539 i5^6 moriiTT or ARTE ERITAt \Ji >' 3^9 '283 333 • • • • 369 Gregory Zilboorg 87 Helen Marot 393 Fernando de los Rios 471 Frederick John Teggart .... 237 Winthrop Parkhurst 476 Helen R. Hull 190 Stella Benson . 291 Conrad Aiken 331 Winthrop Parkhurst 371 Walter L. Myers 193 Conrad Aiken 97 Geroid Robinson 137 Emma Heler Schumm 250 H. M. Kallen 251 Lewis Mumford 21 H. J. Davenport 287 Arthur Wilson . . . . 372 Virgil Jordan 363 Lewis Mumford 152 Clarence Britten ... . 140 15746 INDEX reco'ntruction in britain Remaking of a Mind, The Roaring Forties, The Russia and International Economics Russia's Jews, A Ransom for Scholar Too Late, The School, the, The Place of-The Community in . . . Shop Committee, the—Some Implications .... Solitudes, Two Southern History, Chapters in State, The Status of the State, Wardom and the Sunt Rerum -Lacrimae Swamp or Civilization? Teachers in the United States, The Organization of Trade Unionism and the Control of Industry . Uncertain, But Hopeful Unionism, Responsible Veblen and Vanderlip, Two Iconoclasts Wages, Can Real, Be Raised? Ward, Artemus, Our Unique Humorist Washington and Lincoln When Good Fellows Get Together Women in British Industry Albert Newsome George Donlin . Joseph Hergesheimer Gregory Zilboorg Maxwell Anderson . Lewis Mum ford William Leavitt Stoddard Babette Deutsch David Saville Muzzey . Lewis Mumford Lewis Mumford Conrad Aiken Walter B. Pitkin . . Benjamin Glassberg Geroid Robinson Grover Clark Helen Marot Robert L. Duffus . . Oswald Knauth . P. H. Belknap . . . Norman Hapgood . Robert L. Duffus . . G. D. H. Cole . . . 9 438 431 198 201 239 244 7 301 16 59 303 23 51 242 3 19 131 62 '87 433 92 2S3 45 VERSE At Perneb's Tomb Evangels Flowers and Fools His Friend to His Enemy July 4, 1919 Li T'ai Po Maiden and Poet My Comrade Suppliant Tree, A To a Thrush at Evening . . . To Li Tai Po To Mary Carolyn Davies . . . To Timarion Two Canals With a Book of Chinese Lyrics Youth's Ending Leonora Speyer .... Elizabeth J. Coatsworth P. H. Belknap .... Morris Gilbert .... Babette Deutsch . . . Amy Lowell Bayard Boyesen .... Josephine Bell .... Annette Wynne . .• . Herbert Gerhard Bruncken Maxwell Bodenheim Mary Siegrist .... M. L. C. Picthall . . . Agnes Lee Ida O'Neil Maxwell Bodenheim 246 306 22 254 56 241 346 6 91 139 428 70 442 47 24 186 INDEX AUTHORS AND TITLES OF BOOKS REVIEWED PAGE Abbot. Willis J. The Story of Our Merchant Marine 324 Abbott, Lawrence F. Impressions of Theodore Roosevelt. 386 Abdullah, Achmed. The Honourable Gentleman and Others... 462 Abdullah, Achmed. The Trail of the Beast 126 Acharya, Sir Ananda. The Book of the Cave 124 Ackerman, Carl W. Trailing the Bolsheviki 78,212 Adams, Brooks. The Emancipation of Massachusetts: The Dream and the Reality 324 After-War Atlas and Gazetteer of the World 272 Aiken, Conrad. The Charnel Rose 447 Aikman, Henry G. The Groper 126 Akins, Zoe. Cake Upon the Waters 278 Alexander, Hartley Burr. Letters to Teachers 76, 262 "Alpha of the Plough." Leaves in the Wind 124 "Altair." Chaos 326 American Academy of Arts and Letters. Commemoration of the Centenary of the Birth of James Russell Lowell 172 American Jewish Year Book 466 Andrews, Charles M. Colonial Folkways 324 Andrews, John W., Stephen Vincent Benet, John Chipman Farrar, and Pierson Underwood, editors. The Yale Book of Student Verse: 1910-1919 174 "Anthony Hope." See Hawkins, Anthony Hope. Approaches Toward Church Unity 386 Arnold, Jacob Hiram. Farm Management 274 Ashford, Daisy. The Young Visiters 174 Atherton, Gertrude. Rezanov 222 Atherton, Gertrude. Transplanted 460 Atkin, G. Murray. Flowers in the Wind 276 Aumonier, Stacy. The Querrils 276 Bacon, Josephine Daskam. Square Peggy 388 Baldwin, J. F.f and I. S. Leadam, editors. Select Cases Before the King's Council 220 Balkin, .Harry H. The New Science of Analysing Charac- ter 274 Barbagallo, Corrado, and Guglielmo Ferrero. A Short His- tory of Rome, 44 B.C.—476 A.D 170 ••Barbellion. W. M. P." The Journal of a Disappointed Man 38 Barhussc, Henri. Light 435,460 Barbusse, Henri. Under Fire 435 Barnett, Henrietta Octavia.' Canon Barnett: His Life, Work, and Friends 466, 473 Barnhart, Harry, in cooperation with • Percv MacKave. The Will of Song 276, 484 Barrett, Lillian. The Sinister Revel 388 Bashford, H. H., and Archibald Hurd. The Heroic Record of the British Navy 272 Bates, Frank G., and Frank J. Goodnow. Municipal Gov- ernment 356 Beard, Charles A., and Frederick A. Ogg. National Gov- ernments and the World War 214 Bcaunicr, Andre. La Jeunesse de Joubert 170 Bechhoffer, C. E., and Maurice B. Reckitt. The Mean- ing of National Guilds 150 Beers, .Henry A. Four Americans: Roosevelt, Hawthorne, Emerson, Whitman 466 Belasco, David. The Theatre Through Its Stage Door.... 358 Bell, J. J. Just Jemina 278 Benavente, Jacinto. Plays: Second Series, translated by John Garrett Underhill 358 Benedict. Bertram. A History of the.Great War 78 Benet, Stephen Vincent, John W. Andrews, John Chipman Farrar, and Pierson Underwood, editors. The Yale Book of Student Verse: 1910-1919 174 Bengali Book of Verse, The 220 Bennett, Arnold. Judith 126 Bergengren, Ralph. The Perfect Gentleman 466 Bertrand, Adrien. The Call of the Soil i 449, 460 Best Ghost Stories 276 Best Short Stories, The, of 1918 190 Betts, George Herbert. How to Teach Religion: Prin- ciples and Methods 274 Bevan, Edwyn. German Social Democracy During the War 172 Biddle, Major Charles J. The Way of the Eagle 78 Biddle, Nicholas. Correspondence, edited by Reginald C. McGrane 386 Bigelow, Poultney. Prussianism and Pacifism 76 Bindloss, Harold. Partners of the Out-Trail 278 Birmingham, G. A Our Casualty 358 Bishop, Joseph Bucklin, editor. Theodore Roosevelt's Let- ters to His Children 324 Black, Alexander. The Great Desire 462 Black, Henry Campbell. The Relation of Executive Power to Legislation 386 PACI Bligh, Frederick. The Hill of Vision 220 Blythe, Samuel G. Hunkins .' 388 Bolshevik Aims and Ideals 272 Bond, A. Russell. Inventions of the Great War 38 Book, A, of Princeton Verse: II, 1919 450, 464 Bordeaux, Henry. Georges Guynemer: Knight of the Air, W. A. Dwiggins, illustrator 28 Boreham, F. W. Faces in the Fire.—The Golden Mile- stone.—The Luggage of Life.—Mountains in the Mist. —Mushrooms on the Moor.—The Silver Shadow 160 Bottome, Phyllis. A Servant of Reality 383,388 Bousschere, Jean de. See de Bousschere. Bragdon, Claude. Architecture and Democracy 316 Brooke, Eleanor Stimson, translator. The Heart's Do- main, by Georges Duhamel 352, 358 Brooks, Alfred Mansfield, compiler. Great Artists and Their Works, by Great Authors. 78 Brooks, Charles Alvin. Christian Americanization 220 Brown, Arthur Judson. The Mastery of the Far East: The Story of Korea and Japan's Rise to Supremacy in the Far East 214 Brown, Charles Reynolds. Yale Talks 386 Buchan, John. Mr. Standfast 222 Buisson, Ferdinand, and Frederic Ernest Farrington, editors. French Educational Ideals of Today 262 Bullitt, William C. The Bullitt Mission to Russia 466 Bunsen, Victoria de. See de Bunsen. Burr, Amelia Josephine. .Hearts Awake 464 Burroughs, John. Field and Stream 170 Burt, Katharine Newlin. The Branding Iron 222 Burt, Maxwell Struthers, Henry Van Dyke, Morris William Croll, and James Creese, Jr., editors. A Book of Princeton Verse: II, 1919 450, 464 Burton, Theodore E. Modern Political Tendencies 498 Byng, L. Cranmer-. See Cranmer-Byng. Bynner, Witter. The Beloved Stranger 301,358 Cabell, James Branch. Jurgen: A Comedy of Justice 358 Cabot, Richard C. Social Work 166 Calkins, Mary Whiton. The Good Man and the Good 165 Cannan, Gilbert. The Anatomy of Society 464 Cannan, Gilbert. Mummery: 222 Cannan, Gilbert. Pink Roses. 449, 460 Cantacuzene, Princess. Revolutionary Days 211 Carroll, Dixie. Fishing Tackle and Kits 326 Cattell, J. McKeen. Carnegie Pensions 76, 258 C'hafee, Zechariah. Freedom of Speech in Wartime 172 Chamberlain, Arthur Henry and James Franklin. Thrift and Conservation 220 Chamberlin, George Agnew. Not All the King's Horses.. 498 Chancellor, William Estabrook. The Health of the Teacher 386 Chase, J. Smcaton. California Desert Trails 326 Chekhov, Anton. The Bishop and Other Stories 388 Chekrezi, Constantine A. Albania :.... 36 Chilton, Alexander Wheeler, and Lucius Hudson HoM. A Brief History of Europe: From 1789 to 1815 321, 496 Chronicles of America, 16, 92, 216, 247, 285, 324, 431, 492, 494 Chung, Henry, compiler. Korean Treaties 31 Churchill, Winston. Dr. Jonathan 450, 464 City Club of Chicago, editors. Ideals of America 498 Clark, Elmer T. Social Studies of the War 78 Clark, Francis E. In the Footsteps of St. Paul 122 Clarke, George Herbert, editor. A Treasury of War Po- etry: Second Series 172 Claudel, Paul. Tete-D'Or, translated by John Strong Newberry 464 Clemenceau, Georges. The Strongest 358 Clemens, Samuel L. ("Mark Twain"). In Defense of Harriet Shelley *..... 78 Cobb, Stanwood. Simla 276 Cohen, Julius Henry. An American Labor Policy 76 Cole, G. D. H. Labour in the Commonwealth: A Book for the Younger Generation 498 Cole, G. D. H. Self-Government in Industry 150 Coleman, Frederic. The Far East Unveiled 220, 479 Commemoration oi the Centenary of the Birth of James Russell Lowell 172 Coolidge, Dane. Silver and Gold 222 Coolidge, Governor. Have Faith in Massachusetts 38* Coolidge, Mary Roberts, revisor. American Charities, by Amos G. Warner 164 Corelli, Marie. My "Little Bit" 324,384 Corwin, Edward S. John Marshall and the Constitution.. 324 INDEX PAGI The Cost of Living: A Personal Reflection and Its Outcome 172 Couperus, Louis. Ecstacy, translated by Alexander Teixeira de Mattos , 487 Covenanter, The 126 Cox, Marion. The Dry Rot of Society and Other Essays.. 117 Cram, Ralph Adams. The Great Thousand Years and Ten Years After.—The Nemesis of Mediocrity.—The Sins of the Fathers 265 Cram, Ralph Adams. Walled Towns 464 Cranmer-Byng, L. A Lute of Jade 23 • Crawford, Alexander W. Germany's Moral Downfall 172 Crawford, W. J. Experiments in Psychical Science 124 Creel, George. Ireland's Fight for Freedom 172 Creose, James, Jr., Henry Van Dyke, Morris William Croil, Maxwell Struthers Bnrt, editors. A Book of Princeton Verse: II, 1919 450,464 Crime, The: Vols. Ill and IV, by the author of I Accuse. 356 Croker, B. M. Blue China 462 Croll, Morris William, Henry Van Dyke, Maxwell Struthers Burt, and James Creese, Jr., editors. A Book of Princeton Verse: II, 1919 450,464 Cronyon, George, editor. The Path on the Rainbow 30 Culbertson, William Smith. Commercial Policy in Wartime and After 124 Cumberland, Gerald. Set Down in Malice 38, 316 Cunliffe, John W. English Literature During the Last Half Century 270 Cunningham, Albert Benjamin. The Chronicle of an Old Town 326 Curran, Edwin. First Poems.—Second Poems 462 Curtis, Lionel. Letters to the People of India on Respon- sible Government 315 Dawson, Coningsby. The Test of Scarlet 388 Dawson, William Harbutt. The German Empire, 1867-1914. 76 de Bousschere, Jean. L'Offre de Plebs 301 de Bunsen, Victoria. The War and Men's Minds 38 de Goncourt, E. and J. Renee Mauperin 174 Dehan, Richard. A Sailor's Home 488 de Hevesy, Andr&. Nationalities in Hungary 356 Delafield, E. M. Consequences 460 Deland, Margaret. The Promises of Alice 222 Deland, Margaret. Small Things 38, 451 De Leon. Daniel: The Man and His Work 220 Dell, Floyd. Were You Ever a Child? 464 de Man, Henry. The Remaking of a Mind .220, 438 de Mattos, Alexander Teixeira, translator. Ecstacy, by Louis Couperus 487 De Morgan, William. The Old Madhouse 27S, 352 Desmond, Shaw. The Soul of Denmark 165 Dentsch, Babette. Banners 120 Dewey, Evelyn. New Schools for Old 36, 244, 263 Dictionary of the Apostolic Church 270 Documents and Statements Relating to Peace Proposals and War Aims: December, 1916-November, 1918 324 Dodd, William E. The Cotton Kingdom 16 Donaldson, Robert A. Turmoil: Verses Written in France, 1917-1919 464 Donaldson, Robert A., and Lansing Warren. En Repos and Elsewhere Over There 161 Doney, May. The Way of Wonder 208 Dorchester, Daniel. Bolshevism and Social Revolt 356 Dowson, Ernest. Poems and Prose 174 Doyle. Sir Arthur Conan. The Doings of Raffles Haw... 358 Doyle, Sir Arthur Conan. A History of the Great War.. 73 Dreiser, Theodore. The Hand of the Potter 276 . Drinkwater, John. Abraham Lincoln 120 Druce, C. J. Footsteps and Fantasies 174 Duddingtoh, Nathalie A., translator. The Justification of the Good: An Essay on Moral Philosophy, by Vladimir Solovyof 326 Duggan, Stephen Pierce, editor. The League of Nations: The Principle and the Practice 216 Duhamel, Georges. Compagnons.—The New Book of Mar- tyrs, translated by Florence Simmons 352 Duhamel, Georges. The Heart's Domain, translated by Eleanor Stimson Brooks 352, 358 Dunn, Theodore Douglas, editor. The Bengali Book of Verae 220 Dunne, F. P. Mr. Dooley on Making a Will, and Other Necessary Evils 278 Dwiggins, W. A., illustrator. Georges Guynemer: Knight of the Air, by Henry Bordeaux 28 Dyke, Henry Van. See Van Dyke. Eliot, Arthur. The Better 'Ole 68 Ellis, Havelock. The Philosophy of Conflict 464 PACt Elsom, J. C, and Blanche Trilling. Social Games and Group Dances 274 Erzberger, Mathias. The League of Nations 303. Evans, Donald. Ironica 174 Evans, Frederick Noble. Town Improvement 274 Fabre, Jean-Henri. Field, Forest and Farm 326 Fairlie, John. British War Administration 488 Farrar, John Chipman, John W. Andrews, Stephen Vincent Benet, and Pierson Underwood, editors. The Yale Book of Student Verse: 1910-1919 174 Farre, Lieut. Henry. Sky Fighters of France '. 28 Farrington, Frederic Ernest and Ferdinand Buisson, editors. French Educational Ideals of Today 262 Fedden, Romilly. Golden Days 124 Ferrero, Guglielmo, and Corrado Barbagallo. A Short History of Rome, 44 B. C.-476 A. D '. 170 Fish, Carl Russell. The Path of Empire 324 Fisher, Sydney G. The Quaker Colonies 324 Fiskc. Rear-Admiral Bradley A. From Midshipman to Rear-Admiral 356 Fleming, Walter Lynwood. The Sequel of Appomattox.. 324 Fletcher, C. Brunsdon. The Problem of the Pacific ■ 38 Foght, H. W., A. H. Hope, I. L. Kandd, W. Russell, and Peter Sandiford. Comparative Education 172 Foote, Mary Hallock. The Ground-Swell 462 Ford. Henry Jones. Washington and His Colleagues 92 Ford, Henry Jones. The Cleveland Era 324, 494 Ford, J. D. M. Main Currents of Spanish Literature.. 78, 452 Forms Suggested for Telegraph Messages.....* 446 Fowler, W. Warde. The Death of Turnus 78 Franc, Miriam Alice. Ibsen in England 464 Frank, Glenn. The Politics of Industry 76, 100 Frank, Leonhard. Der Mensch 1st Gut 250 Frazer, Sir James George. Folklore in the Old Testament. 384 French, Viscount. 1914 38, 73 Fricdlander, Israel. Past and Present 76 Frjost, Stanley. Germany's New War Against America... 172 Futabatei. An Adopted Husband, translated from the Japanese by Buhachiro Mitsui and Grepg M. Sinclair. 126 Gaines, Ruth. Helping France 172 Galsworthy, John. Addresses in America: 1919 220 Galsworthy, John. Saint's Progress 211 Gantt, H. L. Organizing for Work 294 Garnett, Edward. Papa's War, and Other Satires 120 Garstin, Crosbie. The Mud Larks 324 Gautier, Judith. Chinese Lyrics from the Book of Jade, translated by James Whitall 23 Gee, Joseph. Isaacs 174 Gibbons, Herbert Adams. The New Map of Asia 356 Gibbs, Major A. Hamilton. Gun Fodder 388 Gibbs, Philip. The Street of Adventure 222 Gibbs, Philip. The Way to Victory 34 Gilman, Benjamin Ives. Museum Ideals of Purpose and Method 266 Gilmore, George William. Animism 124 Glasgow, Ellen. The Builders 498 Glass, Montague. Potash and I-crlmutter Settle Things. .. . 462 Goncourt, E. and J. de. See de Goncourt Goodman, Daniel Carson. The Taker 126, 318 Goodman, Paul. A History of the Jews 76 Goodnow, Frank J., and Frank G. Bates. Municipal Government 35« Goodwin, Maud Wilder. Dutch and English on the Hudson 247 Gordon, George. The Men Who Make Our Novels 126 Gowen, Herbert H. The Napoleon of the Pacific 274 Grant, Robert. Law and the Family 466 Great Artists and Their Works, by Great Authors 78 Greenstreet, J. W., translator. Essays in Scientific Synthe- sis, by Eugenio Rignano 31 "Gregory, Sacka." Yellowleaf 35g Grenfcll, Wilfred Thomason. A Labrador Doctor 466 Grey, Zane. Tales of Fishes 276 Grierson, Francis. Abraham Lincoln, the Practical Mystic 72 Griffith, William, editor. Roosevelt: His Life, Meaning and Messages , 76 Guthrie, William Norman. The Religion of Old Glory 124 Hagedorn, Hermann. Hymn of Free Peoples Triumphant.. 161 Haggard, H. Rider. When the World Shook 222 Haight, Elizabeth Hazleton. The Life and Letters of James Monroe Taylor: The Biography of an Edu- cator 356, 490 Haley, Bart, and Christopher Morley. In the Sweet Dry and Dry 278 Halstead, William Riley. The Tragedy of Labor: A Mono- graph in Folk Philosophy 3 j g Hamilton, Clayton, editor. The Social Plays of Arthur Wing Pinero (Vol. Ill: Letty; His House in Order).. 464 INDEX PAGI Handbook of American Private Schools, A 466 Harper, Wilhelmina, compiler. 'Off Duty: A Dozen Yarns for Soldiers and Sailors 126 Harrison, Henry Sydnor. When I Come Back 388 Harrison, Mary St. Leger (" Lucas Malet ''). Deadham Hard 350, 358 Hart, Albert Bushnell. American Nation Series 16 Hastings, James, editor. Dictionary of the Apostolic Church 270 Hawkins, Anthony Hope. The Secret of the Tower 276 Hazen, Charles Downer. Fifty Years of Europe.... r. 73, 259 Hearn, Lafcadio. Fantastics and Other Fancies, edited by Charles Woodward Hutson. , 486 Hedges, M. H. Iron City 358 Henderson, Archibald. The Changing Drama 172, 490 Hendrick, Ellwood. Percolator Papers 222 Henley. William Ernest. Poems 326 "Henri", O." See Porter, Sydney. Hcnschel, Sir George. Musings and Memories of 'a Musi- cian.—Personal Recollections of Johannes Brahms.... 320 Hen-hall. James A. Bass, Pike, Perch and Other Game Fishes 274 Herford, Mary A. B. A Handbook of Greek Vase Painting 274 Hergesheimcr, Joseph. The Happy End 383, 3RS Herron, George D. The Greater War 172 Hershey, Amos S. and Susane W. Modern Japan 214 Heresy, Andr& de. See de Hevesy. Hichens, Robert. Mrs. Marden 460, 487 Hill, David Jayne. Present Problems in Foreign Policy... 36 Hobson, J. A. Cobden, the International Man 310 Hocking, William Ernest. Morale and Its Enemies 36 Hoerle, Helene Christene, and Florence B. Saltzberg. The Girl and the Job 386 Holden, Dr. George Parker. Streamcraft 386 Holland, Bernard. Memoir of Kenelm Henry Digby... 74 Holt, Lucius Hudson, and Alexander Wheeler Chilton. A Brief History of Europe from 1789 to 1815 324, 496 Hope, A. H., H. W. Foght, I. L. Kandel, W. Russell, and Peter Sandiford. Comparative Education 172 "Hope Anthony." See Hawkins, Anthony Hope. Hopkins, J. Castell. Canada at War 124 Hough, Emerson. The Passing of the Frontier 285 Howe, Frederic C. The Land and the Soldier 34 H. R. P., translator. Letters from a French Soldier to His Mother 120 Huard, Frances Wilson. With Those Who Wait. Charles Huard, illustrator 28 Hudson, W. H. The Book of a Naturalist 384, 386 Hunter, Robert. Why We Fail as Christians 76 Huntington, Ellsworth. The Red Man's Continent 324 Hurd. Archibald, and H. H. Bashford. The Heroic Record of the British Navy 272 Husband, Joseph. A Year in the Navy 218 Hutchins, William J. The Religious Experience of Israel 140 Hutchinson, Woods. The Doctor in War 118 Hutson, Charles Woodward, editor. Fantastics and Other Fancies; by Lafcadio Hearn 486 Hyndman, H. M. The Awakening of Asia 356 Hyndman, H. M. Clemenceau: The Man and His Time.. 21 Hyslop, James H. Contact with the Other World 220 Ibaiiez, Vicente Blasco. La Bodega 38 Ibaiiez, Vicente Blasco. Mare Nostrum...- 222 Ideals of America 498 Inman, Samuel Guy. Intervention in Mexico 272 Ioteyko, Josefa. The Science of Labour and Its Organiza- tion 76 Irwin. Inez Haynes. The Happy Years 462 Irwin, Wallace. The Blooming Angel 126 Jacobs, W. W. Deep Waters 326 Jastrow, Morris, Jr. A Gentle Cynic 337 Jastrow, Morris, Jr. Zionism and the Future of Palestine. 76 Jenkins, Macgregor. Literature With a Large L 464 Jtnks, Edwards. The State and the Nation 59 Jerusalem, William. Problems of the Seconary Teacher, translated by Charles F. Sanders 262 Jesse, F. Tennyson. The Sword of Deborah 124 Johnson, Allen, editor. Chronicles of America 16 Johnson, Alvin. John Stuyvesant Ancestor—and Other People 354, 358 Johnson, F. Ernest. The New Spirit in Industry 356 Johnson, Roswell Hill, and Paul Popenoe. Applied Eugen- ics 264 Johnston, Mary. The Pioneers of the Old South 216 Jones, D. Ambrose. Philosophic Thought and Religion... 326 Jordan, Elizabeth. The Girl in the Mirror 222 Kadomtzeff, Boris. The Russian Collapse 38 Kalaw, Maximo M. Self-Government in the Philippines. 124, 320 FAGI Kallen, H. M. The Book of Job as a Greek Tragedy Restored 140 Kallen, H. M. The League of Nations Today and To- morrow 303 Kandel, I. L., H. W. Foght, A. H. Hope, W. Russell, and Peter Sandiford. Comparative Education 172 Kawakami, K. K. Japan and World Peace....! 36 Kaye-Smith, Sheila. The Four Roads 358 Keable, Robert. Standing By 220 Keith, Arthur Berriedale. The Belgian Congo and the Ber- lin Act 386 Kelley, Florence Finch. What America Did 172 Kennedy, William Antony. The Invader's Son 462 Kenyon, James. The Harvest Home 401 Kerensky, A. F. The Prelude to Bolshevism 212 Kerr, Sophie. The See-Saw 166 Kettle, Lieut. T. M. The Day's Burden 55 Khan, The Aga. India in Transition 315 Kilman, John. The War and Preaching 207 Kirtland, Lucian Swift. Samurai Trails 164 Knipe, E. B. and A. A. Vive La France 326 Knowles, Sir Lees. The British in'Capri, 1806-1808 216 Koch, Theodore Wesley. Books in the War 388 Kolbe, Parke Rexford. The Colleges in War Time and • After 263 Korean Treaties '.... 31 Kreutz, Rudolf Jeremais. Captain Zillner, translated by W. J. Alexander Worster 326,435 Kyne, Peter B. The Green Pea Pirates 462 Laing, Janet. The Man with the Lamp 174 La Motte, Ellen N. Civilization: Tales of the Orient. ..78, 218 La Motte, Ellen N. Peking Dust 31 Lane, Jeremy. Yellow Men Sleep 278 I-aski, Harold J. Authority in the Modern State 59 Latzko, Andreas. Men in War 435 Laughlin, J. Lawrence. Money and Prices • IIS- Lawrence, D. H. Look! We Have Come Through! 97 Lawrence, T. J. The Society of Nations 303 Lay, Wilfred. The Child's Unconscious Mind 264 Leadam, I. S., and J. F. Baldwin, editors. Select Cases Before the King's Council 220 League of Nations, The: The Principle and the Practice.. -216 Leary, Daniel Bell. Education and Autocracy in Russia.. 452 Lccomte, Georges. Clemenceau: The Tiger of France... 21 Leon, Daniel De. See De I^eon. Letters from a French Soldier to His Mother 120 Lewis, Frank G. How the Bible Grew 220 Lewis, Sinclair. Free Air .' 388 Lewis, Sinclair. Hobohemia 115 Ley, J. W. T. The Dickcn's Circle..: 322 Life of Matter, The: An Inquiry and Adventure 490 Link, Henry C. Employment Psychology 274 List, A, of Eighty-seven Poets t 222 Littell, Philip. Books and Things 358 Lloyd, P. R., translator. The Holocaust, by A. A. Pons. 324 Loan, Charles E. Van. Sec Van Loan. Locke, William J. Far-Away Stories 126 1-oeb Classical Library 466, 498 Logic, George Clenton. Bulgaria: Problems and Politics 324 l.omonossoff, George V. Memoirs of the Russian Revolution 356 Long, William J. How Animals Talk 2/4 Lowe, Corinne. Saul: A Novel of Jewish Life.... 126, 266 Lowell, A. Lawrence. Greater European Governments.... 124 Lowell, A. Lawrence; William H. Taft, George W. Wick- ersham and Henry W. Taft. The Covenanter 124 Lowell, Amy. Pictures of the Floating World 331, 358, 447 "Lucas Malet." See Harrison, Mary St. Leger. Lynd, Robert. Old and New Masters , 222 Lyons, A. Neil. A London Lot 276 Macdonald, John F. The Amazing City 326 Macfarlane, Peter Clark. The Exploits of Bilge and Ma 358 Macintosh, Douglas Clyde. Theology as an Empirical Science 124 Maclver, R. M. 'Labor in the Changing World 386 MacKaye, Percy, in cooperation with Harry Bamhart. The Will of Song... 276, 484 Mackenzie, Compton. Sylvia and Michael 174, 314 Mackenzie, J. S. Elements of Constructive Philosophy... 270 Mackinder, H. J. Democratic Ideals and Reality 160 MacManus, Seumas. Lo, and Behold Ye! 278 Macy, Jesse. The Anti-Slavery Crusade 16 Maeterlinck, Maurice. The Burgomaster of Belgium 68 Magnes, Judah L. Russia and Germany at Brest-Litovsk.. 172 Malcolm, Ian. Stuff—and Nonsense: A Book of War Verses 126 "Malet, Lucas." See Harrison, Mary St. Leger. Man, Henry de. See de Man. INDEX FACE Marburg, Theodore. League of Nations: Its Principles Examined. Vol. II 386 March. Norah H. Towards Racial Health 274 Marcosson, Isaac F. Peace and Business 324 "Mark Twain." See Clemens, Samuel L. Marks. Henry K. Peter Middleton 445 Marquand, Allan. Robbia Heraldry 78 Marshall, Henry Rutgers. Mind and Conduct 76, 488 Martens, Frederick H. Violin Mastery 274 Masaryk, Thomas Garrigue. The Spirit of Russia 324 Masefield, John. The Faithful 371 Masefield, John. Reynard the Fox.—A Tarpaulin Mus- ter 371, 388 Massey, \V. T. Desert Campaigns, illustrated by James McBey ,... 28 Mattas, Alexander Teixeira de. See de Mattos. Maugham, \V. Somerset. The Moon and Sixpence... .222, 477 Maurice, Major General Sir F. Forty Days in l'U4 73 Maxey, Chester C. County Administration 498 Maxwell, W. B. Life Can Never Be the Same 462 Maynard, Theodore. Poems 276 McBey, James, illustrator. Desert Campaigns, by W. T. Massey 28 McCoy, Samuel. Merchants of the Morning 464 McGrane, Reginald C, editor. The Correspondence of Nicholas Birdie 386 McKenna, Stephen. Sonia Married 450,460 McNeile, Cyril ("Sapper"). Mufti 326 Means. E. K. More E. K. Means 78 Means, Philip Ainsworth. Racial Factors in Democracy.. 32 Merrick, Leonard. The Position of Peggy Harper 276 Merwin. Samuel. The Passionate Pilgrim 174 Meynell, Viola. Second Marriage 272 Middleton, P. Harvey. Industrial Mexico, 1919 Facts and Figures 498 Miller, Warren H. Canoeing, Sailing and Motor Boating 274 Mills, Enos A. The Grizzly 38 Mills, John. The Realities of Modern Science 38 Mitsui, Buhachiro, and Gregg M. Sinclair, translators. An Adopted Husband, by Futabatei 126 Montgomery, L M. Rainbow Valley 326 Moore, Ernest Carroll. What the War Teaches About Education 356 Moore, Helen Watkeys. On Uncle Sam's Water Wagon. 278 Mordell, Albert. The Erotic Motive in Literature 68 Morgan, Angela. Forward March 161 Morgan, William De. See De Morgan. Morley, Christopher. The Haunted Bookshop 38, 73 Morley. Christopher, and Bart Haley. In the Sweet Dry and Dry , 278 Morman, James B. The Place of Agriculture in Recon- struction 36 Morris, William. Hopes and Fears for Art 78 Motte, Ellen N. La. See La Motte. Mulder, Arnold. The Outbound Road 462 Munro, Dana J. The Five Republics of Central America. . 268 Nathan, George Jean. Comedians All 490 Veal, Robert Wilson. Today's Short Stories Analyzed 190 Near East, The, from Within 168 Neihardt, John G. The Song of Thiee Friends 311 Neilson. Francis. The Old Freedom 76 Nevinson, H. W. The Dardanelles Campaign 38, 73 Xewberry, John Strong, translator. TMe-D'Or, bv Paul Claudel 464 NTewton, A. W. The English Elementary School 262 "New Townsmen." New Towns After the War: An Argu- ment for Garden Cities T 274 Nightingale, M. Verses Wise and Otherwise 220 Niven, Frederick. The Lady of the Crossing 222 Norris, Kathleen. Sisters 326 O'Brien, Edward J., editor. The Best Short Stories of 1918 190 Off Duty: A Dozen Yarns for Soldiers and Sailors 126 Ogg, Frederick A. The Reign of Andrew Jackson 324 Ogg, Frederick A., and Charles A. Beard. National Gov- ernments and the World War 214 "O. Henry." See Porter, Sydney. Ollivant, Alfred. Two Men 460 Oppenheim, E. Phillips. The Box with the Broken Seals.. 462 Oppenheim, James. The Solitary 38, 301, 358 Orth, Samuel P. The Boss and the Machine 492 Osborn, Chase S. The Iron Hunter 38 Osbom, E. B. The New Elizabethans 316 ^verlach, T. W. Foreign Financial Control in China 101 ford History of India, The, by Vincent A. Smith 314 PAGE Oxford Poetry, 1918, edited by T. W. E., E. F. A. G., and D. L. S 265 Pagan Anthology, The Second 464 Paine, Ralph D. The Old Merchant Marine 431 Palgrave, Sir Francis. The History of England and Nor- mandy: 268 Pater, Walter. Sketches and Reviews 74 Path on the Rainbow, The 30 Patterson, Marjorie. A Woman's Man .....*... 388 Paul, Eden and Cedar, translators. History of Germany in the Nineteenth Century, by Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. V 38 Paul, Eden and Cedar, translators. History of Germany in the Nineteenth Century, by Heinrich von Treitschke, Vol. VI :356 Peixotto, Captain Ernest. The American Front 466 Pepper, Charles M. American Foreign Trade 272 Pertwee, Roland. The Old Card 276 Phillpotts, Eden. Storm in a Teacup 314 Pinero. Arthur Wing. The Social Plays (Vol. Ill: Letty; His House in Order), edited by Clayton Hamilton.... 464 Poets of the Future 174 Pons, A. A. The Holocaust, translated by P. R. Lloyd 324 Popenoe, Paul, and Roswell Hill Johnson. Applied Eu- genics 264 Porter, A. Kingsley. The Seven Who Slept 276 Porter, Gene Stratton. Homing with the Birds 388 Porter, Sydney (" O. Henry"). Waifs and Strays 462 Powell, Major E. Alexander. The Army Behind the Army.. 388 Putnam, Nina Wilcox. Believe You Me! 462 Quick, Herbert. From War to Peace 34 Radziwill, Princess Catherine. The Firebrand of Bolshe- vism 211 Rai, Lajpat. The Political Future of India 466 Ransome, Arthur. Russia in 1919 124, 152 Ransome, Arthur, Albert Rhys Williams, and Raymond Robins. Lenin: The Man and His Work 466. 489 Raymond. Clifford. One of Three 126 Raymond, E. T. Uncensored Celebrities 316 Reckitt, Maurice B., and C. E. Bechhoffer. The Meaning of National Guilds 150 Reeve, Arthur B., editor. The Best Ghost Stories 276 Repington, Charles & Court. Vestigia: Reminiscences of Peace and War 172 Repplier, Agnes. J. William White, M.D 324 Reuter, Edward Byron. The Mulatto in the United States.. 168 Reynolds, Francis J., editor. After-War Atlas and Gazetteer of the World 272 Reynolds, Katherine. Green Valley 32 Rice, William North. The Poet of Science, and Other Addresses 386 Richardson, Dorothy M. The Tunnel: Pilgrimage IV.. 174, 441 Rickard, Mrs. Victor. The House of Courage 388 Rideout, Henry Milner. The Siamese Cat 460 Rignano, Eugenio. Essays in Scientific Synthesis, trans- lated by J. W. Greenstreet 31 Rinehart, Mary Roberts. Dangerous Days 78 Robertson, A. T. A Grammar of the Greek New Testament 466 Robertson, C. Grant. Bismarck 117 Robins, Raymond, Albert Rhys Williams, and Arthur Ran- some. Lenin: The Man and His Work 466, 489 Robinson, Albert G. Old New England Doorways 466 Robinson, Cyril E. New Fallacies of Midas 36, 72 Holland, Romain. Colas Breugnon 460 Roosevelt, Captain Kermit. War in the Garden of Eden.388, 487 Roosevelt, Theodore. Letters to His Children 324 Roosevelt, Theodore: His Life, Meaning and Messages.... 76 "Rophin." See Savinkov, B. V. Ross, Earle Dudley. The Liberal Republican Movement. 498 Ross, Edward Allsworth. What Is America? 76, 117 Russell, Bertrand. Mysticism and Logic 140 Russell, Charles Edward. After the Whirlwind 211 Russell, Charles Edward. Bolshevism and the United States 124, 152 Russell, John. The Red Mark 462 Russell, Lady. Christopher and Columbus 118 Russell, W., H. W. Foght, A. H. Hope, I. L. Kandel, and Peter Sandiford. Comparative Education 172 Russian Diary, The, of an Englishman 324 "Sacha Gregory." See Gregory. Sadler, Michael, Dorothy Saycrs, Sherard Vines, and others. The New Decameron 372, 388 Salter, William. Nietzsche the Thinker 251 Saltus, Edgar. The Paliser Case 122 Saltzberg, Florence B., and Helene Christene Hoerle. The Girl and The Job 380 INDEX PAGE Sandburg, Carl. Cornhuskers 28 Sanders, Charles F., translator. Problems of the Secondary Teacher, by William Jerusalem 262 Sandiford, Peter, H. W. Foghti A. H. Hope, I. L. Kandel, and W. Russell. Comparative Education 172 Sapir, Edward. Dreams and (jibes 174 "Sapper." See McNeile, Cyril. Sayers, Dorothy, Michael Sadler, Sherard Vines, and others. The New Decameron 372, 388 Sayers, Dorothy L. The God of Catholic Tales 208 Sayre, Francis Bowes. Experiments in International Ad- ministration 32 Savinkov, B. V. (" Ropshin.") The Pale Horse 222 Schapiro, J. Salwyn. Modern and Contemporary European History 496 Schevill, Rudolph. Cervantes 452 Schleiter, Frederick. Religion and Culture 320 Schneiderman, Harry, editor. The American Jewish Year Book 466 Schnittkind, Henry, editor. The Poets of the Future :. 174 Scott. Temple. The Silver Age 451, 464 Second Pagan Anthalogy, The 464 Sedgwick, Anne Douglas. A Childhood in Brittany Eighty Years A«o 324, 352 Seitz, Don C. Artemus Ward: A Biography and Bibliog- raphy 356, 4.13 Select Cases Before the King's Council 220 Sellars, Roy Wood. The Next Step in Religion; An Essay Towards the Coming Renaissance 218 Sewall, William Wingate. Bill Sewall's Story of T. R 356 Shanks, Lewis Piaget. Anatole France 305 Sbaw, Bernard. Heartbreak House, Great Catherine, and Playlets of the War 326, 448 Shelby. Gertrude. How to Face Peace 36 Sheldon, Charles M. All the World 76 Shepherd, William R. The Hispanic Nations of the New World 324, 494 Simmons, Florence, translator. The New Book of Martyrs, by Georges Duhamel - 352 Sinclair, Bertrand W. Burned Bridges 222 Sinclair, Gregg M., and Buhachiro Mitsui, translators. An Adopted Husband, by Futabatei 126 Sinclair, May. Mary Olivier: A Life 276,441 Singer, Ignatius. The Rival Philosophies of Jesus and Paul 466 Skinner, Constance Lindsay. Pioneers of the Old South- west 324 Sloane, William Milligan. The Powers and Aims of West- ern Democracy *. 356 Smith. C. Fox. Sailor Town.—Small Craft 208 Smith, G. Elliot. The Evolution of the Dragon 274 Smith, J. Thome. Haunts and By-Paths 358 Smith, Randolph Wellford. The Sober World 220 Smith, Sheila Kaye-. See Kaye-Smith. Smith, Snell. America's Tomorrow 124 Smith, Vincent A. The Oxford History of India 314 Smyth, Newman, and Williston Walker, editors. Ap- proaches Toward Church Unity 386 Socialist Labor Party. Daniel De Leon: The Man and His Work 220 Solovyof, Vladimir. The Justification of the Good: An Essay on Moral Philosophy, translated by Nathalie A. Duddington 326 Sullybrass, W. T. S. A Society of States 303 Stauffer, Vernon- New England and the Bavarian IIIu- minati 248 Stephenson, Nathaniel W. Abraham Lincoln and the Union 92 Stephenson, Nathaniel W.1 The Day of the Confederacy... 16 Sterrett, Frances R. Rebecca's Promise 126 Stevenson, William B. The Land of Tomorrow 126 Story of a Lover, The 276 Street, Julian. After Thirty 222 Streeter, E. "Same Old Bill, eh Mable!" 78 Sumner, W. G. The Forgotten Man and Other Essays... 165 Sweet, William Warren. A History of Latin America.. 170 Symons, Arthur. Studies in the Elizabethan Drama.... 172 Syracuse Public Library. A List of Eighty-seven Poets.. 222 Taft, William H., George W. Wickersham, A. Lawrence Lowell, and Henry W. Taft The Convenantcr 124 Taillandier, Madame Sainte-Rene. The Soul of the "C. R. B." 324 Tillentyre, S. G. Voltaire in His Letters 74 TarbelL Ida M. The Rising of the Tide 122 Tarkington, Booth. Ramsey Milholland 174 Tarkington, Booth, and Harry Leon Wilson. The Gibson Upright 115, 358 Taylor, James Monroe. Letters, edited by Elizabeth Hazle- ton Haight 356, 490 PACE Tead, Ordway. The People's Part in Peace 34 Teggart, F. J. The Process of History 58 Thayer, William Roscoe. Theodore Roosevelt: An In- timate Biography 356 Thayer, William Roscoe. Volleys from a Non-Combatant. 211 Thomson, J. Arthur. The Secrets of Animal Life.. .383, 388 Thornely, Thomas. Verses from Fen and Fell 208 Tietjens, Eunice. Body and Raiment 451,462 Tolstoy, Leo. The Pathway of Life, translated by Archi- bald J. Wolfe 207 Tomimas, Shutaro. The Open Door Policy and the Ter- ritorial Integrity of China 101 Tompkins, Juliet Wilbor. The Starling 265 Tompkins, Raymond S. The Story of the Rainbow Di- vision 124 Towne, Charles Hanson.. A World of Windows 358 Treasury, A, of War Poetry: Second Series 172 Treitschke, Heinrich von. History of Germany in the Nineteenth Century, Vol. V, translated by Eden and Cedar Paul 38 Treitschke, Heinrich von. History of Germany in the Nine- teenth Century, Vol. VI, translated by Eden and Cedar Paul 356 Trevelyan, G. M. Scenes from Italy's War 124, 316 Trilling, Blanche, and J. C. Elsom. Social Games and Group Dances 274 Tucker, William Jewett. My Generation 386 Turnbull, Arthur, editor. The Life of Matter: An In- quiry and Adventure 490 Turner, Edward Raymond. England and Ireland 324 Turner, John Roscoe. Introduction to Economics 76 Tuttle, Florence Guertin. Women and World Federation.. 172 "Twain, Mark." Sec Clemens, Samuel L. Tynan, Katharine. The Years of the Shadow 220, 494 Underhill, John Garrett, translator. Plays: Second Series, by Jacinto Benavente 358 Underwood, Edna Worthley, translator. Short Stories from the Balkans 462 Underwood, Pierson, John W. Andrew, Stephen Vincent Benet, and John Chipman Farrar, editors. The Yale Book of Student Verse: 1910-1919 174 Untermeyer, Louis. The New Era in American Poetry.. 155 Vanderlip, Frank A. What Happened to Europe 36, 62 Van Dyke, Henry, Morris William Croll, Maxwell Struthers Burt, and James Creese, Jr., editors. A Book of Prince- ton Verse: II, 1919 450, 464 Van Dyke, John C. American Painting and Its Traditions. 466 Van Loan, Charles E. Taking the Count 326 Veblen, Thorstein. Instinct of Workmanship,—The Theory of Business Enterprise—The Theory of the Leisure Class , 62 Veblen, Thorstein. The Vested Interests, and the State of the Industrial Arts 36, 62 Viereck, George Sylvester. Roosevelt 68 Vines, Sherard, Michael Sadler, Dorothy Sayers, and others. The New Decameron 372, 388 Voltaire, Francois de. Voltaire in His Letters, by S. G. Tallentyre 74 Von Treitschke, Heinrich. See Treitschke. Waley, Arthur, translator. One Hundred and Seventy Chinese Lyrics £3 Walker, Williston, and Newman Smyth, editors. Ap- proaches Toward Church Unity 386 Walpole, Hugh. Jeremy 448, 460 Walston, Sir Charles. Truth 38 Walton, George Lincoln. Oscar Montague—Paranoiac... 358 War Poenft from the Yale Review 161 Ward, Mrs. Humphry. Fields of Victory 324,384 Ware, Richard D. Rediscoveries 161 Warner, Amos G. American Charities, revised by Mary- Roberts Coolidge 164 Warren, G. O. The Sword 126 Warren, Lansing, and Robert A. Donaldson. En Repos and Elsewhere Over There 161 Watts, Mary S. From Father to Son 126 Weale, B. L. Putnam. The Truth about China and Japan. 356 Weber, G. A. Organized Efforts for the Improvement of Methods of Administration in the United States.... 386, 496 Wells, H. G. God, the Invisible King.—The History of Mr. Polly.—Joan and Peter.—Mr. Britling Sees It Through. New Worlds for Old.—The Soul of a Bishop.—The Un- dying Fire 140 Wells, Warre B. The Life of John Redmond 38 Werner, E. T. C. China of the Chinese 272 West, V. Sackville. Heritage 222 Weyl, Maurice. The Choice 78 Weyman, Stanley J. The Great House 462 INDEX PAGE Wharton, Edith. French Ways and Their Meaning. .272, 322 Wheeler, W. Reginald. China and the World War 101 Whitall, James, translator. Chinese Lyrics From the Book of Jade, by Judith Gautier 23 White, Bouck. The Free City; 464 White, Stewart Edward. The Forty-Niners 285 White, William A. The Mental Hygiene of Childhood 264 White, William Patterson. The Owner of the Lazy D 222 Whitworth, Geoffrey. Father Noah 208 Wickersham, George W., William H. Taft, A. Lawrence Lowell, and Henry W. Taft. The Covenanter 124 Widdemer, Margaret. The Old Road to Paradise 28 Wilbur, Russell J. Theodore Roosevelt 76 Wilcox, E. H. Russia's Ruin 220 Wilkinson, Louis. Brute Gods 460 Wilkinson, Marguerite. New Voices. 78, 484 Williams, Albert Rhys, Raymond Robins, and Arthur Ran- some. Lenin: The Man and His Work 466, 489 Williams, Ben Ames. The Sea Bride 388 Willoughby, William Franklin. Government Organization in War Time and After 272, AS8 Wilson, Harry Leon, and Booth Tarkington. The Gibson Upright 115, 358 Winship, A. E. Danger Signals for Teachers 386 Winsor, G. McLeod. Station X 462 PAGE Wodehouse, Pelham Grenville. A Damsel in Distress 462 Wodehouse, Pelham Grenville. Their Mutual Child 278 Woden, George. Little Houses 276 Wolfe, Archibald J., translator. The Pathway of Life, by Leo Tolstoy 207 Wood, Edith Elmer. The Housing of the Unskilled Wage Earner 274 Wood, William. Elizabethan Sea-Dogs 247 Woollcott, Sergeant Alexander. The Command Is Forward 324 Worster, W. J. Alexander, translator. Captain Zillner, by Rudolf Jeremais Kreutz 326 Wright, Florence Swift. Industrial Nursing 274 Yale Book of Student Verse, The: 19101919 174 Yale Review, War Poems from the 161 Yard, Robert Sterling. The Book of National Parks 38 Yeats, William Butler. At the Hawk's Well,—Two Plays for Dancers S3 Yeats, William Butler. The Wild Swans at Coole 72 Young, Norwood. Frederick the Great 272 Youngbusband, Major General Sir George. The Tower of London from Within 498 Yukio, Ozaki. The Voice of Japanese" Democracy 31 Yver, Colette. Mirabelle of Pampeluna 276 Zangwill, Israel. Jinny the Carrier 174 Zollman, Carl. American Civil Church Law 166 INDEX THE OLD ORDER AND THE NEW PAGE Armistice, The Twilight Peace of the 443 Backward Peoples, The Exploitation of 113 Balance of Power, The, and the Balance of Privilege. .. . 482 Boston, Responsibility for Public Safety in 307, 308 British Empire. The, and Article X 65 Covenant, The—Suppose It Is Rejected 114 Disarmament Under the League . 158 German Constitution, The 381 Hungary, American Activities in 158 Hungary—Counter-Revolution by Dollar Diplomacy 159 Hungary, The Allied Ultimatum to 204 Hungary, The Drama of Counter-Revolution in 158 Intervention, Pro-Property 443 Kolchak, They Say, iHas Not Been Recognized 347 Kolchak v. the Soviets, The Case of 66 Labor Crisis, The -393 Labor, European, and Direct Action 113 Labor Movement Abroad, The 27 Labor Participation in Management and the A. F. of L. . 256 Labor Policy in Britain and America 347 Lutk Committee, The—Its Recent Raids 27 Mandatories over the Near East 203 Mexico—Her **LTnwillingness or Inability" to Protect Americans 203 ilexico. Our Potential War with 67 "Open Covenants Openly Arrived at" and the Elder Statesmen 25 Peace, Political, and a Genuine Internationalism 481 Peace to End Peace, The Ill Plumb Plan, The—Its Value Illustrated by Labor Partic- ipation in the Management of the Arsenals 255 Plumb Plan. The—It Will be Mr. Gompers' Test 255 CASUAL COMMENT FACE Political Action and Political Ends 66 President, The, Has Toured the Country 309 Race Riots, The, and Racial Problems 114 Rand School. The—Its Work Proceeds 67 Red Terror, The, and the Vested Interests 206 Red Terror, The—At Last It Has Come to America 205 Rhineland, the French Policy in 205 Russia, Germany under the Acid Test of 256 Russia, Governmental Centralization in 309 Russia, Intervention in, and Direct Action 159 Russia, Modification of British Policy Toward 483 Russia, Mr. Wilson's Reasons for Our Intervention in. - 112 Russian Debts, The, and Recognition of the Soviets 66 Russia, Reaction in 308 Russia, Soviet, The Military Frontier of 204 Russia, The Dismemberment of Ill Russia, The Family in—and the Blockade 112 Russia—The Real "All-Russia" 257 Siberia, American Dollars and Soldiers in 112 Statesmanship, The Breakdown of. During the Past Year 382 Steel Strikers, The, Treated as Public Enemies 348 Strike, The, and Industrial Responsibility 307 Unionism and Industrial Responsibility 308 Union Officers—Their Failure to Face the Real Issue.... 444 Wadsworth Bill, The ■ 157 War, A New Method of Making 381 War, The, and the Status Quo 482 War, The. Went too Far 159 '* War to End War, The "—and Revolution 65 Wilson, President, and the Cost of Living 157 World Safe for Industrial Democracy, A 26 World Safe for the Vested Interests, A 26 PAGE Actors' Equity Association, The, and the New Movement in the Theater 207 American Library Service, The—Its Enlarged Program.. 485 Artists, American, and Foreign Ideals 310 Art—The Season of 1918-19 in New York 485 Beer and Social Stability 68 Bellman, The Departure of The, and the Arrival of The Re- view 69 Boreham, F. W 160 Carnegie Pension System, The 258 Dial, The, Announces 208. 486 "Foreign Affajrs" and the Union of Democratic Control.. 310 Free Verse in England 208 Great American Novel, A 445 Grub Street and Broadway 115 History, Propagandist Prejudice in 259 Index, The, to Volumes LXVI and LXVII 486 Intervention, African, in the United States 116 Irish Statesman, The 69 Journalism, College Instruction in 259 Literature v. Merchandise 445 Haps in Current Books 160 Military Training and Compulsory Physical Education.... 258 PAGE Movies, The Hypocrisy of the 29 Neihardt, John G.—The Song of Three Friends 311 New China Review, The 29 Newspapers, Literature in the 486 "New Voices, The," and "Conscious Superiority" 484 Pageantry by Attrition 484 Painters, American, of the "New Movement" Seem to Have Come to a Full Stop 311 Poetry—What It has Lost from the War 310 Poetry Written During the War 161 Popular Writing, The Essential Prostitution in 115 Progress Civique, Le 116 Psychoanalysis—Those Who Take It up Shall Perish by It.. 68 Publishers, The New 445 Pulitzer Prize for Verse. The 28 Review, The Arrival of The, and the Departure of The Bell- man 69 Romance and the Censor 29 Telegraph Messages Ready Made 446 Unpopular Review, The, Becomes the Unpartisan 29 War and Christianity 207 War and the Arts 160 War Books and Their Illustrations 28 War Plays 68 xii INDEX COMMUNICATIONS PACE After Ua the Deluge Walter C. Hunter 350 Aiken, Conrad, Is Questioned James Oppenheim 447 Aiken, Conrad, Replies Conrad Aiken 447 American Money and Kolchak Propaganda R. P. Ross 162 Baseball and Rivalry Louis Finkeistein 313 Belgian-Dutch Quarrel, The Rene Feibelman 34V Early Defter of Royalty, An W. T. Councilman 71 Education and Esthetics in Art Museums Benjamin Ives Oilman 448 Footnotes Wanted Louis Untermeyer 30 Heresy and Infallibility Robert Wylie Weldon 210 I mag ism: Original and Aboriginal Mary Austin 163 Indian Melodists and Mr. Untermeyer George W. Cronyn x6a League of Secret Police, The W. N. Biver 309 Open Letter on Mexico, An William Ellery Channing 260 Reconstructing the Classics Howard Mumford Jones 361 Revolutionary Manners, American and Russian Arthur C. Cole 70 Russian Reaction to the Japanese, The Sen Katayama 312 Struggle of Struggling Russia, The Gregory Zilboorg 260 Suicidal Sabotage A, L. Bigler 30 To Mary Carolyn Davies Mary Siegrist 70' Writing to the Times Norman Thomas 71 DEPARTMENTS rACi Books of the Fortnight 36, 76, 124, 172, 220, 272, 324, 356, 385, 460, 498 Casual Comment 28, 68, 115, 160, 207, 258, 310, 445, 484 Communications 30, 70, 162. 