures with rare sympathy a genu- ine and kindly life. $2.00 THE UNDYING FIRE H. G. Wells' New Novel "An enduring novel, a great drama. . . His theme is the greatest of all: the purpose of life and of the universe. It has great power and fineness of execution."—N. Y. Sun. $1.50 "The most important historical publication of the year—the book for which thousands of readers have been waiting in order to clear up the confusion and ignorance concerning the Germany that challenged the world." THE GERMAN EMPIRE 1867-1914 AND THE UNITY MOVEMENT By William Harbutt Dawson Author of "The Evolution of Modern Germany," ''Germany and the Germane/' "Municipal Life and Government in Germany," etc., etc. In Two Volumes Vol. I 1806-1888 Vol. II 1888-1914 "An able and dispassionate history, . . . Gives a careful, orderly, even-tempered account of German diplomacy and political developments. Shows a grasp of broud issues as well as facility in chronicling events. Mr. Dawson's work supplies with adequacy and without passion the needed information for knowing better' the currents of German policy that preceded the world war."—Springfield Republican. The Set (Two Vols.), $5.00. THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, Publishers, 64-66 Fifth Avenue, New York When writing to advertiser! pieate mention Tax Dial. THE DIAL A FORTNIGHTLY Responsible Unionism American labor is thirty years behind the British labor movement." Is there an English labor leader who has failed in the last ten years to make this cheerful observation? The presumption is that there is only one conceivable method of pro- gression: the British. But, if the proposition of the Brotherhood workers now before the country should go through it is conceivable that another method distinctly American will be presented the world. It will not be a class conscious method, to be sure; it will not be concerned with rights but with opportunity for increased accomplishment. While the rest of the world for the large part, thanks to Russia, seems to have reached in revolu- tionary suggestion the point of saturation, we have remained characteristically immune. If the proposi- tion of the Brotherhoods is endorsed it will not be because a new social, revolutionary consciousness has been evoked but because the scheme of finance supporting the old order is so obviously failing to float industrial enterprise; it will mean an assump tion of new responsibility because of the irresponsi- bility of the old directorate and institution. The Plumb Plan, as the proposal is called, is the only suggestion before the country which recog- nizes that further dependence on the present scheme of credit means industrial suicide; it is the only proposition that attempts to take hold of the transportation problem and solve it in the interest of transportation service. But the Plan is also a 'matter of special concern and lively interest because it reflects the sort of a labor program that appeals to the common run of people in the United States; it does not deal in theory; it is not concerned with class distinctions or interests or rights; it requires little imagination or reasoning to grasp its value. In short, it is not a labor but an industrial program. It is a hard-headed scheme for running the rail- roads of the country on a basis of efficiency; more- over it is a direct outgrowth of our corporate ex- perience and in the matter of labor control and centralized power follows precedent with sufficient familiarity to forestall any serious charge of Bol- shevik taint. To restate briefly the Plan—it is already well advertised—I quote from Mr. Plumb's statement before the Interstate Commerce Committee. He told the Committee that the Plan proposed was an operating corporation where operating ability con- stituted the sole capital. He said: We would recognize as operating ability the skill, indus- try, and application of every employee, from president down to office boy. . . . Such a corporation requires no capital. It should be organized under a federal law. It should be authorized to take and hold and operate those properties under the full regulatory power of the gov- ernment, to whom it should account for all its operations and expenditures. It should be required to meet all costs of operation and fixed charges upon the capital employed which had been guaranteed by the government. A certain agreed percentage of the net results of operation should belong to this corporation. The stock of this corporation should be held in trust for the benefit of the employees. The earnings of the corporation should constitute a trust fund to be declared as a dividend upon the amounts paid to the labor which it employs, every employee receiving that proportion of this trust fund which his annual wage bore to the total annual compensation of all employees. The affairs of this corporation should be administered by a Board of Directors which we suggest, merely tentatively, should be selected in the following manner—one-third of the directors to be elected by the classified employees below th grade of appointed officials; one-third by the appointed officers and employees; the final third being appointed by the President of the United States. This Board of Directors should have the power to appoint all officers from the President down to the point where employment begins by classification and to prescribe the conditions of employ- ment and classification of all other employees. . . . We would suggest [Mr. Plumb continued] that a wage board and boards of adjustment analogous to the present boards existing under the Director General of Railways should be organized. The plan provides for an automatic reduction in rates; Mr. Plumb illustrates the operation as follows: If the minimum rates so fixed would produce an operat- ing revenue more than sufficient to meet the requirements of the service, we would suggest a method for providing for an automatic reduction in rates that would absorb the surplus. This can best be illustrated by way of example: assuming that the capital invested amounted to $18,000,- 000,000 approximately—the amount of the book entry called "property investment account"—if the fixed charges on this amount were four per cent per annum it would be $720,000,000. Assuming that the gross operating revenue were $4,000,000,000 and the ratio of operating ex- pense to gross operating revenue was seventy per cent, the net operating revenue would be $1,200,000,000. Subtract 132 August 23 THE DIAL from this the fixed charges of $720,000,000, you would have remaining $500,000,000, which should be divided between the Government and the corporation half-and-half, labor receiving $250,000,000 for a dividend on the pay roll, the Government receiving $250,000,000 as its share of the net revenue. The Government's share, $250,000,000, would be in excess of five per cent of the gross operating revenue. You could provide that whenever the total amount of net revenue paid to the Government exceded five per cent of the gross operating revenue, the Interstate Commerce Commission should thereupon adjust the scale of rates in such manner as to absorb this . . . , thereby pro- ducing a . . . reduction in rates. The proposal of the Brotherhoods is the only reconstruction scheme which has been presented to the country that does not sentimentalize over a system of credit which is passing through its first stages of senility. Mr. Plumb reminded the mem- bers of the Interstate Commerce Committee that the carriers are asking that Committee to frame legislation whereby the police power of the Govern- ment shall be exercised—not »to protect the public from extortion but to protect those private interests from the effect of their own competition by assisting them in charging exorbitant rates. "It is a con- fession, an open confession," he remarked, " that the competitive system no longer exists." Appearing again before the Committee, on August 8, Mr. Plumb said that during the week the Brotherhoods and the A. F. of L. had come into possession of evidence which proved that "leading directly from Wall Street, from the banking houses controlled by the Morgan and Rockefeller groups, there was proceeding a systematized plundering of virtually all the public transportation highways of the United States, such as looted and wrecked the N. Y., N. H. & H., the Rock Island, the Chicago, Alton, and the Frisco lines. . . . The interests are again gathering their forces of private and secret control and seek, after having gained from Con- gress a sanction to rehabilitate their railroad properties at public expense, to begin again and follow through its corrupt and wicked cycle the systematized plundering and looting of the public and public interest in the nation's highways." As opposed to the policy of loot, the Plumb scheme on its fiscal side is revolutionary. More- over it reserves the dividends which result from an economy of administration for the force of workers who actually participated in effecting the economy, instead of distributing them as hereto- fore among the private owners who created nothing. It is revolutionary of course to award credit on the basis of ability to produce. Tne Plan is revolutionary because it commits the intolerable heresy of separating ownership and administrative control. It jumps the whole period of state capital- ism and state socialism and in the process robs a legion of office holders of the chance to batten on transportation at public expense. No wonder the hearing before the House on August ^ created a panic. State Socialism would have been infinitely preferable as it would have proved at least a heaven for the functionaries. From the point of view of public service the Plan transcends all others which have been ad- vanced; but there are two points, inherent in the old scheme of operation, which the proposed scheme fails to correct. One is, that where an economy in transportation, such as short hauls in place of long ones, would result in the curtailment of the volume of business, no assurance is given that the Board of Directors under the Plan would endorse a policy of curtailment. This objection to the Plan as it is presented could be met if it were specifically pro- vided that representatives of the Interstate Com- merce Commission or some other Federal agency especially created for the purpose were employed by the government to check up and develop an economy in the routing of freight. The second point of objection is the organization of the operating cor- poration. The point of pivotal significance in the Plan is that ability is the corporation's asset, and yet in stating the scheme of organization it is not made clear how the organization will be managed so as to release ability. The Plan, like private operation, depends for the workers' interest and responsibility on hope of financial reward. It makes no specific suggestion for attaining the interest and responsi- bility which follows participation in the solution of technical problems. There is no indication that the promoters of the Plan are not laboring under the old obsession that a citizen or a member of an organization is efficient if he casts a vote once in so often or .if he is given a rake-off in the shape of profits once or twice during the year. It may be that those behind the Plan recognize that repre- sentative government and profit sharing have no relation whatever to responsibility; that these insti- tutions arc powerless to release ability. They may know that if the classified employees are to depend upon representatives for the development of ad- ministrative policies they will be as powerless as they are now as citizens to change state policy in matters, say, of housing or cost of food. If they realize this, as they must if they understand the technique of releasing ability, then they should make it clear that the success of organization is de- pendent for administrative measures upon an in- I919 33 THE DIAL 2 tensive participation of the workers in the develop- ment of enterprise in every section of railroad oper- ation; and that the business of the Board of Directors is to respond to and coordinate a decen- tralized organization of management. In giving the Plan support it is important to know whether or not the promoters appreciate the significance of decentralized administrative schemes such as the shop stewards of England propose. It is particularly incumbent on the promoters to make this clear, since the honorary Vice-Presi- dent of their League—the President of the A. F. of L.-has given his best energies to the develop- ment of centralized control. Indeed no corporation in the country can offer Mr. Gompers instruction along these lines. Moreover the reactionary press is looking to Mr. Gompers to save the situation. Pained and perplexed, The New York Times asks “Where does Mr. Gompers stand?” Has he deserted us; that valiant patriot, hater of all things socialistic, brave spokesman for the old order of business-like business? Where does he stand? Does it matter? It is two months since the Convention of the A. F. of L. was held and Mr. Gompers was reelected president without op- position, his salary was increased and every administrative policy which he and his machine advocated was endorsed. But during the session of the convention, in the midst of official triumph, he was tested. The representatives of one hundred and fifty thousand Brotherhood men, simon-pure trade unionists of anti-socialist reputation, laid be- fore the Federation their scheme of credit and rail- road administration. It was not stated that the scheme if successful would overturn the whole sys- tem of business finance, but all the details of the plan were presented. The measure was reported • favorably to the Executive Council for action, without a doubt in the mind of any one that it would go through. Why? Not because the officers wanted it; not at all. The scheme offered was presented by officials, who from the trade union point of view had done the most complete job in labor organization that had ever been accomplished, who were as well received in the business world as Mr. Gompers, and who had been successful as Mr. Gompers could never hope to be with the nation's lawmakers. Moreover the scheme repre- sented the triumph of trade unionism. What the Brotherhoods offered the Federation was a new band wagon; they could get on or stay off. The wagon looked painfully new but it also looked good and strong. They got on. If we may judge from Mr. Morrison's testimony before the House Com- mittee in support of the Plan they are uncomfort- able; they are hardly yet at home. They may even in their discomfort fall off, but—if they do? The new machine which drew up before the convention was equipped with twelve cylinder engines, while the Federation's was dependent upon a couple of old war-horses whose best days were past. The war has strained business enterprise, on which the A. F. of L. has banked for its sustenance and life, to the breaking point. Neither the govern- ment nor the financiers can seriously affect the dizzy chase of wages after prices and prices after costs. Anarchy reigns; the pivotal point of the old order is lost. “Unauthorized” strikes are labor's subconscious reaction to that fact. In these strikes labor is feeling out for a new synthesis, not a class conscious one but an industrial order where wages and costs bear some relation to each other. The old machine of the Federation has no con- tribution to make along these lines. The Plan of the Brotherhoods gives a significant lead. Not, if you please, a class conscious one, but a clear cut business proposition. There is no idealism in the conception offered; there is no theory even of in- dustrial democracy; but the Plan is exciting, and plainly a better case can be made out of it for presentation to the American public than any cor- poration privately financed and conducted in secret has yet been able to put up. - The banks before making industrial loans these days not only examine into financial credit and ability to make payments but also look into the record of the applicant firm or corporation: that is, into its success in so treating its men as to avoid strikes. If this is the settled policy of the banking houses, and the strike epidemic con- tinues at its present rate, how many corporations will there be in existence that will come up to the requirements of the financiers, and on what basis of credit can loans be made in the future except on the ability of the producers themselves, as the Brotherhoods suggest, to deliver goods? While the Plan is not consciously concerned with rights or ideals, it is based on the high coordinat- ing factor in life—the principle of giving. It stands in direct opposition to the egoism of modern enter- prise, which accepts the primitive idea of accom- plishment and the satisfaction of individual desires as the reason for existence. While it is untouched by the proletarian aspirations of Europe, the Brotherhoods' scheme of industrial reorganization owes its life to the coordinating principle that has inspired the European renascence. HeLEN MARot. ---- * * *34 August 23 THE DIAL Canada's One Big Union X he close of the first convention of the One Big Union at Calgary in June marked the begin- ning of a new labor movement in Canada. The Winnipeg general strike, in spite of the conspiracy of silence on the part of the press bureaus of Amer- ica has forced some news of the new movement to filter through to the United States and close students of labor affairs are paying increasing atten- tion to Canadian developments. So meagre have been the facts reported in the press however that it is difficult for any except those who have been on the ground to appreciate the full significance of the situation in the Dominion. Had I been here, reading reports of the Winnipeg strike in news- papers which denounced it as a Bolshevist Revolu- tion and an attempt to set up a Soviet Government, I would perhaps have been startled and found it difficult to account for the fact that a country which had long been noted for its conservative labor move- ment could suddenly reveal such a spirit on the part of organized labor. Even though I was in. the midst of the movement in Western Canada, watching it at close range, the speed with which it spread across the Dominion to the Eastern provinces surprised me. In September and October I was in Ontario and though the move- ment was already being heard from in the West, the radicals in the East looked upon the rank and file of the unions in Ontario as a hopelessly reac- tionary section of labor. Today in Toronto these unions are lining up by an overwhelming vote for the One Big Union after having demonstrated their advanced attitude by a general strike in sympathy with the Winnipeg strikers, a strike which affected two-thirds of the workers of Toronto and tied up the city for several days. In Montreal the Trades and Labor Council has voted endorsement of the One Big Union, completely reversing a position taken by it only a few weeks ago. In Cape Breton, returned soldiers and trade unionists have formed a Soldiers' and Workmen's Council in the most extensive coal and steel producing area of the Dominion, while in Nova Scotia the latest reports indicate that the workers everywhere will follow the rest of Canadian organized labor into the ranks of the One Big Union. Thus it is evident that the new labor movement in Canada is a revolutionary industrial union move- ment. Growing out of the A. F. of L., it has cap- tured the rank and file of the conservative craft unions and transformed their entire spirit. Real- izing the futility of trying to force from power the reactionary leadership of the Internationals, backed by the conservative membership south of the bound- ary, the Canadian workers have organized a Dominion-wide secession movement that has already launched a new organization and threatens to carry at least four-fifths of the membership of the Canad- ian unions out of the American Federation of Labor. With such overwhelming majorities it seems certain that the minorities now voting against the O.B.U. will prefer to go on with the new union and thus leave the A. F. of L. completely without representa- tion in Canada with the possible exception of a handful of insignificant locals in trades that have no influence on the general industrial situation. Under these conditions it becomes highly impor- tant to understand the foundations of the One Big Union movement. The Constitution adopted at its first convention provides for an all-embracing form of labor organ- ization after the pattern of the Industrial Workers of the World, the industrial subdivisions to be determined at the next convention. Its member- ship is open to all wage-workers and the maximum initiation fee is one dollar. Its General Executive Board will consist of a Chairman, Secretary, and representatives of the various industries. These officials are elected for six months only and their pay is $40 per week. Power remains in the hands of the rank and file, all officials being subject to recall at any time by a majority vote of the body electing them. Conventions will be held every six months, proportional representation governing the number of delegates. In the matter of strikes and disputes, final decision rests securely in the hands of the rank and file. While some features essential to a revolutionary industrial union organization are not covered by the One Big Union constitution, such as a universal transfer card system which would permit workers to pass from local units of one industry to another without payment of initiation fees or loss of stand- ing, the constitution is broad and flexible enough to permit the easy perfection of all details in subse- quent conventions. The fundamental spirit of the movement is summed up in the final clause which reads: Whenever a strike in any district or industry takes place, no member of the One Big Union shall handle directly or indirectly any products of the industry on strike. "If they live up to that, they're all-right," said a revolutionary labor leader of international prom- 1919 i35 THE DIAL inence to me. If we need a promise that the Canad- ian workers will live up to it, I think we can find it in the strike movement recently centered around Winnipeg. That this radical spirit of solidarity animates the rank and file of the Canadian work- ingclass has been amply demonstrated by the extraordinary response to the calls for sympathetic strikes to aid the workers in the building and metal trades of Winnipeg. On the first of May these trades went on strike for a living wage. Although the One Big Union had not yet officially come into existence, the strike was controlled by One Big Union tactics and the striking trades were all united through the Metal Trades Council which proposed to represent them in dealing with the employers. The employers determined to make their fight at this point and refused to deal with the Metal Trades Council. So the strike came to a deadlock on this question and the big issue became the right of the workers to collective bargaining. \ On May 15 the Winnipeg Trades and Labor Council called a general strike of all the organized workers of the city, in sympathy with the metal and building trades. The response of the workers to this general strike call resulted in the most com- plete cessation of work ever experienced on this con- tinent. Winnipeg was dead. The normal life of the community ceased absolutely. No street cars moved. Teamsters, drivers, chauffeurs completed the tie-up of all vehicles. The shutting off of power stations stopped everything dependent upon elec- tricity. No light, no water running through the mains. Abattoirs and creameries closed, cutting down the food supply. Telephone, telegraph, and mail service stopped. Waiters, cooks, hotel em- ployees of all sorts joined the strike. Clerks and cleaners, scavengers and civil service employees, fire- men and policemen had been organized and walked out with the rest. For four days Winnipeg was helpless in the hands of Labor and Labor waited calmly with folded arms. Then the Strike Committee relieved the tension by issuing permits for several kinds of workers to return to work. Enough men were allowed in the pumping station to keep water flowing in one and two story buildings. The workers do not live in skyscrapers in Winnipeg. Milk wagon drivers were allowed to deliver milk to hospitals. Enough firemen and policemen were allowed to return to meet an emergency. This demonstration of power merely maddened the employers. The press had been stopped by the strike of typographical workers and pressmen. A citizen's committee of 1,000 was formed to combat the Soviet of the strikers. They found volunteer printers and began to issue a four page daily paper called the Citizen. The strikers replied by changing the Western Labor News, their organ, from a weekly to a daily. The Citizen and the capitalist press elsewhere throughout the Dominion denounced the strike as an attempt to set up a Soviet government in Can- ada. The resumption of activities in Winnipeg to a sufficient extent so that no one should suffer any hardship and be deprived of the necessities of life was a concession of the strike committee of 300. This was intolerable to the citizen's committee who demanded to know by what right the strike com- mittee should dictate that food be distributed. The government stood quite helpless. The man-power in all its departments was out on strike. The officials fumed but could not function. The postal employees were officially dismissed. An ultimatum was issued to the police but they refused to return to work and were dismissed from the Chief down. Mr. Robertson, the Dominion Minister of Labor, came to investigate and declared the blame for the strike should rest upon the One Big Union. Mr. Robertson had previously encountered the new spirit of labor in Winnipeg about a year ago. On that occasion the city employees, postal clerks, and police struck for the right to organize in labor unions. When the city officials refused to grant this right the Trades and Labor Council began to call out other workers, one trade after another. When the strike threatened to reach the propor- tions of a general tie-up, Mr. Robertson arrived on the scene and ordered the city government to recognize the strikers right to organize. Now, however, the government employees were striking in sympathy with other trades. Mr. Robertson de- tected a difference and ordered the dismissal of the postal workers. The incident illustrates the atti- tude of the Canadian government in the face of its new problem of labor and the defiance of the gov- ernment employees demonstrates the impotency of this attitude. Directly out of the Winnipeg strike of a year ago the One Big Union movement may properly be said to have grown. The spirit of solidarity then manifested, in which the rank and file of the trade unions defied all edicts of Inter- national officers, broke contracts, and struck in sympathy with the city employees, heralded the beginning of the end of the A. F. of L. in Canada. During the past winter the advocates of indus- trial unionism within the Canadian Federation in the four Western provinces of Manitoba, Saskat- chewan, Alberta, and British Columbia organized for the propaganda of the one big union idea and secession from the A. F. of L. In April this move- 136 August 23 THE DIAL ment had advanced to the point where a referendum was being taken of all the Canadian unions except the railroad brotherhoods. When the Winnipeg strike began this referendum had already shown a vast majority of the workers in the four prov- inces to be in favor of the secession move. The referendum was completed during May and showed 88 per cent of the organized workers in Western Canada in favor of the One Big Union. Its first convention was called to open on June 5 at Calgary. In the meantime the O. B. U. advocates had called for another referendum for a sympathetic strike and one after another the cities of Western Canada were tied up by strikes which in many instances reached the same proportions as that in Winnipeg. Simultaneously the movement had spread eastward, and in Toronto more than 15,000 workers went out in sympathy with their Winnipeg brothers. All over the eastern section of the coun- try the referendum upon the question of secession has continued and everywhere the returns indicate the same large majorities for the One Big Union. To date no city or town in Canada has voted against the O. B. U. and I have heard of no local union in any important industry voting down the proposition. The Calgary Convention completely severed organized labor in the four Western provinces from the Federation and at the present rate of growth it seems but a matter of a few weeks when Ontario, Quebec, and the Maritime Provinces will have com- pletely joined the movement. The next conven- tion, which will take place in November, will bring about the formation of the industrial sub-divisions; and for the first time in history we will see the active labor groups of a whole nation completely organized upon industrial union lines. One reason for postponing the formation of the industrial sub- divisions undoubtedly is the hope of having the run- ning trades of the railroads to form the backbone of the transportation industry. Though the railroad workers in Canada as in the United States have been generally looked upon as one of the most conservative sections of the labor movement, their recent activities in the West reveal in a startling way the extent to which the one big union idea has spread among them. In Winnipeg during the last week of the gen- eral strike the railroad workers voted to join the sympathetic strike if the policemen were dismissed by the city and when the police were dismissed stood ready to tie up the railroads upon the call of the strike committee. For this action three locals were expelled by their Internationals and locals of rail- road workers were also expelled in Edmonton, Cal- gary, and Regina. Thus already the breach has been made in the running trades and its spread will inevitably mean the gathering of the railroad work- ers into the fold of the O. B. U. With practically every other type of overland transportation worker already organized the O. B. U. will have a firm grip upon this basic industry. The mining, metal, and building indus- tries in Canada are perhaps the best organized trades in the Dominion, and they are strongest for the O. B. U. The wide extent of organization among civil service employees and the strong industrial union spirit among them is a very important factor —as the general strike situation proved. Though the Winnipeg strike was called off by the workers pending negotiation of the questions at issue in the building and metal trades dispute, the strike was not by any means lost and as one of the leaders told me they will undoubtedly "come back stronger next time." An indication that their power is not lessening is shown by the action of the government in the case of the arrested strike leaders. These men were arrested during the last week of the strike and charged with "seditious conspiracy." They were held without bail and the government threatened to try them in camera and deport them. But the O. B. U. immediately issued a call for a Dominion-wide general strike and balloting began. The government promptly backed down and dur- ing the past week they were released on bonds, the highest bail being $4,000. The demand of the Citizen's Committee for the deportation of these men was part of a general propaganda carried on against the strikers by stim- ulating the timeworn enmities against "foreigners and aliens." In Western Canada the native sons are the English, Irish, Scotch, and Americans who were the earlier pioneers of this comparatively re- cently settled country. While there are considerable numbers of other European peoples to be found in the mines, on the farms, and in many industries, I found that the native sons were the predominant element in the labor movement as elsewhere and the "anti-foreigner" campaign made little head- way against a labor organization, the leaders of which bear such distinctly "Canadian" names as Pritchard, Midgely, Johns, Knight, Naylor, Russell, Hazeltine, Berg, Wells, Kingsley, Robin- son, Armstrong, Ivens, Bray, Brown, Craig, and Irvine. The thing that finally impresses an observer of this new Canadian labor movement is the quiet calmness of its propaganda. There are a few bril- liant orators among them and a great many able exponents of the industrial union idea but the great 1919 x37 THE DIAL educator of the Canadian workers has been the war. It was probably the ideological effect on the people of the war-time propaganda that has counted, most in the awakening of