209, 260, 312, 349, 447 Contributors 30, 71, 122, 163, 210, 278, 326, 358, 388, 412, 466, 498 Fall Announcement List • 453 List op Books for Children 460 Notes on New Books , 31, 72, 117, 164, 209, 262, 314, 350, 383, 448, 487 Old Order and the New, The 25, 65, in, 157, 203, 25s, 307. 347. 381, 443, 481 Selected Educational List 278 Supplement, Industrial 393 Labor's Responsibility THE DIAL A FORTNIGHTLY VOL. LXVII NEW YORK NO. 794 JULY 12, 1919 Trade Unionism and the Control of Industry . . Geroid Robinson 3 My Comrade. Verse Josephine Bell 6 The Shop Committee—Some Implications William Leavitt Stoddard 7 Reconstruction in Britain Albert Newsome 9 Bags and Barrows Stella Benson 11 Bolshevik Russia and Jacobin France William Henry Chamberlain 14 Chapters in Southern History David Saville Muzzey 16 Uncertain, But Hopeful Grover Clark 19 The Peasant as Peacemaker Lewis Mumford 21 Flowers and Fools. Verse P. H. Belknap 22 Sunt Rerum Lacrimae Conrad Aiken 23 With a Book of Chinese Lyrics. Verse Ida O'Neil 24 The Old Order and the New 25 Casual Comment . • 28 COMMUNICATIONS: Footnotes Wanted.—Suicidal Sabotage. 30 NOTES ON NEW BOOKS: The Voice of Japanese Democracy.—Korean Treaties.— 31 Peking Dust.—Essays in Scientific Synthesis.—Racial Factors in Democracy.—Green Valley.—Experiments in International Administration.—The Land and the Soldier.— From War to Peace.—The Way to Victory.—The People's Part in Peace.—Morale and Its Enemies. Books of the Fortnight 36 The Dial (founded in 1880 by Francis F. Browne) ii published every other Saturday by The Dial Publishing Com- pany, Inc.—Martyn Johnson, President—at 152 West Thirteenth Street, New York, N. Y. Entered as Second Class matter at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., August 3, 1918, under the act of March 3, 1897. Copyright, 1919, by The Dial Publishing Company, Inc. Foreign Pottage, 50 cents. $3.00 a Year 15 Cents a Copy THE DIAL July 12 "A genuine literary sensation"—Boston Transcript "One of the best novels I have ever read"—N. Y. Post THE GAY-DOMBEYS Sir Harry Johnston's New Novel "Something striking in fiction, an original novel of very obvious enduring qualities. To say it is a masterpiece is not to say too much."—Boston Transcript. "A vivid fascinating presentation of life as it was lived in an extraordinarily interesting period of history. . . . His characters stand out as real persons because he has known the men and women whom he portrays. It is life itself that Sir Harry describes, the whole life of a fas- cinating epoch, gay, brilliant, adventurous, full of color and movement, of the wine and sparkle of life."—N. Y. Post. $1.75 Other New Macmillan Novels H. G. Wells' Masterful New Novel THE UNDYING FIRE Your emotions and intellect will be thrilled by "The Undying Fire." "It is Wells at his best, an enduring novel, a great drama. His theme is greatest of all: the purpose of life and of the universe."—N. Y. Sun. $1.50 A Thrilling Tale of the Sea ALL THE BROTHERS WERE VALIANT Ben Ames Williams' novel will give you three hours of excitement and adventure. "The story is a thriller with the plus qualities that lift mere story-telling into something endur- ing."—AT. Y. Sun. $1.50 Mary S. Watts' New Novel FROM FATHER TO SON "Mrs. Watts has rapidly arisen to a place of honor among the small group of our contem- porary novelists, who are worth while."— JV. Y. Tribune. FROM FATHER TO SON is considered the best story this popular novel- ist has written. $1.75 Henry S. Canby's New Novel OUR HOUSE "An undeniably good story, close to every day life, and to the realities with which we are familiar."—Boston Transcript. "The book pul- sates with actual living, actual experience, and is interesting throughout"—N. Y. Tribune. $1.60 Tagore's^Novel of Indian Life and Love THE HOME and THE WORLD This is Sir Rabindranath Tagore's first novel—a story that many consider the most beau- tiful and significant of all his works. "There is no doubt that it is literature."—N. Y. Evening Post. "Tagore has written a big book. Sandip Babu is a tremendous epicai character."—N. Y. Sun. $1.75 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, Publishers, NEW YORK When writing to advertise™ please mention The Dial. THE DIAL A FORTNIGHTLY Trade Unionism and the Control of Industry f abor should not be regarded merely as a com- modity or article of commerce." This sentence is the work of a World Legislature, sitting at Paris; the italics are supplied by officials of the American Federation of Labor, whose atten- tion is for the time being fixed upon a word. It appears that the American labor delegation took with them to Paris the positive assertion of the Clay- ton Act that " the labor of a human being is not a commodity or article of commerce;" and in Paris the positive was exchanged for an equally emphatic negative. Thus the Fifteenth Point! In .discussing this formula it will be convenient to lay ideals aside for the moment and to examine conditions as they exist here in America. This per- mits the discovery that M. Clemenceau's version of the dogma comes nearer the truth than does Mr. Gompers' uncorrupted original. The Clayton Act provided a legalistic safeguard against the legalistic menace of the Sherman Act. Under the protection of this safeguard labor is still handled as a commod- ity, and will continue to be so handled as long as the American Federation of Labor cherishes its tra- ditional national-craft-union policy. In the course of political history, the rights of habeas corpus and trial by jury were secured before the citizenry began to exercise the responsibilities of voting and holding office. Just so, when industrial democracy has been achieved and the time has come for writing the history of that achievement, it will be seen that craft unionism belongs to that period of economic evolution when the workers are concerned with the acquisition of rights rather than with the assumption of responsibilities. It is considered to be the right of the laborer to sell his services under favorable conditions, variously defined. Craft union- ism organizes the workers in such a manner that they exercise collectively this right to dispose of what is to all intents and purposes a commodity— labor power of a given quantity and quality, stamped with the union label. Now the laborer has likewise a responsibility—to produce goods—but of this re- sponsibility the old-style union has little to say. Under union control labor power functions as im- personally as electric power. Just as long as this is true—as long as the last output of the laborer is labor—just so long will labor be a commodity. A careful examination of the industrial scene will show that even as a merchandiser of human effort the American Federation of Labor has found its traditional policy of trade-union autonomy put to a considerable strain by war and post-war conditions. The handling of shipyard labor will furnish a case in point. Wartime pressure for production brought a flood of unorganized labor into the shipbuilding industry; some of the craft unions having control of skilled labor in the yards were apparently indifferent to the fate of the newcomers; the Longshoremen finally invaded the field and organized numerous locals of riggers, helpers, "wood-fasteners," and other miscellany. Time out of mind the work of "fastening" had been done by ship's carpenters, unionized and well paid. Early in the war a special class of men was developed to perform this com- paratively routine task of bolting to the ribs of the ship the boards cut by the carpenters. These specialists worked for wages considerably lower than those of the carpenters, and were not unionized until they were taken into the conglomerate groups chart- ered by the Longshoremen. With the end of hostili- ties and the slacking off of the shipbuilding program, it became apparent that fasteners and other men in the Longshoremen's unions were doing work that in quiet times might serve to keep better men busy. A high degree of solicitude for the fate of the newly- organized workers became manifest; at the recent A. F. of L. convention the fasteners were handed over to the Carpenters, the riggers to the Iron Workers, the helpers and apprentices to the interna- tionals of their respective trades, and the remaining miscellany to the International Hodcarriers', Build- ing and Common Laborers' Union of North Amer- ica. Such a bandying about of the newly organized workers js typical of makeshift efforts to gain strength for lean months and years in industries where the pressure of a labor reserve developed in wartime will put a heavy strain upon the standards of the old craft unions. Some system that will secure the complete local cooperation of skilled and thoroughly organized workers, unskilled workers newly organized, and women workers new both to industry and to organization is absolutely essential THE DIAL July IJ in this day of shifting conditions and new bargains. It is remarkable that in the iron and steel indus- try, where the issue is not the preservation of estab- lished standards but the expansion of organization, the "international" craft unions have pooled their interests to a degree hitherto unheard of in the history of American trade-unionism. The iron and steel campaign has been compared to a Billy Sunday revival; each of the twenty-four internationals con- cerned contributes men and money to carry on the work with the understanding that the recruits will later be apportioned to their proper craft organiza- tions. As far as this recruiting campaign is con- cerned, the National Committee for the Organiza- tion of Iron and Steel Workers constitutes an industrial union. But the petition of some of the newly organized men for the creation of an Iron and Steel Department to give permanence to this industrial unity was denied by the American Fed- eration of Labor convention, presumably on the ground that the groups which are raised up to- gether will hereafter be able, by dint of tremendous effort, to stand separately. The question of the disposition to be made of the common laborers in this field aroused a slight flurry of debate at the convention, but was disposed of for the time being. A move to authorize the transfer without charge from one craft group to another of men wrongly assigned by organizers was defeated on the ground that the international unions alone had jurisdiction over such matters. It may be noted that the new locals, already embracing 100,000 of the 500,000 men in the industry, have shown a disposition to raise the initiation fee as soon as the National Com- mittee releases control of them. All things con- sidered, it is apparent that in this industry the A. F. of L. is threatened with a victoire disintegrate. More interesting than the National Committee's temporary alliance is the proposal for the permanent amalgamation of the fourteen internationals now loosely federated in the Metal Trades Department of the A. F. of L. By a seven to one vote of the rank and file, the Machinists' Association has gone on record as favoring this proposal to create what practically amounts to a great industrial union, but the measure did not meet with favor in this year's convention of the Metal Trades Department. Another proposal that has caused considerable uneasiness in high official circles is the "Seattle plan" for consolidating the executive organizations of the 110 or more internationals affiliated with the A. F. of L. into approximately twelve staff groups, each of which groups would control a given indus- trial field within which the craft locals would function much as they do at present. The chief ^ent for amalgamation at the top is that at present the various craft locals whose members are employed in a given industrial plant, or group of plants, cannot combine to enforce a common policy until each of these locals has secured the authoriza- tion of its international executive. The failure of one international headquarters to approve the locally formulated plan makes united action impossible. It is reported from Seattle that of the one hundred city central labor bodies that have already acted on the proposal for wholesale amalgamation, only two have failed to approve it. • This plan was not submitted to the convention at Atlantic City, as it was a foregone conclusion that it would meet with defeat. But an effort was made to get the convention to indorse a measure looking toward the establishment of initiative and referen- dum in the internationals, the idea being that the installation of such machinery would enable the rank and file to make known their wishes as to amalgamation and other progressive measures. The initiative-and-referendum proposal was overwhelm- ingly defeated, as were measures providing for the direct election of officers of the A. F. of L. and for their recall. Finally the conservatives proposed to amend the constitution of the Federation to provide that any central labor body circulating propaganda with the object of changing the constitution of the internationals or of the A. F. of L., without first getting the approval of the Executive Council of the Federation, could be punished by the revocation of its charter. After a hot debate, this proposed amend- ment was withdrawn, but it has been stated by a member of the Executive Council that this council has the power to revoke charters under the condi- tions described whether it be specifically so stated in the constitution or not. The constitution has al- ways forbidden central bodies to call strikes; an accepted amendment now prohibits their taking a strike vote. The attitude of the A. F. of L. con- vention toward every innovation that threatens to diminish official prerogative or the autonomy of the internationals is easily understood when it is remembered that the voting strength of the body is almost wholly in the hands of the delegates of the internationals, nearly all of whom are at the same time salaried officers of these internationals. In tfie past the Federation has consistently supported meas ures looking toward the extension of popular gov- ernment in the political field; if sincere conservatism is in a measure responsible for distrust of the ability of its own members to exercise an industrial fran- chise, yet personal interest must account in part for the Federation's cavalier handling of the preroga- tives of others—for instance, those of the judiciary— as contrasted with its tender solicitude for pre- rogatives traditionally its own. igig THE DIAL Such being the dominant official attitude toward reforms intended to improve the efficiency of the unions as merchandisers of human effort, it is not surprising that revolutionary measures aiming to secure for labor the control of industry have met with small encouragement in official circles. It is said that a member of the Executive Council of the Federation made a union-label speech in Russia after the Revolution! In the Western United States, and to a greater degree in Canada, the city central bodies have found themselves ground be- tween new ambitions below and old prerogatives above. This pervading restlessness resulted at the Atlantic City convention in repeated meetings of central - body delegates, at which expressions of mutual dissatisfaction were exchanged and arrange- ments were made for direct correspondence between the centrals and for caucuses of central body dele- gates at ensuing conventions In the Northwest the matter has gone much farther; for a time Seattle defied the authority of the internationals, and in parts of Western Canada the old superstructure has been entirely blown to pieces. According to one of the speakers who addressed the convention, failure to meet this new situation means the death of the internationals. The speaker illustrated: It appears that the pressmen and typo- (_ graphers of Winnipeg either refused to ballot on the . question of a general strike, or voted against this �ction. Nevertheless the Winnipeg central body, S supported by a majority of the unions of the city, t called the strike in defiance of the authority of the tj-internationals and effected such a complete tie-up o hat the pressmen and typographers were obliged, ""'against their will, to quit work. Apparently it did not occur to the speaker that the theory of collective ^bargaining withdraws the right to work from the uj individual and places it under the control of the _group; the group which has hitherto exercised the — right has been the local craft union, with the consent 00of the international craft organization; in Western Canada the city central claims this right and has Lu exercised it with full effect. Many of the centrals £ in this region have taken the final step by seceding £: from the Federation and joining the One Big Union ^ movement, which has for its object "the abolition n of the present system of production for profit, and a the substitution therefor of production for use." Now it happens that in a certain number of American industries, for the period of the war, production was actually carried on for production's sake—although it is nowhere recorded that profit was entirely denied! The War Labor Board and the Macy Board, organized to secure the coopera- tion of labor in this limited field and for this pe- riod, were not long in discovering that trade unions organized to sell labor were of little significant when labor was being bought at its own price; what was needed was not an organization that de- livered labor to the factory but one that would deal with the productive functioning of labor, on the job. In a very short space of time there developed in this country a number of embryonic industrial states, each having for its citizens the workers in a single plant—a production unit—united to select from among their own number a committee that exercised over them some degree of authority. This form of organization is not new in America. The printers' chapel is a shop republic in rudimen- tary form. In the woman's garment industry the system has come to a rather full development, per- haps for the reason that the International Ladies' Garment Workers' Union is to all intents and pur- poses an industrial union, so organized as to throw all operatives except the cutters into general locals without regard to craft lines. Shop organization has also been very completely developed in certain non-union plants as a substitute for craft union- ism. Proponents of the traditional trade-union policy are extremely distrustful of shop organization —of its weakness and its strength; locally developed and unfortified by the wide connections supplied by national craft integration, the shop unit may serve to hold the workers completely under the control of the employer; strengtheried by extensive federa- tion, the shop system will break down craft divi- sions and render powerless the official hierarchy de- veloped by the national trade unions. In England the national craft system was considerably weakened during the war, and the shop units had the oppor- tunity to achieve extensive federation. In America the internationals have retained their monopoly over affairs that reach beyond the shop, leaving the shop organization to maintain unassisted the form but not the fact of industrial democracy. Nevertheless it is true that while American craft unionism is selling labor, and Canadian city cen- trals are exercising a control of industry that ap- proximates a dictatorship, shop units have in one small section of the United States achieved the com- bination of control and responsibility that means industrial democracy. This result has been obtained in the cooperative shingle and lumber mills of Wash- ington, operated with the full support of the trade- union movement of the Northwest. The organiza- tion of these mills was begun in 1912; today more than twenty plants are in successful operation. The mills are owned by the men, paid for by surplus earnings; the managers, the foremen, and the trus- tees are elected by the workers from among, their own number and are subject to recall; the plants are completely unionized and the men are able to pay THE DIAL July 12 themselves considerably more than the union scale of wages. Thus it appears that shop-unit organization is capable of the least and the most that the labor movement can achieve; while labor remains a com- modity, dissociated shop units may exhibit less strength at collective bargaining than the craft in- ternationals; but when labor is reorganized for the control of production, the shop republic becomes the natural self-directing unit of industrial democracy. In the hands of capital, shop organization threatens labor's bargaining power; in the hands of labor it may achieve the control of national economic life. The A. F. of L. already has available much of the machinery necessary for the geographic and indus- trial federation of these elementary units of economic society. Once relieved of the heavy restrictions now placed upon them, the city trades councils are capa- ble of integrating all the interests common to a regional group of plants; industrial alliances of craft unions like the railway Brotherhoods, and true industrial unions like, the United Mine Workers, provide the machinery for national federation by in- dustries. Finally both regional and industrial inter- ests meet in the A. F. of L., which already exercises legislative, executive, and judicial functions. If the traditional program of the Federation does not provide for the gradual assumption by local units of the responsibilities of production, no more does it provide for the acquisition of control at the top. A craft union whose members are scattered through a hundred industries may under certain circumstances be able to sell the labor of its mem- bers to advantage, but under no condition is it in a position to assume the control of any one of these industries. At present the inconsistency of the Federation is the measure of its potentialities for progress. The convention that refused to pass a resolution encouraging workmen to demand the right to elect their own foremen also voted approval of the plan of the Brotherhoods for the operation of the railways under the joint control of the classified employees, the appointed officers, and the govern- ment! Steps have already been taken looking toward the admission to the Federation of the Conductors, Engineers, Firemen, and Trainmen, who together constitute the strongest industrial group of organized workers in America. In another quarter also new ambitions are stirring. The United Mine Workers claim to control 65 to 70 per cent of the coal mine operatives in the United States; the Policy Com- mittee of this great industrial union has already declared in favor of the nationalization of the coal mines. At the September convention of the Mine Workers this policy will be framed in detail. Presi- dent Moyer of the Mine, Mill, and Smelter Work- ers (claiming the adherence of 40 per cent of the metal miners of the country) has declared himself in full sympathy with the policy of the Brother- hoods and of the United; at its next meeting his Executive Council will consider the formulation of a nationalization policy. The business of making predictions is fairly safe and not always profitless. It is safe to say that some- thing in the nature of a Dual Alliance of Miners and Railway Workers has become a possibility in America, at the moment when a movement for local autonomy and the control of industry by the workers is shaking the foundations of the craft system. In some cases control will be acquired over a whole in- dustry at a single stroke; in other cases there will be a gradual annexation of one plant after another. But in every instance, if control is to be more than an irresponsible dictatorship, the organization exercis- ing the directive power must be coterminous with the field of operation it controls, capable of assuming the duties as well as the rights of industrial democ- racy. Geroid Robinson. My Comrade I am laughing with the smell of the river; I am laughing with the hidden wind swelling up over the lap and shoulders, and winding about the neck of my green world; I am laughing with the sweeps of rank grass and the calm shining miles of floating river; I am laughing with the knowledge of heaped pine boughs and wet moldy earth, and last uncurling leaves of middle June: I am laughing with the heavy wasteful leafage; I am laughing with yellow tons of spacious sunshine pressing lightly, like a warm cheek against mine; All of me is absorbed and jubilant, in my gleaming comrade, the manifold person of the morning. Josephine Bell. 1919 THE DIAL A, The Shop Committee—Some Implications , PPARENTLY QUITE OUT of the cloudiest of skies and the most vacant of national minds, comes suddenly a burst of discussion on the shop commit- tee. The chorus is joined by the reconstruction committee of Catholic Bishops, by the inquiring United States Chamber of Commerce and the In- dustrial Conference Board, by thousands of Metho- dist pastors and communicants, by the Federal Council of Churches of Christ, by numerous sa- vants in the untrodden field of industrial relations, and lastly by converted employer after employer. Somehow we do not hear much of enthusiastic ex- pression from labor, organized or unorganized. The apostles and prophets of industrial democracy hail mainly from the side of management or from the general public. Let us at the start define. By shop committee movement we mean the movement toward a shar- ing of control of industry to large or small extent through the instrumentality of variously constituted joint committees of employer and employee in the local shop as well as in the industry outside the local shop or factory plant. The shop committee movement thus includes the whole program ex- plained and promoted in the classic British doc- uments of the movement, the Whitley and Garton Foundation reports. In America the documents are few. The best official paper is the Wolfe re- port published by the United States Shipping Board, frankly a " follow-up " of the British plans. Regarded physically, the shop committee in all its forms is a system of industrial government. It may arise either as a concession wrung from capital by a convincing show of labor's power, or as a be- stowal of enlightened capital, honestly seeking to weather the coming storm. Its implications are manifold and include considerations of trade union- ism, industrial unionism, intensive labor organiza- tion, management pure and simple, and ever and always the development of collective bargaining from the point of agreeing to bargain about such elemen- tary questions as sanitation, to agreeing to discuss an entire business, with the secret books of profit thrown open—and the office force unionized. In other words the shop committee movement is nothing or everything. Narrowing the discussion down to the shop com- mittee movement as applied to the individual plant, it is a significant fact that up to the time the United States Government began to foster shop commit- tees as a war measure, most of the important sys- tems established prior to 1918 came directly on the heels of bitter labor wars. A notable illustration of this tendency is the so-called Colorado plan, set up by Rockefeller after machine guns had failed to maintain the production of coal and iron. Others might be instanced. Most of the shop committee systems in American factories, again, have been'in- stalled either as a weapon against the union or as a substitute for the union. This also is a significant fact, though officially the shop committee movement is neutral on the union question. In form the shop committee is widely various. We may trace the beginnings of pertain types of shop committee systems. There is, for example, the type which gives employees elected representa- tives in the proportion of one to every hundred or hundred and fifty employees, largely irrespective of craft. There is the type which is founded on the United States Government, consisting of a house, composed of employee representatives, a senate, com- posed of foremen, and a cabinet composed of the executive staff with the manager as president. There is the type which gives more complete rep- resentation to craft. There are combinations of these types. In each type runs the principle that the elected representatives of the employees must be elected secretly by the employees of the particular plant, in the plant, and solely as of the plant. All the types thus briefly described may be benevolently handed down, ready-made, by the management, or they may be devised in honest, open conference by men and management, acting jointly. There are also patent shop committee systems, sold by indus- trial experts, and guaranteed to do away with agi- tators and to lift profits to unheard of percentages. The details of the actual machinery of a shop committee system in a factory need not concern us at this moment. They are indeed vital, but they can have no vitality whatever unless before the mo- ment of creation there is on both sides the right spirit. The employer should have the desire- to treat with his employees collectively, irrespective of union affiliation, and he ought to be awake to the fact that the time has come when employers must no longer oppose, but must rather assist, the birth of the new industrial age.- The employee should have the sense to see that something is better than noth- ing and that however much it may be the object of a specific management to bolster up an outworn business code or to sign a peace treaty on such terms that peace is unstable, almost any shop committee organization gives him a position from which he may—may—move the world. 8 July 12 THE DIAL Cyrus McCormick, Jr., is quoted as saying lately: What the workingman is asking for, and what we are trying to give him, is a voice in the control of the business in which he is a co-partner. This demand has taken on various forms in different places. In Russia and else- where on the European continent it is known as Bolshe- vism; in England they call it the Whitley plan; else- where it may be called employees' representation, and somewhere else co-partnership. Under all of these, how- ever, it is the basic fact that the relationships between employer and employee must be founded on something else than a cash bond. . . . With every one of our hitherto most guarded ledgers open to these men, we believe that they would see the facts as clearly as we saw them. . . . Don't attempt any fraternalisra. Mr. McCormick is further quoted as expressing his regret that the Harvester Council plan was not worked out in joint conference between his em- ployees and his executives, but was handed down by the corporation. His views are those of the en- lightened and enlightening employer of today. They are radically advanced oyer the views of em- ployers of the ante-war days. When we come to look at the small beginnings of the industrial council branch of the shop com- mittee movement in the United States we find that, as in the shop committee branch strictly so called, the Government during the period of active hostili- ties made several attempts to form such joint-action agreements, but had rather less success than met its efforts to inspire shop committee systems. In the last few weeks the allied printing trades for one, and the building trades fcr another, have voted on joint council schemes which were worked out by the collaboration of representatives of the international unions interested and representatives of the masters' associations. This, then, is a more natural and self- determining growth than the simple shop commit- tee, formulated in the bulk and mainly promoted by the employers. It is the natural combination* of labor and capital, inspired by a willingness to clear out the underbrush, so to speak, which bothers the feet of both, and inspired also by the accompanying hope that such clearance of the ground will make for less unimportant bickering, and as—labor looks at it—for fairer and better fighting about essentials. It is evident that the implications of such a move- ment are of the utmost importance. An obvious fear is lest it be some subtle scheme of capital the further to subjugate labor. An equally obvious fear—I speak now from knowledge of the em- ployer's psychology and prejudice—is that in some underhanded way the shop committee is designed to deliver over capital to the talons of labor. Were not these phobias real, we could dismiss them as silly. In the long run, discounting small errors of judgment and purpose, the shop committee is ex- actly what it seems to be, mainly a simple, open, and practicable method of collective bargaining which will become nothing but advanced welfare work if one side or the other lags in its duty, and which can become an amazingly useful instrument to prepare the way for an advance in the condi- tion and status of labor, educationally and economi- cally. In so far as the shop committee movement is being used by employers to cut in under the union move- ment, whether trade or industrial, it is doomed to failure. I have noted that-in specific instances it originated in an anti-union mood. Fundamentally the shop committee is unionism. It is based on the theory of collective action. It advances a more intensive kind of collective action than the usual trade union offers. Striking evidence of this is the fact that the shop committee movement in Eng- land is largely an insurgent movement within the trade union movement, colored by antagonism both to slow trade union methods and to an over-strict adherence to craft independence. Ideally as well as in practice, the shop committee favors- direct col- lective dealing by workers in an industrial unit with employers in the same unit. While it is too young to give us a firm ground for prediction, it is at least safe to say that if it is understood and backed by the national organized labor movement, labor has from it much to gain. In fact the main weakness of the shop committee in this country today is that the larger labor movement is suspiciously hold- ing off. One might draw an analogy between the history of the Taylor efficiency scheme in the United States and in Russia. Here labor fights it as labor fought the introduction of machinery—an instinctive recoil •from a device of production possessed solely by em- ployers and controlled non-collectively by employers. In Russia, the Soviet Government is out-Tayloring Taylor by attempting to utilize efficiency in the in- terests of the entire industrial world instead of in the interests of a small if important fraction thereof. We may expect to have the shop committee with us from now on permanently. Its vigor and utility depend on both the degree and the character of labor organization. The risk is that it will be paternal- ized or fraternalized and thus ruined. This risk is deemed worth running by those who hope that an industrial revolution can be accomplished here with- out undue bloodshed. William Leavitt Stoddard. 1919 THE DIAL Reconstruction in Britain Ihe event of the moment in British industrial affairs is unquestionably the Mines Commission, and an appreciation of its significance requires considera- tion of the circumstances leading up to it. Before the war the Miners' Federation of Great Britain, the Transport Workers' Federation, and the Na- tional Union of Railwaymen were the only labor organizations covering the whole field of particular industries; they had already earned a right to respect by a series of strikes, which, though undertaken separately and marked by the absence of any vio- lence, were so well disciplined as to demonstrate their power to stop at short notice the entire national producing machinery. Their demands were for mere wage increases, and the like, and whatever they won was for the most part neutralized in a short time by the rapidly rising prices of the neces- saries of life. But real importance lay in these strikes by industrially organized labor insomuch as the supply of labor power for the industries had come under control—in other words, labor had dis- covered it possessed an effective will. Previously only capital and credit of all the forces in production had been directed by a will, and accordingly was vested with them complete control. Labor, sold under competition at little more than the dost of production, had figured as an item of the plant. The laborer had no right to any say whatever, either as to the character, quality, or destination of the prod- uct; it was presumption on his part to question even working conditions; and profits, he was told over and again, were none of his business. Capital assumed complete responsibility for production. The big strikes from 1911 to 1914 were symptoms of a psychological change, and while labor's effective will could as yet only affect production negatively, the power of veto alone was quite enough to enforce consideration in a new light. When the three unions named combined during the war in the Triple Indus- trial Alliance, the strongest labor monopoly the world has known, labor's power for good or ill was established, and discerning people awaited expect- antly the intelligence that must grow to direct it. The result is to be found in the Mines Commission. Early this year the Miners' Federation decided to strike with the agreement and therefore the sup- port of the other two parties to the alliance for, among minor demands, wage increases and shorter hours, etc., "the nationalization of mines and minerals, together with joint control of the in- dustry by the workers and the State." The power of the alliance was known by demonstration; now its policy was known also. A strike would be a calamity, and in face of the well-nigh blackleg-proof condition of the unions could by no manner of means be broken. Negotiations opened at once; the Prime Minister persuaded the Federation to delay action pending full inquiry by Royal Commission into the state of the Mining Industry with reference to the allegations and claims of the miners. The Commis- sion consists of representatives of the miners, the mine owners, and the Government, with Mr. Jus- tice Sankey as chairman. After a searching enquiry into balance-sheets, costs, prices, profits, housing, accidents, and the conduct of mines generally, in which merchants, mine owners, steel and iron- masters, and workers of the Government adminis- tration were submitted to a ruthless cross-examina- tion, three interim reports were presented. As the majority and minority reports reflects simply the miners' and mine owners' views respectively, the only one which concerns us here is the official, which the Government accepted. Ignoring the big concessions or the minor demands, let us quote the finding on the major question. "Even upon the evidence already given, the present system of ownership and working in the coal industry stands condemned, and some other system must be substituted for it, either nationalization or a method of unification by na- tional purchase or joint control." Never in the country's history has there been such an inquisition into the conduct of an industry, and never has the public been so rudely awakened to the misconduct involved in this profiteer's seventh heaven. The total of royalties and profits during the five war years, for instance, excluding all by- profits, exceeds the total pre-war capital of the industry by about 120 million dollars. The popula- tion of a fair sized mining town is herded within an area less than that of the owner's park, while hous- ing conditions on the whole are indescribably dis- graceful. Even the Government legalized an in- crease in coal prices during the war solely because taxable excess profits were thereby increased, thus confessing a reversion to tax-farming at twenty-five per cent commission. Prices were fixed at the figure that would keep the worse and worst managed collieries solvent, with results pleasurable to nobody but colliery proprietors. The inspection of mines was inefficient and prejudicial to safety. In fine, the indictment is so terrible that the onus no longer rests on labor to prove the need for a change in the system, but on the owners to show reason why they should be permitted to remain owners; it is not labor IO July 12 THE DIAL that stands condemned for threatening to stop the industry, but capital for giving labor just cause for stopping it. The Commission has continued its labors, and social philosophers, professors of economics, tech- nicians, quasi-millionaires, and peers of the realm have been forced to submit to its inquisitorial omnip- otence. The last citadel in which the existing owners hope to make themselves safe is a gigantic trust where capital, management, and labor, sharing profits, will form a new triple alliance for skinning the consumer alive. Fortunately it is damned at birth; the miners are explicit that they will work willingly only for the community. Sir Richard Redmayne, the Government's mining expert, charac- terizing the present system as wasteful and extrava- gant, favored a trust on the grounds of enhanced production at diminished cost, and the prevention of waste; he frowned on nationalization out of fear and distrust of the bureaucracy. He was obviously taken aback by the suggestion of nominal national owner- ship with decentralized control by administrative, technical, and manual labor, working in unison. Moreover, he was informed by a miners' representa- tive on the Commission that “a partnership between capital and labor was neither practical nor desir- able.” The power for evil of such a trust, with labor possessing a vested interest in profiteering, is incalculable, and the public has good reason to thank the miners for refusing to look at it. Their support assumed, however, it must have constituted the next phase of British industry. What is the exact posi- tion, then, since the existing order, unification on the basis of private monopoly, and even nationalization with bureaucratic control, are all condemned to- gether? That nothing is left but nationalization and joint-control on a decentralized basis. Nationalization may be taken for granted as essential to any improved system of control, and a new bone of contention is the basis of compensation to the present proprietors. Are they to be bought out in the government's phrase “at a price arrived at as between a willing buyer and a willing seller,” and if not, at a price arrived at-how? Is the price to be what will continue to bring the same returns when converted to government stock? If so, the last vestige of the owners' responsibility gone, them- selves become practically civil pensioners for who knows how many generations, they will not have made such a bad bargain. On the face of it it seems absurd; neither payee nor seller is willing; both are forced—by the Triple Alliance. And when an in- dustry changes hands, not merely the plant is trans- ferred, but the goodwill of the customers and the sources of raw material as well. Heretofore labor having no will, had no goodwill to be disposed of; but today a willing buyer of the mines would undoubtedly require the goodwill of labor among the other effects. By their past misconduct of the industry, the mine owners have forfeited labor's goodwill, and never can they hope to recover it; nay, labor will render its goodwill direct to the nation only, without reference to the mine owners. When the mines become national property, therefore, the goodwill of labor must be excluded from the assess- ment. And what more than the bare equivalent of the original and added real capital, we ask, can any- body say the mines, and if you like, the minerals, are worth minus the goodwill of the Miners' Federa- tion? Questioned by the Premier before the Commission was appointed as to the introduction of a claim for joint management, Mr. Smillie, President of the Miners' Federation, replied that it was “due to the progress of Trade Union thought.” What exactly is advanced Trade Union thought aiming at? It has visions of a society where services rendered will be the only title-deed to rights, where the individual will be responsible for his function, and have scope for the expression of his individuality in performing it. The forms through which these principles are to work are complete self-directing corporations, freely associated for the purpose of assuming collec- tive responsibility for running the nation's industries, and built on the framework of the existing indus- trial and professional organizations. Their stand- ards are to be the well-being of the producers and of the community. Voluntarily interrelated, absorbing all labor, actual and potential, the corporations are to include everybody from the general manager to the office boys and apprentices whose presence is es- sential to the best service. By a decentralized system of control, all must have a voice in determining the details of the work. Final authority is to remain vested in the State, which will fix the general prin- ciples within the sphere of which the corporations are to possess