labor, accompanied of course by the evolution of industrial conditions that drove home to them the impotency of craft unionism and the need of a form of labor organization that ran parallel to the organization of industry effected by the capitalists. The workers were told they were fighting for democracy. They were told they were fighting to make the world a better place to live in. They were told it was a war to end war. They were told that when it was finally won nothing would be too good for them and that the country belonged to them. In the meantime they saw the profiteers flourishing and the government prus- sianizing the Dominion with its Orders-in-Council against all the commonly accepted rights of man. When the war ended and reconstruction began it found the Canadian workers preparing to profit by the lessons they had learned. Dependence upon political parties in the past had disillusioned them. The war had given them a sense of their economic power. They are beginning to understand what democracy really means and are demanding its ap- plication to their industrial life which they now recognize as being the all-important phase of life for the working class. They have learned that the way to end war is not by more militarism but by working class solidarity. They believed the prof- iteering patriots who told them the country be- longed to them in order to get them to fight for it and they are now proposing to take possession of tfceir property. They believe, apparently, that the One Big Union is the instrument through which they will finally achieve these aims. Ben Legere. Military Paternalism and Industrial Unrest L he end of the Great War marked for Amer- ica the consummation of one victory and the promise of another. The United States had shared lightly in the burden—and richly in the glory—of the Allied military triumph. Our industries, like our army, had been continuously and eagerly on the offensive, and were still far short of their potential striking force. Our resources in men, money, and materials were almost untouched, seemingly un- limited. Our factories and ships were ready— and our ambitions were nowise behindhand. What we had done for the Allied cause in the war of nations we would soon be doing for ourselves in war for world markets. Such was the hope of big business here in Amer- ica. Such was the fear of our old-time "competi- tors in exhausted Europe. Perhaps it was this fear of American commercial expansion as much as an anticipation of German resurgence that gave rise to the eagerness of England to acquire new markets and of France to annex fresh reservoirs of raw materials. And certainly it was self-confi- dence as much as altruism that made us indifferent to British and French expansion. The French were welcome to dig coal in German mines and the British to sell manufactures in German Africa; we would produce our own raw materials, work them up in our own factories, float them in our own ships, and sell them in every colonial and European market. For the time being at least, German competition could be disregarded. England was crippled by an enormous loss of man power, bur- dened by debt, short of materials and ships. France labored under even greater disabilities; for the present her ruined industrial region might be considered a liability rather than an asset. Italy was too poor to be a good customer, much less a rival. Japanese competition was more a threat than a present reality. The very capitals of colonial empires clamored for goods to fill the gap left by four and a half years of under-production and wholesale ruin. Wall Street saw all this, and Wall Street thought that America was about to become the exploiter of exploiters—powerful enough to be imperially generous. Many of our captains of industry were so com- pletely consistent and so sure of their position that they were willing not only to countenance the imperialist expansion of France and England but, by subscribing to the League of Nations, to guar- antee the maintenance of the new status quo. Now it is commonly said that distaste for change, and tender solicitude for the preservation of law and order, are marks of those who have arrived. When solicitude for the lawful and orderly maintenance of a world-wide status quo is manifested by per- sons not noted for "altruism, a thing or two may be inferred as to the extent of the power wielded by these persons. In fact our captains of industry found them- selves in a position to be generous, not only with foreign imperialism, but with American labor and the American government. War-time experience had proved beyond peradventure that under a regime of kindly regulation and with the backing of a safe-and-sane labor movement, the proprietary 138 August 23 THE DIAL class could reap richer profits than industry had ever been known to yield in the days when time and energy were dissipated in fights with the pol- iticians and the unions. Thus it came about that the biggest and canniest of big business men man- aged to combine with support of the League of Nations a most friendly attitude toward the gov- ernment and an "enlightened" policy toward the "legitimate" trade union movement. • Now if the times fulfill their promise there is in store for these gentlemen a double disillusion- ment. In the first place, the League of Nations will not guarantee to us wide-open world markets, well-policed at somebody else's expense. And sec- ondly, the American labor movement will not be forever content with rule by the divine right of ownership, however enlightened this rule may be. Faced with the monopolistic policy of European nations ready to make good with military power what they lack in material resources—threatened with the desertion of craft-union groups that have been considered as conservative as big business itself —the new imperialism of peace and platitudes is doomed to failure. And already, before the fail- ure is everywhere acknowledged, the old imperial- ism comes forward with a panacea for all predica- ments—military force. Foreign aggression against America is for the time being unthinkable. The nations are too much exhausted; plunder is too easily to be had else- where. Obviously a great army and an expanded navy are not necessary for the protection of Amer- ican shores against invasion. But if, contrary to the creed of the new imperialism, trade still fol- lows the flag—if England, France, and Japan do actually plan to monopolize the valuable concessions in the territories they have won. in Asia and in Africa and are perhaps to win in Eastern Europe— then the United States must have arms to protect her commerce in the Far East and in the two Americas. And if the most respectable of labor groups is suddenly to exchange the policy of col- lective bargaining for a policy of nationalization that stirs the imagination of the finest radicals, then certainly the time has come for the mobilization of all material and spiritual forces for the defense of decent and lawful exploitation at home and abroad. The feature of the mobilization plan that is receiving most attention just now is the proposal for universal military training. It goes without saying that, League or no League, the adoption of a universal training program would have a most salutary effect upon Japanese plans for monopoliz- ing the Far East, and would put us in a way to a little monopolizing on our own account in Mexico and Central America. European domes- tic and colonial tariff policies would doubtless also be effected in a manner not unfavorable to Amer- ican interest. But more difficult to determine and of more immediate importance is the relation of universal military training to industrial unrest. In the consideration of this matter it is above all things necessary to distinguish sharply between war-time service and peace-time training. It is notorious that the experiences of the Great War bred in many men, not subservience, but radicalism of the kind since manifest in organizations that link dangerously the activities of Workmen and Sol- diers. In one class of cases, this radical spirit may be regarded as a kind of sport—the offspring of the official union of militarism and idealism. Many of the men made radical by the war stood con- vinced at one time that the Fourteen Points and the several supplements thereto were worth fight- ing for. Like practically everybody else in the mili- tary service, they had no mental function in army routine that would suffice to keep them individ- ually alive, but they did somehow succeed in pre- serving their existence as individuals, in the face of the mechanization of the means of war, by a resurgent interest in its ends. And it is because of their interest in the ends of the war that these men are today disillusioned, disappointed, undesirable. Now the proponents of universal military train- ing need have no fear that service in time of peace will produce radicalism of this sort, for if there is any one thing that characterizes a non-fighting army, and distinguishes it from all other large- scale organizations of humankind, it is that the army is all means, and no ends. Complications of administration and rigidly prescribed formalities of procedure have been developed to such a degree that the officers of the staff and the line and the men in the ranks manage to keep up a show of activity without ever getting anything done. It is because the army was everlastingly doing things to itself that it had so much trouble, at the out- break of the war, in making a start at doing some- thing to Germany. Civilian irregularity, enthu- siasm, and purposefulness—never quite eliminated from the National Army—must inevitably be squeezed out of the peace-time training system by "hard-boiled" sergeants, and professional officers whose pride it is that they feel nothing, know- nothing, and do nothing except as "directed by higher authority." What is true of the army as an institution is as emphatically true of its individual members; their responsibilities have been pared down to an irre- ducible minimum; their business is to be—not to igig r39 THE DIAL produce. Pay, food, clothing, shelter, medical care, allowances, pensions, come automatically to every man who can get into the service, keep alive, and obey purposeless orders without asking embarrass- ing questions. In many respects the soldier gets exactly the same treatment as is accorded to dependents, defectives, and delinquents in state institutions. Thus the military system, with its various charitable auxiliaries, deprives a man first of the facilities, and finally of the ability to take care of himself. From the standpoint of animal existence, this sort of thing may be all very well as long as paternalism fulfills its function and shoes and " corned willie " come forth in due course. In war-time, men are even willing to endure cer- tain stoppages in the flow of provender. But the complete and sudden lapse of paternal- ism that has marked the demobilization period is another matter altogether. Men who have been cherished for two years by the government and the Red Cross and the Y. M. C. A. have come all at once to the end of irresponsibility; the stay-at-homes have given them chocolate and cigarettes—and taken their jobs. To the radical- ism of the disappointed idealists who kept them- selves alive in spite of paternalism, there has thus been added the radicalism of disappointed stomachs that know not how to fill themselves without paternal aid. But the advocates of universal training have even less to fear from the radicalism of hunger than from the radicalism of disillusionment. The latter, born of a too keen consciousness of responsibility, is purely a war-time phenomenon; with no war, no aims, and no illusions, there can be no disillu- sionment. The radicalism of hunger, on the other hand, is born of irresponsibility and is easily remediable by the extension of military paternalism to the industrial field. It was precisely this type of military-industrial organization that character- ized the neatly ordered Germany of pre-war days. And now, consciously or unconsciously, the advocates of universal military training propose the importation of this system into the United States. At a time when the very Senate is forced to dis- cuss the possibilities of the responsible control of production by the producers, American labor may- find it advisable to face squarely the other great issue before the people. The leaders of the labor movement will do well to ponder upon the free and easy use of mobilization to break railroad strikes in France and England. They will do well to ask themselves—more abstractly—what labor has to gain from the triumph of imperialism abroad; and whether a universal apprenticeship in blind obed- ience and parasitic irresponsibility is the best prep- aration for self-government in industry at home. And above all these leaders who now hold fate in their hands will do well to consider first and now a question that European labor asks last, and often too late: "When we strike, what will the Geroid Robinson. To a Thrush at Evening O I can hear you When the mist comes down Like a proud pale lady With a rustling gown. And oh! How my heart Like the mist is light, When I hear you sing In the cool of night. O brown little singer, You sing from the dawn, Till the long dark shadows Cover up the lawn. And oh! Then I listen When the mist comes down Like a proud pale lady With a rustling gown. When the swallows blot The sunset sky," And the minstrel lark Has ceased his cry; Then oh! Brown singer In the woodvvay aisles, Your note is a prayer To the long tree files. And my heart is gay When the mist comes down Like a proud pale lady With a rustling gown. Herbert Gerhard Bruncken. 140 August 23 THE DIAL M A XJL.LL literature," wrote Robert Louis Stev- enson in 1878 (Aes Triplex), " from Job and Omar Khayyam to Thomas Carlyle or Walt Whitman, is but an attempt to look upon the human state with such largeness of view as shall enable us to rise from the consideration of living to the Definition of Life." And a decade later, when the implica- tions of Darwinism were staggering the orthodox mind, he made his most thorough attempt to see lift- steadily and see it whole, in an essay which, what- ever its contribution to a philosophy of life, is an authentic contribution to literature. Pulvis et Umbra, discovering a Stevenson still reminiscent of the "sedulous ape" busy with a "laborious pasticcio of Sir Thomas Browne," also discovers a representative contemporary mind, fundamentally orthodox, which is staggered to the pitch of elo- quence by the current revolution in scientific notions: It is not strange if we are tempted to despair of good. We ask too much. Our religions and moralities have been trimmed to flatter us. ... The human race is a thing more ancient than the ten commandments; and the bones and revolutions of the Kosmos, in whose joints we are but moss and fungus, more ancient still. Of the Kosmos, in the last resort, science reports many doubtful things, and all of them appalling. . . . This stuff, when not purified by the lustration of fire, rots uncleanly into something we call life; seized through all its atoms with a pediculous malady; swelling in tumors that become in- dependent, sometimes even (by an abhorrent prodigy) lo- comotor}-. . . . And meanwhile our rotatory island loaded with predatory life, and more drenched with blood, both animal and vegetable, than ever mutinied ship, scuds through space with unimaginable speed, and turns alternate cheeks to the reverberation of a blazing world, ninety million miles away. But this brave gesture away from the anthropocen- tric conviction—this iterated recognition of man as a "vital putrescence of the dust," a "disease of the agglutinated dust," a "hair-crowned bubble of the dust "—swept "the browsers, the biters, the bark- ers " into the human fellowship only to bestow upon them the human strife to do well and use them to point the orthodox moral ("God forbid it should be man that wearies in well-doing "), before it came to rest in the attitude of faith and pious hope— "surely not all in vain." A decade and a half more and this literary tradition, even to the sonorous echo of Browne's Hydrotaphia, was enriched by a more rigorously philosophical man of letters, Mr. Bertrand Russell. A Free Man's Worship (in Mysticism and Logic; Longmans, Green; 1918) recognized more clearly The Ordeal of Reality than ever Stevenson could the unconscious hostility of nature and the inevitable snuffing-out of human civilization, but restored to man his unique dignity as critic of the universe. It substituted "unyield- ing despair" for pious hope, and for conforming faith a proud defiance of "the irresistible forces that tolerate, for a moment, his knowledge and his condemnation." In a very recently published essay, Dreams and Facts (in the Athenaeum), Mr. Russell has reinforced this non-conformity with an examination of the wish-basis of " the day- dreams which we call beliefs:" Men's personal and group-dreams may be ludicrous, but their collective human dreams, to us who cannot pass outside the circle of humanity, are pathetic. ... In the visible world, the milky way is a tiny fragment; within this fragment, the solar system is an infinitesimal speck, and of this speck our planet is a microscopic dot. On this dot, tiny lumps of impure carbon and water . . . crawl about for a few years, until they dissolve again into the elements of which they are compounded. They divide their time between labor designed to postpone the moment of dissolution for themselves, and frantic strug- gles to hasten it for others of their kipd. But if this very insistence upon the immensity of the universe seem to impose man's mensuration on nature, to display in fact a left-handed if satirical anthropocentrism, make the most of that while you can; the concluding paragraph corrects it: There is a stark joy in the unflinching perception of our true place in the world, and a more vivid drama than any that is possible to those who hide behind the enclosing walls of myth. ... No man is liberated from fear who dare not see his place in the world as it is; no man can achieve the greatness of which he is capable until he has allowed himself to see his own little- ness. Certainly the Browne-Stevenson tradition has lost nothing of the picturesque and the dramatic under Mr. Russell's austerer pen. What it has gained is thrown into sharp relief by the short-comings of its latest contributor. This is Mr. H. G. Wells, who in many respects —as blithe romancer, up-to-date sermonizer, and popular philosopher, no less than as the practiced stylist in mood and phrase—is our generation's journalistic approximation of R. L. S. As doubt- less becomes an indefatigable writer, of tracts, Mr. Wells did not, until recently, think the world intractable. To be sure, his heroes and heroines regularly failed to have their way with the world, but the fault was in themselves, or else in the per- versity of that human nature in which they were conscious partners and which they usually essayed 1919 141 THE DIAL to reshape nearer to the heart's desire. Their reverses had the look of retribution for individual or collective error, for miscalculated (rather than incalculable) passion, for rebellious prejudice—in the terms of the older orthodoxy, punishment for sin. And in those days you never put down a Wells novel dreaming though right were worsted, wrong would triumph; always there was the comfortable faith that, let the given instrument be broken, the cause went marching on and ultimately sweetness and light would prevail; you were left the pious hope of a democratic millennium. Latterly, however, Mr. Wells has been less sure of his world. In his generation nothing so simple as the origin of species or the descent of man could stagger him; he has exploited, and is still exploiting, evolution with all the gusto his first fantastic inven- tions provoked in him. It is clear now that the thing which staggered Mr. Wells was the thing Mr. Britling was unable to see through alone: at the same time that the war took the bounce out of Mr. Britling's optimism, it inoculated his creator with a spiritual malaria. And it is possibly signif- icant of the novelist's representative relationship to his generation that with Mr. Britling Sees It Through he recaptured his place on the list of best- sellers in America. For there were campaigns dur- ing which other optimisms than Mr. Wells' sick- ened for a Lord of Hosts, and shortly there were other faiths in democracy that found it comforting to clasp the hand of an Invisible King—preferably, of course, that of a constitutional monarch, or of a President of the Republic of Mankind, but in any event as firm a hand as might be. One suspects, moreover, that souls are among those organs that announce their existence only when they are ailing, and that when the Soul of a Bishop needs attention it may be symptomatic of an epidemic among the laity. Whether or not you regard the authors of Mr. Britling and the two succeeding novels as the victim of a spiritual epidemic, you can scarcely escape the fact of his malady. During three books —or, more strictly, during two and a half books, for Mr. Britling really did see things half-way through—the erstwhile confident peddler of New Worlds for Old looked as strangely on his new earth as must our forefathers when they were cred- itably informed that flat was round, or our fathers when they began to surmise the literal truth of their figurative "dust to dust." Stevenson was no swifter to fling a decent cloak of idealism round his suddenly naked Kosmos than Mr. Wells to cover this new earth of his with one new heaven after another. The onlooker barely had time to wonder what fault the creator had condemned in the previous member of this tragic dynasty before another head was in the basket! Then came Joan and Peter, which Randolph Bourne was encouraged to herald as a "complete convalescence" for Mr. Wells (The Relegation of God; The Dial, September 19, 1918.) Mr. Wells had put his "middle-class god . . . familiarly but decisively in his place," a dusty workshop in which the Old Experimenter said to Peter, "If you have no will to change it, you have no right to criticize it." This sounded like the ante-bellum Mr. Wells. And this world, subject to salvation through education, looked very much like that tractable world that had been for- ever about to yield to conscious control. But if Joan and Peter marked a convalescence, its successor, The Undying Fire (Macmillan), indicates a relapse. Once more Mr. Wells doubts whether the world can save itself; once more he invents a Redeemer to endorse his incorrigible mil- lennial hope. The Undying Fire depicts man's plight in the physical universe with so vivid an imag- ery and so moving an eloquence that it properly belongs in the line of the Browne-Stevenson tradi- tion. At the same time it fitfully approaches so near to the wise disillusion of Mr. Russell that its very fallings-short reinforce the lesson that there is salvation for us neither in Conscious Control, nor in Education, nor in faith in the Undying Fire of intuition of an organizing God at work in the hearts of men to make for orderly righteousness, nor in any hope-breeding mirage this newest anthro- pomorphic deity may dangle on the horizon of the desert of reality; but only in "the unflinching per- ception of our true place" in an indifferent uni- verse. This is the only truth the knowledge of which can make us free. That Mr. Wells should perceive this truth, flinch, and then rest his eyes upon the old Utopian horizon, is a symptom of the recrudescence, with a special virulence, of his spir- itual malady. "From Job and Omar Khayyam," wrote Stev- enson; and Mr. Wells has turned back to the Book of Job for the outline and personae of The Undy- ing Fire. (Would not the pounder author of Mr. Polly have turned to Omar?) The narrative set- ting of Job—the wager in Heaven, Satan's swift rain of disasters, the three garrulous comforters, Elihu's reproof, Jehovah's voice in the whirlwind, Job's restoration—he appropriates precisely as any- one may appropriate any myth and translates almost point for point into twentieth century terms. God concedes to Satan that Job of the Land of Uz has 142 August 23 THE DIAL now become mankind, and permits the Adversary to try Man to the uttermost: "See if he is indeed no more than a little stir amidst the slime, a fuss in the mud that signifies nothing." So Job Huss, a Wellsian schoolmaster, loses school-buildings, money, health, his son (reported killed at the front), and his wife's devotion—everything but his flair for challenging God. To him come two trustees of his school, Sir Eliphaz Burrows and Mr. William Dad, and the science master, Mr. Joseph Farr, who covets Job's headmastership, all bent upon taking his very school from him. While he waits for the London specialist who is to operate upon him for cancer these three, like the three ancient worthies whose namesakes they are, sit down round him to rebuke him for his heterodoxy, which has been the Wellsian positivism in education, and to convict him of the sin his misfortunes seem to them to estab- lish. Fifty pages of talk, and enter Dr. Elihu Barrack, the local physician, to voice the rationalist rebuke. There are a hundred pages more of talk before the specialist arrives and operates. Then in a very short chapter, clearly a perfunctory coda that interests Mr. Wells even less than its model inter- ested the author of the Book of Job, Huss has restored to him his health, his money, his school, his son, and the dubious affection of his drab and selfish ,wife—items, for the groundlings, who must ever be shown material signs. Such is- the myth-frame appropriated—without an attempt to make it square with reason—for the altogether reasonable action of what Mr. Wells has called a "contemporary novel." Contemporane- ous it is, and with a journalistic vengeance; but it has about the same right to the term "novel" as one of the more vivid Platonic dialogues might have. The reproach is not to Mr. Wells, but to a public that, having ceased conversing, has ceased listening to conversation except when a Shaw or Brieux gulls it with scenery, properties, and costumes, or a Wells decoys it with the appearance of narrative. The one hundred fifty pages of straight talking present Mr. Wells' newest contribution to the oldest prob- lem. The conversation is saturated with the brood- ing moodiness that is his signature. Between Job and Elihu, at least, it maintains for a time a certain new attitude of impartiality, an antiphonal elo- quence somewhat reminiscent of Lowes Dickinson's Modern Symposium. One almost begins to hope that Mr. Wells is on the road to recovery. Then his Undying Fire of a god sides with Huss, who has just passed under the anesthetic. Where once Job heard Jehovah speak from the whirlwind, Huss now sees his god speak in "thoughts that ran like swift rivulets of fire through his brain and gathered into pools and made a throbbing pattern of wave- lets, curve within curve, that interlaced." And he is comforted with a mere "surely not all in vain. But Mr. Huss, always only a little less susceptible than Mr. Britling, is a very sick man; the tougher- minded who will have followed his desolating chal- lenges to this point will scarcely be comforted so easily. His landlady, when he told her he should be ill in her house, said to him in unconscious vers libre: "We 'ave to bear up with what is put upon us. We 'ave to find strength where strength is to be found. Very likely all you want is a tonic of some sort. Very likely you've just let yourself go. I shouldn't be surprised." Admirably exact in diagnosis and prescription! In order to bear up under all that had been put upon him, Mr. Huss did have to find strength wherever he could; and he really stood in dire need of a tonic long before he had ceased letting himself go. For instance, he could not defend himself from the charge that his suffering proved him a sinner without sketching for his orthodox visitors something of the universal misery in nature, a task congenial to his pain-ridden mood. And that led him into the world-old dilemma of the anthropomorphic worshipper: how can man trust such a creator to treat him fairly? Either God is malignant, or He is indifferent. . . . Mr. Farr very properly challenges the insolence of his anthropomorphism; but if the universe is to be dehumanized, Mr. Huss can only cling with Pro- methean rebellion to the "fire of human tradition we have lit upon this little planet," until it shall be extinguished in the ultimate cold. The prospect is too much for Sir Eliphaz, who falls back upon the argument from design—" the stately procession of life upon earth ... the glorious crescendo of evolution, up to its climax, man." But this, in turn, is altogether too easy for Mr. Huss: where now are the earlier products of that crescendo, and what evidence is there that man will not follow them into oblivion? So Sir Eliphaz drops his " apologetics for the scheme of Nature" and goes in for the moral- gymnasium view of the world—and "voluptuous whiffs of immortality." Here he has behind him "two thoroughly scientific men, Dr. Conan Doyle and Sir Oliver Lodge," the latter of whom has behind him "that wonderful thinker—and how he thinks—Professor Bergson." Abruptly all these have before them not only Job Huss but Dr. Elihu Barrack as well, to whose shrewd questions Sir Eliphaz replies blandly, "We don't know. Why should we?" Mr. Huss however will "not hear 1919 143 THE DIAL of a God who is just a means of getting away." Having but now lost his son, he knows only too well that "personal immortality," with every defect ironed out, " is a mockery of our personalities. . . . The immortal thing in us is the least personal thing "—to wit, the Undying Fire—and by that tonic fire he lives. So far Job Huss has pretty much dominated the conversation with his personal demands upon the universe—his humanism, his private sense of jus- tice, the somewhat hysterical rebellion kindled in him by the Undying Fire-. Now begins the duel with Dr. Barrack. The doctor is not long in demonstrating that he has the only consistently "tough " mind in the company. There is no panic in the clear eye which recognizes that the waning of his instincts will prelude his extinction; mean- while he maintains a lively and intelligent curiosity about the continuity of things, which he calls The Process; The Process conditions him, and he is resigned to it without illusion. That Mr. Wells retains at least enough mental health to be interested in this type of mind is indicated not only in the comparative impartiality of Barrack's pres- entation, but also in the fact that Barrack is per- mitted a rival pedagogical theory and the scope to support it cogently. To Huss the "modern fatal- ism" of this sort of mind is "submissive." Yet it has vitality and the ring of integrity; here, admittedly, it is coarse, perhaps a little obscurantist, but it could take a very much finer edge with no sacrifice of temper. The Huss mind, on the con- trary, by far the more delicate instrument, grows more and more "tender," seems more and more to recoil from reality: it worries about Russia, where it amazingly finds that "art, science, reasoned thought, creative effort, such things have ceased altogether"; it gets persuaded that "the supreme fact is exhaustion" (a very different note from Barrack's " waning instincts "); it is a little panicky in opposing evil—" disorder," that is, plural fact —a little housewifely in proposing the monism of cooperative tidiness; it agonizes too much about the "Adversary." You come to feel that it has over- trained. As the debate advances to its Pentecostal close, Huss leans more and more desperately upon the faith that is in him, Barrack more and more confidently upon his critical intelligence. Though Mr. Wells would have you believe that nothing but the advent of the London surgeon saves Barrack from discomfiture, the tnith is that it is Huss who has been saved from maudlin dogma. Under the anesthetic he recovers courage, appropriately, from the god within him; but the visitation comes late, when the debate has been concluded, and as a tonic wish—rather a fulfillment of his faith than as an answer to any challenge. Not thus did Jehovah come to Job. Job, it will be remembered, had steadily deepened his skepticism, sharpened his challenge to the imperative "let God reply!" In the poem it was Job who was hetero- dox, Elihu who was orthodox. Did Mr. Wells miss the significance of the poem? Or did he deliberately invert the roles of Job and Elihu? In either event he has proved himself a more thorough conformist than the forgotten author of the Book of Job, longer on obstinate belief, shorter on cour- ageous