autonomy. The idea, in short, is the application of Guild principles to modern industry. The gradual accumulation of trade union tradition and the completion of the industrial organizations in Britain has made it perhaps the one country of the world where such a development can be regarded as natural, and likely to prove successful. That trade union will, intelligence, and power march in step makes it nearly inevitable. For the success of such a system, however, we need two as yet unfulfilled conditions; namely, the harmonious voluntary cooperation of management and labor, and the power of the two jointly to organ- ize credit. Failing these, how shall processes and I919 THE DIAL I I services be coordinated without external interfer- ence, and how shall distribution and exchange, home and abroad, flow smoothly? The complexity of credit operations, which the war and the creation of a mass of paper wealth have made still more delicate, backed by the almost unlimited power of the credit controllers, renders it impossible for any unaided labor corporation to solve the credit problem. It may in the attempt provoke civil war, which Eng- land no less than Germany must avoid at any cost. Impoverished by the destruction of its current pro- duce in war, what must England surely suffer if she were to run amuck in her own house? In this immense factory, revolution could be the deliberate object of nobody but lunatics, and a spontaneous outbreak arising from the lunacy of despair is un- necessary and unlikely. Reaction is the recruiting sergeant of the revolutionaries, and even in England efforts to stop the clock might bring disaster. The credit problem is everybody's problem; it cries at everybody's door for solution; the nation groans in face of it; moreover it must be solved before the functional society planned by the social philosophers can have even rudimentary being. We live in faith that Britain will solve it constitutionally. Management—the middle class of present-day terminology—is still undecided on which side to throw its weight; whether in the end it will join forces with capital or with labor depends on two things, the progress of ideas and the oscillation of the balance of power between the two. In its most en- lightened quarters, however, management is awake to the fact that the future is with labor; the National Association of Shipbuilding and Engineering Draughtsmen, for instance, includes in its program “the control of the industry in conjunction with all the workers engaged in it.” But the union for better or worse of management and labor in the mining industry being wanting, joint-management between the State and the Miners' Federation appears, since all the counter proposals are open to such serious objection, to be the essential next step in the march of civilization in Britain. Albert Newsome. Bags and Barrows Fºur YEARS AGo I gained the happy friendship of Mrs. Mary Ann, and she was a London coster- monger, and the best friend I ever had. There is no race in the world quite like the race of London costermongers, and in their own reasoned opinion none to equal it. Outside information about costermongers, I find, does not often go much beyond the word “buttons.” The buttons are the disguise of the coster, the shining armor in which he encloses himself in self-defense against an im- pertinent world of social trespassers and journalists. If a coster goes “up west,” he dons his buttons, and decorates his donkey and his wife absurdly with feathers. It is as if he knew that these things arrest and dazzle the eye of the silly outsider. The merely international audience of the International Horse Show—the most unique feature of which the coster is permitted to provide annually—will concentrate its field glasses upon the buttons, and say, “Ah buttons costermongers. Albert Chev- alier how quaint, ” and enquire no further. The London coster or barrer-chap, is the knight errant of the East End; on him the mantle of the soldier of fortune has fallen. In spite of his loud voice and his unreticence, there is always a hint of mystery and romance, I think, in his coming and going. The rattle of his donkey and barrow over the cobbles of his narrow courts has a reminder in it of distant undomestic days, when those narrow courts were loud with the passing of young armed men with their pockets full of money and their heads full of wine and their hearts full of the vague and shining pursuit of adventure. The coster, though caged behind the bars of London, manages to live violently and generously, and to bring the delusion of speed and space and the quick elements into our dim close streets. While it is still very early and starry, he and his donkey swing out into an unknown dawn-lit wilder- ness of markets. There I like to imagine all the riches of the earth spread out for his choosing. There he swaggers, clinking the money in his great pockets, up and down, between hills of flowers and green things with morning smells, and golden fruits from very distant incredible lands. Thence he comes with the rising of the sun, striding with a loud song beside his barrow, which is loaded to the very donkey's tail with treasure. On his way to his pitch, he stops at such shops as Mrs. Mary Ann's, and lifts off his head the high basket of flowers, and fills his pockets with little parcels of her merchan- dise, and tells us the news of early-rising London, and whose eye was blacked up his court last night, and in whose honor his donkey wears a rose in its hair this morning. Mrs. Mary Ann is a coster whose body has been caught and made prisoner by misadventure, but whose spirit still runs wild. Early in life she was disabled by the loss of a leg, and from the resulting \ *** * 14 July 12 THE DIAL But when the chastened Mr. Stevens retreated, leaving with me a double contribution to the War, by way of reparation for his lapse in tact, Mrs. Mary Ann threw the paste-brush down, and laid her arms on a bulwark of bags, and her head on her arms. "Bill's boy gawn. . ." she said. "All the chaps gawn. English or German—it don't seem to make no difference. By Gawd, it's got to be a pretty fair peace, for to make this 'ere War worth while." Stella Benson. Bolshevik Russia and Jacobin France 3o far there has been little adequate apprecia- tion of the spiritual kinship between the French and Russian Revolutions. Those who form their impressions of Soviet Russia from the testimony before the Overman Committee and similar sources naturally see nothing in the Bolshevik upheaval except a gigantic and altogether unparalleled out- burst of criminal lunacy. Apologists and sympa- thizers with revolutionary Russia sometimes cite the French Reign of Terror as a precedent for the excesses of the Bolsheviki; but here their sense of historical resemblance seems to stop. Now the use of terror is one of the least signif- icant of the many features which are common to the two great revolutions. Both in general form and in minute detail there is a striking likeness be- tween the completed structure of revolutionary France and the incomplete edifice which is still being built up in Russia. This likeness is especially marked in the closing stages of the two movements, in the period dominated in France by the Jacobins, in Russia by the Bolsheviki. Both revolutions were directed against peculiarly abominable systems of tyranny and injustice. Both, at their inception, won the admiration and sympathy of the whole world by their moderation and bloodlessness. In each case sympathy and admiration were gradually transformed into disgust and horror as the up- heaval assumed more and more violent aspects, sweeping away one cherished tradition after an- other in a hurricane of blood and fire. Alike in Russia and in France there was a time when it seemed that the abuses of the old regime might be gradually removed without recourse to violence, civil war, and the definite alignment of class against class. The end of this period in France was marked by the expulsion of the Giron- dist deputies from the Convention in June 1793; in Russia it was signalized by the overthrow of the Kerensky government and the subsequent dissolu- tion of the Constituent Assembly. In France this transition period occupied nearly four years; in Rus- sia only eight months elapsed between the down- fall of the Czar and the Bolshevist coup. This ac- celeration of the last stage of the revolution in Rus- sia can be accounted for by the pressure of the War and the weakness of the Kerensky government. Judged by any abstract theoretical standard the sailors who dispersed the Constituent Assembly and the armed Parisian mob which forced the Conven- tion to expel its Girondist deputies committed an outrageous violation of all democratic principles. And yet it is difficult not to feel that both these acts, violent and arbitrary as they were, marked an in- evitable forward step in the advance of the two revolutions. It was only after the exclusion of the Girondists that the feudal dues were definitely and completely abolished, that adequate steps were taken to confiscate the huge estates of the emigres and divide them up among the poverty-stricken peasants. In the same way it was only after the transfer of power to the Soviets that the Land Law, with its companion pieces of social legislation, came into being. There is still another fact, usually ignored or glossed over by conservative observers, which must be taken into consideration. France in 1793, like Russia in 1917, was living under the perpetual shadow of a possible counter-revolution. Had the plots of Kornilov and the French royalists suc- ceeded, the most moderate social and political re- forms would certainly have been swept away in a torrent of reaction. That they dfd not succeed was chiefly due to the stern and inflexible revolutionists who snatched the power away from the vacillating Kerensky and the unreliable Girondist. Bolshevik Russia and Jacobin France were both compelled to face large armies of foreign enemies. In each case there was the same underlying motive for intervention—the instinctive jealous hostility of the established order towards a new movement which seemed to threaten the very foundations of society with destruction. The effects of interven- tion were also quite similar. Foreign invasion pro- duced an extraordinary, almost a miraculous, re- crudescence of fighting spirit in the French and Rus- sian peoples. There is a dramatic contrast indeed between the royalist French army which fled in dis- graceful panic before a handful of Prussians at Rossbach and the revolutionary levies that hurled back the superior forces of the coalition at Valmy and Jemmapes. And there is an equally striking contrast between the helpless, disorderly mob that I919 I 3 THE DIAL of wrapping up the hysterical Young Ninny, and despatching her through the ominous and deserted streets to official shelter, whither Mrs. Mary Ann herself would follow on slow and groping crutches, to the tune of the first bombs. The coster race was slow to declare war on Germany. It was instinctively neutral. Life in the Brown Borough is so acutely personal that the en- tire outside world is looked upon as a thing un- proven. A row somewhere down Europe way is no row, only something that enlarges the headlines of newspapers from which we ask no more than the necessary betting news. War was declared and became at once disagreeably domestic: the wet fruit season was absolutely ruined by the mobilization order, which, as far as the trade was concerned, simply wiped the railways off the map. The coster is proudly unskilled, he looks upon the trained artisan in very much the same way as many of us look upon the University Don—“Dreadfully clever no doubt, but—Lord—what a life.” The coster has never failed, until 1914, to pick up easy money in the street. Now suddenly there was no trade in the streets—only soldiers and ominous news- posters, there was no audience for the coster cry, that cracked tenor call that changes like a bird's with the season—“Buy, buy, buy, fresh plums a-fine Oh.” The donkey grew thin, the missus and kids hungry, the master himself perpetually thirsty. He wanted, of course, to push in somebody's face about it, and pushed in, as a matter of course, the face of any German he met. But that didn't seem to help much. Where was Flanders, anyway? Evidently some inconsiderable spot on the further side of the Mile End Road. “Why didn't they cop this . . Kayser? They're quick enough to put you an’ me away for a sight less.” The government was obviously to blame as usual, making the walls look silly with red, white, and blue nonsense—“Your King and Country Need YOU.” What for? “More likely we need 'im. 'Pears to me its about time 'e did somethink.” “Prince of Wales money” was given away at the Town Hall, but few costers applied for it. You had to tell your whole life's history for a quid or two, and a coster's life's history, as he knows, is not the kind that appeals to social workers, who like best quiet teetotal people who work indoors. . In May 1915 the Brown Borough enjoyed a special and private revelation. Five incredible in- cendiary bombs were dropped upon it suddenly, out of a starry sky. The Brown Borough knew at once what to do. This really was a row up our street now, not a newspaper affair. Immense queues of men formed > outside the Town Hall recruiting office that day, under the very shadow of the smoke from their burnt houses. Costers fell into war as into a black pit, and were no more heard of. Just at first the women amused themselves with anti-German riots. They were not accustomed to being left out of rows, and wrecking bakers was a fine lark. I regret to add that it was a paying lark too, the price of bread having gone up. Mrs. Mary Ann never approved of it. “Blasted nonsense,” she said, splashing paste irritably all over her visitors in a fever of industry. “Ain’t pore Mrs. Klein pore Mrs. Klein still, War or no War. A pore thing, I grant you, lettin' the Parish fetch up 'er children—the ones she didn' manage to bury first—but all the sime, as 'armless as a suckling dove. The War ain't bin an' turned 'er into a rampagin' lion, 'as it? T'ain't as if she ever 'ad any truck with the Kayser. .” So the costers, who always loved a row, joined in the Super-Row, far beyond the Mile End Road. At home business has looked up again. Come what may, the fruit must ripen in the orchards and gravi- tate towards the hungry city. The donkey and barrow still decorate the curb outside our shop, and in the barrow sits the missus, laughing and bellig- erent still, wearing a little crepe band round her arm, and a little cold War Office notice over her heart. There have been many nights when Mrs. Mary Ann and Young Ninny got no sleep. To her ground floor front, whither the “ole man” used to come with his jokes, his missus comes now to hide her tears on a good comforter's pillow. “This War don't seem to get no better,” said Mr. Stevens, our veteran customer, at the same time pressing into my hand half a crown for the benefit of the War in question. He has been used to obliging his friends with gifts, though never with loans, and he is therefore willing, when business is good, to tip the Chancellor of the Exchequer half a crown a week, if Mrs. Mary Ann assures him that the cause is good. Money in his view is either kept in the pocket or given away; he cannot bear to have the matter mentioned again, or to find an insidious dividend trying to creep back into his pocket. “This War don't seem to get no better. Almost 'pears to me like the more money I puts into it, the worse it gets. There's my boy Bill's boy Elbert gawn now; the War Office sent Bill word last night.” “Ow, shut yer 'ead about the War an' Bill's boy,” said Mrs. Mary Ann, whose emotions are mostly clothed in the guise of anger. “Bill's boy's luckier nor most, anyway. 'Es managed to do a good day's work, an' get a good night's rest after it, for once!” I4. July I2 THE DIAL t But when the chastened Mr. Stevens retreated, leaving with me a double contribution to the War, by way of reparation for his lapse in tact, Mrs. Mary Ann threw the paste-brush down, and laid her arms on a bulwark of bags, and her head on her arms. - | So FAR THERE HAS BEEN little adequate apprecia- tion of the spiritual kinship between the French and Russian Revolutions. Those who form their impressions of Soviet Russia from the testimony before the Overman Committee and similar sources naturally see nothing in the Bolshevik upheaval except a gigantic and altogether unparalleled out- burst of criminal lunacy. Apologists and sympa- thizers with revolutionary Russia sometimes cite the French Reign of Terror as a precedent for the excesses of the Bolsheviki; but here their sense of historical resemblance seems to stop. Now the use of terror is one of the least signif- icant of the many features which are common to the two great revolutions. Both in general form and in minute detail there is a striking likeness be- tween the completed structure of revolutionary France and the incomplete edifice which is still being built up in Russia. This likeness is especially marked in the closing stages of the two movements, in the period dominated in France by the Jacobins, in Russia by the Bolsheviki. Both revolutions were directed against peculiarly abominable systems of tyranny and injustice. Both, at their inception, won the admiration and sympathy of the whole world by their moderation and bloodlessness. In each case sympathy and admiration were gradually transformed into disgust and horror as the up- heaval assumed more and more violent aspects, sweeping away one cherished tradition after an- other in a hurricane of blood and fire. Alike in Russia and in France there was a time when it seemed that the abuses of the old regime might be gradually removed without recourse to violence, civil war, and the definite alignment of class against class. The end of this period in France was marked by the expulsion of the Giron- dist deputies from the Convention in June 1793; in Russia it was signalized by the overthrow of the Kerensky government and the subsequent dissolu- tion of the Constituent Assembly. In France this transition period occupied nearly four years; in Rus- sia only eight months elapsed between the down- fall of the Czar and the Bolshevist coup. This ac- celeration of the last stage of the revolution in Rus'. sia can be accounted for by the pressure of the “Bill's boy gawn. . .” she said. “All the chaps gavn. English or German—it don't seem to make no difference. By Gawd, it's got to be a pretty fair peace, for to make this 'ere War worth while.” STELLA BENson. Bolshevik Russia and Jacobin France War and the weakness of the Kerensky government. Judged by any abstract theoretical standard the sailors who dispersed the Constituent Assembly and the armed Parisian mob which forced the Conven- tion to expel its Girondist deputies committed an outrageous violation of all democratic principles. And yet it is difficult not to feel that both these acts, violent and arbitrary as they were, marked an in- evitable forward step in the advance of the two revolutions. It was only after the exclusion of the Girondists that the feudal dues were definitely and completely abolished, that adequate steps were taken to confiscate the huge estates of the emigres and divide them up among the poverty-stricken peasants. In the same way it was only after the transfer of power to the Soviets that the Land Law, with its companion pieces of social legislation, came into being. There is still another fact, usually ignored or glossed over by conservative observers, which must be taken into consideration. France in 1793, like Russia in 1917, was living under the perpetual shadow of a possible counter-revolution. Had the plots of Kornilov and the French royalists suc- ceeded, the most moderate social and political re- forms would certainly have been swept away in a torrent of reaction. That they did not succeed was chiefly due to the stern and inflexible revolutionists who snatched the power away from the vacillating Kerensky and the unreliable Girondist. Bolshevik Russia and Jacobin France were both compelled to face large armies of foreign enemies. In each case there was the same underlying motive for intervention—the instinctive jealous hostility of the established order towards a new movement which seemed to threaten the very foundations of society with destruction. The effects of interven- tion were also quite similar. Foreign invasion pro- duced an extraordinary, almost a miraculous, re- crudescence of fighting spirit in the French and Rus- sian peoples. There is a dramatic contrast indeed between the royalist French army which fled in dis- graceful panic before a handful of Prussians at Rossbach and the revolutionary levies that hurled back the superior forces of the coalition at Valmy and Jemmapes. And there is an equally striking contrast between the helpless, disorderly mob that 1919 15 THE DIAL threw down its arms and refused to fight before Brest-Litovsk and the resolute, effective Red Army that drove the Czecho-Slovaks from the Volga and the French from the Ukraine. It is quite true that, in Russia and France alike, the revolutionary gov- ernments employed conscription in raising their armies. But it is equally true that conscription would have proved altogether ineffective in prac- tice if it had not been supported by a spirit of ardent and unquenchable popular enthusiasm. Another effect of intervention, regrettable but in- evitable, was an appalling increase in the use of terror on the part of the revolutionists. The most abominable cruelties of the French Revolution, the September Massacres, the drownings at Nantes, the wholesale shootings at Lyons and Toulin, can be di- rectly ascribed to the presence or proximity of foreign invaders. It was certainly no mere coinci- dence that the worst acts of the much exaggerated Red Terror in Russia were committed during the late summer of 1918, when it seemed that any day might witness the fall of the Soviet Republic before the Allied and Czecho-Slovak armies. It is impos- sible to justify deeds of ruthless violence and terror- ism under any conditions. But, when we recall the hysterical eagerness with which certain elements in our own country seized upon every opportunity to persecute real and imaginary cases of "pro-Ger- manism," it is surely easy to understand the frenzy that possessed the ignorant, oppressed French and Russian masses when they saw their revolution, their only hope of a better future, assailed and threatened with extinction by hosts of foreign bayonets. The characters of the Bolshevik and Jacobin leaders are generally cast in a common mold. With few exceptions they are men fanatically devoted to their ideals, reckless of their own lives, and of the lives of others, supremely disinterested, and through this very disinterestedness devoid of pity for those whom they consider enemies of the revolution. Among them, as among the English Puritans of the seventeenth century, the most burning enthusiasm for a doctrinaire ideal is often combined with great shrewdness and practical sagacity. Coming down to specific examples, the resemblance between Lenin and Robespierre is unmistakable. The Russian is a devotee of Karl Marx; the Frenchman an ardent worshiper of Rousseau. Both men are character- ized by inflexible will-power, and by a personal in- tegrity that extorts the reluctant admiration of their bitterest enemies. Lenin has a more enlightened mind, a wider international background. Perhaps the best proof of his mental superiority lies in the fact that he has never fallen a victim to Robes- pierre's fatal delusion that terror is an effective means of securing the fruits of revolution. Yet in essential outlines the two types of character are quite similar. In the same way a forerunner of Trotzky appears in St. Just, the fiery young en- thusiast whose boundless energy and passionate elo- quence contributed so much to the organization and victories of the revolutionary armies. Russia, like France, has had her emigres; and here again the parallel is obvious. The Russian grand dukes, like the French nobles, are naively con- vinced that their regime of cruelty and rapacity, ex- travagance and oppression has somehow endeared them to the masses of the common people. The whole revolution, in their eyes, is the work of a few bad men, anarchists, criminals; all that is needed to destroy it is a little modest outside help in men and money. In Russian and French aristocrats alike is found the same inability to appreciate realities, the same ferocious hatred of their own people, the same disgraceful willingness to make any sacrifice of their country's peace and happiness that may help to give them back their old privileges and possessions. Prince Lvov and his associates in Paris protesting; against every suggestion to relieve starvation in Bol- shevist Russia are worthy successors of the French emigres who applauded the savage and bloodthirsty manifestoes of the Duke of Brunswick from their safe retreat at Coblenz. In exile as in power the Russian and French ruling classes consistently up- hold their previous record of cruelty and selfishness. Jacobins and Bolsheviki alike were called upon to face the most difficult and exacting problems of administration. They were obliged simultaneously to repress domestic plots, to repulse foreign in- vasion, to save their people from absolute starvation as a result of the abnormal conditions created by war, revolution, and previous maladministration. That they succeeded in maintaining their hold upon the government in the face of all these obstacles was not due solely, or even primarily, to the remarkable organizing capacity of some of their leaders. It was due rather to the intensely active cooperation of the revolutionary elements among the masses. In Rus- sia these masses organized themselves in local So- viets. In France they created the patriotic societies which radiated all over the country from the Ja- cobin stronghold of Paris. These active popular bodies formed the very backbone of the French and Russian Revolutions. Out of them came the best soldiers for the armies, the best workmen for the factories. It was due to their vigorous exertions that the supply of food and clothing and munitions was somehow kept up, that both revolutions did not perish in a welter of sheer chaos and anarchy. Both movements temporarily inaugurated a new style of diplomacy. The fundamental spirit of Tchitcherin's recklessly unconventional state papers i6 July 12 THE DIAL is summed up in the famous announcement of the Convention that it was "the friend of all peoples and the enemy of all governments." In consistently making desperate and more or less successful efforts to supplement arms with propaganda, to break the iron ring of their enemies by fomenting domestic uprisings, the Bolsheviki are only following in the footsteps of the Jacobins. Other points of resem- blance between the two movements are a pro- nounced anticlerical tendency, a passionate fondness for fetes and celebrations, an ardent and almost pathetic zeal for the speedy diffusion of enlighten- ment among the illiterate masses. The French and Russian Revolutions both have their dark and bloody aspects. Through both there runs a strain of fierce fanaticism, the natural pro- duct of cruel and prolonged repression. This fanati- cism often finds expression in acts of shocking and senseless brutality. Revolution, like war, makes men dangerously susceptible to the passions of sus- picion, intolerance, and mob violence. The fruits of the French Revolution were partially lost through its excesses. Russia may have a similar experience. But, whatever the crimes and mistakes of the Jaco- bins and the Bolsheviki, the reactionary legends that represent them as monsters of unmitigated iniquity are certainly very far from the truth. To their ac- count must be laid not only the terror, but also nearly all the glorious positive achievements that are associated with the two great modern efforts to realize a freer and better world. If, in the course of the struggle, they often had recourse to stern and bloody methods, it should be remembered that, in this respect, their opponents were equally guilty. The Vendean counter-revolutionists of 1792, like Kolchak's Cossacks today, were notorious for their remorseless and diabolical savagery. French and Russian revolutionists alike were animated by the loftiest ideals, ideals that are admirably expressed in the great blazing watchword: Liberty, Equality, Fraternity. And, though these ideals might be often forgotten or trampled under foot in the heat and fury of a desperate civil and foreign war, yet some- how they impress upon both movements an unmis- takable character of beauty and nobility. Jacobin France did not develop into Rousseau's ideal state; yet there are few intelligent Frenchmen who would wish to see the years of the Revolution blotted from their country's history. Bolshevik Rus- sia will probably not evolve into the perfect Marx- ian commonwealth; but future history will scarcely deny that the Russian Revolution played a part, and a very important part, in the advance of the human race towards spiritual and material freedom. William Henry Chamberlain. Chapters in Southern History xibout a score of the projected fifty volumes of the Chronicles of America, issued by the Yale Uni- versity Press under the editorship of Professor Allen Johnson, 'have now been delivered to subscribers, and the critic may fairly judge how faithfully the series promises to fulfill the specifications of the prospectus: "To present the entire history of our country in the living form of a series of short narra- tives, each having a unity of its own but all articu- lated and so related that the reader will not only be entertained by the story in each volume, but will also be given a real vision of the development of this country from the beginning to the present day . . . to make the traditions of our nation more real and vivid to those of our citizens who are not in the habit of reading history." Brevity, consistency, and vividness are the qualities, then, which are counted on to recommend the Chronicles to a public heretofore indifferent to the blandishments of Clio. It must be admitted that the volumes already published go far towards vindicating the claims of the prospectus. They average little more than 200 pages of little more than 200 words each. They deal with topics, with tendencies, movements, crises, in our history, rather than with decades or periods (so that the title of Chronicles, if taken literally, is rather a misnomer). The editor has gone outside the guild of professional historians to find authors for many of the volumes, pressing into service economists, sociologists, publicists, poets, and novelists. Samuel P. Orth, Edwin E. Slosson, Bliss Perry, Mary Johnston, Stewart Edward White, and Emerson Hough are among the con- tributors. There is no embarrassing apparatus of learned footnotes referring to volume and page of weighty government documents to frighten away that very desirable but rather wary customer, "the general reader." A comparison of the Chronicles with Professor Hart's American Nation series, published only a few years ago, will suggest itself to every student of American history and will con- firm the judgment of the more popular character of the Chronicles. The volumes of the American Nation are double the size of the Chronicles of America. They deal almost without exception with chronological epochs of about a decade each, and emphasize almost exclusively the political and 1919 17 THE DIAL economic events of those epochs. They are all written by scientific historians and are equipped with an abundance of learned apparatus. They are written for students first of all, with a cordial invitation for the general reader to share them; whereas the Chronicles are written for the general reader, but not without a full sense of responsibility for furnishing him with reliable as well as enter- taining reading. In spite of the attractiveness of titles and authors, however, and in spite of the lure of vivid pages and few, the publishers have endangered the popular reception of the Chronicles by launching the series in an edition de luxe (which had far more appro- priately been called the J. P. Morgan edition than the Abraham Lincoln edition) in unbroken sub- scription sets of fifty volumes at $3.50 a volume net. What proportion of "our citizens who are not in the habit of reading history" will be tempted to tackle a work of 10,000 pages in order to get acquainted with "the traditions of our nation," or will be able to pay $175 for the privilege, we are not prepared to say—but we think it cannot be large. Three of the volumes just issued lie before us. They deal with aspects of the great crisis of our national history, the secession of the slaveholding states, and are entitled respectively: The Cotton Kingdom, by William E. Dodd; The Anti-Slavery Crusade, by Jesse Macy; The Day of the Con- federacy, by Nathaniel W. Stephenson. Professor Dodd's book (in reality an essay of less than 150 pages is a gem of conciseness, clarity, and con- sistency. It is devoted to the demonstration of the double consequence of the rise of the great cotton planters to a dominating position in the lower South, namely: the growing solidarity of opinion, political, philosophical, educational, religious, South of Mason and Dixon's line in favor of the extreme pro-slavery arguments; and the crystallization of society in the South into the static orders or castes of gentlemen, farmers, and slaves. Professor Dodd shows how inevitably geographical, climatic, and commercial conditions led to the rise of the great cotton magnates of the lower South, and how inevitably their establishment in the seats of social and political power was accompanied by a philosophy and ethics quite differently disposed toward slavery than the Jeffersonian abolitionism. President Thomas R. Dew, of the venerable college of William and Mary, announced the new slavery apologetics in his famous Report of the debates of the Virginia legislature of 1831-32: "It is the order of nature and of God that the being of superior faculties and knowledge, and therefore of superior power, should control and dispose of those who are inferior. It is as much in the order of nature that men should enslave each other as that other animals should prey upon each other." However shocking to finer sensibilities this brutal frankness of language (so direct a reminder of the biological arguments for the right of might which we have lately read in cer- tain German apologetics), nevertheless effective op- position to the realization of the slaveholders' stratified and static social system disappeared from the council halls, the churches, the schools of the South. "The social philosophy which began with the repudiation of the Declaration of Independence ended with the explicit recognition of social in- equality" (page 146). Professor Macy's volume on the Anti-Slavery Crusade is modeled on the abolitionist histories of half a century ago. The political philosophy and the constitutional theory of the Free Soil Party are assumed without argument or apology. For example, the object of the propaganda for the admission of Texas was "the extension of slave territory" purely and simply (page 17); the Whig Party went to pieces on the one jagged rock of the odious Fugitive Slave Act (page in); Clay's elec- tion in 1844 would probably have resulted in the same fateful sequence of events—the annexation.of Texas, the War with Mexico, the supersession of the Missouri Compromise—as did the election of Polk (page 90). Professor Macy finds nothing exasperat- ing in the personality of Charles Sumner and little culpable in the behavior of John Brown (to whom an absurdly disproportionate amount of space is devoted). In most respects the volume is in sharp contrast to Professor Dodd's. It is descriptive rather than suggestive, diffuse rather than concise, without any crispness in style or freshness of matter, and occasionally erroneous in its statements—as when it says that Calhoun "declared himself pre- pared to dissolve the Union rather than submit to a protective tariff" (page 100), that the Missouri Compromise was "a question of the extension of slavery in the States"(page 30), that Abraham Lin- coln uttered his famous sentence "A house divided against itself cannot stand" in the debates with Douglas for the senatorship (page 201). However it is not on the contrast of these two volumes that we wish to dwell here, but rather on their remarkable coincidence of judgment on a certain point. Both the venerable Grinell professor, of abolitionist antecedents, and the native son of North Carolina, who taught foT several years in the Virginia College of Randolph-Macon, agree that the turning point in the attitude of the South to- wards abolition was that debate in the Virginia legislature whose Report by Thomas Dew we have already noticed. After that, says Macy, "there were few owners of slaves who publicly advocated I 8 - THE DIAL July 12 abolition . . . and the only recourse left seemed to be to follow the example of James G. Birney and leave the South or to submit in silence to the new order” (page 66). These words could as well have been in Professor Dodd's book, so thoroughly do they support his thesis of the submission of the upper South to the dictation of the cotton magnates after the close of the third decade of the nineteenth century. They show too how futile and pathetic were the protests of Virginia Whigs like Governor Wise and John Tyler against the tide that was 'sucking the Old Dominion down into the abysmal depths of the cotton magnates' demands; and how insincere or partisan-blinded is the determined re- iteration of John Tyler's son and biographer that Southern men of influence ceased denouncing slavery after the early thirties only because they were unwilling to “play into the hands of their bitterest enemies,” the abolitionists, and that Virginia– already beginning to discover that her “most profitable product was the slave who could be sold " (Dodd, page 9)—was compelled by these diaboli- cal abolitionists to defend “an institution which she would have gladly sacrificed if left alone!” (Tyler's Tyler, Vol. I, pages 155, 157). We may applaud high-minded Virginians for their shame and re- sentment at seeing their state bound to the chariot wheels of the barons of the lower South, but we cannot approve their ostrichlike policy of plunging their heads into the sands of interminable meta- physical arguments on states rights to hide the facts. For Professor Stephenson's volume on The Day of the Confederacy there can be only the highest praise. It fulfils admirably every condition pre: scribed for the Chronicles, and of all the books of the series that we have examined thus far it seems most distinctly a contribution to historical knowledge. We have the older, ponderous, apologetical histories of the Confederate cause by Davis, Stephens, and others; we have the ordinary accounts of the mili- tary vicissitudes and the economic exhaustion of the Confederacy in our various histories of the Civil War; we have an admirable account of the financial and commercial fortunes of the South of the war times in J. C. Schwab's The Confederate States of America. But till now we have had no succinct account of the intimate problems of Jefferson Davis' Government, of the reaction of the military fortunes on the Congress and the people, of the opposition to President Davis and Secretary Benjamin in the public assemblies and the press, of the resistance to conscription, food requisitions, the arming of the negroes, the suspension of the writ of habeas corpus, of the antagonism of the “sovereign states." to the “despotic” centralized government at Rich- mond, of the recalling of state militias from the Confederate army, of the mercurial fluctuations of hope and despair which followed the reports from Southern agents abroad, and of the desperate measures which preceded the final disintegration of the resources and hopes of the Confederacy. All this and much more is presented in a story of exceptional discrimination and graphic style by Professor Stephenson. Southern scholars will per- haps find his estimate of Jefferson Davis' character and talents too low. “Integrity, courage, faith- fulness, and zeal " are granted to the president of the Confederacy, but he “lacked that insight into human life which marks the genius of the supreme executive,” he had “a dangerous bent towards bureaucracy,” “he lacked humor,” “his mind was dogmatic,” he was too little appreciative of the work of his great generals and was even jealous of their military laurels, he “was not always wise in his choice of men,” he refused to recognize the logic of facts, and his mind “crystallized ” at last in a dogged belief in the invincibility of the Southern cause on the very eve of its downfall (pages 68, 69, 182, 196, 200). Students will find a much more favorable estimate of President Davis in Mr. Armistead C. Gordon's new biography in the series of Figures from American History (Scribner, 1918). To return for a last word to the series as a whole, a cooperative work like the Chronicles is subject to many disadvantages. Not only is there the inevitable disparity in the quality of the various authors' contributions, but there is a constant danger of repetition. This is especially true in a series in which chronological metes and bounds are neglected for the sake of topical developments. The volumes of Professor Macy and Dodd, for example, cover a larger amount of common ground chronologically, and both have to deal with the political events of the forties and the fifties. Of course the approach is from widely different directions, and the expert reader realizes that what may seem contradictory to the “citizens who are not in the habit of reading history” is in reality only supplementary or correc- tive. Editorial watchfulness alone can reduce to a minimum the friction from this source. If subse- quent volumes of the Chronicles maintain the high standard set by the great majority of those which have already appeared the enterprise will deserve only the highest commendation and will leave noth- ing to be desired but the hasty adaptation of the volumes to the pocketbook of the common man. DAVID SAville Muzzey. I9I9 I 9 THE DIAL Uncertain, But Hopeful gº - User:ais, BUT Hopeful" would have ex- pressed the feeling of the Japanese press and pub- licists toward the prospects of Mr. Hara and the party cabinet which he organized late last Septem- ber. Now, after the close of the Diet—a “disgust- ingly quiet” session, according to one paper—he faces peculiar administrative problems, and the atti- tude still is “uncertain, but hopeful.” Count Terauchi's resignation was hailed with joy. He had been chosen two years previously as frankly one of the military group, and in the hope that he could dominate his own party. He failed in this, and also failed to win popular support. The cli- max came with the rice riots; those curious, half economic, half political disturbances of August and September. The time was ripe for a change. Many demanded a pure party government. The aged, liberal-minded Marquis Saionji forced the hands of the militarists by refusing the premiership for himself and recommending the head of the domi- nant political party in the Diet, Mr. K. Hara. There was no alternative. The militarists, repre- sented by Count Terauchi, had failed to provide a satisfactory government, and out of their failure came the opportunity for what promised to be a real forward step in constitutional government in Japan. Mr. Hara got together Japan's first party cabi- net. He has been in the saddle for half a year now, and there is no immediate prospect of his being ousted. I say “in the saddle" instead of “in control" advisedly. The military group failed to prevent his selection as head of the Government, but its power still is great. At least it is only on the assumption of a divided authority in Tokyo that one can get any clue to certain inconsistencies in Japan's policy and the acts of various Japanese officials. The matter of free speech offers a good illus- tration. One of the most bitter indictments which the press laid against Count Terauchi related to the rigid police prohibitions and suppressions. of various news items and of popular discussion. Mr. Hara promised to change this. He has done so to a large extent, in the matter of public meetings. But apparently the police control of news and of editorial comment is as rigid as ever—though now the re- strictions come in the form of “advice" rather than of prohibition. One hesitates to criticize, how- ever, when he remembers that the police have had decades of training in suppressing to months of ex- perience in granting freedom. Yet it is curious that, as far as one somewhat on the outside can learn, the items suppressed relate chiefly to matters involving the military authorities. The relations with China show a more serious result of the double government. Mr. Hara be- gan by promising a new policy of friendliness, par- ticularly in helping China to cure her civil ills. Loans from Japan had been used largely by the Northern militarists against the South; so there would be no more loans. China's “model army" was being used against the South instead of as a defense along the Russian border; therefore sup- plies and arms for this army would no longer be sent from Japan. China should be free to present her