reason. Dr. Barrack should have been the protagonist of his modern version. That he is not is the measure of the novelist's decline since he discovered the recalcitrance of the world and the tractability of God. Before Mr. Wells wrote The Undying Fire he should have had access to H. M. Kallen's volume The Book of Job as a Greek Tragedy Restored (Moffat, Yard). Mr. Kallen understands both Job and God a great deal better than Mr. Wells does, and his penetrating discussion of their rela- tion to each other provides a guide to reality and to "the excellence proper to man" that is both sound and bracing. It is "a brave book to take counsel with." His daring, ingeniously supported hypothesis that the author of The Book of Job really wrote in the Euripidean manner, though it demands a minimum of textual rearrangement, for the first time offers Job a version coherent enough to let him speak out clearly for himself, released at last from the web of interested exegesis that has entangled him. He now speaks for himself so con- vincingly that this report of him is likely to obtain, whatever critical fate overtakes Mr. Kallen's hypothesis or historical commentary. The hypothesis is seriously entertained by Gilbert Murray and George Foot Moore, whose introduc- tion to the volume sketches the history of the notion that the Book of Job was originally a drama. We cannot follow here the plausible considerations that Mr. Kallen adduces in support of his conjec- ture: the various avenues by which Hellenic influences could have reached the author of the poem, the numerous resemblances to the Euripidean form that its surviving text reveals, and so on. Let it suffice us that the "restored" tragedy functions successfully both on the stage—it was performed at Milwaukee and at Madison in 1913 and at Boston in 1916—and in the closet. Our concern now is with the story and the philosophy of Job, the long- suffering. * 144 August 23 THE DIAL Mr. Kallen regards the piece as a dramatic treat- ment of an older legend. That prepares us for the prologue (in prose here) that relates "the orthodox preliminary version of the story." The action (in verse) begins with the arrival of the comforters, each of whom—Eliphaz, Bildad, and Zophar—has speeches between the choral passages (in a different meter) that separate the three rounds of speeches. Elihu is made the leader of the chorus; and his long speeches, coming at the end of the third round and not replied to by any of the principals, give him the messenger's function of announcing Jehovah, who speaks from the whirl- wind in reply to Job's challenge which closes this round. During the epiphany Job replies twice to Jehovah. Then all except Job file off, the chorus chants the final lines off-stage, and the epilogue— again in prose and again Euripidean in its orthodox account of Job's later history—closes the drama. It is perhaps the conclusion of the old prose legend. Now, it is Mr. Kallen's idea that the preserva- tion of the poem in any form is probably due to its superficial orthodoxy. Satan is empowered to try Job to the utmost; Job endures everything, neither renouncing God nor confessing the sin he has not committed, asking only that God appear and .endorse his " faith"; this God does in the conven- tional manner, afterward rewarding him and punishing his "enemies." Nothing could be more innocent, especially as the choruses are entirely orthodox. But inside this conventional frame, in true Euripidean fashion, there takes place an emo- tional and intellectual drama which carries Hebraic philosophical speculation to the summit of its dar- ing. Thus disguised, the essential heterodoxy of Job's thinking somehow escaped the censorship of the priestcraft. Says Mr. Kallen: The situation at the end of this agon [the third round] must have been, from the point of view of orthodox Jewry, intolerable. The mood of Job has changed in the course of the dialogue from unhappy complaint to heroic defiance. The argument has moved from the position that (1) God sends undeserved misfortunes on the righteous, through the demonstration that (2) he deals prosperity to the wicked, to the final position that (3) an omnipotent and unattain- able God is of no use to the just man who suffers, and who demands that God shall justify himself. The friends have grown weaker as Job has grown stronger. From argument they have passed to iteration. The intellectual and emotional situation at the end is the reverse of the situation at the beginning. At this point Elihu, as messenger, provides a recapitulation to tell the audience that the three champions of Jehovah have failed and prepares it for Jehovah's, appearance on his own behalf. When the voice does come to answer Job's challenge, it is to turn the tables on Job by challenging him to be as God if he would argue with God. . Weak and ignorant as he is, what is he that God should be mindful of him? Who hath first given unto me that I should repay him? Whatever is under the whole heaven is mine. How, then, should God owe anything to Job? And Job replies, " Behold, I am of small account "; says he has spoken "without understanding," expecting more than his due because he has known God " only by hearsay "; now that he understands, he recalls his challenge and is comforted even " amid dust and ashes." "The only consolation a brave man needs," said Phillips Brooks, " is explanation." Commenting on the orthodox solution of Job, Mr. William J. Hutchins writes in The Religious Experience of Israel (Association Press): Observe—he has seen no explanation of his suffering; he has passed beyond the need of explanation; he has seen God. This would be only another God of escape, like the one Sir Eliphaz craved and Mr. Huss rejected. Job has not, to be sure, received a direct explana- tion of his suffering; what he has received is an explanation of God's indifference alike to his suffer- ing and to his conduct. His mind has been tough- ened to endure reality—the cosmic justice that plays no favorites. Finally, he has learned that he must measure his justification by his personal integrity rather than by his good or ill fortune. He now stands, in fact, in the relation of Dr. Barrack to the Process; but it should be noted to his credit that he has anticipated Dr. Barrack by the many cen- turies that are to develop modern science and pave the way for the latter's achievement. Men fortified as Job and Barrack are can take a great deal of punishment from a universe that was not made for them, which may at any instant do away with them, in which they are their proper selves without assistance or reward from any god. It is impossible to feel the same confidence in Mr. Huss. His tenderer mind is suffering from some cosmic shell-shock and will never quite rid itself of its futile rebellion, of the hallucination that is its private god, and of the ultimate illusion of hope. Mr. Wells selected the wrong hero for his con- temporary version of The Book of Job. Did he overlook Dr. Barrack's claims because, as "Sey- mour Deming" has remarked, those of us who can- not endure the ordeal of reality cannot even endure that others should endure it? Clarence Britten. 1919 i45 THE DIAL Deportation of Hindu Politicals Ahe modern policy of all nations, especially the powerful and aggresive ones, toward national sovereignty, is to permit each nation to be its own judge as to whom it shall admit and whom exclude from the country. In accordance with this principle immigration laws exist, ostensibly to protect the rights of the natives of a country. The immigration laws of the United States have become more and more restrictive with the growth of America as a world power. Section 3 of the Immi- gration Laws, (Act of February 5, 1917, with rules of May 1917), discusses in detail the cases of those excluded from the country. Whoever enters the country in violation of any of these clauses is liable to be arrested for deportation, with this condition: Provided, that nothing in this act shall exclude, if other- wise admissable, persons convicted, or who admit the commission or who teach or advocate the commission of an offense purely political. The above clause also occurs in the latter part of the same section and distinctly shows that the Immigration Laws recognize political offenses. Political offenders are also given special and distinct status by the above clause. (Political offenses, ac- cording to the recognized interpretation of that term, are those which are not directed against the person or the property of an individual for purely selfish motives). Thus it is evident that the framers of the law intended that no technical violation of any of the clauses of Section 3 should be construed to secure the deportation of any one whose offense is merely political; that is, those who have done no harm to property or person, or to the institutions of this country. This has been the custom of self- respecting states in their dealings with politicals. All the more so, when these deportations may end in the death of the political deportees. It is a disgrace to America that at the present time six Hindus are facing charges for deportation to India, and that many more are in imminent danger of similar proceedings. These Hindus are charged with the violation of some of the statutes of war; but it is obvious to the unprejudiced that, in so far as they may have broken any law of this coun- try, it has been unintentional and without malice. Their sole purpose was the emancipation of India from an autocratic foreign rule, namely, that of the British. Their offense is thus purely political, and violates American law only in a technical sense. It is especially interesting to know how some of the clauses of Section 3 are being stretched and misconstrued to secure the deportation of the Hin- dus. The charges against them are three: (1) conviction of a crime involving moral turpitude; (2) making false statements upon entering the country, and (3) becoming, or likely to become, a public charge. The Hindus were charged with and convicted of violating the neutrality laws of this country by try- ing to ship arms and ammunition from the United States to India in their attempt to free their coun- try from all alien domination. Can their offense be construed to be a crime involving moral turpitude? They were inspired by ideals of the highest order —devotion to the suffering, hungry millions of Hindustan. There is no doubt in the minds of those who know these active altruists that their sole mo- tive was love for freedom. Their one purpose was to emancipate their native land. If this is moral turpitude, is there any action which is not? If this is not a political offense, is there any which is? If this is criminal, what is not criminal? What about Franklin and Adams? Were they criminals? Were they guilty of moral turpitude, too? Judge Noyes of the Circuit Court has attempted an explicit answer. (U. S. ex. rel. Mylius v. Uhl. 203, Federal 152.) In this case the court held that a definition sufficiently accurate was this: An act of baseness, vileness, or depravity in the pri- vate and social duties which a man owes to his fellow- man or to society. (Cit. 20. American and English Encyclopedia of Law.) Adopting this we may say that a crime involves moral turpitude when its nature is such that it manifests upon the part of its perpetrator personal depravity or baseness. The second charge, that of making false state- ments upon entering the country, is vague and can- not be verified. To bring it against men who have resided in this country for many years, as a tech- nicality to deport them to their deaths, is contrary to common understanding, and departs from the fundamental idea of law and justice; to stretch technicalities so far is a gross abuse of law, as well as of the human intellect. The last charge, that of becoming, or likely to become, a public charge, needs careful consideration. The following sections of the Immigration Laws deal with this question: Rule 22, Subsection 4: Proof in cases of aliens who have become public charges: the application in such cases must be accompanied by a certificate of the official in 146 August 23 THE DIAL charge of the institution in which the alien is confined or other responsible public official if the alien is not confined, showing that the alien is being maintained at public ex- pense. There should be submitted also whenever readily available, evidence tending to show that the causes of alien's being a public charge existed prior to entry. Section 21: That any alien liable to be excluded because likely to become a public charge. . . if otherwise ad- missable, nevertheless be admitted at the discretion of the Secretary of Labor upon giving a proper and suitable bond or undertaking approved by the said Secretary . . . against such alien becoming a public charge. These two paragraphs show clearly that in order to become a public charge an alien must be main- tained by some public institution of a charitable nature; it is a question for debate whether prisons and jails are recognized as charitable institutins. And the very fact that aliens may be admitted on giving a certain bond points inevitably to the con- clusion that economic reasons alone were intended to decide the status of becoming a public charge. The Hindus held for deportation have never ac- cepted a cent from any public institution of any kind, nor are they financially dependent upon any chari- table organization. They are all able-bodied, young, and enthusiastic men, and are engaged in regular business. This charge is ridiculous. The Depart- ment of Labor, however, when asked how public charges could be applied to them, presented a hair- splitting argument to the effect that at the time of their entry they were "likely to come into conflict with our laws and to be convicted and incarcerated for such crime." Thus the administration of a democratic country defines public charge! A jail is maintained by public revenues, and men forced to occupy them become dependent upon public revenues, and thus become public charges. Has there been any such interpretation of the spirit of the laws in any purely autocratic country, barring a few exceptions, such as India? This misreading of the law makes every person in America a poten- tial public charge, and as such anyone can be ar- rested today on the assumption that tomorrow he may commit an offense and become dependent upon public revenues. Is it decent for the state to create a situation like this, and then blame its victim? If. this were the intention of the framers of the laws, what is the use of such elaborate, detailed immigra- tion laws with so many checks and counterchecks? The question next arises, are men, forced into prison against their will and desire, public charges? Do they become charges upon public re- venues? From a purely monetary viewpoint, do they not, by their forced labor, contribute more than they consume? The State exacts human labor from them, occasionally paying a few cents a day, more often paying nothing; the prisoners would be highly paid for the same labor outside of prison. They are paying for the upkeep of their prisons; the State does not pay for them. Why is the present administration so anxious to violate the sacred tradition of America—that of granting asylum to political refugees from oppressed and subject nationalities? Why is it the Hindus are chosen, and not the Koreans or the Irish? The reason is not far to seek; the Irish are politically strong; the Koreans are not British subjects. I have seen copies of a letter and of documents, now in the possession of the Friends of Freedom for India, at the offices of that organization at 7 East 15 Street, New York, from A. Carnegie Ross, British Consul General at San Francisco, which show the extent to which American officials are being influenced by foreign agents, and why Amer- ica is becoming an accomplice of a foreign power in deliberately turning men over to their execu- tioners. Ross expressed his willingness to furnish sufficient evidence to deport the Hindus who work for the freedom of India, if what he had supplied proved insufficient. To such a source the immigra- tion authorities turn for material evidence. These shameless un-American proceedings have brought in strong protests from Americans from all sections of the country. The President of the American Federation of Labor has asked Secretary of Labor William B. Wilson to take