claims at the Peace Conference; accordingly Japan would make no effort to control her acts. These were the promises. No more loans have been made. But in other ways it has seemed at times exasperatingly as though there had been no change in policy. Tang Shao-yi, leader of the Southern delegation at the Chinese peace conference at Shanghai, pro- tested the continued shipment of arms to the North. An inquiry revealed that in spite of the Cabinet's promise, and quite without its knowledge, arms had continued to go forward as before, with the sanc- tion of the general staff. Here was a clear case of conflicting authority. Mr. Hara acted promptly and vigorously. The shipments of arms were stopped—presumably really stopped this time—and certain offending Japanese army officials in China were recalled. Mr. Hara seems to have won this open clash with the militarists. Then there is the matter of the secret documents. The Chinese delegates at Paris called the attention of the Conference to the existence of various secret agreements which they alleged Japan had forced on China. Promptly Mr. Obata, the Japanese minis- ter at Pekin, called at the Chinese foreign office, stated that Japan had a million men under arms and a large navy and merchant fleet, and then “ad- vised ” China that it was against diplomatic prece- dent for one party to a secret agreement to disclose that agreement without the other party's consent. This threat aroused a furor in both the foreign and the native press in China. Mr. Obata explained that he had acted at the request of the Japanese delegates at Paris, and without instructions from Tokyo. Then a little later, after receiving a de- layed telegraphic report of an interview given out by Viscount Chinda at Paris, he flatly contradicted 20 July 12 THE DIAL himself by saying he had acted under orders direct from his home Government. Evidently something was wrong under the surface. But the incident strengthened neither Mr. Obata nor Japan in the eyes of China. Subsequently, publication in full of all the agree- ments was promised. They have not appeared yet, except for one or two which have been issued only semi-officially and with no statement from authori- tative sources that these are all, nor even that the complete text of those published has appeared. One wonders about this, because there is no apparent reason for secrecy in what has been given to the press. Mr. Hara's course has not been entirely smooth. Certain things he has accomplished however; cer- tain constructive, forward-looking things. I have already spoken of his clash with the militarists about the shipment of arms to China. He had come into direct but less open conflict with them earlier, in connection with the selection of the chief delegate to the Peace Conference—and here also he had been successful. In many ways Viscount Kato seemed the logical choice for this position. He was Foreign Minister when Japan entered the war, he has served as am- bassador with great success, and he is head of the leading opposition party in the Diet. The mili- tarist papers were loud in their demand that he be Japan's chief representative. But he also is the man responsible for the notorious Twenty-One De- mands on China, and he has otherwise proven him- self a strong imperialist. One can quite under- stand why the military group sought his appoint- ment, arid also why Mr. Hara preferred Marquis Saionji. Ever since his boyhood, when he was a school fellow of Clemenceau in France, this Elder Statesman has been consistently liberal and pro- gressive in all his political efforts. Marquis Saionji was chosen, with Baron Makino, another liberal, as his chief second. Another kind of success came to Mr. Hara with the passage of the electoral reform bill. This time there was no contest with the militarists, but only with a half-hearted opposition in the Diet. The chief features of the new bill are that it greatly increases the number of " single member" districts, and, more important, that it reduces ma- terially the tax-paying qualification for franchise and so doubles the number of voters and gives a voice in the government to practically the entire middle class. The proportion of voters still is small, com- pared with Western states, but this bill is a definite step forward. Recently a curious phenomenon has appeared in the Japanese press—a violent burst of anti-Ameri- canism. One is much at a loss to understand this. There has been more or less talk ever since the opening of armistice negotiations with Germany, es- pecially in the militarist papers, to the effect that Japan must keep up her army and navy and must watch America's "aggression" in the East with great care, now that America has shown herself in her true light as a militaristic, imperialistic na- tion. If these papers didn't take it all so seriously, one would be rather amused at the violence of the tone, sometimes. Whether justified or not, one tends to find something more than coincidence in the fact that this anti-American campaign increased in vigor immediately after the prospect of a work- ing league of nations became definite, and grew still more intense when it was proposed to abolish conscription throughout the world. The achieve- ment of either of these immediately would close the career of power of the militarists in Japan. Their only hope is to stir the people by creating the bogey of a potential foe. No nation but America is avail- able for this purpose. And a certain plausibility is lent to their arguments by the fact that America did develop a great army in a remarkably short time, that she has tremendous economic resources, and that she is turning to the Orient for com- mercial expansion. Also, their cause has been helped on by the past and present statements of certain American senators. • The end of this is not yet. ,- But to return to Mr. Hara. Now that the Diet is up, and he is free to turn his attention more exclusively to administrative problems, we shall have a new test of his ability. There are grave problems ahead of Japan as of other nations. Korea is presenting an alarming spectacle, especially from the Japanese point of view. Unemployment and a serious business depression are growing specters— resulting not from demobilization but from the col- lapse of hundreds of flimsily, hastily established shipbuilding and manufacturing concerns. And the cost of living still is exorbitant. There is no doubt of Mr. Hara's ideafs or de- sires. The only question is of his power to control rather than be controlled by the military group. If he succeeds, and can remain at the helm for an- other year or two, party government will have been reasonably well established, especially if the power of the militarists is broken by the abolition of con- scription under a league of nations. Mr. Hara al- ready has won part at least of his direct conflicts with the clansmen. This is an auspicious augury. Grover Clark. 19*9 2 I THE DIAL The Peasant as Peacemaker JLhat august deity, the future historian, will probably not be tempted to devote much attention to any part of the Great War except its beginning and its end. The war itself will present to him a mere blood and thunder drama: only the prologue and epilogue will furnish kim with materials worthy of his muse. He will doubtless endeavor to focus his inquiries through the lens of a great dominant personality, and the name of Wilhelm III, Lloyd George, Count Czernin, or Woodrow Wilson will call for his just consideration. But some of these international characters enter the war belatedly, and others make a hasty exit, midst gallery hoots, before the drama is fully enacted. The biography of one man alone will enable our historian completely to make head and tail out of the entire situation, from 1871 101919. His name is Georges Clemenceau. "In France," observe Messrs. Geddes and Bran- ford in The Coming Polity, "every man tends to be a Parisian or a peasant." It is the peculiar merit of Clemenceau that he is something of both, and he thus embodies not merely his time but his country. In a few salient lines Mr. H. W. Hynd- man, the ancient premier's latest biographer, sketches the background of his early existence (Clemenceau: The Man and His Time; Stokes). Born in Le Ven- dee in 1841, the son of a landowner practicing medi- cine among the stricken peasants of his neighborhood, Clemenceau fell heir at the moment of birth to a twofold heritage. The land itself rooted the man to its agricultural past, with its unremitting labor, its penuries, and its single-minded effort to cultivate the earth and cleave to its products. "France means rural France." There more than elsewhere in the Western World the " country " identifies itself with the open country. Throughout his boyhood Clem- enceau was thrown among human beings whose sym- pathies were stunted and whose actions were brutalized "by their ever present greed for gain." Higher in pecuniary status, young Clemenceau was nevertheless one of them. When half a century later his biographer sought to discuss with him the progress of socialism, he belittled the importance of the movement by calling up to mind the simple land- owners and fishermen of his native region and ask- ing what chance a proposal for nationalizing land would have among these faithful gleaners of the earth. So much for his first heritage. On the other hand, Clemenceau's immediate con- tacts in his home brought him in touch with the superficial culture of his own time, for his father was a materialist and a republican, and the career of Clemenceau in Paris is that of a radical, an anti- clerical, and a builder of the Third Republic. M. Georges Lecomte (Clemenceau: The Tiger of France; Appleton) has written a panegyric upon this second element in Clemenceau's makeup, as a representative politician and Parisian, but he tells only half the story. In his reverence for the man of maturity M. Lecomte overlooks the obdurate and indomitable boy, and he accordingly mistakes the beauty of the efflorescence for the strength of the roots. Yet the further one penetrates the character of Clemenceau the more apparent it becomes that his first three lustrums in the open country outweigh as many generations spent in the city. For beneath the various professional guises of medical student, philosopher, school teacher, journalist, and adminis- trator lie the tenacious jealousies and loyalties of the instinctive nationalist, and the nationalism which Clemenceau embodies is at bottom simply that of the peasant, eager to plant his fields in security of harvest, insistent upon respect for his property, re- luctant to abandon traditional usages, angry at all trespass, and skeptical of any sort of legal relation which seems to imply disregard for the fences and ditches that encircle his fields. The state may indeed be the city writ large, but la patrie of the nationalist is the farmstead of a family extended to embrace a nation. The state is a civil, and the "country" a rural, concept To a peasant the loss of territory means flat disaster: it stands for the uprooting of family ties and increased difficulties in finding subsistence. Naturally he thinks of affairs of state in terms of his own estate. Clemenceau's protest against Germany's appropria- tion of Alsace-Lorraine was the cry of an outraged and unrelenting peasant, and the proof of this is that whereas less representative writers and politicians tended to let this ancient wrong slide into oblivion Clemenceau was ever watchful to keep the memory of it alive. Alsace-Lorraine was the King Charles' Head which Clemenceau could never keep from bobbing up in his speeches and articles. He judged every new profession of Germany, he judges even those of the democratic regime today, in the light of its oldtime practices. Like the Alsatian he men- tions in France Facing Germany (Dutton), Clem- enceau was " one of those who do not forget." During two generations of abated physical hostil- ity Clemenceau succeeded, with a vestal patience, in keeping the fires of warfare burning. While it was Bismarck's policy to promote French imperialism in order to take the mind of the defeated nation off 22 July 12 THE DIAL the lost territory in the East,, it was Clemenceau's cue to combat the far-flung expeditions in Africa and Asia lest the old sentiment of humiliation, coupled with the hope for revenge and recovery, should be buried by .new military triumphs. Strengthen the core of France; concentrate within; develop integrity and firmness; prepare yourselves with a three-year military service act—for in the end we must fight the forces that gather against us be- yond the Rhine. Day in and day out this was the counsel Clemenceau reiterated, in books, in speeches, and in editorials. He, began by painting the devil on the wall, and by the very act of painting (as a disciple of William James will quickly see) created the devil which was finally to leap over the wall. Every time that Germany officially offered the hand of friendship, the wily old peasant in the Parisian shook his head firmly and pointed in contempt to the saber that glinted beneath the cloak. While there was a chance of victory by crossing rapiers he dog- gedly refused to clasp hands. "The dead have created the living; the living will remain faithful to the dead." On that note Clemenceau concluded his famous speech on the Moroccan affair in February 1912. Is it necessary to point out that the dead whom Clemenceau re- membered were those who had fallen in the shame- ful debacle of 1870, and that the tradition he remained faithful to was that which was regnant in the bellicose period of his youth? It was the misfortune of the world that the robbery of Alsace- Lorraine should ever have been allowed. It was a crowning disaster that the Great War should have been settled under the auspices of the one man who had devoted his life to disallowing this malappro- priation, and whose ideas and impulses were directed by the precedents established in that early time. In solving the problem of Alsace-Lorraine it was only natural that the new conqueror should have taken the opportunity to create a new "Alsace-Lorraine." The present peace of Versailles may indeed gratify the lares and penates of ancestral France, but it is dedicated to ideals and conditions which have no sanction in the worlds of industry, commerce, and thought brought into existence by the twentieth century. It is a peace faithful to the dead—with a vengeance. Doubtless the dead are satisfied, for Clemenceau, their spokesman and devotee, says that the peace which he dictated is "good." Whether those who are most concerned with enjoying the fruits of the present victory will so regard the anti- quated arrangements and guarantees upon which Clemenceau has been so insistent cannot immediately be answered, for the generation this faithful old creature of the jungle failed to pay due attention to is that which is yet to be born. Understanding is notoriously the basis of forgive- ness, and those who read the story of Clemenceau's life will not be tempted to judge its wretched con- summation too harshly. It is by the law of the opening age that he has sinned: in terms of his own period and ancestry, in terms of that France which was republican during its imperialism, and imperial- ist -in spite of its republicanism, he stands at the pinnacle of success. It is true that he spent his life in fostering the processes of traditional animosity. But in strengthening France for war he was only building logically upon the postulates of statecraft which had value and currency in his youth. At the critical moment he took up the burdens of state when his policies seemed about to collapse in an indeterminate (more or less unresentful) peace, and he brought the conflict to a "successful conclusion." It is enough to judge him in his own words. "A wise settlement, which should be hailed with joy by all civilized nations, should put an end to these alternations of peace and massacre, resulting from the victory of one side or the other. But this will not be possible until there shall appear a conqueror superior to his conquest, a victor who will be a hero in moderation" (1912). There spoke the Parisian, the representative of the City Luminant. Senility, alas! carries men back to their childhood, and at the peace of Versailles it was not the man of cul- ture and philosophy that presided. Looking over the terms of the undevised treaty one discovers plainly the harsh, crabbed hand of the peasant— covetous, small-visioned, embittered, and perpetu- ally distrustful. T Lewis Mumford. Flowers and Fools I hope it may be worth while to pen— For it is true, not a thing there's whim in— But there are as many Opinions as men, As many Passions as women. P. H. Belknap. 1919 23 THE DIAL Sunt Rerum Lacrimae Wh hen, a little over a year ago, translations of Chinese poetry began to appear over the signature of Arthur Waley, the literary supplement of the London Times devoted a leader to a panegyric of them and, among other things, predicted that the whole course of occidental poetry might well and , for that matter profitably be changed by this spirit- ual invasion from the East. The writer in the Times was most struck by the total absence, in Chinese poetry, of the literary artifices which, for the last twenty-five centuries at any rate, have made occidental poetry what it is. He was moved, as others have been, by the bare simplicity of it, its stalwart and rugged adherence to the homelier facts and truths, its contemplative naivete, its honesty, and its singularly charming blend of the implicit and the explicit. These are, indeed, the conclusions which one out of ten readers of Mr. Waley's col- lection, One Hundred and Seventy Chinese Lyrics (Knopf), might justifiably reach. Mr. Waley has employed as his translation-medium, for the most part, a free verse in which, despite his preface (he appears to consider that he has kept the rhythm of the original), there is hardly a trace of any sort of rhythm other than that of a well-felt prose. But this is a fact which (after a few lines) one has com- pletely forgotten; for Mr. Waley has produced a book which, strictly regarded as a piece of English literature, has a remarkable beauty. As poetry one has little but praise for it. It is a clear enough, and precious enough, addition to our English gamut. If one has any quarrel with it at all, one quarrels with it as a translation. And here, I believe, there is some ground for thinking Mr. Waley's book misleading. For, as noticed above in the case of the writer in the London Times, most people will instantly conclude, after reading these deliciously candid and straight- forward free-verse poems, that Chinese poetry is a far simpler and far less artificial affair than ours; and many who already incline towards the less formal of poetic methods will employ this as the final coup de grace in their argument against an art of delicate elaboration. Their argument, of course, gains force with the publication of any successful book of free verse; but of the historical argument which Mr. Waley's book seems so completely to afford them they must be deprived. For Chinese poetry is not a poetry even remotely akin to free verse; and it is far from being artless. As a matter of fact, little as one would gather it from Mr. Waley's preface, or from Judith Gau- tier's preface to Chinese Lyrics from the Book of Jade (Huebsch), or from Mr. Cranmer-Byng's preface to A Lute of Jade (Dutton)—all of which are in almost equal measure informative and con- fusing—Chinese poetry is perhaps more elaborately and studiously artificial (as distinguished from art- less) than any other. The literary traditions are so powerful and inflexible as to be almost ritual- istic. The forms are few and exactly prescribed, the rules many. When it is recalled that the Chi- nese language is entirely monosyllabic; that the variety of rhymes is small; that all words are, for the purposes of poetry, inflected as either flats or sharps (the inflection for each word being fixed); and that Chinese poetry employs not only rhyme, and an exact number of syllables in each line, but that these syllables must follow a precise pattern in accordance with inflection (equivalent, in a degree, to our ictus), one begins to see how complex an art it is. A typical four-line stanza, for example, with seven words to a line, the cesura falling unalterably after the fourth word, and rhyming perhaps a, a, b, a, is as follows: Flat flat sharp sharp Sharp sharp flat flat Sharp sharp flat flat Flat flat sharp sharp fiat flat sharp sharp sharp fiat flat sharp sharp fiat flat sharp. Almost all Chinese poetry of the great periods is stanzaic, and almost all of it is short, the quatrain and the poem of eight or twelve lines being the most common lengths. A few poets have essayed longer poems, some of them narrative—notably Po Chii I— but these are exceptions. It is therefore with all these facts in mind that one should read the translations of Mr. Waley, or Mr. Cranmer-Byng; or Mr. Whitall's translations of the French versions by Judith Gautier. Of the three books, Mr. Waley's is distinctly the most com- prehensive and from the literary point of view the most successful. The other two are usefully sup- plementary however, for the reason that the Cran- mer-Byng versions are for the most part metrical and in rhyme, and serve somewhat to correct one's impression that Chinese poetry is non-literary; and that the Whitall book consists largely of love poems, the element in which the other books are weakest. From the three volumes, taken together, emerges the fact that Chinese poetry is among the most beautiful that man has written. Artificial and elaborate it may be as regards the mold into which it is cast; but, at any rate as presented to us in Arthur Waley's book, it seems, by contrast with 24 July 12 THE DIAL most occidental poetry, poignantly simple and human. How much of this we must credit to Mr. Waley we cannot, of course, tell. We must remem- ber that it is above all else a poet's art which the Chinese set store by. A part of the charm of this poetry, stripped of its art for us who are occidental, must inevitably be simply due to its combination of the strange with the familiar, of the remote with the comprehensible. But one is tempted to go farther and to say that Chinese poetry seems more than any other a cry from the bewildered heart of humanity. Sorrow is the most persistent note in it—sorrow, or sorrowful resignation; sorrow for the inevitable partings of friends, sorrow for the home remembered in exile, for the departure of youth, the futility of a great career, the injustice of man, the loneliness of old age. The Freudians will have something to explain in the remarkable infrequency with which it deals with love between the sexes; it is friendship which is most honored. And perhaps one is wrong in saying that these poems, even as given in the limpid free verse of Mr. Waley, in delicately colloquial prose-rhythms, are altogether artless. The rhythm of ideas is clear; and that sort of dim counterpoint which may be manifest in the thought itself is not less apparent. Simple and homely as appear the details by which these poets evoke a mood, simple and homely and prosaic as the mood itself may appear, it is when one attempts retrospectively to reconstruct the steps by which any such mood-poem was completed that one perceives how exquisitely selective was the poet, with what patient fastidiousness he searched for the clear qualities of things, and with what a magical pre- cision he found just that tone of restraint, almost of matter-of-factness, which fairly whizzed with over- tones. A popular form of Chinese poetry is the four-line poem called the stop-short, in which the sense is supposed to continue after the poem has stopped. But even in the longer poems that is almost universally the method. It is the hum of reverberations, after the poem has been read, that is sought for. And even such a narrative poem as Po Chu I's Everlasting Wrong, one of the famous "long " poems of the language (though it runs only to a few pages), is constructed in accordance with this, instinct, and is, therefore, really a sequence of lyrics. Does all this mean-that Chinese poetry is pro- foundly unlike our own? Perhaps not, in theory. Restraint and understatement have always been characteristic of Anglo-Saxon poetry, though, not to the same extent. It is in the sort of themes chosen that one feels the most profound divergence. Our own themes are apt to be sublimated and " literary," to some degree conventionalized, no matter how simple and colloquial may be the treatment. The themes of the Chinese poets are highly convention- alized—the same themes used over and over again— but they are essentially simple. Sunt rerum lacri- mae—it is the pathos in things that the Chinese poets play upon, century after century; the inani- mate things, the things of humble human use, the small utilities which we associate with lives simply lived, supply the medium through which Li Po or Po Chii I or T'ao Ch'ien pierce our hearts. One is struck by the childlike candor of this poetry: no detail is forbidden—as it would be in our poetry, perhaps—because it seems too prosaic; the sole question raised is as to its emotional appropriate- ness. Is it a comb, a fan, a torn dress, a curtain, a bed, an empty rice-bin? It hardly seems to matter. The Chinese poet makes a heart-breaking poetry out of these quite as naturally as Keats did out of the song of a nightingale heard in a spring garden. It is rarely dithyrambic, rarely high-pitched: part of its charm is in its tranquillity, its self-control. And the humblest reads it with as much emotion as the most learned. . . . Was the writer in the London Times right, therefore, in thinking that this poetry might be a wholesome influence for our own? If it can teach our poets warmth and human- ness—qualities in which American poets are singu- larly lacking—the answer must be an unqualified ves Conrad Aiken. With a Book of Chinese Lyrics In these days of sad optimism and bitter joy, When yesterday's hot brand has dropped to ashes And the pale new hour is voiceless, I am glad that once friends sat in silk To sip the jade-clear wine and talk of verses While maidens, in the dark pavilion Watching the sliding shadow of the moon Below the silver ripples, thrilled to hear The rustle of an oar among the reeds. Ida O'Neil. THE DIAL A FORTNIGHTLY The Old Order and the New V/PEN COVENANTS OPENLY ARRIVED AT was the heroic challenge which the President once, in a moment of exaltation, threw in the face of the Elder Statesmen. But it is already a matter of common notoriety how the President's proud words have gone whistling down the winds, while the Elder Statesmen have continued to follow their own devi- ous devices. With jealous care the conclave of Elder Statesmen representing the Great Powers have guarded the secrecy of their deliberations while they have been arranging the world's peace on the good old plan. The Elder Statesmen have been at pains to give out no "information which might be useful to the enemy "; that is to say, to the under- lying population of these Great Powers. And among these Great Powers of the secret conclave America is neither last nor least; quite the contrary in fact. Nor is information withheld less carefully from the underlying population of democratic America than from the unfree populace of Europe. "Open covenants openly arrived at " has gone into abeyance. This outcome of course marks a defeat of democratic ideals. That it does so may be fortu- nate or otherwise, but the fact of this defeat should not be overlooked. The fact is to be taken as mark- ing an advance, or at least a conclusive change, in the guiding principles of statesmanship. Democratic methods are no longer safe—if they ever have been. They will no longer serve the uses of statesmanship. The underlying population is no longer a party in interest in national policy or in international nego- tiations, in such fashion as would warrant consulting their notions of what should be done. Circum- stances have taken such a turn that each of these civilized nations is now divided within itself, in such a way that the national administration now repre- sents an oligarchy and speaks for a group of interests rather than for an undivided people at large. This follows unavoidably from the existing economic order, which is built on a division of interests, be- tween the kept classes and the common man. And the events of the past few years have forced this truth upon the conviction of the statesmen, and not least convincingly upon the democratic states- man of America. They have been brought to real- ize that their avowed ideals of democratic rule and popular discussion are hopelessly out of date, that the situation which faces them can no longer be handled by democratic methods, that an ever-widen- ing cleavage of interest has arisen within each of the nations between the vested interests and the under- lying populaton, and that it is the part of the states- man unreservedly to range himself on the side of law and order—that is to say, on the side of the vested interests. This conclusion follows because, in the nature of the case, the party of the vested interests is always the party of law and order. Law and order means that legal order which safeguards the established rights of privilege and property. Such being the situation, the underlying population is plainly not to be trusted with a free run of infor- mation on public affairs. In effect, the people at large, in these nominally democratic nations, are fall- ing into the position of a subject population; some- thing in the way of body of alien enemies, to be used, humored, and "kept in hand." There is, for in- stance, a highy instructive resemblance between the American legislation, late and prospective, designed for the control of American citizens on the one hand, and the notorious Rowlatt Acts by which the gentlemanly British administration is endeavoring to keep their Indian subjects "in hand." Both the Indians and the Americans are to be kept in hand for their own good, no doubt, but more immediately and more obviously for the good of the vested interests of business and office-holding. Therefore, placed in this precarious posture, facing a distrustful underlying population, it has become the first care of these Elder Statesmen in all their deliberations to give out no information which might become useful to the enemy. This strategic secrecy of peace- making conclave is presumptive evidence that in the apprehension to these Elder Statesmen the interests which have been guiding their deliberations do not at any substantial point coincide with those interests which the underlying population have at heart. The underlying population want peace and industry; the Elder Statesmen have negotiated an arrangement for safeguarding the vested interests of privilege and property by force of arms. These two lines of inter- ests are out of touch; and they may prove to be in- compatible. So the shrewd Elder Statesmen have consumed half a year in carrying out a strategic dis- position of their forces under cover of night and cloud, with a view to safeguarding the status quo; and so the underlying populations now face a state < of fait accompli, whereby the resources of these several nations are already committed to an international enterprise in defense of the .vested interests, all and several, at the cost of under- lying populations. Behind the smoke-screen of the seven censors and the Associated Prevarication bureaus, that much is visible now. But the ques- tion remains, Why has that high-hearted crusade 26 July 12 THE DIAL which set out to make the world safe for democracy by open covenant openly arrived at come to this inglorious end behind the smoke-screen? The answer appears to be covered by this golden text: Bolshevism is a menace to the vested interests of privilege and property. There need be no question as to the utter good faith of that crusade for democ- racy and open covenants; no more than there is a question as to its utter defeat. Nor need there be a question as to the paramount responsibility of America's spokesman for this outcome of the peace- making conclave. No single one of the powers and no coalition of powers has been in a position to make a substantial move at any point in these negotiations without the paramount consent and advice of America's spokesman. Without America's backing the "high contracting parties" are practically bankrupt, all and several; and apart from America's spokesman no two of them could reasonably trust one another out of sight. So that what this con- clave of Elder Statesmen has achieved and what it has committed itself to is, in effect, his achievement and his commitment. /America s spokesmen set out with a high and well-advised resolve to make the world safe for democracy; but it was to be a democracy founded in commercialized nationalism, after the pattern of mid-Victorian times, which being interpreted means a democracy for safeguarding the vested interests of property. Now between the date of the President's high pronouncement on open covenants and safe democracy and the date of the peacemaking conclave there intervenes the unlooked for episode of Soviet Russia, the substantial core of whose policy is the disallowance of these same vested interests of prop- erty which make up the substantial core of that mid-Victorian commercialized democracy that was to be saved. It is easily to be seen that the Bol- shevism of Soviet Russia is a menace to that com- mercialized democracy which mid-Victorian states- men are concerned to perpetuate. Indeed, it is easily to be seen that the material interests of the underlying population in the other nations would incline them to fall in with its policy of disallow- ance, just so soon as these underlying populations come to realize that they have nothing to lose, which is believed to argue no distant date. At least such appears to be the universal conviction among those statesmen who speak for the maintenance of law and order. The situation therefore calls for heroic remedies. The safety of those vested interests of property that now make up the substance of things hoped for could not be jeopardized to make the world safe for a democracy devoid of vested interests. Bolshevism is a menace to these vested interests, and to any mid-Victorian statesman it is a truism that these interests must and shall be pre- served from this menace at any cost—the cost to be "J by the underlying population. This cost at the menace of Bolshevism is to be averted involves more or less costly and undesirable working arrangements with all the forces of reaction, since none but the forces of reaction can be counted on to take the field openly in the prosecution of such an enterprise. And arrangements of this kind for the support and subsidy of reactionary enterprise, responsible and irresponsible—in effect, for the sup- port of any enterprise sufficiently reactionary to take the field—cannot be openly arrived at by spokesmen of any democratic commonwealth. Hence the secret conclave and the smoke-screen of the seven censors. It is a sufficiently difficult passage, not to say a desperate quandary. However, it appears that under cover of night and cloud arrangements of this kind have been reached which it is hopefully believed will be sufficient; arrangements for the comfort and success of reactionary enterprise in Finland, Livonia, Esthonia, Poland, Czecho-Slovakia, Roumania, and the reactionary factions in Russia, north, south, and east. It is an unfortunate circumstance that all this making of terms with the forces of reaction for the safeguarding of the vested interests will not bear the light. It is unfortunate, but there is no help for it. Needs must when the devil drives, and Bolshevism is largely believed to be that breed. So it is devoutly to be hoped that these transactions that will not bear the light, these enforced but distaste- ful concessions of the democratic statesmen to the more shameless powers of reaction, will duly bring in that good fruit of domestic tranquillity which is bargained for at such a price—and all beneath the spreading chestnut tree of commercialized national- ism. Quod bonum, felix faustumque sit! 1 he senate may revise the present treaty and covenant. But the Senate cannot by a stroke of the pen alter the sort of world in which these instru- ments, revised or unrevised, will have to function. The signing of the Treaty gives us the first oppor- tunity to look beyond the Treaty. Making such a survey, Mr. Bertrand Russell pointed out in The Dial for June 28 that labor elements in Europe will find their approaching political dominance in- secure as long as the United States is ready to main- tain a protectorate over vested interests and vested privileges at home and abroad. On the surface there are no political or economic groups here prepared to take up the challenge that Mr. Russell thus throws down. Morally, the United States is no longer the hope of the world. On the contrary, America's effort to stabilize capitalism at the ex- pense of social reconstruction is the outstanding feature of the Government's international policy. The great body of citizens is probably reactionary only out of apathy, but the groups which are effec- tively organized—the politicians, the labor union- ists, and the financiers—have formed a Triple Alliance in the interest of active reaction. At home, accordingly, the outlook for labor is dismal, but a survey of the world at large offers a gleam of hope. We cannot effect the increase in pro- 1919 27 THE DIAL duction called for by the financiers as long as industrial enterprise is handicapped by all the stop- pages, slackenings, and internecine struggles for pecuniary advantage that characterized it before the war. Indeed, industry will have to enlist the energies of its workers more completely than it was able to even during the crisis of the late conflict. This means that there must be a thoroughgoing re- construction at every point in the industrial pro- cess. It requires the participation of the workers in the management, and the transfer of authority from the pecuniary strategists of the antiquated financial regime to the now subordinate controllers of material and personnel. In other words, the sit- uation that gives capitalism the promise of renewed life makes this offer on the condition that it will be transformed out of all recognition. The hope of reconstruction today, therefore, lies not in the lib- eralism of America but in the needs of an impover- ished and prostrated mankind. Perhaps the labor movement abroad is not so desperately menaced by the rear attack of Amer- ican reaction as Mr. Russell believes. The proposal adopted by British, French, and Italian trades-union- ists to make a demonstration against military inter- vention in Russia gives reassuring evidence that the plans of British imperialism and American capital- ism cannot be pushed through to a conclusion. It seems equally true that the chances of a helpful reconstitution of America's political and economic structure will depend upon the ability of the labor elements, particularly in England and France, to take charge of the ship of state, man the quarter- deck with able officers, and chart a new course. What strengthens the hand of labor nationally will in the long run strengthen it internationally. The more powerful labor's Triple Alliance is in Great Britain, the weaker will be reaction's Triple Alli- ance in America. It is the old world that holds forth the promise of the new. I HE RECENT RAIDS MADE BY THE LUSK COM- mittee, of'the New York State Legislature, on the Russian Soviet Bureau, the Rand School, The Com- munist newspaper, an I. W. W. and an S. P. local is the distinguished contribution of the Empire state to the national job of clearing the country of radical opinion and making freedom safe for a few. These raids, the deportation and imprisonment of law- abiding labor leaders are an embarrassment to fair and liberal-minded citizens who condemn high- handed feats of frontier justice as un-American. We wonder whether or not they are. As the white man of the South is out to lynch " the nigger," and a Citizen Alliance of the West lines up to tar and feather " the wobbly," so the state and federal legis- lators and officials pursue "the bolsheviki." The fact that the latter are pursued by government agents does not affect the animus of the pursuit nor dif- ferentiate it in character. Government agents are as averse as are the hoodlums to a consideration of the actual evidence at hand. If a white woman points an accusing finger at a black man, that settles the matter; he is hung. If the Lusk Committee, after discarding the great mass of letters and other documents which explain that the purpose of the So- viet Bureau in America is to carry on trade in the accustomed way, can find a sentence which is sus- ceptible to the interpretation which the Committee is after, that discovery settles the matter for the press of the country as well as the Committee. In going through the papers of the Rand School this "State Committee discovers that the Socialist Party has been carrying on socialist propaganda among the negroes of the South. Although this activity of the Socialists has been a public matter for many years and although it has never before occurred to the state of New York that it had any concern in the matter, this discovery and others of the same nature in the opinion of the Committee war- rants the closing of the School. There can be no doubt about it; America revels in direct action. The objection to the action of the agencies we have been speaking of is that it is raw. It is elemental in that it is swayed by suggestion. It is uninhibited by an infiltration of reason. As it reflects the egoistic conception of existence, it is opposed to a state of civilization where the freedom of indi- viduals is dependent not on the sacrifice of others but on an experience which is expansive because it is common. What is familiarly known as direct action is advocated by some but not all of the defendants now before the Lusk Committee; but it is action of quite another sort. The intention is to get what is wanted in each case by the most direct road. But where direct action has been adopted by labor as a policy, >t is not instinctive. It has come out of a long experience of trial and error. It represents defeated efforts to adjust rela- tions by prescribed rules. The direct action of labor has come through the refining experience of a failure which has been checked up by reason and a highly sensitized consciousness of social needs. Like the black man in the South every one is suspect (that is, he is Bolshevik) who has come through this experience first-hand, or who has emotions sufficiently cultured by concepts to value the economy which yields, in the large, human results. It ap- pears in Europe at the present moment that such people may shortly if not already represent the majority. The working people of Europe have been checking up their experience for a long time. It is because the American worker has failed to do this that he is caught by the American Federation of Labor machine, the Lusk Committee, and all the other state and federal authorities pledged to the suppression of intelligence in matters of common concern. Direct action in any case is the order of the day and the hoodlum variety, thanks to the A. F. of L. more than to the Lusk Committee, is to have its opportunity and anarchistic sway. 28 July 12 THE DIAL Casual Comment Not the least lamentable feature of the war has been the failure of the writers to give us a realizing sense of what has been taking place. It is now habitual with us to excuse the pitiful inade- quacy of war literature on the ground that this war has been too vast for any contemporary reporting, the assumption being that any worth-while report must needs embrace the whole panorama of the fighting. The assumption is unsound: the most ex- acting among us have required of the reporter only a clear communication of the reality that happened to fall under his own observation. The clear com- munication of any reality is a difficult business, of course—difficult but not impossible, or there would "be no good literature of any kind. That the war was not impossible to report in this way has been demon- strated by the dispatches of Philip Gibbs, the stories of Barbusse and Latzko, the poems of Sassoon and Aldington, and the letters and reminiscences of a very few others. But in all the avalanches of war books that have swept over us since 1914 there has been singularly little that seems likely to endure. The inadequacy of the war books, however, has been as nothing to the inadequacy of their illustrations— and of war pictures in general. Except for the paintings of one or two "official" artists like Nevin- son and Johns, the cartoons of Bairnsfather, the etch- ings of Pennell, and an occasional happy photograph (usually of a ruin), our notions of what the front looked like were derived from recruiting posters done by men who had never seen it or from accidents of apt description in the books. Almost none of these books had the assistance of telling pictures, and those that did were not so distinguished In any other way as to attract much attention. James McBey, "Offi- cial Artist with the Egyptian Expeditionary Force,'\ made a series of atmospheric drawings for the Desert Campaigns (Putnam), whose text—by W. T. Mas- sey, "Official Correspondent of London Newspapers with," etc.