favorable action, and openly stated, at the Pan-American Con- ference of Labor, that American Labor will not stand for the deportation of aliens for purely politi- cal offenses. The A. F. of L. Convention at Atlantic City, the Chicago Federation of Labor, the California State Convention of the Sons of Irish Freedom, the Central Federated Council of San Francisco, the Central Federated Union of New York City, and various local and international organizations of labor affiliated with the A. F. of L. have all protested against the action of the De- partment of Labor. The Friends of Freedom for India, an American organization, came into being as a protest against these deportations, and as a champion of the Hindus who work for the inde- pendence of India. Even Mexico raised its voice. The Socialist Party of Mexico, in annual convention in Mexico City last week, protested to America against these actions as " flagrant violations of in- ternational law and morality," and then pointedly asked for the privilege of receiving these Hindu refugees into Mexico, in lieu of America's turning them over to a " relentless enemy." But does the Department of Labor cease its efforts to deport the Hindus? Its answer has been to increase the bail of one of them—Bhagwan Singh —from $3000 to $10,000 and to close his case and I919 - 147 THE DIAL * refuse him the ordinary right of presenting testi- mony in his own defense. It went further: it went into the Federal Penitentiary at McNeill Island, Washington, where Mr. Singh was confined, and there, weeks before his prison term expired, tried him for deportation. A Star Chamber proceeding within prison walls! And then, on July 14, after he had served his full prison term, he left prison with his arms manacled, to face a second and more terrible punishment for the “crime" of loving his This treatment will not be con- Another Hindu, country too well! fined to him alone, however. Deportation and AT THE spring conference on labor and busi- ness problems held by Governors and Mayors in the White House at Washington, Secretary Wilson of the Department of Labor appeared and read a telegram from the Central Federated Union of New York protesting against the deportation of aliens because of their reputed connection with labor strikes. Mr. Wilson summarized the attitude of the Government as follows: No one is being deported because of his union affilia- tions and strike activities. It is the duty of the Secretary of Labor to deport all who advocate the overthrow of government by force, but no one will be deported because he is a radical. Let us compare this assertion with the immigra- tion inspector's record in the case of John Berg, one of the 50 or more aliens brought to Ellis Island on February 8 last for deportation: After considering the testimony in this case, I find that John Berg is an alien, a subject of Denmark; that he entered the United States through the port of San Fran- cisco, Cal., without inspection on or about May, 1901; that he has been found advocating or teaching the unlaw- ful destruction of property subsequent to his entry into the United States by reason of his connection with and the support he has given to the I. W. W. organization, and I therefore respectfully recommend he be ordered deported to the country whence he came, and of the country of which he is a citizen or subject, in conformity with law. —Thomas M. Fisher, Immigration Inspector. Apparently the sole reason for the proposed de- portation of John Berg was that set forth in the italicized passage, since no other charge is made against him in the inspector's report, beyond the somewhat contemptuous assertion that Berg “is a typical member of the migratory herd of which the majority of this organization is composed.” Berg was not charged with “advocating the overthrow of the government by force,” and the only quotation from his utterances in regard to property is furnished by the inspector, who records Berg as saying in a typical workingman's inarticulate fashion: Santokh Singh, finishes his prison term in September. He has already been arrested for deportation, and is held in $3000 bail. This also will be increased if the Hindu workers furnish the amount already named. Taraknath Das, in Leavenworth, a naturalized American citizen, will come from prison in October, to face revocation of his citizen- ship in order that he, too, may be turned over to a government which he repudiated, whose theories and practices he renounced, and allegiance to which he refused, when he became an American citizen. SAILENDRA NATH GHose. Political Policy I believe in property; I don't believe in destroying it; we are not teaching to destroy property; we are teaching to get the value of our work. Again, there is the case of Henry W. Watts, arrested with several other aliens in the State of Washington and taken before Immigration Inspec- tors Fisher and Burford in the months of November and December, 1917. Mr. Fisher in recommending the deportation of Watts made the following written observations: There is no evidence to support this charge as to any individual act of the alien. His beliefs, however, and the order of which he is a member and active worker are such as would make it very probable that he has been teaching and advocating anything and everything in the interest of himself and this order. He has been publishing a news- paper in Everett and has been a street speaker and active organizer for the People's Council. He was posted as to the laws of the United States and was undoubtedly pre- pared to defend himself on all charges contained in the Warrant. - The passages deemed most worthy of attention here have also been italicized. That they indicate an official attitude entirely at variance with the traditions which the United States has ever held most dear is of course quite plain. Again, in connection with Secretary Wilson's de- nial that any alien is being deported merely for strike activities, the following report written by Inspector Fisher and contained in the official records of the Bureau of Immigration is worthy of examina- tion: I have to report that yesterday Deputy U. S. Marshal Wainwright, while at Mount Vernon, Wash., learned that a strike had been called in one of the lumber companies by a number of I. W. W. members and that some of the said, members had been taken into custody by the sheriff of Skagit County. Mr. Wainwright telephoned U. S. At- torney Allen, who in turn telephoned me, requesting that this service start a deportation action against the alien ringleaders of the strike. At the same time the sheriff of Mount Vernon tele- phoned regarding Ben Hagmark, who he stated was an 148 August 23 THE DIAL alien and an I. W. W. agitator. I accordingly requested Deputy Marshal Wainwright to bring the man to this city for investigation. Upon the man's arrival he admitted his connection with the organization and his belief therein. Papers and documents found in his possession indicate that he was an organizer of the order. The statements contained in these official records are not easily to be reconciled with the public pro- nouncements of Secretary Wilson. But hasty accu- sations against the Secretary should not be made on this account. It is only reasonable to suppose that if it be true, as the press has reported, that 6,000 other aliens have been "rounded up" within the last few months for eventual deportation, that the Secretary could not have possibly found the time to examine each case thoroughly before approving the warrants of deportation; and that without doubt he was forced to rely more or less on the reports of his agents in the field. But this makes all the more plain the fact that our present system of deportation, set up under our loosely worded immigration laws, confers dangerous powers upon local inspectors—powers that can be easily abused in cases of personal grudge and indi- vidual prejudice, or in situations where the claims of capital and labor are involved. In fact, it has apparently enabled immigration inspectors of the northwestern states, especially in centres where industrial unrest has been particularly marked, to conduct a species of crusade against mem- bers of the Industrial Workers of the World, which organization, whatever may be said or thought of it, has not yet been declared an outlawed order; and its members are, therefore, entitled to the same rights and privileges as those granted to other classes of inhabitants. Phrases such as "jobless hobo", "scum of the earth," "undesirable," and so forth, occur altogether too often in local inspectors' reports to make it certain that they have been acting purely as unbiased officers of the law. One inspector, Henry M. Moler of Denver, Col., goes so far as to report on a case in the spirit of a prosecuting attorney. In the official records regard- ing August Lipman, one of the aliens brought to Ellis Island on the "Red Special," Inspector Moler comments as follows: It is about time we got down to business and stamped out sedition, disloyalty, Socialism, and this anarchistic or- ganization, the Industrial Workers of the World, who teach the confiscation and distribution of property. Every alien who is found to be a member of the I. W. W. should be deported, being unfit for citizenship in this country. A further examination of the records in the hands of Immigration Commissioner General Caminetti makes it appear that not only are local inspectors permitted to act as prosecutors unrebuked, but also to perform the functions of informer, investigator, trial judge, and stenographer. In certain cases it is also revealed that they have taken it upon them- selves to offer parole to a prisoner upon condition that he refrain from further activities in a certain organization, though no such authorization exists under the terms of the law they are charged with enforcing. The practices of the immigration authorities have occasionally drawn a protest even from the courts. In the case of the United States ex rel. Bosny v. Williams, Judge Holt made the following com- ment: The person arrested does not necessarily know who in- stigated the prosecution. He is held in seclusion and is not permitted to consult counsel until he has been finally examined under oath. The whole proceeding is usually substantially in control of one of the inspectors, who acts in it as informer, arresting officer, inquisitor, and judge. The Secretary who issues the order of deportation is an administrative officer who sits hundreds of miles away and never sees or hears the person proceeded against or the witnesses. In short, the enforcement of our immigration laws has given rise to a Iettre de cachet system under which the victim may be whisked away from his place of employment or from his home, and placed in jail without previous warning; without being informed of the nature of the charge against him; and without being given an opportunity to arrange his affairs. He may be held in a county jail virtually incom- municado anywhere from a year to fifteen months before an order for deportation is even issued against him. Some of the "Red Special" aliens, for example, were arrested in December 1917 and Jan- uary 1918, and kept in prison until February 1919, when they were taken across the continent to Ellis Island, there again to be confined indefinitely until ships could be found to carry them away. Nominally, aliens threatened with deportation have the right to employ legal counsel, but in prac- tice the presence of a lawyer at a hearing is not always of help. There are cases on record in which the defending attorney has been given to under- stand that by appearing in labor cases he was incur- ring the possible loss of his regular practice and was bringing down upon his head the hostility of the employers of the community. Nominally, too, the writ of habeas corpus is always available, but in practice officials may render it virtually useless. For example, Charles R. Recht, an attorney who has often appeared for aliens brought to Ellis Island under charges, tells a story of a case in which subordinate employees of the Immigration Bureau placed so many obstacles in the 1919 149 THE DIAL way of a lawyer seeking to.have a writ signed, that his representative was finally compelled^ to smuggle it to the detained prisoner in his socks. The tendency of the spirit of small-souled bureau- cracy to take possession of goverment employees has been often observed, but when the acts of such em- ployees are subject only to the review of a depart- mental chief, situated perhaps more than a thousand miles away, the abuses possible under such an arrangement are of course without number. Despite his protestations, Secretary Wilson's con- science could not have been easy, or he would not have permitted the release of fourteen of the " Red Special" prisoners after they had been confined on Ellis Island for several weeks. These fourteen men, all of whom are either members of or supporters of the Industrial Workers of the World, were released ostensibly on parole, but since they flatly refused to agree to such a parole, their release amounts to a clear recession on the part of immigration officials from their previously announced position. What caused this change of front on the part of Secretary Wilson is not known, but doubtless the growing volume of protest set up by the labor unions, which saw in the deportation system a new and dangerous weapon made available for employers, had something to do with it. That the Secretary has made no change in his general policy, however, is indicated by the fact that nine more persons, described as " undesirable aliens," were brought to Ellis Island for deportation almost at the same time that the fourteen were released. Two of these are the Misses Hoy, Scotch girls who came to Lawrence, Mass. a few years ago, became "infected" with I. W. W'ism there, and later moved to Seattle where they were arrested, when acting as union organizers. Secretary Wilson has laid himself open to trouble in this instance for the Scotch element in the labor unions of the East are already reminding him that he is of Scotch birth himself, came to this country as an immigrant lad, and in later years was arrested more than once in the course of his activities in the organization of the coal miners' union, of which he was one of the founders. An ironical touch is thus lent to the whole situation by the fact that if our present im- migration laws had prevailed at that time and if the interpretation of them had been the same, the Secretary himself could have been deported as an undesirable alien. But the question involved in these deportation cases is, after all, larger than that of prejudiced immigration inspectors and blindly-acting official machinery. To face it would require a revision in ,our entire attitude toward our foreign-born class of manual workers. What should determine their right to remain in the country and to improve their material condition without the threat of jail and deportation hanging over them? There are 13 millions of them in this country, according to Labor Department figures. They have patiently performed the exacting labors, the hard, disagreeable tasks, which our native-born workmen have shrunk from. They have laid our railroad tracks, mined our coal, forged our steel, woven our cloth, and packed our tin cans. On what terms are they to be regarded as citizens with guaranteed rights? Are five years' residence and the ability to pay fees for certain papers to con- stitute the whole of the necessary qualifications? Is there not, in a very real sense, a citizenship of industry as well as of political areas? Should not years of toil and of wealth production entitle an alien to feel that he has a stake in the country—a stake from which he cannot be easily separated? Is he not entitled to feel that his person and home are safe from arbitrary acts that menace him with virtual exile? A political citizen of the United States is guaran- teed certain rights, among which are an inviolable home, the protection of his person and property, the right of habeas corpus proceedings when imprisoned, reasonable bail limits, and punishment, if inflicted, that shall not be cruel, unusual, or excessive. But under our immigration laws and especially under the amendment of October 1918, beginning with the fatally loose clause which permits the deportation of "aliens who are anarchists," an unnaturalized work- man of foreign origin, no matter how long has been his service in industry, can be sure of none of these things. Local immigration inspectors have been permitted to conduct themselves so as to convince the alien workman that if he is caught indulging himself in acts or opinions repellent to employers, he renders himself liable to sudden deportation to a land which he may not have seen since childhood and which in language and customs may be as strange to him as Kamchatka. It must not be supposed that the term "exile " is too strong to be used in this connection. Even the court in the Federal case of Redfern v. Halpert felt called upon to remark: It seems to me that no greater hardship could be oc- casioned than by deporting an alien who had come to this country at a tender age and lived here until after majority. Deportation in such cases is tantamount to exile. Phillips Russell. T5° August 23 THE DIAL A, The Meaning of National Guilds . merica is still all but unaware of the meaning of national guilds. The more advanced English trade unions are discussing them and revising their demands accordingly. In Germany, says Mr. H. N. Brailsford after a recent visit, "the popular ex- pedient is to attempt a compromise of the Soviet system, on something like the English Guild Social- list lines." What, then, are these national guilds, and why are they? The eSence of the idea is seen to be compara- tively simple as soon as two central principles are held in view. The first is the principle of func- tion; that is, the principle that organizations should be so constituted that they have a job to do and are adapted to its performance by having those involved in doing the job and affected by the consequences of its doing, as parties to its control. This means that jurisdiction must be coextensive with knowledge and competence in action; that fundamentally suffi- cient authority resides in any functional group to allow it adequately to perform its function; that instead of creating some abstract separation of powers (into legislative, executive, judicial), gov- ernment should be based on a realistic analysis of the different functions to be performed. The second principle is nominally familiar. It is the principle of self-government. Yet how, when, and where this idea can be applied in the industrial world has always been in debate. To the guilds- men, however, the application, in general outline at least, is simple. Self-government should exist where the simplest function is performed—in the factory and in each department of the factory. All who work in the factory are citizens of the industry— office as well as shop workers, managers as well as managed ; the guild is essentially a production organ- ization of all the workers, both of the head and of the hand, in the industry. Within the plant the problem of self-government is primarily to deter- mine conditions and methods of work, to select those who shall do the less technical executive work and those who are to represent the shops in the local dis- trict body of the industry. In this district body the work of self-government is to secure proper uniform- ity in the several shops of the industry, discuss all problems that affect the whole local situation, and select delegates to the national industrial body. The national group or guild in each industry would be composed of these delegates from the entire indus- try; and in this case self-government involves the settling of all those problems which inevitably re- quire settlement on a national scale in a world of nation-wide industrial units. Concretely, the na- tional body of each guild would presumably over- see the purchase of the raw material from the State or from some other guild; it would assemble data as to costs to give a basis for price determination; it would determine approximately uniform stand- ards for the terms of employment of its members; it would hold and decide upon the disposition of the profits of the industry (profits in the sense of surplus left over after all agreed charges, including rentals to the State and the drawing-accounts of all workers, are met); it would study demand and help to allocate production, bearing in mind the quantity of, products needed in the different markets of the world; it would carry on technical research and trade training. But important as these functions are, it is clear that today the really incisive statesmanship is re- quired in carrying forward coordination among the different industries. Which industries are to hare priority in getting certain scarce materials and new credits? At what price are the guilds to sell to each other? To what point is standardization of parts, sizes, and styles to go? These are questions which concern all the industries. For their consideration the guildsmen advocate a Guild Congress—a na- tional economic council which through its numer- ous standing committees would be the real organiz- ing genius of the economic resources of each coun- try. As to the interrelation of the economic life of the different nations, the guildsmen have had less to say; but the war experience with interallied eco- nomic agencies and the logical necessity for inter- national commodity commissions and other world- wide functional groups will undoubtedly lead them to the formulation of more definite policies as to international industrial relationships. Such is the structure of self-government in indus- try, conceived in terms of function, in terms of needs of consumers, in terms of the personal life of all who work. And by the further application of this idea, the organization of community life as a whole is conceived as embracing two major national bodies—a parliament occupied with economic and industrial affairs, and one concerned as now with the civic problems of health, education, recreation, protection, and whatever other matters grow out of the fact of geographic association. In a word, the guildsmen believe that our existing parliamentary system would function more effectively if it were not continually being confused by issues, interests, and overtures from wholly extraneous quarters. 1919 1 5 * THE DIAL Let Congress, they would say, continue to deliberate . upon matters for which the fact of a representation of geographical areas fits them to deliberate. But let us have done with this confusion where legisla- tures also contend with "the railroad vote," "the packers' vote," "the steel interests," "the oil group," " the insurance clique," and so on. It is not so much that these special interests are corrupt as that they are misplaced and hence inefficient. The place for industrial interests to be voiced and de- cisions made is in a body representative of all indus- trial interests avowedly meeting together for pur- poses of democratic control and operation in the public interest. This, briefly, is the national guild position on gov- ernmental structure. But it still leaves one vital function to be carefully examined. What of the work now done by the bankers—the assembling of capital resources, examination into the soundness of new ventures and extension of credits to them—the whole vital task of giving direction to the produc- tive energies of a nation? The guildsmen appear to have no desire to minimize the reality of this service and the necessity for the function. Indeed they take the very temperate position that until the community finds some equally efficient way to con- duct this function, we must continue to pay the bankers well for doing it. Only, the guildsmen feel that the task of conducting the credit system in the public interest is less formidable than it has been made to appear; indeed they find intentional concealments and obfuscation under the private con- trol of credit. Hence they favor the assumption of this function by a body to be representative of all interests in the community. No task is more criti- cal than this one of saying where capital is to be invested and for what purpose. The body or bodies in whose hands it resides is perhaps more nearly sovereign than we care to admit—except that even he« we are -in danger of thinking too largely in terms of a capitalist system of production. Once the direction of production is restored again to the actual head and hand workers in the respective in- dustries, they could arrange for extensions and credits among themseelves without resort to outside credits, and thus be in a position to keep any State credit agency properly alert to the rights and claims of all. In reality, of course, the actual workers in the key industries—in mining and land and sea transportation—will always hold the strategically powerful positions. The guildsmen have no dis- position to deny or minimize this fact. But they do change somewhat the complexion of the problem by insisting that the guild state implies a new motive dominant in industry. Industry is to be a public service conducted in close relation to known de- mands and needs. No one by virtue of ownership is to have the power to say what land or material resources shall be used, or the power to exact a perennial tribute for their use. The removal of private ownership of productive resources does not of itself, of course, guarantee development in the public interest. But it removes the most acute and financially expensive drag upon the economic organization; it removes the most egregiously self- seeking—because entrenched—private interest. It still remains to relate actual producers to actual consumers in a spirit of accommodation; to get head and hand workers to stress the many points at which their interests are in harmony. Regarding the problem of individual motive for work and productiveness, the guild analysis is guilty of no over-generous assumptions about human nature. It of course denies the proposition that the central driving motive in industry has to be private profit. But it jumps to no communist proposal of equal pay or ribor tickets or any other unusual device. It contends rather that the industries shall be reasonably autonomous as regards determination of the rewards to be paid for work; and that, with profit to all, an industry's superior efficiency in reducing costs might become a factor in this determination. In a word, there is to be no grandiloquent appeal to idealisms, but rather an in- telligent utilization of motives of self-interest coupled with those of creative effort and public usefulness. This of course must always be so; it is one criterion of a sensible social order that it uses self-enhancing as well as more directly "social" im- pulses. The objection is so frequently urged against all plans of social reorganization that they presuppose a sentimental and self-effacing altruism, that the soundness of the guildsmen's point of view needs to be specifically noticed. To answer adequately the second question of the "why " of nationaf guilds, would require a lengthy excursion into present problems. But a statement of the significant influences at work to give attraction and validity to the idea will show an im- posing array of causes. The idea of national guilds is in definite reaction against the bureaucratic connotations of State Socialism. It is in reaction to the "labor as a commodity" theory. It stands firmly on the principle of industry as a service to life, as one of die fields of human activity which must like all die others contribute to the enrichment of personality. It is, therefore, in reaction against monotony and lack of interest in machine work. It is interested in restoring real interest in work, fundamental efficiency in the whole economic / 152 August 23 THE DIAL organization, and in a proper balance of individual freedom and intelligent discipline. The guild movement is consequently critical of too much stress on craft unionism and is equally at variance with the "one big union" idea. However, it aims im- mediately to educate and strengthen all organiza- tions of the workers in order to utilize them more and more as the embryos out of which guilds of head and hand workers in each industry can eventually develop. Taking such a definite and carefully reasoned position as to the desirable next steps, the guildsmen are naturally cautious in their approval of the numerous reconstruction programs. In The Mean- ing of National Guilds, a new work by Maurice B. Reckitt and C. E. Bechhoffer (Macmillan), perhaps the most interesting chapter is the one on The Mirage of Reconstruction. It must be read if one is to get the full detail of the argument. But it all depends, says the conclusion, "upon the spirit in which such experiments are made. Encroaching control by trade unionism is one thing; capitalist devolution by employers quite another." This chapter is superior to the others principally bo- cause it embodies the authors' own opinions. For the rest of the book is an exposition of the idea of Orage, Hobson, and Cole and while it adds nothing to their earlier work it enables the reader rapidly to see the different elements in the guild philosophy and program. I have said that guild ideas are all but unknown in this country. This is only true in a sense. It is more accurate to say that the name of the idea is less familiar than its essence. Already the industrial unionists, the railroad brotherhoods, and some other scattered groups are advocating national industrial organizations in which head and hand workers join to manage and operate. The movement is not in its present stage so much a reasoned one as an almost spontaneous reaction to conditions. The book here under consideration deserves wide publicity, therefore, to give practical body and vital content to ideas already at work. It cannot be denied, however, that the supremely effective source book in this field is still Mr. G. D. H. Cole's admirable Self-Government in Industry. Ordway Tead. Rt Mr. Ransome's Facts and Mr. Russell's Fancies RUSSIA is something more than the acid test of diplomacy: it is the acid test of intelligence. By that token a good many American minds, woven in the doctrinaire Socialist pattern, have proved themselves shoddy. Their progressive surface finish no longer conceals the fact that the fabric itself is essentially the same stuff out of which National Security Leaguers and America First demonstrators are made. Must one point this generality with names and specifications? Mr. Charles Edward Russell's latest arraignment of Soviet Russia comes conveniently to hand. (Bolshevism and the United States; Bobbs-Merrill.) The chief value of Mr. Russell's commentary lies not in what it says about Bolshevism but in what it reveals about the United States—and more particu- larly about the mental acumen of certain Socialists in the United States who sacrificed their creed to their country. For many years Mr. Russell, like Mr. W. E. Walling and Mr. John Spargo, had pamphleteered for Socialism, and had mastered the trick of appraising every political phenomenon in terms of certain Socialist phrases and formulae. The work was able of its kind, but the chief requirement for success was verbal facility rather than fertile political thought. So long as the present order of society should obtain, so long were Mr. Russell's formulae adequate to its criticism and its condemna- tion. Fortunately the world is not so static as Mr. Rus- sell's mentality. At long last, in a distant land, the dry bones of Socialist doctrine began to knit them- selves, as in the prophet's vision, into the articulate forms of living beings. Land was communized; credit lifted out of private hands; industries put into the trusteeship of the state for the use of the workers. Mr. Russell had not imaginatively con- sidered that these things could ever come to pass hi his generation: they were to be brought about gradu- ally, decorously, with large rhetorical accompani- ments and a minimum of direct action. Still less did Mr. Russell ever think that once Socialism began to live it would evolve autonomously a scheme of its own, quite independent of the static prospectuses that he had privately manufactured. Confronted by a living organism instead of a logioal pattern, Mr. Russell sought to conceal his inability to dis- sect the first by creating a new abstraction and en- dowing it with the qualities of a dramatic myth. The result is Bolshevism and the United States. Its protagonist is Nicolai Lenin. The myth itself the author calls The Great Idea—the Dictatorship of the Proletariat. Nominally a staid essay