—failed to support them. There was closer cooperation between Charles Huard and Frances Wilson Huard in her With Those Who Wait (Doran), but his fetching drawings were mostly devoted to old-world corners far behind the lines. Not unnaturally, however, the imagination of the illustrators who dealt with the front was most vitally kindled by the air service. For instance, when the authorized translation of Henry Bor- deaux's Georges Guynemer: Knight of the Air ap- peared in this country it included four charcoal drawings by W. A. Dwiggins, of which three were very close to perfection in their magical evocation of certain quiet moments in the air. (For some reason or other the Yale University Press featured an im- possible frontispiece by another hand and let Mr. Dwiggins name appear only in the list of illustra- tions.) And now come Lieutenant Henry Farre's almost as successful, if somewhat theatrical, paint- ers of a number of very active moments in the air, illustrated by rather than illustrating his own text in Sky Fighters of France (Houghton-Mifflin). Among all the books about flying it is odd that there should be only two or three to offer worth-while pictures of an occupation so new and so fascinating. And yet if the other military departments had been even as well served as this, we should now have a shelf of volumes whose illustrations might in a meas- ure fill the blanks left by the writers. I he Pulitzer Prize of $500 for the best volume of verse published by an American in 1918 has been divided between Margaret Widde- mer's The Old Road to Paradise and Carl Sand- burg's Cornhuskers (both from Holt)—a unique bracketing if ever there was one. The judges were William Lyon Phelps, Richard Burton, and Sara Teasdale. The Widdemer collection is that of a really popular singer, and in it are poems reprinted from as motley a list of magazines—ranging widely between the Youth's Companion and Poetry—as any 1918 volume of American poetry could possibly boast. In this book Miss Widdemer sets out for no new goal and scales no peaks in Darien. She does not hold us quite so firmly as in some of her previous work—as notably in her poems on labor conditions—and the judges must have had an unusually keen sympathy with her moods in order to certify this book as one of the best volumes of verse published in 1918. Many of the poems are fetching, and as a whole they cover a wide field, but the chief merit of the book lies in deftly expressed individual ideas. As for Cornhuskers, which Louis Untermeyer reviewed in The Dial for October 5, 1918 (Strong Timber)—it is equally a book of deftly put ideas. But in nothing else does it resemble Miss Widde- mer's work. It is a book of free verse, a book of the poetical revolution. And much of it is that and no more. It is significant that such a book can receive so much as half a prize from Columbia University—and no less significant that the compen- sating half can find nothing more powerful than the Old Road to Paradise to distinguish. Romantic love is going . . . it is one of those delusions that could be explained out of existence." We read it—somewhere in a bit of literary criticism—and we doubt it. The doubt takes us back to a specific moment in a confessedly important year, when a great number of men were being moved across a great ocean, in the face of difficulties. . . . The time is early twilight. The brown walls of a ship's cabin enclose the scene, except where open ports and doors reveal areas of the Southern Ocean banded brown and blue, shaken slowly and smoothly like velvet curtains in a breath of wind. Through the wide sweep of the doorway six or eight oddly mottled ships are seen falling away in decreasing perspective to the horizon. At a table in the room is seated a man in the uniform of 19*9 29 THE DIAL an officer of the United States Army. Before him are piled letters—hundreds of them. He is reading them rapidly, for daylight is failing and in the sub- marine zone ships are black at night. Look over his shoulder: "Dearest Alice" this one begins. It is written with the stub of a pencil, and one word in four is misspelled, but the ideals are of early Vic- torian love-in-a-cottage after the war. "My dear Miss Johnson "—this one is formal, heart-broken over a cold farewell, yet half hopeful that circum- stances will play fair. "My own Ruth "—an- other beginning so, ends thus, in romance: "In the evening after you have read this, go down to the honeysuckle arbor by the side gate. Lift up the board of the seat—there is a little package in there for you. I put it there the last night I had a pass to go and see you. I wanted to give it to you, but I just couldn't come up to it. It will be months before I can get your answer, but I am going to write every day just as though I knew you had put the ring on for me. I have got to believe it. And when I come back, we. . . ." "O.K." wrote the uniformed censor, and signed his name. Then he rose and stretched himself. Somehow there seemed an odor of honeysuckle in the room. From China comes now a new magazine, first issued in March, and bravely edited by Mr. Samuel Couling, at Medhurst College, Shanghai. We say "bravely" with due consideration, for the New China Review was conceived during the war, and it had to fight against the stars of indifference, defective communication, and want of interest that struggled against it at birth. It is an attempt to take up a field The Chinese Repository abandoned in 1901 and left in the hands of French scholars. The ap- pearance of Professor Giles' name in the first issue is assurance of the ability of the Review to live up to its promise to maintain a high standard of scholar- ship but at the same time to print contents so varied that others than professed sinologues can find pleas- ure in them. . . . From New York issues an announcement not of a new magazine, but of a new name for an old one. The Unpopular Re- view (Holt) is to sail under the title of the Un- partizan Review, but the present owners and cap- tain will not be changed, and the same academic crew will doubtless occupy the forecastle. The avidity with which the Unpopular Review was seized upon by those who accepted the unpopularity of their conservatism as their chief claim to dis- tinction made it impossible for the review to live up to its older name. Unfortunately there seems little prospect that it will come any closer to fulfilling the demands of its new title. Unpartizan means, we believe, unwilling to take sides, but in connec- tion with this otherwise ^excellent review it means merely the unwillingness to throw its weight upon the liberal side. At its best it is a promise to call a plague upon both radical and conservative houses. When a new art has completely outgrown criticism, the critics' job of catching up is com- parable to that of pruning a jungle. Thankless and hopeless as it may be to begin at this late date to frame special standards for the movies, it does seem that the producers and the public generally might be willing to apply here certain old axioms devel- oped in other fields. The first of these axioms is perhaps this: that sincerity is a virtue. By reason of the vastness of his chosen audience the movie producer can deal only in motives that most men have in common. The theme that makes the widest human appeal is that of sex relationship—particu- larly if this relationship happens to be somewhat risque. The variations that may be played upon this theme are, in America, very definitely limited by the tradition that sex may appear in public only when garbed with respectability. Nowhere does this tradition have such force as in the middle-class conscience, still powerful in the cities, and domi- nant in the small towns that have the movies for their only amusement. The man who stages plays for a limited audience may choose between the in- decency of burlesque and the frankness of Ibsen; not so the movie man, whose films are destined to flicker before all eyes. Sex he must have to get great audiences—respectability, to keep them. To meet the situation, there has been developed a hypocrisy without parallel in art. People who would not think of countenancing a frankly vulgar musical show may see in the movies pictures of surprising indecency spiced with moral phrases and grouped under some such allegorical title as Purity or Virtue; or triangle plays that inevitably wind up with what passes for a great moral triumph for the innocent party, who wishes the dark pair all (of their sort of) happiness. Whoever will face the situation frankly will confess that we have far less to fear from honest nastiness than from this kind of lip-licking sophistry. Certainly the movies will receive more consideration as an art when the movie people ac- cept variety in their audiences and do not attempt, by blending goodness and badness, to appeal all at once to everybody in the United States. EDITORS John Dewey Martyn Johnson Robert Morss Lovett Helen Marot Thorstein Veblen Clarence Britten, Associate 3o July t: THE DIAL Communications Footnotes Wanted. Sir: "If," writes Mrs.' Mary Austin, "Mr. Untermeyer could get his mind off the Indian An- thology as a thing of type and paper, he might have got something more out of it." Unfortunately, The Path on the Rainbow [Boni & Liveright] came to me as a book, composed almost exclusively of type and paper. And, as a book, it seemed to be a col- lection of indubitable ethnic value, arbitrarily printed, and, lacking all but the most rudimentary footnotes, by turns careless and cryptic. Mrs. Aus- tin's agreement as to the necessity for fuller ex- planatory notes proves the very thing that I was try- ing, in a rather dogmatic manner, to express: that, without the accompanying melodies, blend of voices, tympanic beat, these written songs needed much more than "paper, type," and a crude reduction to thin Imagist verse form. Says Mrs. Austin: "Ten thousand American boys in a foreign land singing Home Sweet Home is a very moving thing, and twice ten Indians at the ragged end of Winter, when the food goes stale and their very garments smell of wood smoke, singing their maple sugar song might sing a great deal of poetry into it—poetry of rising sap, clean snow water, calling partridge, and the friendly click of brass bowls and birch-bark sap buckets." . . . This, I submit, is the sort of interpretive note that would have made valuable much that at present is inconse- quential—for example, the "maple sugar song" which, in its entirety, stands thus in The Path on the Rainbow: Maple sugar is the only thing that satisfies me. And, I should like to add by way of discourteous conclusion, a whole volume of footnotes would not have explained the inclusion of Carl Sandburg's "translation" of a non-existent Indian croon, the sentimental jingling of Miss Johnson's The Lost Lagoon, and the too frequent attempts to make an obvious primitive emotion look like a piece of preci- osity. New York City. Louis Untermeyer. Suicidal Sabotage Sir: Mr. Veblen's article on Sabotage in a recent Dial is the clearest and most complete arti- cle I have ever read on this subject, and I have ar- rived at the following conclusions: That production and distribution are regulated by price. Prices curtail the demand. If production is not curtailed and prices are lowered to relieve the market and meet the demand, dividends will be lowered to a de- gree that will make it too unprofitable, if not im- possible, for the capitalist to remain in business. On the other hand, if production continues to be curtailed so that prices can be kept high enough to guarantee the necessary margin of profit, an over- whelming discontent, unemployment, and extreme poverty for the masses will follow; and they are not going to starve. If machine guns are used to stop the discontent by wiping out the unemployed and the poverty-stricken, the population will be reduced tem- porarily and the problem would seem to be solved. However, with prices continuing high and the popu- lation again on the increase, those remaining would not have the money to meet the high prices and divi- dends would again be in danger. Production would therefore have to be further curtailed,/and more un- employed and poverty-stricken killed off. This pro- cess would have to go on indefinitely until there would be no people left except the capitalists and their satellites. The first method spells disaster for the capitalist, and the second means the same for both the capital- ists and the masses. What is the solution? Norfolk, Virginia. A. L. Bigler. Contributors Geroid Robinson, a Western newspaper man, was engaged in an industrial survey on the Pacific Coast during the early months of the war. After a half- year's service as a Personnel Officer in France, he has recently joined the staff of The Dial. William Leavitt Stoddard served during the war as an administrator of the National War Labor Board. His recently published volume, The Shop Committee, was noticed in The Dial for May 31, 1919 (page 580). Albert Newsome, author of Towards National Guilds, is one of the editors of The New Age, London. Stella Benson has published two novels—This is the End, reviewed in The Dial for August 16, 1917, and I Pose. A volume of her verse, Twenty, was reviewed in The Dial for December 14, 1918. William Henry Chamberlain is a graduate of Haverford College, where he specialized in history. Recently he has been associated with Philadelphia and New York newspapers. David Saville Muzzey is a professor of history at Columbia University, and literary editor of The Standard. He has published a number of books on theological and historical subjects; a Life of Thomas Jefferson is his latest volume. Grover Clark is an instructor in the Government School at Yamaguchi, Japan. P. H. Belknap has been at various times con- cerned with government surveying, volunteer serv- ice in the Spanish War, naval construction and Liberty Loan promotion in this war. Ida O'Neil is assistant professor of Romance Languages in Western Reserve University. The other contributors to this issue have previ- ously written for The Dial. 1919 3i THE DIAL Notes on New Books The Voice of Japanese Democracy. By Ozaki Yukio. 108 pages. Kelly & Walsh; Shanghai. To no single person more than to Mr. Ozaki Yukio (born in 1859 and early educated in Eng- lish, and a visitor to the United States) is the tri- umph of essential democracy, as described in this issue of The Dial, due. His book, issued in mid- July of last year, is an eloquent and forcible appeal for party government. With the skill of a veteran, this most fluent orator in the Diet, ex-minister of justice and ex-mayor of Tokio, wields the double- edged blade of invincible argument. He points to Great Britain as possessing the most stable govern- ment—because of party government—and he clinches every argument with a quotation from Japan's greatest emperor, whose life spanned the era of re-creation, from 1852 to 1912. As to its English dress, we feel quite sure that very few, if any, foreigners now living could excel the trans- lator, an international lawyer, J. E. de Becker, D.C.L. The method of reasoning is as worthy of study by an American reader as are the history and arguments here accurately and cogently presented. Mrs. Ozaki, the author's wife, is known to Americans as a poet and writer of charming folk- lore. Korean Treaties. Compiled by Henry Chung. 226 pages. Nichols. Mr. Chung has erected a monument to the mem- ory of the independence of his country. Beginning with the treaties of friendship, commerce, and navigation signed between Korea and the nations of Europe and America, he closes with the treaties with Japan, which sound the fatal going, going, gone. First there is the instrument of February 1904; in Article III of this treaty Japan agreed to "definitively guarantee the independence and territorial integrity of the Korean Empire." Next there is the compact of August 22, 1904, by which the Korean Government was required to engage financial and diplomatic advisers recommended by Japan. Then there is the agreement of April I, 1905, by which the system of communications of Korea was united with that of Japan; then the treaty of November 17, 1905, by which the for- eign affairs of Korea were transferred to Japan; then that of July 24, 1907, giving over the internal administration of Korea to Japan; and finally the treaty of annexation of August 29, 1910. A more complete record of international bad faith could not be made. We learn from the treaty between the United States and Korea of May 22, 1882 that these countries mutually pledged themselves as follows: "If other Powers deal unjustly or oppressively with either Government, the other will exert their good offices, on being informed of the case, to bring about an amicable arrangement." As witness to the honor of the United States, Mr. Chung is himself detained in this country by desire of the Japanese Govern- ment in order that he may not disturb the har- mony of the Peace Conference at Paris by rais- ing the question of the self-determination ol Korea. Peking Dust. By Ellen N. La Motte. 240 pages. Century. Miss La Motte writes in a natural and pic- turesque style, has courage good to see these days, and tells the truth as to doings in China—pleasing to read but unpleasant for those who are criticized. The author abhors cant. She detects the hollow professions of those who cry for democracy in Eu- rope and practice high-handedness in China. She dares point the finger of scorn at the French, who in Tientsin upset decency and fair play by the oc- cupation of Lao-Hsi-Kai, adjoining the "French Concessions." She heaps wrath on the British for inducing the Vice-President of China to purchase the opium left on their hands. She points out how China got into the war to uphold "the sanctity of international law "—a "flimsy pretext "—but she fails to state the part played here by the American Legation, probably because she depended somewhat on the good graces and kind favor of the American Minister. As to Japan she says: " the loudest out- cries against Japanese encroachments come from those nations that possess the widest spheres of in- fluence "—Britain and Russia. The author relieves the heaviness of political discussion by many spicy chapters, written in the form of letters, on all kinds of little topics such as "Donkeys Generally," "Chinese Houses," "A Dust-Storm," "A Bowl oi Porridge." Miss La Motte views things with a conscience: "The world contains a double stand- ard of international justice, for the East and the West." She thinks that China will yield, not to Japanese domination, but to " European aggression or 'civilization.'" Essays in Scientific Synthesis. By Eugenio Rignano. Translated by J. W. Greenstreet. 254 pages. Open Court Pub- lishing Co.; Chicago. This work exemplifies one of the most enviable phenomena of continental European culture—the versatility of intellectual interest. The encyclo- pedic knowledge that amazes us in a man like Wundt represents an extreme individual variation but in the direction of a quite general tendency. On a somewhat lower plane we find Kropotkin wrest- ling with geographical, biological, sociological prob- lems, including technical questions of agricultural procedure. And so down through the professional classes without creative aspirations to istically educated laborer, who is like! more about Darwinism and prir 32 July 12 THE DIAL our average college graduate. In the present vol- ume Signor Rignano, the editor of Scientia, proves himself ideally fitted for his task as manager of an intellectual clearing-house. Without exhibiting any striking originality, he has precisely those mental traits required for the organizer of a far-reaching intellectual cooperative scheme:—wide and thorough knowledge, sound judgment, and clarity of exposi- tion. His initial essay on The Role of the Theorist in the sciences of Biology and Sociology is admirably to the point in explaining the pitfalls of restricted specialist study. He rightly argues that the despised theorist, being less likely to fall prey to professional bias, may be capable of judging the most general problems of science with greater sanity. The re- mairfder of Rignano's book is devoted to a demon- stration of his contention with reference to a number of basic questions. The chapters on What Is Consciousness?, The Religious Phenomenon, and Historic Materialism may be mentioned as especially attractive. Altogether the volume may be recom- mended for the consideration of all seriously inclined readers. Racial Factors in Democracy. By Philip Ainsworth Means. 278 pages. Marshall Jones; Boston. This is a well-intentioned but rather immature attempt to apply anthropological principles to the disentanglement of latter-day perplexities. Mr. Means has succeeded in casting off the shackles of racial snobbishness and his plea for what he calls "race-appreciation" merits serious consideration in this age of shopworn Chamberlainisms. It has, moreover, the support of the sanest scientific opin- ion. Where Mr. Means fails is not in his attitude towards alien cultures, but in his position towards his own. Here he is still very far from having at- tained the objectivity of the dispassionate student. His comments on democracy and Bolshevism are merely facile re-echoings of the growls of the reac- tionary press. Why not rather approach these topics in the disinterested spirit with which he regards the architecture of aboriginal Central America and Peru—with eagerness to discern new values, clothed though they be in unfamiliar forms? The book bristles with references, which jointly form a very useful bibliography of anthropological literature. Green Valley. By Katherine Reynolds. 287 pages. Little, Brown. To any one who has lived in a Middle Western village this appreciative romance will be most wel- come. There is the shoemaker's shop, the post- office, the hardware store; there are one or two mansions, and scores of cottages, with tiger lilies in the front yard and a whiff of cinnamon buns around by the back door; and they are all bound together by long association and the rapid tongue of friendly gossip. Unfortunately the story has a blindly op- timistic coloring; affairs are settled in the right way by a gifted tactician or two, always at hand. But this tone is probably explained by the fact that the book was written merely as a diversion, to make the thousands of miles between the heart of South America and Green Valley seem shorter to a home- sick mid-Westerner. The plot is a simple one; everything comes out right, as you know it will. The characters are almost too good to be true; they stand on the opposite end of the seesaw from the Spoon Riverites. The flavor is "folksy" and crisp, like that of an old-fashioned caraway cookie. Experiments In International Adminis- tration. By Francis 'Bowes Sayre. 201 pages. Harper. No one can tell what sort of a League of Na- tions will emerge from present attempts; no one can tell whether it will succeed or fail; but some information as to its possibilities, and some hope for its ultimate successs, can be found in Mr. Sayre's book. Two sorts of international organizations are discussed: those in which the primary purpose is the maintenance of peace, and those in which some de- tails of governmental administration are put into the hands of an international group. The second type of organization has several successes to its credit; especially when the national sovereignties affected have seen fit to give sufficient power to the organization, and have assembled the elements of the organization with some thought for the actual needs of the situation. Sovereignties have developed these international organs of administration only under force of necessity, and the point of develop- ment reached by any one of them has been directly proportional to the degree of necessity in a par- ticular situation. Consequently, the conclusion seems to be that in spite of the invariable failure of the international leagues to maintain peace, this type of organization must eventually succeed, because of the absolute necessity for its success. The League of Nations will become an actuality then because of necessity—but will it succeed? It will fail in the same way that the past experiments have failed, if like those experiments it is based upon injustice. Of course, the justice of the terms on which the League is formed is also to be interpreted in the light of necessity. It is safe to say that the justice of the arrangements will vary directly with the necessities of the situation. What kind of justice or injustice is meant? If the justice is to be measured by the necessities for maintaining peace, should it not be called expediency instead of justice? And expediency for whom becomes an additional ques- tion. It is no part of the essay to answer these questions, or many similar ones. Mr. Sayre merely states what has been done, (it must be said that his statement is complete enough for general purpose), and the reader may draw conclusions as he will. 1919 33 THE DIAL New Open Court Books LETTERS TO TEACHERS By Hartley B. Alexander President Elect of the American Philo- sophical Society. A collection of papers addressed to all who realize the importance of a critical recon- struction of public education in America. Cloth $1.25. EDUCATION IN ANCIENT ISRAEL By Fletcher H. Swift University of Minnesota. This book is the first attempt in English to give a full account of the debt which Christendom owes to Judaism for its re- ligious and educational conceptions, stand- ards and ideals. Cloth $1.25. ANATOLE FRANCE By Lewis Piaget Shanks Assistant Professor of Romance Lan- guages and Literatures in the University of Wisconsin. This book is of great present interest be- cause this Frenchman long ago responded to problems of social reorganization, democratic world-policy, war and a lasting peace— foreseeing many of the rational solutions now eyerywhere discussed. Cloth $1.50. RIVAL PHILOSOPHIES OF JESUS AND PAUL By Ignatius Singer The author's contention is that there are two distinct and mutually destructive philos- ophies in the Gospels, one by Jesus and one by Paul. He vindicates the philosophy of Jesus on scientific grounds, but rejects the Christology of Paul as unhistorical and irrational. Cloth $2.00. THE PHILOSOPHY OF B*RTR*ND R*SS*LL By Philip E. B. Jourdain An amazing volume of delicate irony which exposes much solemn humbug in philosophy. Cloth $1.00. WANDERINGS IN THE ORIENT By Albert M. Reese An illustrated trip to the Orient delight- fully interrupted by amusing incidents of personal character. Especially life in Hawaii and the Philippine Islands is de- scribed as a very fair imitation of Paradise. Cloth $1.00. The Open Court Publishing Company 122 South Michigan Avenue, Chicago, 111. Selections from Boswell's Life of Samuel Johnson Chosen by R. W. CHAPMAN $1.60 Readers who like to drop out of the cur- rent rush for a quiet hour with men of let- ters of an earlier day will relish these pic- tures of the 17th century. The celebrated figures stand out boldly; distinct in their genius and alive with the brilliance of their wit. Mr. Chapman has selected only the choicest portions and the whole gives a true picture of Johnson's character and of the Johnsonian circle. FIFTY VOLUNTEERS WANTED to enlist as candidates for the Christian Ministry in a campaign for a Reconstructed Church and Nation in the spirit which won the victory at Chateau-Thierry and St. Mihiel. Such volunteers are needed at once in the liberal pulpits of America, and may be trained for efficient service at the MEADVILLE THEOLOGICAL SCHOOL Mcadville, Pa. Autumn Quarter begins Sept. 24. Summer Quarter (at Chicago) begins June 16. Summer sessions at the expense of the School at the Uni- versity of Chicago. Liberal scholarship aid. Traveling fellowships providing for further study at foreign universities available at graduation. Apply to ^9 Rer. F. C. Southworth, DJ)., LL.D., President When writing ts advertisers pleast meatUa The Dial. 34 July 12 THE DIAL The Land and the Soldier. By Frederic C. Howe. 196 pages. Scribner. From War to Peace. By Herbert Quick. 278 pages. Bobbs-Merrill. If the present administration has any reconstruc- tion policy one must look for it in the two books which Messrs. Howe and Quick have prepared un- der the pressure of the national emergency. Both men have been members of the executive; they have been in sympathy with the president; they are ac- quainted with official Washington; and they survey the economic situation through the earnest spectacles of Henry George. It follows that their plans for reconstruction are limited to but one aspect of the economic problem: that which concerns the exploita- tion of land. And since the problems of industrial organization can by no sleight of hand be reduced to this single basis, the authors have severally kept to a discussion of the rural aspect of reconstruction. Within their limits (and the field is no small one) there is a touch of freshness in these surveys of the land problem. As good single taxers the authors are canny enough to perceive that the old-fashioned cry of "no land," and the old-fashionad remedy of "open up the idle waste land," simply hide the fact that good land remains idle because of its unsocial appropriation for purposes of speculative monopoly. Reclaiming marshes, cut-over areas, and dry lands is an expensive substitute for a sound economic pol- icy of land distribution; and both authors are agreed to accept and work for none but the honest social policy of opening up for development those excel- lent farm lands which now repose unused, or but partially exploited, in the hands of country gentle- men, real estate speculators, golf clubs, and im- poverished tenant farmers. A good deal of this most valuable unused land lies in the vicinity of our great cities (see for example the federal soil survey of the western Long Island area) and the policy of using it links up with another opinion which Messrs. Howe and Quick hold in common. They believe that land settlements, whether of foreign im- migrants or of returned soldiers, should not be made by single-handed individuals after the pioneer fashion but by communities, on the plan developed in the Australia and California enterprises. They offer this community policy on economic grounds, touch- ing the cheapness of raw materials in bulk and the possibilities of large scale mechanical organization in preparing and cultivating the ground; and they substantiate it by showing the need in rural life for urban elements in education, recreation, and political intercourse in order to attract and to hold the city- bent settler. It is not a rural community, but a "rurban " community, to use a term coined by the Wisconsin School, that these reformers would de- velop by a socially directed land policy. Readers who wish to see what can be said in enlightened op- position to these plans by an apostle of a refurbished individualism should consult the numerous works of Mr. Liberty Hyde Bailey. The Way to Victory. By Philip Gibbs. 2 vols., 676 pages. Doran. If Philip Gibbs were dead The Way to Victory would be his monument. Were The Menace and The Repulse, the two final volumes of Gibbs' war despatches, not so sure of the active interest rather than the negligent admiration of posterity, one might be tempted to call them classics. Even the stale- ness of a statesman's peace cannot take away from the reader the tang and sparkle of his day to day descriptions of the conflict, moving swiftly from one theater of war to another, and yet always managing to penetrate beneath the stage trappings and masks and to sympathize with those personal dramas whose importance the great mass formations of battle tended to obscure. This is not to say that Gibbs neglects the military movements along the way to victory: he surveys the whole panorama of warfare and illustrates the critical positions with maps. The point is however that he does not stop with the materials of the commander-in-chief's re- ports: he uses them merely as a dressmaker's dummy on which he drapes the colored robes of life. There were heroes before Agamemnon, and war corre- spondents before Philip Gibbs, but there is an Homeric quality in the Englishman's quick and forthright narrative, a quality submerged in other writers by the pat interests and attitudes of com- monplace journalism; and after the mechanical elements of the conflict are forgotten Gibbs' despatches will be remembered for the reason that they dealt with the most tenuous and feeble ele- ments of the whole war, the minds and moods of men. These are the only materials from which enduring things may be made. The People's Part in Peace. Ordway Tead. 176 pages. Holt. After six months of Versailles diplomacy and eloquence Mr. Tead's book is unpleasant reading— a patient effort to describe a vanishing point. When these pages were put together we were all talking of the people's part in peace; it was an ingredient in the necessary anesthesia of war. Now we are coming out of ether, and find the real world very much as it was before the bloody operation and the -dream. The people are playing as great a part in the peace settlement as the diplomats played at the front. And precisely those factors in the war situation are now neglected which to Mr. Tead some months ago seemed to be the logical and in- evitable basis of an international order—namely, the instruments and methods of international economy in the purchase of raw materials, the distribution of products, the export of capital, and the control of the world's shipping. For these and other pur- poses the United States and " the associated govern- ments" had created supernational bodies authorita- tively coordinating the production and distribution of the military and economic necessities of war. Now none so poor to do these bodies reverence; 1919 35 THE DIAL LEO TOLSTOY'S The Pathway of Life (In Two Volumes). Translated by Archibald J. Wolfe "THE PATHWAY OF LIFE" Is Tolstoy's posthu- mous message to a war-torn suffering; world. It Is the Gospel of right living and right thinking and offers the great philosopher's panacea against world wars and misery, helping mankind to eradicate all those false feelings, desires and doctrines, personal, social, economic and religious, which are responsible for the present plight of humanity. Price $2.00 each volume. International Book Publishing Co., 5 Beekman Street, New York CLEAN SECOND-HAND (SURPLUS LD3RARY) BOOKS We hold one of the largest stocks in London, includ- ing In addition to recent works MANY OLDER BOOKS WHICH ARE NOW OUT OF PRINT. Send for our sale list (which gives the date of pub- lication and condition of Books offered) copies post free. DAY'S LIBRARY, LTD. (The oldest established circulating library In London) 96 MOUNT ST., LONDON, W. 1 ENG. THE MODERN LIBRARY OF THE WORLDS BEST BOOKS Sljty-fonr titles now published—14 new volumes Just Issued. The Dial says "There la scarcely a title that (alls to awaken Interest. The series Is doubly welcome at this time" —only 70c. a volume wherever books are sold. Catalog on request. BONI A. LIVERIGHT, 105H W. 40th Street, New York ALICE KAUSER ££33 1402 BROADWAY, NEW YORK (Established is*) MOTION PICTURE DEPT., R. L. Giffen, Manager ROMEJKE FOR AUTHORS operates a special literary department as complete in every detail as an entire i PRESS CLIPPING BUREAU Having the use of our International facilities this depart- ment is known and patronized by as many authors and publishers as make up the entire clientele of an ordinary bureau. With our exceedingly large patronage It is necessary for us to maintain a standard of efficiency and service which cannot be approached by bureaux that devote their efforts to the acquiring of new sub- scribers without thought for those they have. An Ineffi- cient press clipping service will prove irritating, so don't experiment. Use the reliable ROME1KE 108-110 Seventh Avenue NEW YORK ESTABLISHED 1881 BOOK BARGAINS ^ We have just issued a new edition of our Catalogue of Book Bargains in which several hundred books (new, and in perfect condition) are listed at unusually low prices. Write for a copy THE BAKER & TAYLOR CO. Wholesale Dealer* In the Bovks 0/ All Publishers S84 Fourth Ave, New York At Twenty-Sixth St. Whatever book you want has it, or will get it. We buy old, rare books, and sets of books NEW YORK and PHILADELPHIA ifcputnaitt Bookstore 2wc*t45,kSt",S.N.Y. Book Buyers who cannot get satisfactory* local service, are urged to establish relations with our bookstore. We handle every kind of book, wherever published. Questions about literary matters answered promptly. We have customers in nearly every part of the globe. Safe delivery guaranteed to any address. Our bookselling experience extends over 80 years. When writing to advertisers please mention Thi Dial. 36 July 12 THE DIAL the old game of uncontrolled competition is re- stored—catch-as-catch-can, and let the most aggres- sive and unscrupulous survive. The flight of events has made Mr. Tead's book already historical and academic; but the day may come when some other men than the antediluvian Prussians of Paris will forge a world order; and then the work done in this volume will have its use and its reward. Morale and Its Enemies. By William Ernest Hocking. 200 pages. Yale University Press. An intelligence warm and affirmative here ana- lyzes the foundation of morale in war, with the idea that in peace some of the same psychological factors may be employed to the benefit of the nation. Mr. Hocking examined kindly all forms of divided mind that weakened our war resolution and advised their cure by reason rather than repression. War aims must be- sincerely stated and restated, the motes in our own eye must be so far as possible removed, drill and all military routine should be rendered intelligible to the soldier by an explanation of their symbolism—these are examples of his attitude. It is not exactly the attitude of an apologist, but it is that of a man eager to throw about the effort in which one happens to be engaged in a sustaining ideology. No one can deny Mr. Hocking's inti- macy with his subject or the substantial sound- ness of his analysis, but the existence of the astrin- gent mood which accompanies a great group effort actually did prevent and would always in similar circumstances prevent most people from exercising his method and moderation. One feels that under his touch not only war but revolution, Calvinism, or any extreme mode of action or state of mind could be made to appear pleasant or at least profit- able, whatever its intrinsic validity. This gives his advice a tone, perhaps not of unreality, but at least of futility. The premise of the book that it is a sense of the greatness of the object which carries one through the most difficult tasks, and that for the better accomplishment of these tasks that sense must be so elaborated as to weave through all one's minor experiences is incontrovertible. Yet the per- fect criticism of the book as a conscious effort to inculcate the technique of morale lies in one of Mr. Hocking's own sentences: "As a state of the will of free men, morale can only be evolved by the man himself, his own reaction to his own data." Mr. Hocking, for instance, would have made a far greater contribution to the morale of the war if he had urged that war aims should be stated, not in order to improve morale, but for the sincere and naive reason that nothing but the highest aims are worth fighting for. The morale of peace likewise can be sustained not by any such makeshifts as the retention of military training, but by the adoption of a supreme object and the molding of the national iife for its attainment. Books of the Fortnight The Vested Interests, and the State of the Industrial Arts, by Thornstein Veblen (183 pages; Huebtch), presents in book form the series of articles that appeared, slightly abridged, in The Dial between October 19, 1918 and January 25, 1919; under the general title The Modern Point of View and the New Order. (Review later.) New Fallacies of Midas, by Cyril E. Robinson (294 pages; McBride), is a study of the main principles of economic and social theory in the light of the ideals advanced by the individualist, the socialist, and the syndicalist. The author has both a thesis to establish and a theory to expound, but he attempts to escape the logical aridity of the textbook as well as the special pleading of the propagandist monograph. (Review later.) How to Face Peace, by Gertrude Shelby (311 pages; Holt), outlines the elements of a community program of reconstruction. The twenty-seven chapter headings are in the form of imperatives: Forward Reeduca- tion! Use Community Labor Boards! Catch Health! Build Anew! and so forth. The matter is not new, but it is freshly and succinctly restarted. The ap- pended program of discussion and list of books should be useful. New Schools for Old, by Evelyn Dewey (337 pages; Dutton), makes a contribution at once to the rural life movement and to socialized education. It de- scribes how a single teacher employed the latent resources in a stagnant Missouri farming community so as to make the school serve the community, and the life of the community center about the school. (Review later.) The Place of Agriculture in Reconstruction, by James B. Morman (374 pages; Dutton), is a comparative study of the programs for land settlement in various countries. The author is assistant secretary of the Federal Farm Loan Board. (Review later.) Present Problems in Foreign Policy, by David Jayne Hill (361 pages; Appleton), discusses the League of Nations program in the light of old-fashioned repub- lican principles. It is difficult to decide which is worse—the League itself or Mr. Hill's reason for opposing it. (Review later.) What Happened to Europe, by Frank A. Vanderlip (188 pages; Macmillan), is "the sort of talk" about European economic and political conditions that the author " might give to a friend ... if there were the opportunity to converse at sufficient length." (Review later.) Albania, by Constantine A. Chekrezi (255 pages; Mac- millan), purports to be the first work of its kind in English upon this little-known country. It begins with an historical survey, follows the dealings of latter-day diplomacy from the Balkan Alliance t» the end of the Great War, and concludes with a valuable section on geographic and economic condi- tions. (Review later.) Japan and World Peace, by K. K. Kawakami (19* pages; Macmillan), is an apology for Japanese real- politik. Mr. Kawakarmi's presentation of Japan's case against China will probably diminish the effects of his just criticism of Japanese-American relation-. i9i9 37 THE DIAL A SCHOOL THAT STUDIES LIFE The Training School for Community Workers Reorganized on the Cooperative Plan JOHN COLLIER, Director Id an eight months' course the School prepares stu- dents to meet the demand for trained workers in Communities, Industrial Welfare Organizations, Public Schools, Churches and Colleges. Also offers short courses for trained workers already In the field and for volunteers. Address for full Information. MISS A. A. FEEEMAN Room 1001. 79 Fiflh A»««, NEW TOBK CUT NUMBERS—Groyer Theis Five One-Act Plays of Distinction and Power Boards. (1.35 net NICHOLAS L. BROWN, Publisher 80^I,Yno^nclf;e- THE WAR AND PREACHING By Rev. Dr. John Kelman (Lyman Beecher Lectures Delivered at the School-of Religion, Tale University.) Just published. Paper boards, $1.26. YALE UNIVERSITY PRESS, New Haven, Connecticut 280 Madison Avenue, New York City An unusual novel THE UNDEFEATED 121A Printing $1.50 net By J. C. SNAITH This is an Appleton Book CIVILIZATION By Georges Duhamel Woo the Goncourt Prize for 1916. Masterly fiction presenting the French •oldier <■ he it. Price Si JO. Published by THE CENTURY CO., New York A GENTLE CYNIC TL ; the Book Ecclealastes By MORRIS JASTROW, JR.. Ph.D.. LL.D., Author of "The War and the Basdad Railway," etc. Small 4to. 12.00 net A dengbUully human book on the Omar Khayyam or the Bible with an exact translation ot tbe original text. Bow It came to be written and woo wrote It (and It was not Solomon), why additions were made to the original text and the whole Interesting story is here given. J. 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Single copies, 5 cents; lots of 1000, $25.00; 500, $15.00 A Voice Out of Russia This 48-page pamphlet contains the strik- ing material on Russia which The Dial has been publishing within recent months. Single copies, 10 cent's; lots of 1000, $40.00; 500, $25.00 Sabotage—By Thorstein Veblen We have had so many requests for Mr. Veblen** incisive article On The Nature and Uses of Sabotage that we have made a twenty-four-page reprint of it to facilitate its wider distribution. Single copies, 5 cents; lots of 1000, $30.00; 500, $10.00 THE DIAL PUBLISHING CO. 152 West 13th Street New York, N. Y. OUR PRESIDENTS From Washington to Wilson, official Portrait and Biographical sketch of each. Complete In cloth port- folio. Published to bcII at $10.00. Our Price S8c By Mall $1.20 McDEVITT-WILSON'S, INC—Booksellers 30 Church St 55 Vesey St. A novel of real charm and interest OUR WONDERFUL SELVES By Roland Pertwee "Stands out in a collection of average novels." —Philadelphia Press. (1.75 at all book shops Alfred A. Knopf, 220 West 42d street New York U1Q1 /\ fi The Memoirs of Avl *T Viscount French "The most important book on land fighting published In English. . . . Destined to be read and quoted a hundred years hence." Frontispiece and maps, $6.00 net. HOUGHTON MIFFLIN COMPANY, BOSTON "A WONDERFUL BOOK "—Chicago Dally New, BLIND ALLEY SSkS "' Blind Alley' Is an extraordinary novel. But it's more than that. It is a cry In the night."