in politi- cal criticism, the work is really a melodrama, the sort I919 I 53 THE DIAL of imbecile melodrama which Mr. Russell became qualified to write under the tutelage of Mr. Hearst, and which he seems to have perfected by a course of training under Mr. Thomas Dixon, master of the luridly banal. As in most melodramas, the villain is the only honest and admirable character in the whole play—consistently more honest and admirable than an author who cannot mention the name of Lenin without whispering under his breath, “Born Ulianov, you know!” (Just as a person might attempt to corroborate the story of Mark Twain's being a plagiarist by referring perpetually to the fact that he was christened Clemens.) There is naturally a good deal of bloodshed in the story, for which the villain is responsible—in fact, accord- ing to Mr. Russell, there is nothing but ignorance, incompetence, cruelty, and bloodshed—and in the end the villain's plans are defeated and his purposes are foiled by the rising tide of democracy. - What Mr. Russell's facts and convictions about Russia are worth we shall shortly be able to verify. The appalling thing, however, is not the author's ignorance of Russia, in which respect most of us are at sea in the same boat, but his ignorance of Amer- ica. He has the fatal habit of encrusting his mind with platitudes to obliterate the vision of realities. Thus: “Democracy is the foundation of American life.” Industrially, Mr. Russell? “We have lately concluded an appallingly expensive war to prevent the spread of autocracy.” Have we succeeded, Mr. Russell? “Bolshevism favors violence, which we ab- hor, and war, whereas we are in the mass committed to peace.” In the mass, perhaps, Mr. Russell, but governmentally what are we actively committed to? “It recognizes class and class government, whereas we have argued that in a republic classes have no place.” Argued, indeed, Mr. Russell, but have we done away with them? The ideal America that Mr. Russell holds up against Soviet Russia is beyond challenge magnificent—except in comparison with an equally ideal and non-existent Soviet Russia. But the actual America of Security Leagues, espionage organizations, race riots, and compulsive militarism is not much more profitable to contemplate, for the sake of political inspiration, than Russia itself after the attempted assassination of Lenin. In order to compare two countries you must make sure that your examples are on the same plane of reality. Let us now correct Mr. Russell's mental distor- tions. Arthur Ransome's book, Russia in 1919 (Huebsch) comes like a breath of cool night air at the end of a tedious performance in the stuffy auditorium of a garish provincial theater. Mr. Rus. sell is a political journalist who writes fairy stories about Russia: Mr. Ransome is a teller of fairy stories who writes with lucid distinction about affairs which are usually within the province of the political jour- nalist. Mr. Ransome revisited Russia for the pur- pose of rectifying the “tragedy that no Englishman properly equipped was in Russia studying the gigan- tic experiment which, as a country, we are allowing to pass abused but not examined.” He had no politi- cal theory either to confirm or to abolish. He was a reporter and not a propagandist defending a vested interest in formulae. All the more convincing, therefore, is the fact his impressions in February and March confirm those of the New York Globe's correspondent a couple of months later. Mr. Ran- some had in addition the advantage of an earlier background for contrast. He had known the fears, hopes, terrors, and anxieties of the November over- throw, with its widespread political turmoil. But in the Russia he discovered in 1919 the fierceness of political contention had abated. The authority of the Soviets and their Commissars had been estab- lished. The problems they were called upon to deal with were not those growing out of political fac- tionalism and discontent but those which were due to economic disorganization and the necessity for waging war against an encirclement of hostile armies. In the face of the threatening counter revo- lutions of Kolchak and Denikin the civil war be- tween parties had all but disappeared. The powers of the Revolutionary Tribunal were being volun- tarily curbed. At the same time the war against nature had become more bitter. Famine and frost punctuate Mr. Ransome's descriptions like the men- acing boom of distant cannon. Industrially Mr. Ransome found Russia at lowest ebb. But the cause of this is not, as Mr. Russell glibly assumes, a lack of technical competence on the part of Soviet officials. The roots of the diffi- culty are deeper. The Soviets fell heir to a State that had ceased to be a going concern long before the revolution permitted an accurate inventory of its antiquated plant and equipment. Now Mr. Veblen has taught us to see how completely the state of the arts is dependent upon a non-material joint stock of knowledges and aptitudes. This stock was badly depleted by the weeding out of skilled workers in the slaughter-pen of war, and the Allied blockade kept it, like the physical equipment, from being re- newed from the outside; with the result, Mr. Ran- some tells us, that the Soviet Commissaries have found it necessary to train the more promising work- men for technical positions as they go along. This alone would make the necessary restoration difficult; but the food situation has made it almost impossible. The Russian worker is too weakened by hunger to work a full day, whilst the cold of the long winter x54 August 23 THE DIAL makes application to studious tasks futile except for short periods of uneven effort. Hence Chicherin's desperate offer of peace; hence the pledge of timber and mineral concessions in payment for Russia's debts; hence Lenin's willingness to let foreign states "build a Chinese wall round each of their coun- tries" to ward off invasion by propaganda. But above all things the Soviet Commissars seek peace and agreement with the Allies. Have their offers and pledges been rejected because the Allied Gov- . ernments fear, under conditions in the slightest de- gree favorable, Soviet Russia's success? Viewing Rus- sia through Mr. Ransome's eyes it is impossible not to get an impression of " that extraordinary vitality which obstinately persists in Moscow even in these dark days of discomfort, disillusion, pestilence, star- vation, and unwanted war." 'In its worst crisis it seems to have more buoyancy than the Allied capitals in their securest triumphs. In addition to the vitality of the communist pro- gram and the Soviet m :chanism, in the face of huge dislocations and dilapidations, one gets a sense of the tremendous economic potentialities which the pres- ent regime has barely been permitted to fathom. The Council of Public Economy has deliberately fostered scientific research. A match without wood or paraffin was one of its earliest products. The Com- mittee on State Constructions widened the canal from the Volga to the Baltic, a feat that the Czar's government had dismissed as impracticable. Plans have been drawn up to get away from the de- pendence upon coal, characteristic of paleotechnic industry, and link the chief industrial centers with electric power plants situated on the swifter rivers, in accordance with the labor-saving, energy-conserv- ing neotechnic practice. In the textile industry all the big factories have been nationalized, and unity of control has done away with the wastes of plant duplication, cross-transportation, and competitive differentiation of weaves and stuffs. Mr. Ransome asked about the fate of the old textile manufactur- ers, and was told that, though many had gone abroad, many were working in the nationalized fac- tories. The engineering staff, which mostly struck work at the beginning of the Revolution, had almost without exception returned, the younger engineers in particular realizing the new possibilities opening before the industry, the continual need of new improvements, and the immediate welcome given to originality of any kind. Apart from the question of food, which was bad for everybody, the social standard of the workers had risen. Thus one of their immediate difficulties was the provision of proper houses. The capitalists and manufacturers kept the workers in barracks. "Nowadays the men want better dwellings, and we mean to give them better. Some have moved into the old houses of the owners and manufac- turers, but of course there are not enough of these to go round, and we have extensive plans in the way of build- ing villages and garden cities for the workmen." In other words, if we may use a political cliche, the Russian Revolution has passed out of its destruc- tive phase. From the economist's point of view, the constructive process is that which will effect the real revolution, and what has led up to it is merely a preliminary clearance of the field. It is notorious (to use a metaphor from electricity) that the eco- nomic and political systems have never been in phase. The misfortune of the Soviet Revolution was that it brought into existence, somewhat hastily, a twentieth century political instrument in the face of economic conditions which were gradually slid- ing back into a proto-industrial stage. Should the present impedance be overcome sufficiently to give both economics and politics the same time values, one gathers from Mr. Ransome's brief insights into the working of the system that the output of the Soviet State, in energies and materials, will be higher than that of any contemporary civilization, and the total result in happiness, once military com- pulsions are removed, will at least be equal to that enjoyed by favored minorities under capitalism today. Alone for his glimpses of the social by-products of the Revolution Mr. Ransome's volume would be of incomparable worth. The individual preparation of food in the common kitchen of the'National Hotel at Moscow; the election of the ex-capitalist as the president of his factory, and the difficulty he had in keeping his old hands from calling him master; the effect of drama offered to an audience compelled to endure the torment of cold while it was enacted —rthese glimpses are precious. Mr. Ransome saw one of Chekhov's dramas of futility, Uncle Vanya. He muses: A gulf seemed to have been pased; the life it repre- sented had gone forever. People in Russia no longer have time for private lives of such a character. Such people no longer exist; some of them have been swept into the floodtide of revolution and are working as they never hoped to have the chance to work; others, less generous, have been broken and thrown aside. The revolution has been hard on some, and has given new life to others. It has swept away that old life so absolutely that, come what may, it will be a hundred yeaTs at least before anywhere in Russia people will be able to be unhappy in that particular way again. . . . Was this the old life? I thought, as I stepped out into the snow. If so, then thank God it has gonel If those are the sentiments of an honest and sen- sitive man, in the midst of horrible deprivation, what would even a traveling salesman say once food were plenty again, and houses warm? Would not Messrs Russell and Spargo themselves be compelled to readjust their values in the presence of such a vital demonstration? T Lewis Mumford. 1919 i55 THE DIAL A Jazz Critic In the literary world there are three familiar types of criticism. There is first the type which is represented in English scarcely at all (Poe being the one possible exception), and of which the finest specimens are the Frenchmen, Sainte-Beuve, Taine, and Reray de Gourmont. These men, and their like, devoted themselves with careful study and feline skill to the task of making accurate portraits of their heroes and victims. One reads them now for the reason that they assimilated so thoroughly the books they studied as not to appear to have studied them; rather almost to have written them them- selves, or at least to have been present at their writ- ing. In a confidential mood they unburden them- selves of their secrets; they give us insight into their own personalities, as well as into the personality of whatever author they happen to be discussing: they re-create literature. This type of criticism is always worth reading. Another type is familiar in England, and is usu- ally readable once if no more. The difficulty with it is that it is vague and shallow. The makers of such criticism are usually men of slender person- ality like Pater, who need the support of great art to show off their skill, or coiners of brilliant de- tached phrases and judgments, like Coleridge and Matthew Arnold. The more one reads this type of criticism, the more one admires the modesty and easy felicity of Charles Lamb. The third type of criticism is the German. Anyone who is familiar with the intellectual productions of Germany before the war, is aware that nowhere did the unfortunate megalomania of that country dis- play itself more clearly than in the field of literary criticism. For the last thirty years, German criti- cism has been heavy, inflated, pompous, and absurd. The German critic immediately assumed the pon- tifical robes, and led the unwilling reader through serried hosts of books under review, with all the airs and graces of a Hohenzollern prince. His aim was always to prove the superiority of German kultur. This method is becoming popular in America, and the most recent and brilliant example of it is Mr. Untermeyer's book on American poetry. (The New Era in American Poetry; Holt.) Needless to say, the thesis which this volume attempts to support, is that America is just beginning to express her own individuality—her "genuine Americanism" in short—in her poetry. This theme Mr. Unter- meyer conveniently borrows from Whitman, who seems to serve the new generation of American poets much as Blake serves those of England, as " a good man to take something from." To support Whit- man's thesis, Mr. Untermeyer has read all the American poetry written, from J. Gordon Coogler to Arensburg, from Harriet Monroe to Mina Loy, from Lindsay to Wallace Stevens. All, he de- clares, wear—under their apparent diversity—the uniform of genuine Americanism; all but a few who are strangely omitted, like Edwin Ford Piper, Donald Evans, Robert Carlton Brown; and a few others, notorious deserters or despicable sharp- shooters like Aiken and Pound. To refute Mr. Untermeyer, then, it is necessary to refute Walt Whitman's thesis of a continent-full of democratic bards to follow in his wake. Fortun- ately, this is easy. Whitman's work provides its own refutation. When Whitman wrote Crossing Brooklyn Ferry, or Out of the Cradle Endlessly Rocking, or Song of the Open Road or Song of Myself, or any one of his finest pieces, he was an American poet for the reason that he was most completely free from the accidents of time, space, and social theory. Crossing Brooklyn Ferry, for instance, might almost be called Crossing London Bridge; and so with all the rest. But when Whit- man .told the Muse to migrate from Greece and Ionia, and cast glances of contempt at the obsolete feudalism of Europe, he was either longing for an inspiration which the American surroundings of his day could not furnish, or trying to placate the vulgar Philistinism of his time by exalting its opinion into a creed. When Whitman came to be an old man, he vaguely grasped the fact that Europe had granted him the recognition which America had withheld. He did not understand what this truly implies, namely, that every true poet must necessarily be- come the spokesman for his country in other lands. Shakespeare, for example, expresses more completely the spirit of England than all the power of Eng- land's trade, or the weight of England's armies; yet in none of Shakespeare's greater plays is the scenery, or the characters, exclusively English. Whitman's thesis falls to the ground for the reason that all great art is outside the bounds of political, as it is within the bounds of spiritual nationality. So much for Whitman's argument. As for the manner in which Mr. Untermeyer has chosen to support it, that can be glanced at more briefly. Let us take, for example, two chapters devoted to those whom he considers leaders of the new movement: Mr. James Oppenheim and Miss Amy Lowell. Mr. Oppenheim, we are told, expresses the Sem- itic strain in American poetr