—Chicago Dally News. 431 pages. (1.75 net. LITTLE, BROWN * COMPANY, Publishers. Boston )WN * OOMPd When writing to advertisers please mentt 38 July 12 THE DIAL The Problem of the Pacific, by C. Brunsdon Fletcher (254 pages; Holt), seeks to show the part that four great powers have played during the past century in bidding for the political supremacy of the more aqueous half of the globe. (Review later.) The Russian Collapse, by Boris Kadomtzeff (63 pages; Russian Mercantile and Industrial Corporation), attempts to account for the disruption of Russia's economic system on the grounds that it resulted from an initial misapprehension as to the length of the war, and that it was given the final coup de grace by the blockade. Written from an anti-socialist, anti- revolutionary point of view. History of Germany in the Nineteenth Century, by Heinrich von Treitschke (653 pages; McBride), covers the decade 1830—1840. It is a translation by Edan and Cedar Paul, with an introduction by William Harbutt Dawson, of the Fifth volume of this monumental historical survey, of which earlier volumes were reviewed by Max Sylvius Handman in The Dial for August 30, 1917. (Review later.) 1914, by Viscount French (386 pages; Houghton Mifflin), describes the operations of the armies under his com- mand in the first critical days of the war. The narrative leads up to an apology for the overthrow of Asquith's government, following the famous Times disclosure of the munition shortage, inspired by the ■ General himself, and it is therefore fittingly dedi- cated to Lloyd George, who seems to have anticipated the compliment by bestowing the viscountcy. (Re- view later.) The Dardanelles Campaign, by H. W. Nevinson (427 pages; Holt), is a well-ordered, fairly well-illus- trated, and fairly well-mapped account of one of the supreme failures of the war. Incidentally it is an apology for tfie strategic conception of this attack. (Review later.) The Life of John Redmond, by Warre B. Wells (282 pages; Doran), carries the reader through a gene- ration of Home Rule politics, as embodied in the personal career of the famous Irish parliamentarian. There is no pretense that this essay is a definitive biography. (Review later.) The Journal of a Disappointed Man, by W. M. P. Bar- bellion (312 pages; Doran), the intimate diary of an egotist who for twenty-seven years defends his joy in living, and his passionate ambition to be recognized as a zoologist, from the march of a fatal disease—has its share of the inevitable dull pages; but its quality is blunt, realistic (if sometimes pathological), and provocative. More than one Eng- lishman has been suspected of hiding behind this pseu- donym; one wonders whether it were not more profit- able to ascertain who edited it. (Review later.) The Iron Hunter, by Chase S. Osborn (316 pages; Mac- millan), is the autobiography of a man who made ore-prospecting his business, and politics, as governor of Michigan, his avocation. A book that might pass as canal-boy-to-president fiction were it not for the blood and iron element. Truth, by Sir Charles Walston (233 pages; Cambridge University Press), is an examination, from the stand- point of "practical idealism," of the application of the principle of veracity in political, social, and religious life. (Review later.) Set Down in Malice, by Gerald Cumberland (286 pages; Brentano), proves that the author knows—or knows something about—a very great number of English notables in politics and the arts. The book is some- times brilliant, often annoying, always stimulating. (Review later.) The War and Men's Minds, by Victoria de Bunsen (185 pages; Lane), examines the foundations of religious belief, in the light of Victorian and contemporary criticism. The war does not point any religious moral to Mrs. de Bunsen—it only adorns the tale. The Realities of Modern Science, by John Mills (327 pages; Macmillan), is a well-organized account of the concepts and methods of physical science for the reader who "finds few clews to recent advances in his memories of the formal instruction of school or college days." Inventions of the Great War, by A. Russell Bond (337 pages; Century), is an account of war's perversion of the inventive genius. Youths of a mechanical turn of mind will enjoy reading it and should by all means be prevented from doing so. # The Book of the National Parks, by Robert Sterling Yard (420 pages; Scribner), is a piece of pardonable propaganda by the Chief of the Educational Division of the National Park Service. Mr. Yard is given to superlatives, but the scenes he talks about demand them. The book is handsomely illustrated with photographs and maps. The Grizzly, by Enos A. Mills (289 pages; Houghton Mifflin), is an account of the author's experiences with this canny animal over a period of thirty years. "The species impresses one with its superiority, and the individuality of each grizzly ever stands out." The stories, collectively and severally, give the same impression. The Solitary, by James Oppenheim (147 pages; Huebsch), has for dedication the poet's fine tribute to Randolph Bourne, from The Dial of January II. The volume contains two general groups—Songs Out of Solitude and Songs Out of Multitude—the free-verse drama Night (produced by the Provlncetown Players), and a long poem called The Sea. (Review later.) Small Things, by Margaret Deland (326 pages; Apple- ton), seems a dangerously good book. It gives the author's impressions of France in 1917 and 1918; impressions lucid and quick with sympathy, written in those moods of fierce exaltation and generous anger and sharp astonishment which the ardor of conflict and the presence of danger awoke. The sketches do not carry further than September 1918. and there is no hint of the disillusion which was to follow. (Review later.) La Bodega, by Vicente Blasco Ibanez (368 pages; Dut- ton), is this week's Ibanez. The book will be re- viewed at an early date, in connection with other progeny of this prolific Spanish pen. The Haunted Bookshop, by Christopher Morley (289 pages; Doubleday, Page), reveals a genial assort- ment of literary gossip enmeshed in the tangles of a belated spy plot. The transparency of the intrigue is of slight consequence, however, compared with the flavor of a diversified bookish intelligence which each page exhales. (Review later.) '919 THE DIAL 39 The Line-up! on one side— on the other— reaction' progress violence order war without end peace ON WHICH SIDE OF THE LINE ARE YOU? The Dial believes that the only way out of the present world chaos lies straight forward along the path of industrial and economic evolution. Reaction breeds hatred and hysteria and compels violence. Sane inquiry and investigation of the principles of industrial control and their practical application lead to progress and not revolution. If you are looking ahead and not back you will need the constructive dis- cussion of these problems, which is the outstanding characteristic of The Dial's editorial policy. SPECIAL SUMMER SUBSCRIPTION OFFER We will enter during the month of July a six months' subscription and send postpaid the remarkable novel, "THE GREAT HUNGER," on receipt of $2.00. (Published by Moffat, Yard & Co. at $1.60 net.) A SAVING TO YOU OF $1.10. GOOD ONLY FOR NEW SURSCRIBERS. "THE GREAT HUNGER" is one of the most notable books of the spring season. It is a story of spiritual struggle and development peculiarly timely in its appeal. "So touchingly searching and sincere that it interested me from the first page to the last."—John Galsworthy "The reader can raise his hands in thankfulness and thank the powers of Truth and Beauty for 'The Great Hunger.' "—Boston Transcript. Special July Offer THE DIAL, 152 West 13th Street, New York City. Enclosed find two dollars for a six months' subscription and a copy of Johan Bojer's "The Great Hunger." This is a new subscription. (Foreign and Canadian postage, 25 cents additional.) The Dial, 6 months, $1.50 "The Great Hunger," 1.60 $3.10 D/7/12 = When writing to adrertuer* plcaie mention The Dial. 4-Q THE DIAL My m A VALUABLE ADDITION TO THE LIST OF BOOKS ON RECONSTRUCTION IS The Place of Agriculture in Reconstruction A Study of National Programs of Land Settlement By JAMES B. MORMAN, Assistant Secretary of the Federal Farm Loan Board With tbe Idea of formulating a practical program of land settlements In the United States for discharged soldiers, sailors, and marines tbe author has collected and laid before his readers in detail tbe solutions to the problem which have been tried or are now being tried in foreign countries, notably Great Britain, France and Canada. Analysing and relating to American circumstances this experience of others, Mr. Morman alms to point out those definite conditions which will make for success, and others, among them some already proposed measures, which can only result In failure. It Is a singularly valuable book, compounded of accurate informa- tion, sensible reasoning and a democratic spirit of helpfulness. Net, $2.00 The State and the Nation By EDWARD JENKS A simple, concise and direct statement of the necessary functions of Government outlining the historical development of that sense of community Interest and responsibility upon which true citizenship depends. The author's "Short History of Politics" Is a widely-used text-book, and he has written also a book on "Law and Politics In the Middle Ages." Net, $2.00 The Freedom of the Seas By LOUISE FARGO BROWN A systematic tracing, through old treaties and other documents, the meaning given In the past to this somewhat loosely-used phrase. It Is very useful as an aid to clearness In future discussions, and to the Student of the subject Its bibliography la simply Invaluable. Net, $2.00 A Society of States By W. T. S. STALLYBRASS An analysis of the much-discussed subject of a league of nations showing that such an agreement Is a logical development In International politics, no more limiting the* Individuality of a nation than many another treaty which has In the past been freely undertaken. Net, $2.00 The Science of Labor and Its Organization By DR. JOSEFA IOTEYKO The author Is a recognized authority on physical fitness for work, the measurement of fatigue, the sources of labor, etc., in France and In Belgium, where, before the war, the technical schools were the best In the world. Net. $1.60 New Schools for Old By EVELYN DEWEY The book Is an interesting account of the application by Mrs. Harvey of community Ideals to the regen- eration of the Porter School, a one-room, run-down country school in Missouri. Its problems were used as the starting-point for the development of a healthy community spirit. It Is the record of one of the most Important and successful educational experiments of the century. Net, $2.00 Schools of To-morrow By JOHN DEWEY and EVELYN DEWEY A general survey of the best work that is being carried on today In America as educational experi- ments. Net, $1.60 New York Times: Undoubtedly the most significant educational record of the day. New York Tribune: The most Informing study of educational conditions that has appeared In twenty years. San Francisco Chronicle: Not a cut-and-drled handbook of educational theory ... a helpful, Inspiring book. Creative Impulse in Industry By HELEN MAROT A Proposition for Educators. Professor JOHN DEWEY In an extended review In The New Republic de- scribes this as "the most sincere and courageous attempt yet made to face the problem of an education adapted to a modern society which must be Industrial and would like to be democratic." Net, $1.60 Labor and Reconstruction in Europe By ELISHA M. FRIEDMAN Mr. Friedman, editor of that valuable symposium "American Problems in Reconstruction," in this book describes Impartially the means undertaken or proposed In sixteen countries, belligerent and neutral, to deal with reconstruction In labor matters. It Is of value to employment managers, directors of corpora- tions, and students of labor problems and of the effects of the war. Net, $2.50 "For those who are patriotic enough to be constructive. It Is a work of inestimable value."—The Public. Labor in the Changing World By R. M. McIVER A study of the place of labor In the Industrial world, aiming at bringing about such a co-operation as shall prevent the accumulation of excessive wealth on one hand and the existence of dangerous dependence on the other. To be published in July. Germany's New War Against America By STANLEY FROST A warning against the menace of Germany's Industrial and commercial plans to attack American business. Ready in July. POSTAGE EXTRA. ORDER r p niTTTniM S, POMP A NY 681 F1FTH AVENUE FROM ANT BOOKSTORE "• * • VU 1 11/11 Ot V,UlTlr/\H I NEW T 0 R K TUB WILLIAM8 FKIOTINO COMPANY, NSW YOBK "•tHE NEW*YORK PUiUOtltRKW CIRCULATION DEPARTMENT 1?51k 6TRSIT ESANCH, 224 EAST 125ft ST. Labor and the State THE DIAL A FORTNIGHTLY VOL. LXVII NEW YORK NO. 795 JULY 26, 1919 Women in British Industry G. D. H. Cole 45 Two Canals. Verse Agnes Lee 47 Collective Bargaining in Politics Geroid Robinson 48 Swamp or Civilization? Walter B. Pitkin 51 The Irish Renaissance—Renascent Ernest A. Boyd 53 An Irishman's Burden •. . George Donlin 55 July 4, 1919. Verse Babette Deutsch 56 Baseball Morris R. Cohen 57 What is the Good of History? James Harvey Robinson 58 The Status of the State Lewis Mumford 59 Two Iconoclasts: Veblen and Vanderlip .... Robert L. Duf us 62 The Old Order and the New 65 Casual Comment 68 COMMUNICATIONS: To Mary Carolyn Davies.—Revolutionary Manners, American 'JO and Russian.—Writing to The Times.—An Early Defier of Royalty. NOTES ON NEW BOOKS: The Wild Swans of Coole.—Abraham Lincoln, the Practical 72 Mystic.—New Fallacies of Midas.—The Haunted Bookshop.—A History of the Great WTar.—Forty Days of 1914.—The Dardanelles Campaign.—1914.—Sketches and Reviews.— Voltaire in His Letters. Books of the Fortnight 76 i he Dial (founded in 1880 by Francis F. Browne) 11 published every other Saturday by The Dial Publishing Com- pany, Inc.—Martjra Johnson, President—at 152 West Thirteenth Street, New York, N. Y. Entered as Second Class matter at the Post Office at New York, N. Y., August 3, 1918, under the act of March 3, 1897. Copyright, 1919, by The Dial Publishing Company, Inc. Foreign Postage, SO cents. $3.00 a Year IS Cents a Copy 42 July 26 THE DIAL IMPORTANT INVESTIGATIONS IN THE NATURE OF PSYCHICAL FORCES, HERALDING NEW IDEAS ON THE CONSTITUTION OF MATTER Experiments in Psychical Science By W. J. CRAWFORD, D. Sc., Author of "The Reality of Psychic Phenomena" "If experience verifies the conclusions in these little books they contain far the most impor- tant contributions yet made to our knowledge of Telekinesis, are not without suggestiveness regarding Telepsychosis and the spiritistic hypothesis, and will place Dr. Crawford in the very front rank of contributors to science," says the Editor of The Unpartisan Review. ! Net, $2.00 The Place of Agriculture in Reconstruction By JAMES B. MORMAN Tho author. Assistant Secretary of the Federal Farm Loan Board, presents and analyzes the measures tried by other countries, notably Great Britain, France and Canada, to solve the problems of land settlement for discharged soldiers, sailors and marines, and there relates the experience of these others to American conditions. An exceptionally valuable book. Net, $2.00 Comparative Education A Survey of the Educational System in each of Six Repre- sentative Countries. Edited by PETER SAND I FORD, Associate Professor of Education, University of Toronto The Surveys Included are: The United States, by WM, F. RUSSELL. University of Iowa; Germany, by I. L. KANDEL, Ph.D., Teachers' College, Columbia University; England, by the Editor; France, by ARTHUR H. HOPE, Headmaster of the Roan School for Boys, Greenwich, England; Canada, by the Editor; Denmark, by HAROLD W. FOGHT, Ph.D., Specialist In Rural Education, U. S. Bureau of Education. Net. J4.00 The State and the Nation By EDWARD JENKS A simple, concise and direct statement of the necessary functions of Government outlining: the historical development of that sense of community interest and responsibility upon which true citizenship depends. The author's "Short History of Politics" Is a widely-used text-book, and he has written also a book on "Law and Politics In the Middle Ages." Net, $2.00 The Freedom of the Seas By LOUISE FARGO BROWN A systematic tracing, through old treaties and other documents, the meaning given In the past to this somewhat loosely-used phrase. It Is very useful as an aid to clearness In future discussions, and to the Student of the subject Its bibliography Is simply Invaluable. Net, $2.00 The Science of Labor and Its Organization By DR. JOSEFA IOTEYKO The author is a recognized authority on physical fitness for work, the measurement of fatigue, the sources of labor, etc., In France and In Belgium, where, before the war, the technical schools were the best In the world. Net. $1.80 New Schools for Old By EVELYN DEWEY The book Is an interesting account of the application by Mrs. Harvey of community Ideals to the regenera- tion of the Porter School, a one-room, run-down country school in Missouri. Its problems were used as the starting-point for the development of a healthy community spirit. It Is the record of one of the most important and successful educational experiments of the century. Germany's New War Against America By STANLEY FROST A warning against the menace of Germany's Industrial and commercial plans to attack American business. With an Introduction by A. MITCHELL, PALMER, formerly Allen Property Custodian, and an endorse- ment by the present Custodian, FRANCIS P. GARVAN. Net. 12.00 German Social Democracy During the War By EDWYN BEVAN The first coherent account of the part played in Germany by the Social Democratic Party under such leaders as Scheldemann and others. An Illuminating and valuable record. Net, S2.C0 Labor in the Changing World By R. M. McIVER A Btudy of the place of labor In the Industrial world, aiming at bringing about such a co-operation as shall prevent the accumulation of excessive wealth on one hand and the exlstenoe of dangerous dependence on the other. Ready thortly. POSTAGE EXTRA. ORDER FROM ANY BOOKSTORE E. P. DUTT0N & COMPANY 681 FIFTH AVENUE NEW YORK When writing to advertisers please mention The Dial. '9i9 43 THE DIAL The Case of the Rand School THE RAND SCHOOL of Social Science, located in the People's House at 7 East 15th Street, New York City, has been unlawfully raided by the Lusk Investigating Committee and its agents, its property dam- aged, garbled quotations from its correspondence published broadcast, to the great detriment of the school in the minds of the public who know nothing of its well-established educational work in Socialism and allied subjects now in existence for thirteen years. The school and its officers and teachers have been denied any hearing to present their side of the case and therefore are obliged to appeal to the people of the United States for the simplest right of self-defense. Protests are being heard from many quarters. The following, from sources not in agreement with the theories taught by the school, may be cited: From the A'eio York World Editorial, July 10, 1919. Democrat. "It Is time for it (the Lusk Committee) to call a halt on Itself and stick close to the business it was created to do. Its duty is to conduct an Inquiry and to pre- pare a report to the Legislature as a guide to future action. It is not a tribunal expressly for the convic- tion of persons whose opinions its members dislike. In making itself Judge, Jury and prosecuting attorney it forgets its proper functions. It is solely a committee of investigation, with limited powers, which it seems none too well qualified to exercise." From the New York Evening Pott, July 9, 1919. Re- publican. "The proceedings [of the Committee] have been loose. Speeches by Bolshevist agitators and anarchist pamphlets found in the lohby of the Public Library are bundled Into a blanket Indictment against a Soclnlist Institution of long standing, and, In general, against a party, unquestionably radical, which nevertheless has polled heavy votes in the nation and the city for many years." From The New Republic, July 9, 1919 Liberal Weekly. "Shall an instrument of oppression drawn from the repertory of the star chamber, used by the notorious Chief Justice Scroggs, denounced by the courts a cen- tury and a half ago, assailed by our colonial forbears as destructive of liberty and law, and condemned by the Supreme Court as 'abhorrent to the Instincts of an American'—shall Buch an Instrument be revived In the twentieth century under a constitution and form of government dedicated to liberty and Justice?" From Samuel Untermyer, Esq., to Hon. Clayton R. Lusk, Chairman LuBk Committee: "Although It is well-known that I am a pronounced anti-Socialist because of my conviction that the govern- mental policies of Socialism are not practicable and workable and that as a constructive programme it is little more than an Iridescent dream, I have, always realized that the Socialist Party has been of great Bervice and is destined to be of still greater service in curbing and correcting the greed and Injustice of the capitalistic system and that its usefulness as an oppo- sition party has been fully vindicated. . . . "If you believe that these outrages against the pro- verbial American sense of fair play and your per- sistent refusal to give these people an opportunity to be heard will be tolerated, that they will not react against the repute and usefulness of your Committee, you little understand the American spirit." All public spirited citizens who agree with the protests voiced above and desire to assist the Rand School in its desperate fight not only for its own right to exist, but for the right of the most fundamental constitutional protection for the people of the United States and their institutions, are invited to send in the attached slip with contribution. ALDERMAN ALGERNON LEE, 1186 MadlBon Ave., New York City. I desire to contribute to the fund for the restoration and preservation of American liberties, find $ Enclosed Name. Address. When writing to advertiser? please mention The Dial. 44 July 26 THE DIAL THE NEW SUMMER NOVELS Mary 5. Watts* New Novel FROM FATHER TO SON By the author of "Nathan Burke", etc., etc. "A cross-section of American life. ... A fine piece of craftsmanship very cleverly written."—N. Y. Times. "Admirably done ... all the people are immensely interesting and human. . . . It is pure art."—N. Y. Evening- Sun. "A very real and significant book . . . highly interesting in substance and as highly artistic in method."—-Phila. Press. "Sincere realism . . . will increase the number of her readers and will strengthen her candidacy for our most truly representative American story-teller." —N. Y. Sun. $1.75 Other New Macmillan Novels Now Ready JINNY THE CARRIER Israel Zangwill's New Novel In this new novel Mr. Zangwill turns to a lovely countryside away from war or Ghetto. The scene is Essex. Against a background of opulent valley with glints of winding water, ancient country seats and mellow tiles of lost villages he pictures with rare sympathy a genuine and kindly life. Jinny the girl carrier, with her Will and their quaint courtship, is an embodiment of this. She is a real creation, happy, and deserving of living "happy ever after." $J.oo "Wells at his best" THE UNDYING FIRE H. G. Wells' New Novel "An enduring novel, a gnat drama. . . . His theme is the greatest of all: the purpose of life and of the universe. It has great power and fineness of execution. . . . It is Wells, the poet: the maker, creator, upbuifder. Here he speaks judicially with restraint and pre- cision of measure, as well as with burning in- tensity. . . . Coming at this hour, 'The Undying Fire' is probably Wells' greatest public service as well as one of his finest books."—A'. Y. Sun. $1-50 "A genuine literary sensation" THE GAY DOMBEYS Sir Harry Johnston's New Novel "Something striking in fiction, an original novel of very obvious, enduring qualities. To say it is a masterpiece is not to say too much." —Boston Transcript. "A vivid fascinating presentation of life as it was lived in an extra- ordinarily interesting period of history. . . . His characters stand out as real persons be- cause he has known the men and women whom he portrays. It is life itself that Sir Harry describes, the whole life of a fascinating epoch, gay, brilliant, adventurous, full of color and movement."—X. V. Post. $2.00 "A thrilling tale of the sea" ALL THE BROTHERS WERE VALIANT Ben Ames Williams' New Novel Hidden treasure, mutinies, tropic love, all these are here. The book thrills with its in- cident and arouses admiration for its splendid character portrayal. "The story is a thriller with the plus qualities that lift mere story- telling into something enduring."—N. Y. Sun. $1.50 THE MACMILLAN COMPANY, Publishers, NEW YORK THE DIAL A FORTNIGHTLY Women in British Industry I x the autumn of 1917, before the Armistice, the British War Cabinet appointed a Committee to enquire into the relations which ought to exist be- tween men and women in industry. Like most government committees, this body was created not because the Government was possessed of fore- thought, but purely as a means of escape from an immediate embarrassment. Throughout the war, grievances and promises connected with women's employment had been accumulating at about the same rate. As the shortage of men's labor made the employment of women more and more neces- sary, the Government attempted to make up for the deficiency of munitions by increasing the output of promises, and rather ambiguously worded guar- antees of equal pay and conditions were lavishly ac- corded. These promises, however, were never com- pletely kept, and from 1915 to 1918 the Trade Unions fought a long series of battles for the pur- pose of securing their observance. The biggest single group of grievances arose out of a singularly dishonest subterfuge adopted by the Government. Even when it was admitted that women were guar- anteed, by agreement and even by legal enactment, equal time rates with men, they were refused the same advances upon these rates, on the ground that war advances were not increases in rates and there- fore were not included in the promise. It was out of a number of disputes centered prin- cipally upon this question that the War Cabinet Committee arose. , Big strikes were averted by the promise of a full enquiry followed by redress of grievances. The Government, however, formed its committee in a very peculiar way. A judge of the High Court was made Chairman, and of the other members all except one, Mrs. Sidney Webb, were paid officials of the Government—a fact which made the .Committee a singularly unsuitable body to pass judgment upon the Government's alleged misdeeds. The result is what might have been ex- pected. The Majority Report, signed by all the members except Mrs. Webb, plentifully white- washes the Government and absolves it of all blame for the breach of pledges, while Mrs. Webb in her Minority Report delivers a trenchant and convinc- ing attack upon the Government's perfidy. These matters, however, now that hostilities are over, belong rather to the past than to the present and the main interest attaches to the recommenda- tions dealing with the future status and conditions of employment of women in industry. Here again there are two reports, one signed by the reactionary and official Majority, and the other signed by Mrs. Webb alone. In two respects the difference in starting point between these two reports is very great. The majority set out explicitly to examine and discuss the conditions of women's work as a peculiar and isolated phenomenon, as if it were an anomaly that women should work at all. Mrs. Webb, on the other hand, sets out to examine first the conditions of employment as they affect both sexes, and proceeds on that basis to deal with the relations which should exist between them. In the second place—and this perhaps follows from the first point—the Majority assume throughout that sex differentiation is desirable, .whereas Mrs. Webb proceeds on the assumption that, particular ques- tions apart, sex is as irrelevant to industrial em- ployment as color of- hair or length of arm. We are confronted, then, on practically every important point, with a flat contradiction, in both attitude and proposal,' between the two reports. This, however, is not because the Majority is frankly and openly reactionary. The length to which it advances towards the verbal expression of progressive ideas is very eloquent of the change in the sex atmosphere which the last few years have produced. Even the Majority of today declares in words for the principle of "equal pay," though its proposals would depart far enough from that prin- ciple when they were actually carried into effect. The Majority adopts the catch-phrase "Equal pay for equal work" and, by a series of glosses, make this formula read " Equal pay for equal work in quantity and quality at equal cost to the em- ployer." It holds that women should receive the same pay as men where they turn out as much work, do it as well, and do not cost the employer more than men in supervision, overhead charges, etc. Mrs. Webb, on the other hand, treating men and women together, stands out for the principle of the occupational rate or the rate for the job, no 46 July 26 THE DIAL matter whether the job is done by a man or a woman. This, as the Majority admits, was the claim put before the Committee by the men's and women's Trade Unions alike, which see in it the only safeguard- against the sweating of women and the undercutting of men's conditions by female labor. It was the universal opinion of the Trade Union witnesses, as it is the opinion of Mrs. Webb, that the "equal pay for equal work" proposals of the Majority would be wholly ineffective in prac- tice, and that, if once the door was opened to the sex-discrimination which they contemplate in both time-rates and piece-rates, all pretense at equality would very soon disappear, and the wage relations between the sexes would continue to be governed by the mainly customary, and wholly unjust, considera- tions by which they have been governed in the past. In practice, if the principle of sex-discrimination is once admitted, all safeguards, except those based on economic strength, are destroyed. The Majority takes objection to Mrs. Webb's proposal of no discrimination, or equal time and piece rates, on the ground that it would have the effect of restricting greatly the sphere of women's employment, which it is desirable and necessary to increase in the interests of greater production. Mrs. Webb admits that it would have this tendency in certain cases, but holds that it- would lead to the specialization of the sexes in those occupations for which they are mosr fitted, and that this specializa- tion is greatly to be desired in the interests of in- dustrial efficiency. Moreover, Mrs. Webb agrees with the view, which was put before the Com- mittee by myself and many other Labor witnesses, that it is desirable to encourage women's em- ployment only where it can be assured that no degradation in the standard of life will take place in consequence of their introduction. The question of "equal pay," whatever formula may be adopted, inevitably concerns primarily those occupations in which men and women are employed side by side. But from 'his question the Commit- tee was inevitably led on to a discussion of the gen- eral levels of men's and women's wages and to the consideration of proposals for a minimum wage. Both Majority and Minority make recommenda- tions on this point; but, here again, their proposals are widely different. The Majority recommends a minimum wage legally enacted for women only, and based on the cost of subsistence for a single woman without dependents. Mrs. Webb proposes a universal minimum wage applicable to both sexes. As soon as the Committee began to discuss the legal minimum wage, it found itself involved in a much bigger question, that of state provision for dependents. The Committee itself collected no evi- dence on the number of women workers in industry having persons dependent upon them; but there was a quite remarkable conflict of evidence in the data collected by previous investigators which the Committee had before it. It was at least shown that a large proportion of male workers have no depend- ents, and that a considerable body of women workers have dependents—facts that must be considered in relation to the national minimum wage. But, if wages are to bear any relation to the num- ber of dependents, a very great difficulty arises. If wages continue to be paid by the private employer, it then pays him to employ workers with as few dependents as possible. If he follows this policy, the consequences for the community are disastrous; for those are flung out of work who have most others dependent upon them. It is therefore clear that no system of making wages vary with the number of dependents is possible except in state employment, and that the whole problem of pay- ment for dependents, if it is to be dealt with at all, must be dealt with by the state out of national funds and as a matter wholly distinct from the payment of wages. The Majority half-sees this, but contents itself with vague proposals that the whole question should be further considered: Mrs. Webb realizes the full implications of the proposal for a universal minimum, and its far-reaching conse- quences for the wage-system as a whole. The position is, indeed, very difficult. The de- mand of women for the abandonment of all sex- discrimination in industrial conditions is growing very strong. It is now usually opposed on the ground that a man must receive a " family" wage, while a woman need only earn enough to support herself. This, however, is both manifestly unfair on those women who have dependents and more than fair to those men who have not. It is also a royal road to the undercutting of men by women's labor, and consequently to a general degradation in the standard of life. Yet the adoption of absolutely equal pay will serve to emphasize more than ever the injustice of paying a single man or woman as much, as a large family. In the public services, such as teaching, it may be possible, as the report suggests, to redress the balance by allowances for dependents, though even here, unless the whole cost of such allowances was borne by the national exchequer, there would be a dangerous inducement 'to employ only teachers without dependents. But there is clearly no .such way out in private industry. Both reports, therefore, lead to the threshold of a problem which they do not solve, though Mrs. Webb gets considerably nearer to the solution than the Majority. I myself believe that the only way out lies in the proposal put forward by the State i9i9 THE DIAL 47 Bonus League, a new organization which has been basis of need. It may be that it would break the making considerable progress in this country. It wage-system as a whole; and I, for one, think that proposes a direct and unconditional allowance from it would, and say, "so much the better." But, state funds to every person—man, woman, or child however this may be, the enquiry into the relations —in the country, a basic minimum income below" between men's and women's wages and conditions which no one, in or out of work, can in any cir- has revealed two things: first, the obsolete custom- cumstances fall. Given this or a similar system of ary manner in which women's wages have hitherto universal minimum provision, the way would be been determined, and secondly, the fact that the clear for the smooth working in industry of a growing challenge to sex injustices by men and policy based on Mrs. Webb's formula of occupa- women alike is bound to raise problems far wider tional rates without sex discrimination. than those immediately presented for discussion. Of course, the State Bonus is not an easy solu- The issue> once raisedi cannof buf call ;n question tion. It involves at once a redistribution of a con siderable proportion of the total national income and the allocation among the community on the"""" q_ j_) jj_ Cole, , , „ . the structure and purpose of the wage-system as a siderable proportion of the total national income, , , Two Canals The old canal forlorn, forsaken -crawls, Its locks decayed and its low water stirred By minnows, all its past ensepulchred In whispering walls. Here mystery holds the moments with delight. The banks are dark with groves; the paths, half blotted, Struggle along the edges bramble-knotted, Scentful as night. The rough-hewn chasm is never entered now. The steep walls, viny with forgetfulness, Out from their crevices push flower and cress And greening bough. And parallel, and half a mile away, The new canal, a broad deep channel, reaches Across the prairie where the sunshine bleaches The grass all day. Its lines are open to the eye and clear. New minds laid out the granite with new science, And new invention wrought for time's defiance The perfect gear. Soon it shall bear high steamers on its breast; Soon, with the shedding forth of its renown, River shall tell to river, town to town The world's unrest. Ah, but a tree, a vine, a rose? Not one! The banks stretch out monotonous and bare. Naked and smooth the peerless walls upglare When the day is done. Modernity, build strong! The price we know. Bring to the land new steel, new stone, new faces! But it's in the crannies of the old, old places The flowers grow. A T * Agnes Lee. 48 July 26 THE DIAL Collective Bargaining in Politics V^iollective bargaining" and "the socializa- tion of the means of production" are the two phrase6 most familiar in discussions of the inter- natienal labor movement. Now that war and rev- olution have restated the Marxian formula with new implications, the gap has perceptibly widened between the American trade-unionist content with collective bargaining, and the proletarian of Ejarope, ambitious to achieve the control of industry. From the earliest days of the A. F. of L., the American labor movement has been predominantly economic—or better, mercantilists—in character. Its ideals have been those of the tradesman—its mechanism that of the trust. To sell labor in a monopolized market; to meet combination with stronger combination and thus to secure a "fair" share of the product of industry—that is to say, a share commensurate with the strength of the labor group: such are the aims that hold craft unionism everlastingly within a system that deals in labor as it deals in logs—a system born blind to the pos- sibility of the control of industry by the workers. The Great War gave to American trade union- ism a recognized place in the established order of industry. From the conflict Mr. Gompers and Mr. Wilson emerged blood brothers in the business of defending things as they are, intent first of all upon the maintenance of stability. But at the moment when the Federation was beginning to purr con- tentedly in the lap of a bourgeois civilization, the old ambition of European labor was stirring to new activity. In America reconstruction was to take the form of whitewashing a solid edifice little injured by the war. In Europe the capitalistic structure had been shaken to its foundations. Stability would give the A. F. of L. a sure position among the vested interests; turmoil would offer European labor an opportunity for conquest and control—indefinitely postponed if governmental reconstruction programs were allowed to move deliberately to their common goal. With much to lose, the A. F. of L. had become conservative in the full sense of the word; it was inevitable that its interests should clash with those of European radicals who, having gained less, hoped everything. Thus there has developed in the two movements a fundamental difference in political pol- icy which has thrown the forces of American and European labor into opposite camps. In Europe the control of government is considered necessary to the full realization of the labor program. Russia and England are not of one mind as to how this con- trol is to be effected, but no disagreement as to means can hide the fact that these movements hold their ends in common. The end once achieved, time may forget the difference between bullet and ballot; it can never unite a labor movement content to serve a bourgeois government with a movement that will be satisfied with nothing short of sovereignty. It is a matter of some interest that labor leaders in England, France, and Italy contemplate the use of industrial means to effect political ends—the stop- page of armed intervention in Russia, for instance. Of far greater significance would be a decision on the part of the A. F. of L. to use any means for the achievement of fundamentally important ends of any sort. We have Mr. Gompers' word for it that the Federation is not a non-political organiza- tion; since the announcement of its Campaign Pro- gram in 1906, the Federation has been instrumental in securing the passage of a very considerable amount of reformatory legislation. Mr. Gompers might have added that the A. F. of L. is not a non- industrial organization; craft unionism has won much for labor in the way of high wages and en- durable working conditions. Federated shop or- ganization in industry and party organization in politics hold the possibility of control; but the A. F. of L. is unambitiously content to bargain col- lectively with the acknowledged masters of produc- tion and of government, thereby achieving in the course of long negotiation an occasional reform. The period between the suspension of hostilities and the signing of the Great Peace witnessed the triumph of collective bargaining in world politics. For a full understanding of what happened at Paris it is necessary to delve somewhat into the history of international labor relations during the war. The 1914 convention of the American Federation of Labor adopted a resolution which proposed the hold- ing of a congress of labor representatives of all countries at the same time and place as the Peace Congress; this action was reaffirmed by the con- ventions of the four succeeding years. In 1916 the Federation went a step farther and suggested that the labor groups of the several belligerent countries prevail upon their governments to include labor rep- resentatives among their plenipotentiaries to the Peace Congress. With America's entrance into the war the Executive Council of the American Fed- eration of Labor came into most intimate relations with the national Cabinet. Direct connections with labor groups in Allied countries were not so easily established. America was not represented at the Inter-Allied Labor and Socialist Conference held 1919 49 THE DIAL in London, February 1918, and when the first .American labor mission finally sailed for Europe it was not armed with powers to negotiate with Allied labor for the formulation of a common pol- icy, and was at much pains to make it plain that the A. F. of L. would not participate in the proposed conference with labor representatives from enemy countries. The second mission assumed a more pre- tentious character; Mr. Gompers himself was the chief emissary, and a representative of the Ameri- can diplomatic service acted as escort of the party. A few sentences from the report of the latter func- tionary may prove to be of interest: Wherever the Mission went it was received by the highest personages as though it had been officially repre- senting the Government of the United States. ... It was indeed evident that the French and Italian Socialist labor leaders appreciated the honors paid to the American Labor Mission as reflecting upon themselves and their own class. When the Americans went from luncheon at the Quay d'Orsay Palace of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs to confer with the Confederation Generale du Travail at its offices in the working class quarter of Paris, the French laborer naturally felt that he was receiving a share of the honors paid to his American colleagues. According to this same State Department report, the mission succeeded in making it very plain to the restless workers of England, France, and Italy that "the attitude of vigorous and militant labor lead- ers need not necessarily be hostile to the govern- ment," but that they may merge their interests so completely with those of the state as to be "worthy of every official support." In fact, the demeanor of the Americans was so exemplary that they earned the good will, not only of their own government, but of every other government with which they came in contact—that is to say, of the governing Class in general. At the Inter-Allied Labor and Socialist Con- gress of September 1918, the Mission secured the adoption of the A. F. of L. war program, providing among other things for a world labor congress to be held at the same time and place as the Peace Congress, and asking for the representation of labor in the membership of the latter body. The Ameri- cans also made it emphatically clear that they would not participate in any 'war-time conference with the enemy. Finally they succeeded in blocking a resolution that condemned intervention—" in behalf of a real democracy "—in Russia. The history of these activities forms a fitting preface to a most interesting diplomatic correspond- ence just published by the A. F. of L. While the world was still breathlessly awaiting the outcome of the negotiations which preceded the armistice, Oudegeest of Holland cabled Mr. Gompers (then in the United States) asking that the Federation appoint delegates to a labor congress to be held at the same time and place as the peace conference. Mr. Gompers replied three weeks later that in ac- cordance with the instructions of several conven- tions of the A. F. of L. he himself proposed in due course to issue the call for this labor conference. After another month's delay, proposals arrived from Henderson of Great Britain, setting out detailed plans for a general conference of representatives of trades unions and labor parties, from allied, neutral and enemy countries, and suggesting that Switzer- land be selected as a meeting place, for the reason that the personal liberty of Austrian and German delegates could not be guaranteed in any but a neutral country. Refusing to deal directly with Henderson, the A. F. of L. cabled Bowcrman, Sec- retary of the Parliamentary Committee of the British Trade Union Congress, in part as follows: . . . the American Federation of Labor delegation will meet with delegations from trade unions of all national centers but must decline to be governed by political parties and hence regard meetings with repre- sentatives of political parties conducive to no good results. If the Americans had ever at any time been in- clined to participate in the International Labor and Socialist Congress, eventually held at Berne, this idea was banished from their minds at a private con- ference such as has prepared the way for more than one open covenant openly arrived at. A man who. was present at the conference has related to the writer just what took place there; it is sup- posed that this is the first publication of detailed information relative to this affair. Like most con- ferences with the President of the United States, this session was a short one; no time was wasted by the American labor delegates in stating their case. The meeting at Berne was certain to be predominantly socialistic; the Americans were bona fide trade unionists, with no taste for politics; if they went to Berne they would surely be voted down and would be obliged to bolt the conven- tion; it was considered best that the Americans should absent themselves from this too ambitious gathering. Mr. Wilson listened, looking the labor spokesman "straight in the eye." "Gentle- men," he said, "I agree with you entirely." If the good resolutions of the delegates required further reinforcement, this was supplied at a con- ference with members of the American Commis- sion to Negotiate Peace. Here the shady char^ acter of the Berne conference was again discussed; it appeared certain that the delegates to the trade union section as well as those to the political sec- tion would be Socialists, chiefly interested in polit- ical aims; yes, the Americans should by all means stay away. They did stay away. "While the Berne confer- 5° July 26 THE DIAL ence was refusing to condemn the Bolsheviki, fail- ing to fix the war responsibility upon the Germans or to remove the International [Trade Union] 'Secretariat from Berlin, and declaring for an im- possible international super-parliament, the A. F. of L. delegation" buzzed busily in the diplomatic sunshine of Paris; the American Socialists champed the bit on the farther shore of the Atlantic, held up by the passport bureau; two Social Democrats got as far as France and then repudiated the con- ference; a third member of the same brotherhood was discredited when he attempted to speak at Berne. Mr. Gompers did not succeed even passably well in his attempt to get together at Paris an inter- allied trade Union congress, and the Peace Confer- ence Commission on International Labor Legisla- tion began its work with no general policy to guide the labor leaders except that embodied in the pro- gram adopted at the Inter-Allied Conference of September 1918. Since the close of the Commis- sion's labors, Mr. Gompers has complained that he did not have the support of the radicals for his more advanced reformatory measures; he could ex- plain this situation if he would; another American who attended the sessions of the Commission has done so, and the explanation is this: the radicals were not deeply interested in welfare measures be- cause their eyes were always upon the political possibilities of the Peace—foolishly enough, they insisted on trying to plant in the International Labor Conference, under the shadow of the League of Nations, the seeds of a workingman's world gov- ernment! The day that the American Federation of Labor appeared in Europe ready to trade un- limited support of the old order for limited reforms, this high aspiration of the internationalists was doomed to failure. At the last moment when it seemed that Lloyd George must be acting under the urge of British Labor in his efforts to modify the treaty, Mr. Gompers cabled President Wilson for instructions as to what action the A. F. of L. was expected to take. In compliance with the Presi- dent's answering cablegram, the convention of the Federation voted by a majority of 29,909 to 420 to indorse the Covenant of the League of Nations with its labor provisions (now "somewhat weak- ened," says the President), and by implication the Treaty as a whole. The world labor conference had come short of its object; the promised inter- allied conference was a.failure; the thoroughly gov- ernmentalized Commission on International Labor Legislation had fathered a governmentalized In- ternational Labor Conference to carry on its work under the League. In and out of the A. F. of L., honest eagerness to win the war had found its 'lei in indifference to a lost peace. If American labor in this time of opportunity did less than the war made possible, it was not for lack of power but for lack of will. The plain fact of the matter is that the men who control the Amer- ican trade union movement do not want to partic- ipate in the control of industry. The craft unions that have matured under their guidance are not so organized as to be capable of assuming the rights and responsibilities inherent in the control of pro- duction. The habit of collective bargaining has been carried over into politics, where the labor lobby forces the individual measures it desires by the threat of boycott—the use of a political "unfair list." Neither in politics nor in industry does the Federation accept any responsibility except to its members; by economic pressure it may impose con- ditions upon an employer which will eventually de- stroy his business, thus curtailing production; by political pressure it may force an administration into a position distasteful to itself and to the public; the public may then vote the administration out of office, but the union is invulnerable. The laborer as such has no part in the responsible direction either of politics or of industry. And yet a few of the men bound within this system are beginning to dream of control. Con- fessedly the ambition is chiefly economic, and eco nomic means suggest themselves as most natural for its attainment. As this ambition widens, shop- unit and industrial organization will gradually re place the craft system, and as the possibilities of labor control become self-evident, impatience with the government—conservator of the old order— must grow astoundingly. What shall we do with the government? There are three answers: "Kill ambition, and support the state," says tht trade unionist. "Smash the government and start over," says the Russian Bolshevist. "Con- trol the government and make it over as you go along," says the British Labor Party man. Control the government! By votes? Yes! By partisan organization such as is growing up in Seattle, Detroit, Chicago, New York? Yes! By- strikes? By boycotts? Yes! The men who are today doing most to eliminate the possibility of violent revolution here in the United States are not those who deny that anything new is hap- pening in the world, or those who use the machinery of state to sweep back the rising tide of proletarian ambition, but those who stand ready to use any device that will effect in the government immediate and partial changes in terms of the new time, thus making the means of violent revolution superfluous by peaceful achievement of its ends. Geroid Robinson. 19*9 THE DIAL a Swamp or Civilization? ALL THE MAJOR MEASURES which the last Congress failed to pass. Secretary Lane's repatria- tion project is the one that will suffer least by delay and further reconsideration. The project is an unusual blend of statesmanlike vision and political myopia. Its motives are the highest, and so are, in a general way, its preconceptions and its methods. As a clear recognition of the need of creating better rural communities, it deserves praise. As a sincere attempt to plan broadly in that direction, it is alto- gether admirable. But there is obvious in the plan a fatal neglect of the wider aspects of agrarian policy—the very same neglect that, in a grosser form, worked such havoc in the United States dur- ing the decades following the Civil War, when hundreds of thousands of lives, East and West, were doomed to poverty and wretchness by the sup- posedly beneficent homestead laws that lured whole villages from the Atlantic Seaboard to the unplowed prairies of the Mississippi Valley. It is another and subtler manifestation of that inveterate and narrow individualism which has always been the curse of American Government. The project proposes a transaction between the Government and the individual soldier which leaves America out of the reckoning. It satisfies three dis- tinct interests: the Government's interest in putting soldiers promptly back to civilian work, the Gov- ernment's lesser interest in improving and dispos- ing of its public lands, and the soldier's interest in getting a fresh start in life and becoming independ- ent. Each of these three interests is wholly praise- worthy, and the project, in so far as it furthers them, is equally so. Unfortunately, though, there are many other interests that ought to be, but have not been, reckoned with. And the two largest are the interests of the American farmer and the Ameri- can rural community. In brief, the interest of nearly fifty million citizens. The project consists of four major programs, reclamation of arid and swamp lands, soldier labor, Federal financing of soldier farms, and community development. The vast rich-soiled deserts like the Colorado Basin and the far vaster wilderness of stump and swamp that stretch malarially from Louisiana to New Jersey are the chief regions to be converted into farms for soldiers. They lie, in the main, from ten to twenty miles from the nearest rural communities worthy of the name. Once re- claimed, they will indubitably yield rich harvests. If, now, we grant the wisdom of converting these wastes into farms for doughboys, we must grant the excellence of the rest of the project. Excel- lent is Secretary Lane's scheme for employing the soldiers in draining and irrigating work and in town building, for educating them in agriculture during this tedious period of reclamation, for accepting their labor in part payment for their new farms and tor financing these farms on easy terms. Excellent, above all, is his scheme of preparing, not isolated farms, but entire rural communities after the fash- ion of the Durham plan which Ell wood Mead has developed so brilliantly in California. It is impossi- ble to deny that every soldier-farmer community which Secretary Lane might create on the pattern laid down would be a place of joy and profit for the inhabitants thereof. But how about the wisdom of conquering more wilderness? As an emergency measure to absorb promptly an army of unemployed soldiers, the project would have been valuable if it could have been enacted before the armistice and rushed into operation. But we must judge the project, when it again comes up for consideration, not as a hurrj. call to ward off idleness and unrest, but rather an a part of a national agrarian policy. As such, it cannot be wholeheartedly approved. And there are signs that the sponsors no longer give undivided allegiance to all its original features. Secretary Lane's own replies to some critics indicate that he is losing his first faith in the measure as a reclama- tion project and is now trying to remodel it into something more rational. The remodeling however has not yet occurred. Superficially, the project marks a long advance in rural reconstruction. But in reality it is only a brilliant evasion. A goodly number of men intimate with agricultural affairs have predicted its failure: some say that few soldiers will be attracted to such remote and inhospitable regions, and that most of those who are attracted will speedily be disillusioned and will as speedily return to civilization. I he»i- tate to join the ranks of these prophets; so great it man's eagerness to get something for nothing, and so strong is the lure of the open in many youthful breasts that almost any Government proposal to give away real estate will attract hundred* of the ill-informed and impetuous. But I hope the prophets are right, for, if they are, it will at last prove that American youth is interested in civilization. But what if the prophets are wrong, as Secretary Lane feels sure they are? Suppose several hundred thousand young men trained in the ways of modern army life elect to become pioneers under Federal patronage. Suppose they stick to their choice. Sup- pose they create model farms and villages 52 July 26 THE DIAL Last Frontier. Suppose they bring, within a few years, wives from other places. What of it? Well, thousands of farm communities would be robbed of the very men they sorely need in the huge task of rural reconstruction which lies ahead. It will not be the loss of man-power that will be most serious. Far from 'it—man-power is of declining importance on the American farm, thanks to the new tractor, which enables fewer men to handle larger acreage, and good roads, which enable farm- ers to draw workers from a much wider field than ever before. It is rather the loss of the training, the youthful enthusiasm, the throb of fresh life and the vivid example of the new community spirit that will be most heavily felt. In the seventies and eighties such a loss crushed the very breath of life out of hundreds of villages in New England and New York and sent the value of Eastern farm lands down to the bare cost of their barns. And we must expect a similar result tomorrow if we set in motion an enterprise that will take away from the home towns their best young men. It is not necessary that Secretary Lane's plan attract men by the million, in order to work grave injury. The harm will develop visibly, if as many as 100,000 ex-soldiers are taken. For there are other irresistible forces at work draining our rural districts. The negroes are still pouring out of the South, tempted by the prospects in Northern towns and goaded by abominable mistreatment at home; this exodus will work deep injury to both town and country life before it ceases. Again, there is the widespread reluctance of our returning soldiers to go back to rural homes. Having seen the great world, they are all too willing to linger longer. Country' school teachers, too, drawn by the thou- sands into war work at which they received at least a living wage and often much more, are naturally refusing to go back to the little red school house under the old humiliating, health-wrecking condi- tions of overwork and underpay. These and many other violent changes are today demoralizing rural communities everywhere. Any enterprise which further drains off the youth, the intelligence, and the feeble social forces of these districts must be condemned as imperiling a situation already peril- ous. Now there are many ways of giving farms to our ex-soldiers without further injuring country life. One obvious way is to plant soldier-farmer com- munities in the midst of moderately populated agri- cultural counties from the potato lands of the Aroos- took to the lemon groves of San Diego. So far as possible, partly improved land might be bought up within a convenient distance from a village. Every "d feature of the Durham plan might be pre- served; all roads, wells, fences, houses, and barns might be put in order under the supervision of Government experts. Community centers might be built, and farmers might be established around each one in numbers large enough to make it feasible to conduct cooperative buying, selling, live-stock breed- ing, and similar group enterprises. Plainly the soldier farmers would, as individ- uals, gain everything in such a community that they would in a brand new, isolated reclamation village. They can get just as fertile land in partly improved districts as in the wilderness. Every student of agrarian affairs knows this, and recent surveys by the Department of Labor abundantly re-verify it. For instance, in the state of Georgia alone, more than 8,000,000 acres of improved acreage ready to be plowed and planted immediately can be bought on the open market at prices ranging from one to ten dollars per acre—or much less than the cost of many drainage and irrigation projects. Georgia is not at all peculiar in this respect; almost every East- ern state offers millions of fertile improved acres at a price of twenty-five dollars or less per acre. As for profits, our soldier-farmers will obviously attain them much earlier in established communities than on any reclamation tract where from one to three years must be spent in bringing the soil up to the point of tilling. Indeed, many improved lands in the East and Sputh could have been plowed this summer and made to show a profit at harvest. This fact is less important commercially than psychologi- cally. The average young man is eager for results. He chafes under tedious delays and hard prelimi- naries. Confronted with a year or more of ditch digging and stump pulling, he is likely to lose heart and go back to town. But if he can at once see his farm growing green under his touch, he will preserve much of his advance enthusiasm for rural life. It is not such personal advantages, however, that turn the scale against the wilderness plan. It is rather the wider social influences our soldier-farmers cannot fail to exercise upon the established com- munities in which we should plant them. Immeas- urably more important than reclaiming wilderness is the reclaiming of our farms and villages. Bring- ing water to the Colorado Basin is a splendid achievement; but bringing fresh blood, new ideas, social intercourse, and modern agricultural tech- nique to the typical narrow, suspicious, clique-ridden country town is one of the half-dozen most impor- tant social enterprises of this generation. To say that rural life cries for an intelligent humanizing spirit is to utter a commonplace, but it is a common- place which the repatriation plan has totally ignored. Ten thousand villages in the United States might igig 53 THE DIAL be revolutionized with amazing speed if in each one there were set down a few hundred eager youngsters fresh from the A- E. F., hard as nails, their minds open to the infinite possibilities of team work, and their energies all skilfully coordinated under expert leadership for the scientific farming of ten or twenty thousand acres. Precisely the same thing would happen on the farms as happened in the munition factories here and abroad during the past three years; the "dilution of labor" would proceed from the community manager and his trained staff downward to the soldier farmers, and thence still further downward to the ignorant far- mers and hired men of the entire district, thanks to the constant contact between the trained and the untrained in the community center; and, along with this swift dissemination of farm knowledge and technique, would inevitably go that same socializing process which everybody has observed at work in the armv itself. A hundred thousand soldiers set to work in the Colorado Basin would reclaim the desert and win homes for themselves. A hundred thousand soldiers set to work in five hundred old rural districts would reclaim a million back-water Americans, win homes for themselves, and make a hundred thousand other homes fit to live in. They would create five hundred Social Units after the pattern of the Cincinnati experiment and thereby solve in one act the two problems of repatriation and democracy. The wilderness can wait—the village cannot. It is our national duty to exert every intelligent effort to counteract the paralyzing effects of the steady drift from farm to town, which we cannot hope to check and which, if not neutralized by constructive democracy, will certainly develop a host of social ills. Let us leave the swamps, then, to their herons and water moccasins for an aeon or two, and march our young army into civilization. Walter B. Pitkin. The Irish Renaissance—Renascent Xhat the "lull in politics/' postulated some twenty-five years ago by Mr. W. B. Yeats as the condition precedent of a literary renaissance, has ceased is evident from the books of this spring sea- son. The publishers' lists are meager, and pre- dominantly political; "mere literature" has so far receded that we are coming to regard the Irish Literary Revival as a chapter definitely closed. A generation has arisen whose thoughts are haunted by Reconstruction, The League of Nations, the Four- teen Points, where its predecessors were immersed in the legendary lore of Celtic antiquity, the restora- tion of the national tradition in literature, and the building up of an Irish folk-theater. It is true, the return to Dublin of Mr. Yeats could not but involve some organized effort to create an oasis of artistic interest in the desert of burning political preoccupa- tion, and true to his nature and life-long habit he signalized his reabsorption by mobilizing the non- political remnant on behalf of two enterprises as aloof as himself from the turmoil of the market- place. The Abbey Theatre became at the beginning of the winter the center of a course of lectures and debates, at which prominent writers both English and Irish entertained the plain people with dis- courses and discussions on art, literature, music, and economics. Mr. Bernard Shaw was heard with the impatience which he never fails to arouse in his compatriots, Mr. G. K. Chesterton enjoyed the equally inevitable good humor with which Ireland applauds the sympathetic Englishman, Mr. H. W. Nevinson lectured on his experiences in starved Ger- many. A great number of Sunday evening enter- tainments were given during the season, and the public particularly welcomed the opportunity thus provided for the airing of views which would not have passed unmutilated the blue-pencil of the Peace Censor. The Abbey became a species of neutral enclave, and whatever the subject, the public dis- cussion always developed tendencies now conveni- ently known as " Bolshevist." So much for one of Mr. Yeats's efforts to induce detachment. The second experiment has had more success in achieving its avowed object, namely the resuscita- tion of the uncommercial drama. The Abbey The- atre having long since succumbed to the ease of popularity, it could not be looked to for any of the experimental work, which it at one time was not afraid to risk. In consequence, a meeting was called by Mr. W. B. Yeats, Mr. James Stephens. Mr. Lennox Robinson, and myself for the purpose of considering the establishment of a Dublin Drama League, for the production of plays which could not be expected from any of the existing theaters in this city. The proposal was favorably received, and the League was constituted, with a membership which has steadily grown since last September. Plays by Andreiev, Dunsany, and Srgjan Tucic, a Serbian playwright, have been produced under the auspices of the League, and there is every reason to believe that we shall now be able to fulfill that part of the program of the original dramatic movement which 54 July 26 THE DIAL was abandoned when Mr. Edward Martyn and Mr. W. B. Yeats separated, after the brief career of the Irish Literary Theatre. Foreign plays have been practically inacessible to the Irish public for some years, and the too exclusive concern of the Abbey Theatre with popular folk-melodrama has made necessary the constitution of a group interested in supporting the plays which no self-respecting repertory theater can be without. In a recent de- bate at the Abbey Theatre on the subject of that institution's present decadence, Mr. Yeats has in- voked the shade of Synge in defense of the neglect of modern drama in favor of the peasant play, but- there is no doubt his opponent, Mr. Lennox Robin- son, had the best of the argument, in which he ad- vocated the production of good foreign plays rather than bad native plays. Meanwhile, as our repertory theater refuses to do its duty, the Drama League has undertaken it, under the presidency of the other- wise unrepentant Mr. Yeats. If Mr. Yeats is unrepentant in his defense of the inactivity of the Abbey Theatre, and yet an advocate of the Drama League, it is largely because he has always shown a disconcerting independence of logic. The contradictory record of his own dramatic theories, from the time when he spurned the draw- ing-room play in favor of that which would " uplift the man of the roads" to the present day, is suffi- cient evidence of his scorn of mere consistency. In the long course of experiment which has constituted his relation to the theater he has now arrived at the point of desiring an escape from' that defiant in- stitution, and in the Anglo-Irish Noh play he pro- fesses to have found salvation. In Two Plays for Dancers (Dundrum; Cuala Press) he has given for a new volume in the beautiful editions of his sister's hand press his first book of Anglo-Irish Noh plays, containing The Dreaming of the Bones and The Only Jealousy of Emer. Two years ago, when Mr. Yeats published At the Hawk's Well, his first ex- periment in the Japanese manner, he announced that he had at last discovered the solution of the problem presented to him as a poet-dramatist by the modern stage: My blunder has been that I did not discover in my youth that my theatre must be the ancient theatre made by unrolling a carpet, or marking out a place with a stick, or setting a screen against a wall. Certainly those who care for my kind of poetry must be numerous enough, if I can bring them together, to pay half a dozen players who can bring all their properties in a cab and perform in their leisure moments. At the Hawk's Well was produced in accordance with the Noh tradition, the players wearing masks and " sitting against a screen covered with some one unchangeable pattern." It is they who "describe landscape or event, and accompany movement with drum or gong, or deepen the emotion of the words with zither or flute." The stage is a platform sur- rounded on three sides by the audience, the move- ments are founded on those of puppets, and song and dance alternate with speech. In Two Plays for Dancers Mr. Yeats has par- tially redeemed his promise to complete a " dramatic celebration of the life of Cuchulain planned long ago," of which the Hawk's Well was the first part. The Only Jealousy of Emer is a further episode in the Cuchulain series, and may be described as a sequel to On Baile's Strand. It is a subtle and tenuous drama, whose scene is laid in a fisherman's hut where, after he had rushed into the sea on learn- ing that his unknown antagonist was his son, Cuchulain's lifeless body has been brought. His wife Emer has called his mistress, Eithne Inguba, to see if her love can call Cuchulain back to life. He has been lured by a Woman of the Sidhe, and only by a renunciation of their ultimate hope of reconciliation can Emer restore her husband to this world. The Noh form is peculiarly adapted to the suggestive beauty of the poetry in which the drama- tic conceptions of Mr. Yeats develop. Heightened by the conventions of movement, the gestures of the Noh performers, his effects are secured in a manner impossible on the ordinary stage, where the author's own dissatisfaction is only too often shared by the public. The oft revised and never satisfactory Shadowy Waters might be re-written in the Noh manner with results heretofore unachieved. With The Dreaming of the Bones there enters —to the Irish mind, at least—an element of regret that an exotic form should have been allowed to hamper a theme peculiarly national. In the meeting between a young man escaping from the Dublin Rising in 1916 and the shades of Dermot and Devorgilla, whose love betrayed Ireland, Mr. Yeats had a situation which demanded other treat- ment. Moving and beautiful as the poem now reads, one's fancy dwells upon its potentialities as a play to set beside Cathleen ni Houlihan, and one is tempted to clamor for what might be, instead of considering what is . . . irrevocably, so far as the creative impulse is concerned, for these Anglo- Irish Noh plays are the creatures of a mood. Mr. Yeats refers to them more than once as a passing phase of experimental effort, but they are definite evidence of a revolt against the mechanism of the modern stage, however intellectual it may become. Yet, while we may welcome any theory which seems to provide Mr. Yeats with the necessary stimulus to write poetic plays, it is clear that the drama cannot be restored to dignity by a negation of the material framework of its existence. Theater reformers move towards a species of dramatic Nirvana, elim- 1919 55 THE DIAL inating scenery, actor, audience. When there are no playgoers to be bored by impossible plays, no dramatists to be subordinated to scenic effects, and no actors to interfere with the poetry of ideal speech, then we shall have the euthanasia of the Higher Drama. If to the detachment of Mr. W. B. Yeats we owe the appearance this spring of no less than three volumes, which make up for the dearth already re- ferred to, he is not the only Irish writer capable of the implied absorption in matters far removed from the current political turmoil. Rather than discuss The Wild Swans at Coole [reviewed on page 72 of this issue of The Dial] and The Cutting of an Agate, which appears, with a new chapter, for the first time in this part of the world, although published seven years ago in America, I prefer to close with the story of what promised to be the most entertaining instance of fiddling while Europe burns. A well-known Anglo-Irish novelist and auto- biographer heard from his publisher that a book which the latter was bringing out contained an allu- sion to the fictitious character of the love affairs so complacently related in his four volumes of auto- biography. Whereupon he wrote to the publisher demanding the suppression of the passage impugning his veracity as an Irish Casanova, and arguing that this doubt cast upon his amorous capacities was a slur upon his autobiographical honor, and an injury to his literary property. The novelist stated that he was prepared, if the author refused to be censored, to go into court and prove the authenticity of his sexual adventures. As soon as this delightful news reached Dublin, the host of the plaintiff's victims rejoiced exceedingly at the prospect of seeing their tormentor made ridiculous by his own confessions, of vindicating themselves, and of establishing the mendacity of the autobiography in question, in so far as it related to persons and facts within their knowledge. As the Irish Theatre once appeared in the dock at Philadelphia, so now it seemed as if the Irish literary movement would be seen in the witness box, at a trial unique in the history of letters. Un- fortunately the innocent calumniator, the author/of the offending passage, was intimidated by his publisher's strange methods of censorship, and with- drew his allusion to the contrast between Hazlitt, who entertained the public with his real love af- fairs, and the Boswell of Dublin, who shocked the public with his imaginary love affairs. Thus it has not yet been tested whether an author has property rights in his amours, and a British jury has not been invited to redeem Mr. George Moore and his lady friends from the scandalous imputation of virtue. Ernest A. Boyd. An Irishman's Burden \J p to now the intellectual Irishman who busied himself with politics has been in a nearly ideal situation to reach an early and sound maturity. If it was a question of the Empire, detachment was his by right of the Irish Channel and the enormities of Cromwell. If it was a question of home politics, he could begin where the veterans leave off. Schooled to look for even less than politics can usually offer, there was no reason why he should not achieve betimes just the degree of disillusion- ment which is antecedent to wisdom. Age is of the essence of the matter. For an idealism that might at forty sour into cynicism can be kept sweet if it is touched at, say, thirty with a reasonable skepticism which sharpens the powers of analysis without paralyzing effort or extinguishing hope. The late Lieutenant T. M. Kettle had such precocity thrust upon him for the health of his soul. To the realism which was his by right of geographical position, he added an extraordinary wit and abundant imaginative resources. Slight as is the evidence afforded by The Day's Burden (Scribner), it is still clear that he must have been one of the most gifted of the younger Irishmen who gave their lives for the Empire. The book is only a miscellany made up of popular talks on political, social, and literary subjects, published in a slender volume abroad in 1910, and now expanded to include fugitive newspaper and magazine articles written before the outbreak of the war. Some of the sketches are little more than whimsies, others purely topical; but whether he was reporting a Socialists' Congress at Stuttgart or dealing with the inhuman ritual of the Criminal Assizes, Kettle was a workman who knew how to take loving pains, and the slightest fragments are polished until they pHtter. Indeed the writing here and there is a bit too scintillant: it passes the line between stimulation and fatigue. To those who are looking for dinner mots that will pass the test of the new psychology, it is a pleasure to recommend the book, especially since they will find their coveted brilliants em- bedded in a substance enormously solider than the prevailing market article. Kettle had no private solution of the Irish pioblem to urge and he discusses it only incidentally ;n the course of an incisive review of M. Paul- Dubois' L'Irlande Contemporaine and a general 56 July 26 THE DIAL paper on the philosophy of government. He was a Home-Ruler of the type that has been submerged by the new tidal wave; nevertheless, he was ready to make out in 1005, on the strength of purely English authority, an unanswerable case for revolution—if revolution had been feasible. For although his main concern as an economist was in the building up of a modern civilization which should banish the ancient curse of poverty, he saw the political and the economic strands as inextricably interwoven and he insisted that those politicians who kept strife alive were playing the part of economic realists as surely as any workers "on the land or at the loom." True, Ireland needed peace in order to concentrate her energy on basic problems. "But that peace from the purely political struggle, which is so indispensable if Ireland is to develop character and create material wealth, can come to her only as a result of political autonomy." Until that is granted England is the enemy. But his attitude to the Irish problem, which can have no more than an academic interest in view of the new phase, is interesting chiefly for, the light it throws on his sane notions of nationalism in general. They were never superheated, and it is doubtful whether he would have been as staggered as most of our idealists by the delirium of the moment. His conception of society was thoroughly dynamic and Home Rule meant for him a bivouac on the road and not a barracks. It was a corollary from his thoughts on government and the state, about which there can be nothing sacrosanct. To dream of finalities is nowadays to indulge the most futile and vicious of Utopian fallacies, because, apart from the certain disenchantment to which it must lead, it is always and everywhere the state of mind which produces a dogmatic conservatism and stands in the way of progress. Once recognize that the state exists for the happiness of man and not man for the glory of the state, and countless bogies lose their sinister grip on the imagination. The sacred "law and order " of the leader writers, for example, are no longer absolutes but only means to an end to be judged on precisely the same footing as any other. "The cry of ' order for order's sake' is as ruinously foolish as that of art for art's sake, or money for money's sake. It is for the sake of humanity that all these things must exist." In his treatment of labor, however, Kettle showed a tendency to fudge. He doesn't rush out to embrace the full implications of his evolutionary doctrine. Confronted with the portent of Larkinism, he failed to grasp its significance, stubbornly refusing to believe that labor was struggling towards a new orientation. As he saw it, the worker was already won to the " schematic essence" of our Western civilization and the sole remaining task was to rally him to its actual shape by so transforming the latter as to make it "fit for the habitation of the idea." He was sympathetic and humane, eager to see "fair play," but the best he could do was to anticipate some of our own disturbed sociologists in similar circumstances and thunder in the index while purring in the program. He rated the employers and threatened them with nightmarish horrors to come, but he never got be- yond hours and wages and living conditions. The real problem he never even posed. And his appeal was almost wholly to good will. Was it because he was a good Catholic and could not prevent himself from throwing on the traditional individual ethics a weight it was hardly meant to bear? Possibly. But he was in general a good psychologist and his error lay rather, I suspect, in underestimating the weight than in overestimating the available good will. Gecrge Donlin. July 4,1919 Grim darkness broods above the stricken earth, Still as old terror swooping from the sky; The nets of death are wrenched apart and lie Across the meadows, barbed with savage mirth. More dread than war, peace stares upon her dearth With the dead eyes of her insanity. This hungry peace, that does not live nor die, Smiling at the vain victory of birth. There is no scent of dawn, no sea-wind blowing To sweep away this ancient evil grief. The world is sick: simple desire is going; Power lames wisdom; love is but a thief. Nothing is here worth suffering and knowing But the sharp moment, profitless and brief. Babette Deutsch. 1919 57 THE DIAL Baseball 1 x the world's history baseball is a new game: hence new to song and story and uncelebrated in the fine arts of painting, sculpture, and music. Now, as Ruskin has pointed out, people generally do not see beauty or majesty except when it has been first revealed to them in pictures or other works of art. This is peculiarly true of the people who call them- selves educated. No one who prides himself on being familiar with Greek and Roman architecture and the classic masters of painting would for a moment admit that there could be any beauty in a modern sky-scraper. Yet there can be no doubt that when two thousand years hence some Antarctic scholar comes to describe our civilization, he will mention as our distinctive contribution to art our beautiful office buildings, and perhaps offer in sup- port of his thesis colored plates of some of the ruins of those temples of commerce. And when he comes to speak of America's contribution to religion, will he not mention baseball? Do not be shocked, gentle or learned reader! I know full well that baseball is a boy's game, and a professional sport, and that a properly cultured, serious person always feels like apologizing for attending a baseball game in- stead of a Strauss concert, or a lecture on the customs of the Fiji Islanders. But I still maintain that, by all the canons of our modern books on comparative religion, baseball is a religion, and the only one that is not sectarian but national. The essence of relig- ious experience, we are told, is the " redemption from the limitations of our petty individual lives and the mystic unity with a larger life of which we are a part." And is not this precisely what the baseball devotee or fanatic, if you please, experiences when he watches the team representing his city battling with another? Is there any other experience in mod- ern life in which multitudes of men so completely and intensely lose their individual selves in the larger life which they call their city? Careful stu- dents of Greek civilization do not hesitate to speak of the religious value of the Greek drama. When the auditor identifies himself with the action on the stage—Aristotle tells us—his feelings of fear and pity undergo a kind of purification (catharsis). But in baseball the identification has even more of the religious quality, since we are absorbed not only in the action of the visible actors but more deeply in the fate of the mystic unities which we call the con- tending cities. To be sure, there may be people who go to a baseball game to see some particular star, just as there are people who go to church to hear a particular minister preach; but these are phenomena in the circumference of the religious life. There are also blase persons who do not care who wins so long as they can see what they call a good game—just as there are people who go to mass be- cause they admire the vestments or intonations of the priest—but this only illustrates the pathology of the religious life. The truly religious devotee has his soul directed to the final outcome; and every one of the extraordinarily rich multiplicity of move- ments of the baseball game acquires its significance because of its bearing On that outcome. Instead of purifying only fear and. pity, baseball exercises and purifies all of our emotions, cultivating hope and courage when we are behind, resignation when we are beaten, fairness for the other team when we are ahead, charity for the umpire, and above all the zest for combat and conquest. When my revered friend and teacher William James wrote an essay on the Moral Equivalent of War, I suggested to him that baseball already em- bodied all the moral value of war, so far as war had any moral value. He listened sympathetically and was amused, but he did not take me seriously enough. All great men have their limitations, and William James' were due to the fact that he lived in Cambridge, a city which, in spite of the fact that it has a population of 100,000 souls (including the professors), is not represented in any baseball league that can be detected without a microscope. Imagine what will happen to the martial spirit in Germany if baseball is introduced there—if any Social Democrat can ask any Herr von Somebody, "What's the score?" Suppose that in an exciting ninth-inning rally, when the home team ties the score, Captain Schmidt punches Captain Miller or breaks his helmet. Will the latter challenge him to a duel? He will not. Rather will he hug him frenziedly or pummel him joyfully at the next moment when the winning run comes across the home plate. And af- ter the game, what need of further strife? When Jones of Philadelphia meets Brown of New York there may be a slight touch of condescension on one side, or a hidden strain of envy on the other side, but they take each other's arm in fraternal fashion, for they have settled their differences in an open regu- lated combat on a fair field. And if one of us has some sore regrets over an unfortunate error which lost the game, there is always the consolation that we have had our inning, and though we have lost there is another game or season coming. And what more can a reasonable man expect in this imperfect world than an open chance to do his best in a free and fair fight? Every religion has its martyrs; and the greatest of 58 July 26 THE DIAL all martyrdoms is to make oneself ridiculous and to be laughed at by the heathen. But whatever the danger, I am ready to urge the claims of interna- tional baseball as capable of arousing far more na- tional religious fervor than the more monotonous game of armaments and war. Those who fear " the deadly monotony of a universal reign of peace " can convince themselves of the thrilling and exciting character of baseball by watching the behavior of crowds not only at the games but also at the base- ball score-boards miles away. National rivalries and aspirations could find their intensest expression in a close international pennant race, and yet such rivalry would not be incompatible with the establishment of the true Church Universal in which all men would feel their brotherhood in the Infinite Game. Morris R. Cohen. N< What is the Good of History? ot much good, Professor F. J. Teggart sus- pects, as it has hitherto been considered. In his modest little volume called The Process of History (Yale University Press) he maintains that the edifying purpose of historical investigation and writ- ing should be to make as clear as may be " how man everywhere has come to be as he is." This, his- torians have hitherto failed to do. History has been until recently a branch of belles Iettres which de- voted itself to forcing alleged historic facts into the unnatural cadre of dramatic presentation. It is true that of late many historical contributions have made their appearance which have no more claim to literary elegance than a treatise on automobile clutches or beriberi, but they have none of them cast much light on how man everywhere has come to be as he is. Mr. Teggart is not so unreasonable as to expect anyone to answer so momentous a ques- tion succinctly and off-hand. His complaint is that historians have really made no attempt to answer it, and have not pursued a method by which it could be answered. They have been strong in narrative but weak in explanation. Ranke's famous aspiration to set forth things as they had really been was of course indispensable as far as it went; but strangely enough it was the geologist and biologist rather than the historian that first suggested an essentially historical mood in dealing with the past. Mr. Teggart is impressed with this fact, and turns to the methods of historical science for guidance in determining the fundamental factors and processes which should engage our attention if we are ever to write a real history of how man everywhere came to be as he is. We all long for light on the murky riddles of the present. Could we but once understand in even a general and tentative way the manner in which man landed in his present complex predica- ments we might get at once a frame of mind which would enable us more clearly to see the exact na- ture of the fix in which we find ourselves and, •Mjssibly, some suggestions as to how we may hope to extricate ourselves from the maze. As our author remarks at the close of his book: It requires no lengthy exposition to demonstrate that the ideas which lead to strife, civil or international, are not the products of the highest knowledge available, are not the verified results of scientific inquiry, but are "opinions" about matters which, at the moment, we do not fully under- stand. Among modern peoples the most important of these opinions are concerned with the ordering of human affairs; and in this area all our "settlements" of the problems which confront us must Continue to be temporary and un- certain compromises until we have come to apply the method of science to their solution. Science is not a body of beliefs and opinions, but is a way or method of dealing with problems. . . . Scientific method is the term we use for the orderly and scientific effort to find out. Hith- erto, the most serious affairs of men have been decided upon the basis of argumentation, carried, not infrequently, to the utmost limits of destruction and death. It should be possible to apply in this domain the method of finding out, and it has been my hope to contribute, in however tentative a manner, to this end. In his first chapter Professor Teggart shows the superficial character of the so-called explanations that have hitherto been given of the processes of history. This superficiality is due to a considerable extent to the Europocentric nature of the stories we construct and the reckless generalizing and specious correlations derived from this highly artificial nar- rative. "Precisely what we need to begin with are great bodies of historical data . . . relating to all human groups without distinction, which have not been subjected to the selective activities of the literary artist and the philosopher." In his second chapter he reconsiders the reasons why peoples wander about the earth and so change their environment and come in contact with other peoples. He concludes that these movements are not instigated by overpopulation or love of adven- ture but generally by a diminution of the food sup- ply. "Man is prone to remain where he is, to fixity in ideas and ways of doing things and only through nature's insistent driving has he been shaken out of his immobility and set wayfaring on the open road." The ordinary conservative tem- perament is man's natural heritage; and now as ever it fears change even in our dynamic age. The 1919 59 THE DIAL conservative rationalizes his primitive apprehen- sions by the sophistication that man is a naturally restless, disorderly, and anarchic animal who must ever be kept in the fetters of dogma, social, political, or religious. The third chapter of this little book is a general treatment of the process by which tribal society be- comes political society; how the creative and am- bitious individual leader gets from time to time an opportunity of self-assertion. Later history, our author remarks, is primarily "the record of the un- ceasing efforts of kings to extend what they regard as their personal possessions." Our present na- tional state with its strong national patriotism can easily be traced back to " the institutionalization of a situation which arose out of the opportunity for personal self-assertion created by the break-up of primitive organizations. . . . Thus, through- out the past, we are presented with the anomaly of men fighting to maintain the institutionalized vestiges of the self-assertion of aggressive individ- uals on occasions of long-past upheavals." This fact if once comprehended might make even a Repub- lican senator smile at his own views. I fear that Mr. Teggart's book will hardly bring its full message to the casual reader, but it can be read and reread with advantage by one somewhat familiar with the newer conceptions of man and his nature. James Harvey Robinson. M The Status of the State . an is born free, yet everywhere he finds himself the subject of a state. How did this come about? That is the theme of The State and the Nation, by Professor Edwards Jenks (Dutton). What can make it legitimate? That question Mr. Harold J. Laski ably essays to answer. (Author- ity in the Modern State; Yale University Press.) About the origin and the nature of the state there has been more perverse theorizing than -about any other phenomenon except deity. The state has meant all things to all men. The chief difficulty of the political philosopher has been to reconcile its coercive powers with any notion of its voluntary institution, and its general acceptance, by the com- munity at large. Is it out of war or peace that the state was born? Does it exist by force or by con- sent? Those questions appear at the very outset of any illuminant discussion: they delimit the re- spective positions of Socrates and Thrasymachus at the opening of Plato's greatest political dialogue. Socrates believes that the state is but an organ of community; Thrasymachus holds, on the other hand, that the state exists not for the benefit of the community but for the advantage of the gov- erning classes. He anticipates Nietzsche and Treitschke. "In all states, what is just and what is advantageous for the established government are the same; it hath the power. So that it appears to him who reasons rightly that, in all cases, what is the advantage of the more powerful, the same is just." The history of Western Europe confirms the prussic realism of Thrasymachus. It is impossible to resist Professor Jenks' conclusion that "in the formation of the modern state the conspicuous causes are the closely related facts of migration and conquest." The state does not take its origin in the family, the clan, the tribe, the village, the city, or the mark. By no conceivable federalization of these units could the compulsive military organiza- tion we name the state be produced. It is, on the contrary, a foreign institution thrust upon the more or less peaceful inhabitants of a given territory by a group of hunter-warriors, whose sole initial pur- pose is simply to live on the land without participat- ing in its economic labors. Professor Jenks; might have used Mr. Laski's very definition: "The sub- stance of the state does not vary. It is always a territorial society in which there is a distinction between government and subjects." Now at first the state was little more than its government, and territorial compactness was not one of its attributes. The crown lands were scat- tered. The capital of the state was wherever the king happened to be quartered for the night. Just before the beginning of those religious wars which disrupted the universal polity of the Roman Church a process of consolidation resulted in the definition of the rigidly bounded national state we know today. On this point Professor Jenks is un- fortunately silent, for despite the title of his volume he does not touch upon the relation of nationality to statehood. What took place is nevertheless not ob- scure. In order to keep the archives of the state accessible and safe a national capital was erected and a stable seat of government established. Thereafter the capital of the state was the center of all civil authority, and instead of merely unify- ing and coordinating independent local functions the state got more and more into the habit of formulating its policies without respect to the in- terests of the discrete and increasingly powerless provincial groups in the hinterland. It is a mistake to think that the early military 6o July 26 THE DIAL state was all-powerful. Its, position was too pre- carious for that. What made the state finally sov- ereign in authority was the breakup of the feudal sys- tem, the collapse of town economy, and the rise of the concept of nationality, coincident with the develop- ment of a common native language. The state capital became the center of art, science, and litera- ture. The culture of the capital succeeded in pass- ing itself off on the provinces as the one authentic and indisputable "national " culture. The bounda- ries of the state in Western Europe were made roughly coincident with the limits of a single language. Within those boundaries, after the pat- tern set in the national capital, the life of the na- tion became encysted. The Defense of the Realm became the chief end of statesmanship. Internally it meant the suppression of all national, religious, and civic groups which refused to acknowledge the overwhelming supremacy and moral authority of the state. Externally it meant the challenging of all foreign governments which threatened to contend for the possession of the vested interests and privi- leges which the state preserved for those who ruled within. In essence, this is the sum and substance of the institution which claims the adherence, in war and peace, of every human being born within its terri- tory. . As Professor Jenks bravely admits "the famous apothegm of Treitschke 'The State is Power' is absolutely borne out by the facts of his- tory; it is only in their monstrous and illogical de- duction from this truth that Treitschke and his fol- lowers have erred. Their doctrine in brief was: 'The state is power; therefore fall down and wor- ship it!' The true doctrine is: 'The state is power; therefore, while recognizing its value, be- ware how you allow it to master you.'" The danger is not lessened, as we learned in the drastic experiment of the late war, by the paltry checks and balances of a so-called democratic government. Bismarck and Burleson dedicated their lives to the same political deity. "It is," as Mr. Laski says, "with the sovereign state that we are today confronted. For its funda- mental agents, that is to say, there is claimed a power from which no appeal is to be made. The attributes of sovereignty have been admirably described by Paley. Its power 'may be termed absolute, omnipotent, uncontrollable, arbitrary, despotic, and is alike so in all countries.'" These are pretentious claims, and Mr. Laski calls to his aid all the resources of indefatigable scholarship and delicate philosophic analysis to demolish them. Happily he does not find it more difficult in dis- cussing contemporary fact, than Professor Jenks does ■n treating historic fact, to show that these claims are, when checked up by sociological realities, ridiculously inflated. The omnipotent powers of the state are perhaps good " for duration of war" because it is in warfare that the peculiar functions of the state are exercised without internal rivalry. But as soon as the herd instinct ceases to evoke the attitude so necessary to group conflict, the united front, we find that the sovereignty of the state is subject to limitation as a result of the pressure of custom, law, and current moral judgment. Above all, perhaps, because man is a city-building animal, and his civic needs are not met by the lean satis- factions of his life as the member of a political state. "Whatever the requirements of legal theory no man surrenders his whole being to the state. . . . Government dare not range over the whole area of human life." Now if the political theorist commits the mistake of thinking that the individual and the state are the only entities that need be considered there are really only one of two loyalties possible for him. He may follow the Hegelian method and deny the individual, or he may take the Spencerian lead and deny the state. But the Spencerian effort to make the state responsible by making it impotent was based upon an incomplete sociological analysis, which neglected the fundamental need of all de- veloped individuals for participation in some form of associative life. Historically the state has not become weakened by the emphasis on the isolated individual: it actually has tended to take over functions which would otherwise be in the hands of vigorous voluntary associations. The belief in this process of substitution is the characteristic of state socialism. But obviously the more functions that the state absorbs the more compulsive and irresistible will be its authority. "To make the state omnicompetent," as Mr. Laski incisively points out, " is to leave it at the mercy of any group that is powerful enough to exploit it. . . The only way out of such an impasse is the neutral- ization of the state; and it cannot be neutralized save by the division of power that is today con- centrated in its hands." This, of course, is to do away with the assumed priority of the state's in- terests and affairs. But that priority it based upon an illicit identification of the multitudinous wills of the community with the particular will of the government of the state. Because the province of the state is as wide as its territories its claim to ex- ercise control over every department of civil life within that area is by no means substantiated. It is not the amount of territory ir covers, but the number of interests it subsumes, that matters to the citizen. The state is not, and must never be per- rnjtted to become, the only group organization open 1919 61 THE DIAL to the individual. The state is, and must remain, but one association among many. Nor is the state by itself, after all, the most powerful organization. The state becomes formidable only when it is able to attract the allegiance of various corporations, com- munities, and associations that coexist with it, and that are (despite the arrant legal fiction of incor- poration ) coordinate with the state and independent of it for their existence. Without the good will of these groups the state is destitute of authority; without their active cooperation it is impotent. Now the constitution of the modern state does not represent its real relation to the body politic. It is, we are all agreed, a territorial society in which representation in the legislature is appor- tioned on the basis of an arbitrary division of the country into "states," provinces, cantons, coun- ties, districts, or departments. In theory the repre- sentative goes to the national capital on behalf of his locality, and some observers are so innocent as to believe that "representation by locality" is re- sponsible for the notorious lapses and futilities of modern republican government. These observers advocate representation by classes and interests. As a matter of fact there has never been, since the close of the Middle Ages, any other kind of organ- ization. A member of Congress does not vote as the member of a community: he represents the political party whose control of the state the major- ity of his constituents has assented to: and as such he stands for a certain set of diffused group inter- ests centered about—let us say—a protective tariff, or the collective ownership of public utilities. If the interests of localities had genuinely been dom- inant the state and federal, governments in the United States would not have increased so greatly in power and prestige. Political platforms, how- ever, are hardly under the surveillance of the local members of the parties. Hence the interests that they have furthered have been those advocated, not by particular cities or regions, but by active economic minorities. If we have not had a uni- versal representation by interests it is only because we have permitted the substitute of representation by—apathies. Granting that the state can function only by the advice and consent of these corporate groups the important problem for discussion is how the groups themselves are to be constituted. The ques- tion is not, as Mr. H. J. Mackinder supposes in his Democratic Ideals and Realities (Holt) Inter- ests versus Localities; it is to what extent locali- ties will figure in the development and formula- tion of interests. That the groups which guide the state must be made responsible goes without say- ing. But how are the purposes of these groups to be - formulated; how are their wills to be carried out? At the final stage many political thinkers envisage a National Congress composed of indus- trial and professional associations with a representa- tion proportionate to their respective memberships. This they denominate a producer's parliament, and the English theorists would counterbalance it with a consumer's parliament in which representatives would be drawn not from trades but from geographic areas. If representation by locality, however, be the fiction we have asserted, this bi- cameral conception is unworkable; for it would represent a cleavage between economic groups func- tioning through occupational associations and eco- nomic groups functioning through political asso- ciations, and in case of conflict there could be no other kind of agreement than that enforced by superior physical power. Developments within the trade-union movement during the last half decade show that there is still a third possibility. In many cases the workers have found that organization by highly centralized na- tional unions has the same defect that organization by centralized national states is guilty of—it ignores regional needs, peculiarities, and differences, and carries controlling power too far away from the those most concerned in its immediate application. The shop steward in England, the shop commit- tee in America, and the factory Soviet in Hungary and Russia suggest that economic interests them- selves must be organized primarily on a local basis. The federation of these local units within a single city or region; and the federation of regional labor associations into national or transnational bodies seem the more desirable methods of organization. This suggests plainly a reconciliation of the in- dividual's interests as a worker and as a citizen, as the member of an industrial and the member of a political society. Both current theories leave these functions unintegrated: the politician would have the individual forget his class interests; the interna- tional trades-union executive would have him ignore his place interests. Ultimately, the security against arbitrary oppression by producers and consumers, drawn up in battle array, lies in the possibility of establishing this common basis for both of them. The city-region itself would function in this federal scheme as but a coeval economic association of con- sumers—not as a superior, governmental institution. Thus the state would eventually be neutralized—it would amount to little more than a highly respected Bureau of Standards. That is a far cry from the position it pretends to hold at present. But it may not in point of time be a distant one. Lewis Mumford. 62 July 26 THE DIAL Two Iconoclasts: Veblen and Vanderlip r or some years reputable scientists have been free to investigate such problems as the nature of the atom and the possibility of producing frogs with only one parent without fear of the displeasure of the Grand Lama of Thibet or the condemnation of the Sons and Daughters of the American Revolu- tion. Darwin's battle is well won, and when the priesthood of science takes issue with the older orders it is not science that has to give way. But the dis- passionate search for truth in the complicated field of human relations has not yet attained the same standing; there is still a holy of holies into which only a few students have entered, and then at their peril. To weigh a star is admirable; to weigh an institution exposes one to the slings and arrows of an outraged press and an outworn scholasticism. It is for this reason, no doubt, that the words of America's foremost economist carry less weight with the readers, let us say of the New York Tribune or the North American Review, than do those of Nicholas Murray Butler and Elihu Root. In a less dangerous field of inquiry work comparable with that of Thorstein Veblen would win recog- nition as the beginning of an important new school. It is only because most of us are too deeply a part of our own institutions to be able to consider them scientifically that the exquisite irony of The Theory of the Leisure Class, the penetrating analysis of The Theory of Business Enterprise, and the dazzling conceptions which underlie the somewhat formid- able Instinct of Workmanship have not won Mr. Veblen a formal place in the front rank of con- temporary thinkers and prophets. The so-called difficulty of Veblen's style has nothing to do with the scant recognition that the Brahmins have ac- corded him. He is as easy to read as any man with as much to say. A few years ago it seemed that such a diagnosis of human affairs as that in The Theory of the Leisure Class would have as little chance of alter- ing the world for the better as the satires of Swift and Juvenal had of changing human nature. But our age has become dynamic. The world is fluid. The tides of proletarian revolution surge one way, the currents of reaction the other. The gap be- tween the thinker and the doer has narrowed; the idle speculation of yesterday is the political issue of today and tomorrow. Mr. Veblen's latest con- tribution, The Vested Interests and the State of the Industrial Arts (Huebsch), although it still belongs in the field of inquiry rather than of prop- aganda, would be the well-worn handbook of Plato's philosopher statesman, were there such a one in power. "The aim of these papers," the author explains in a brief preface, "is to show how, and, as far as may be, why a discrepancy has arisen in the course of time between those accepted principles of law and custom that underlie business enter- prise and the businesslike management of industry, on the one hand, and the material conditions which have now been engendered by that new order of industry that took its rise in the late eighteenth cen- tury, on the other hand; together with some spec- ulations on the civil and political difficulties set afoot by this discrepancy between business and in- dustry." The argument may be roughly indicated for Dial readers not yet familiar with it. The modern theories of society took shape at the close of the period which connected the decay of feu- dalism with the beginning of machine industry. There is always a perceptible lag between "law and custom" on the one hand and everyday "knowledge and belief" on the other; the former never quite catch up, and are never quite reconciled with the demonstrable facts of the workday en- vironment. In a period of rapid change there is a greater discrepancy than in static periods, but there is always a discrepancy. The more rapid the mechanical changes in the ways of living the greater the strain that is put upon law and custom. The last great restatement of accepted common- places was made in the generations following the Protestant Reformation. It reached its climax in the formulations of Adam Smith, who summarized a set of working principles well adapted to a so- ciety still largely in the handicraft stage. The French and American revolutions resulted in the stabilization of a handicraft economy and moral- ity, just as handicraft was about to give way, by a leap more abrupt than any analogous one in his- tory, to a totally different scheme of production. "The modern point of view," thus petrified, "is now some one hundred and fifty years old. There are two main counts included in this mod- ern—eighteenth century—plan, which appear unre- mittingly to make for discomfort and dissension un- der the conditions offered by the New Order of things:—National ambition and the Vested Rights of Ownership. . . . Both of these im- memorially modern rights of man have come to yield a net return of hardship and ill-will for all those peoples who have bound up their fortunes with that kind of enterprise." 1919 63 THE DIAL Under the new order " the first requisite of ordi- nary productive industry is no longer the workman and his manual skill, but rather the mechanical equipment and the standardized processes in which the mechanical equipment is engaged. And this latterday industrial equipment and process embodies not the manual skill, dexterity, and judgment of the individual workman, but rather the accumulated technological wisdom of the community." It fol- lows that any system of rewards based upon the assumption of exceptional individual "skill, dexter- ity, and judgment" is bound to clash more or less with the facts, and it is the nature of this clash to yield what Veblen calls "free income" to in- dividuals who are religiously supposed to have exercised the virtues of self-help in a socially ben- eficial way roughly proportional to their rewards, but who actually stand rather in the position of ob- structors of traffic. Free income is pleasantly spoken of in the business world as "intangible as- sets," and is commonly " derived from advantages of salesmanship rather than from productive work." Now, salesmanship patently aims to sell at a prof- itable price, and it is salesmanship that determines what the rate and quantity of production shall be. Commonly the rate is far below what the mechan- ical equipment would allow. During the late war, Veblen estimates, the American mechanical equip- ment was operated at something like fifty per cent of its technically possible output. "The habitual net production is fairly to be rated at something like one-fourth of the industrial community's pro- ductive capacity; presumably under that figure rather than over." From this reduced product "special privilege" takes its due share and it re- tains its grip on that share by an habitual, though quite lawful and even blameless, restriction upon output. For a concrete illustration of the author's point we have only to observe the current housing shortage, which has been brought about by the re- fusal of business men to build houses (that is, by- businesslike sabotage) until a sufficient amount of "free income " was assured. Human needs can cut no figure in these calculations. Akin to the rights and perquisites of business men in the national field are those of nations in the international field, and both have the practical effect of preventing the full use of the gigantic pro- ductive apparatus—and the more important body of technological skill and knowledge that perpet- ually re-creates it—which have developed since those rights and perquisites were guaranteed. Inso- far as the league of nations turns out to be a league of governments and not of peoples it sanctions and encourages this vast system of international sabot- age. The net profit of competitive nationalism has ceased to be apparent, but there remains at least a "psychic income" which the conferees at Paris were extremely solicitous to protect. This may content the dominating classes; as far as the wel- fare of the common man goes " the most beneficent change that can conceivably overtake any national establishment would be to let it fall into ' innocuous desuetude.'" There are some points in this explanation upon which Lenin and Veblen might shake hands, others concerning which they would necessarily disagree. As to probabilities in this country Veblen is no alarmist—or, as some would say, no undue optimist. He sees no rapid discrediting of the old laws and customs in America, except among the compara- tively few and outcast I.W.W., and perhaps among the members of the Non-Partisan League. The American Federation of Labor and the majority of the farmers, though hard-pressed, are still uncor rupted. Yet, as he has pointed out in a more re- cent discussion published in The Dial, there is already on foot a project for a coalition between the industrial workers on the one hand and the en- gineers and production managers' on the other which, may, peaceably and without social disruption, come to the same thing. If Mr. Veblen escapes the clutches of the sev- eral leagues and committees which are now engaged in eliminating Bolshevism from the United States he will be accused of the slightly less heinous crime of preaching a variety of Socialism. In fact, he is as far from the dogmatism of Lenin or Marx as , he is from that of Adam Smith or J. S. Mill. He is an observer, not a Utopian. To refute him his critics will be compeled to examine into certain neglected aspects of current production and pro- ductivity, and if economic discussion takes the trend he has indicated he will, whatever the outcome of the controversy, have done a distinguished service. As applied to the present condition of Europe the Veblen method would consist in a complete rejection of the forms and pretenses of statesman- ship and diplomacy and the giving of exclusive at- tention to the "state of the industrial arts." It is such an examination as this that Frank Vanderlip (perhaps the last well-known man in the United States to be suspected of dangerous radicalism) has made, without any doctrinal foresight, in the little volume which he calls What Happened to Europe (Macmillan). Before" going abroad Mr. Vander- lip seems to have accepted without a qualm the conventional view of the war and of its effect upon Europe. He knew as much about it as a leading banker could know. But (or therefore) he found, 64 July 26 THE DIAL as he tells us, that he knew "practically nothing." On the continent he found industry prostrate, in the so-called victor nations as well as in those that were defeated. He became convinced, as the peace conferees unhappily seem not to have been, that "there will be security nowhere so long as there are, here and there, plague centers in which idle- ness, lack of production, disorganized transporta- tion, want, and hunger make a breeding ground for the Bolshevik microbe." He perceived that an in- crease in national magnificence is quite consistent with a decline in the welfare of the common man: "The differential that England has had in the last generation, compared with America, has been the differential of a wage scale that averaged lower than the point at which the physical efficiency of labor could be maintained." He saw that "the disorganization of industry, of transportation, and of production has so thrown out of balance the in- tricate machinery of civilization that there is safety nowhere." Again and again he comes back to his heresy that "Europe must be treated as a unit." Much has been made of Mr. Vanderlip's project for extending vast, long-time credits to Europe. It is essentially a sanitary measure. He explains: I believe the stability of the present order of society, the maintenance of a society based upon the principle of prop- erty rights, is bound up with the way this problem is worked out in Europe. We cannot stand a world apart in its solution. Indeed, we cannot stand a world apart in any sense. No matter how self-sufficient we may believe our- selves to be, no matter how unlimited are the resources of natural wealth within us, we are inevitably part of what is coming to be a very small world, a world in which ideas travel with a freedom and rapidity that must force us to become internationalists in our views and must govern us by international considerations, whatever may be our nat- ural tendencies of Chauvinism, or our disposition toward an insular isolation and security. With the same sense of the necessity of prevent- ing some dire disaster, roughly described as Bol- • shevism, Mr. Vanderlip admits the necessity of con- ceding to labor a share in the control of industry. In the past this has generally meant, in the minds of men subject to such an environment as that of Mr. Vanderlip, just such a modified feudalism as that set up (apparently with the best of intentions) by young Mr. Rockefeller in Colorado. The Rock- efeller scheme is perhaps as near to economic democ- racy as the parliaments of the first three English Edwards were to representative government in twentieth century England. It may be a step for- ward, but it is nothing that need keep even an old- fashioned banker awake of nights. But Mr. Van- derlip seems convinced that the workers demand a"d must have some real power, and he sees that this is, in all countries, of more importance than increased wages or shortened working days. Thus: It seems to me that the most important thing for Ameri- can employers to grasp is the significance attached by workingmen to bettering their social status in industry. At home I never miss an opportunity to gain enlightenment on the workmen's point of view, and I have been increasingly impressed with their desire for a larger voice in manage- ment. They do not want a voice either in the manage- ment or the responsibility of the business office, but they do want more to say about the immediate industrial con- ditions in which they work. I am thoroughly convinced that that aspiration is now world-wide and that America will feel the demand as strongly as it is now being felt in Europe. I believe it is a demand that American employers should heed, and that it should be met not merely by forced and grudging concessions, but rather from the point of view which is now held by many English employers. It is declared that what the men want is to be treated as intelli- gent participators in industry, to be consulted and to have things explained to them. It is a reasonable and logical claim, and employers themselves believe they will have to concede it. Here and in other passages Mr. Vanderlip draws a distinct line between the control of production and the control of distribution. In the latter he does not seem to think the majority of the workers demand, or are qualified, to exercise any degree of control. If labor in this country and abroad at- tained all that Mr. Vanderlip at present wants to offer them the productive machinery would still be throttled down or speeded up by the necessities of the market. There would be a general improvement in the condition of labor and a somewhat more than corresponding increase in production, but the right of the owners of the industrial equipment and the natural resources to regulate the functions of pro- duction of their own interest, and against the pub- lic interest, would be in nowise impaired. But the distance that Mr. Vanderlip has covered is more remarkable than the distance that, if he is to become perfectly logical, he has yet to travel. He has left definitely behind him the last vestiges of the theory that the labor bargain is a free contract be- tween individuals. He has stepped from the eigh- teenth century, if not into the twentieth, at least far into the nineteenth. The chief defect of his policy is, in fact, that he does not see all its im- plications. For one may be sure that great labor organizations which have had an influential voice in the making of their product will not patiently, and out of a respect for the boundaries between shop and market, see their hard work undone by a bungling system of distribution. Mr. Vanderlip's radicalism is more thoroughgoing than he himself may realize. Without disowning competitive na- tionalism or self-help—indeed, reaffirming them— he proposes to take some of the steps to save them that Mr. Veblen might take in the dry-eyed assur- ance that they are already lost. Robert L. Duffus. THE DIAL A FORTNIGHTLY The Old Order and the New Within the proposed league of nations a great league of nations already exists. It is called the British Empire. By the present covenant it is proposed that the United States should guarantee by force of arms and control of materials the terri- torial arrangements designated in the Peace Treaty. In Europe itself these arrangements define the rela- tion of organized states to each other; but in the British Empire they define the relation of a domi- nant master-state to a broad and increasingly dis- affected subject population. In effect, the United States is called upon to guarantee the integrity of the British Empire, in addition to that of the inchoate states of Europe. In so far as the British Empire is made up of self-governing dominions, the condition laid down in Article X need occasion no alarm. A federal union of equals is internally cohesive. But the British Empire contains subject states, subject colonies, and mandatories—terri- tories which have been taken over for the purposes of exploitation. Above a million square miles have been added since the beginning of the war by "right" of might, both openly and under the guise of mandatories; and if the present treaty is signed and the Covenant allowed to pass without amend- ment this forcible appropriation (that is, pillage) will go by without protest. If we connive at this we are an accessory after the fact. The currency system might as well be founded on counterfeiting as a League of Nations upon the rights of military conquest. We are thus asked* to guarantee by force an arrangement to which we cannot with honor give our consent. Now to guarantee the subjection of the Empire's foreign population will carry the Lnited States one step further away from her demo- cratic professions and anti-imperialist traditions. Consider the case of Ireland. Suppose a Sinn Fein government firmly entrenched and the present Brit- ish army of occupation cut to pieces, and suppose that the British government appealed to the Coun- cil of Ten for aid on the ground that its territorial integrity^ was menaced. Would the United States assent to the embargo of Ireland? Could it with- hold its assent under Article X? It is possible that the Irish question will be amicably settled, and this particular dilemma may not crop up, but it is an ex- ample of what may very well happen in the Empire's relations with Egypt, India, and the Near East— territories the Empire is bent upon politely exploit- ing. Great Britain has no moral claim to any of these territories. They were added by military con- quest and have been administered by an unsym- pathetic bureaucracy for the benefit of home in- vestors. These are no grounds for denying the right of self-determination to the underlying populations. To guarantee the British ascendancy in foreign lands is to establish the supremacy of the investing classes in Great Britain at the expense of political and industrial democracy. Our own history should teach us the dangers of this policy. The mercantile system which alienated the Amer- ican Colonies from Great Britain was based upon a discrimination between colonial and imperial inter- ests, a discrimination which sought to maintain permanently the economic inferiority of America for the benefit of the ruling classes at home. Great Britain's relations with China and India today fol- low the lines of this earlier pattern. If we under- write the present empire we renounce the very basis and authority of our own independence. We per- petuate a situation we ourselves found insupport- able. So long as labor has not captured the British state anything that adds to the power of the Empire' adds to the strength and prestige of the ruling classes. The guarantees established by the Covenant sanction their continued supremacy. If this were still the America of Franklin, Jefferson, and Lin- coln we should not substantiate the claims of Brit- ish imperialism, inflated as they are by the seizure of Egypt and the establishment of mandatories. The present treaty and covenant embody those claims. Therefore, in the interest of internal democracy, and international morality, these docu- ments, as they stand, must be rejected. The United States can exist without the British Empire. In the present state of the Empire its existence must be precarious without the aid of the United States. That is the ultimate reason for refusing our sanc- tion. 1 HE PEACE TREATY HAVING BEEN SIGNED, metropolitan newspapers are asking their readers to marvel at the fact that some fourteen separate wars are still raging on the continent of Europe. The most marvelous thing about this business is that the journalistic mind can break one situation into so many artificially separated items. There is under way in Europe one revolution of the familiar political sort—that of Ireland against Great Britain. Two territorial wars are likewise in progress—be- tween Jugoslavia and Austria, and Poland and 66 July 26 THE DIAL Ukrania. The other dozen wars are one—the rebellion of the proletariat against the proper- tariat. Here the forces of the Old Order fall into four groups. From Archangel to the Baltic shore and inland again to Galicia stretches the crescent of the new Eastern front, where British and German troops are making Russia safe for the operation of a half-dozen armies—North Russian, Finnish, Es- thonian, Livonian, Lithuanian, Polish—now in the field against the Soviet Republic. Denikin in the South and Kolchak in the East are cutting off Old Russia from outlets won in the days of Peter the Great and Catherine the Insatiable. To the West, lesser armies of Roumanians and Czechs are clus- tering around another victim—Soviet Hungary. And everywhere—in Siberia and Galicia, on the White Sea and the Black—are the uniforms of those organizers of new propertarian armies, the officers of Britain and France. In this fashion, in one great astounding war, there is exhibited the in- ternational unity of thought and action that has given birth to the League of Corporations. As LABOR IN EUROPE AND ELSEWHERE RESORTS to industrial action to effect political ends, it seems as though the world might discover, in the years ahead, where and how, in the interest of a progres- sive civilization, political action can be put to use. While political government has served as a tool for the accomplishment of ends which are distinctly finite, it has figured traditionally among common people as a sacrosanct institution. They have been permitted in the most advanced communities to ap- proach the institution at regular, stated, or con- venient intervals with a paper offering which they might drop on the altar. This act of the common people constituted a state of affairs called democ- racy. Having just waged a war for the continua- tion of this happy state, we are naturally shocked to find that the common people of Europe propose to regard the political machinery at the knocked-down valuation to which it has been reduced. There are methods of handling this machinery more realistic than the ballot, and some of these methods are open to the common as well as the uncommon man. All may play the game of hold-up in one way or another. The workers have been loth to use their power, but they have discovered as a result of the war that if their participation in the affairs of common life is to be more than a myth they must accept the terms which others have set up. The game is crude, but the crudity did not become apparent until it threat- ened to become common. As a matter of fact as labor succeeds in opening up the game for common use and advertising the crudities of political methods there will be a chance, for the first time in the his- tory of political government, to discover how far political machinery can serve political, that is com- mon, interests. Weeks pass and the case of Kolchak v. the Soviets drags on interminably. John A. Embry, sometime United States consul at Omsk, reports wholesale killing in the region where the White Terror and the Red overlap—killing for which the Bolsheviki are responsible, Mr. Embry says (New York Times, July 1). Upon being questioned, the witness states that he now represents a firm of exporters and importers with headquarters at the capital of the Kolchak Government! Comes then one Joshua Rosett, sent into Siberia by the Committee on Public Information, a branch of our government not yet suspected of pro-Bolshe- vist tendencies. This witness testifies that Kol- chak broke up the Zemstvo government in Si- beria, suppressed free speech and free press, and "exiled or murdered every member of the Rus- sian Constituent Assembly upon whom he could lay his hands" (New Republic, July 9); the Admi- ral's method of dealing individually with the members of the Assembly will appear very in- genious when it is remembered that the majority of these persons are now of the Bolshevist persuasion. In a confidential dispatch from the Far East, Arthur Bullard, another rep- resentative of Mr. Creel's Committee, says that "allied support of Kolchak's experiment in re- action is a feature regrettable" (The Nation, July 19). Thus the volume of testimony grows; spectators come and go, wondering casually what the final outcome will be, blind to the fact that those who sit in high places have already given a verdict and that the executions are in progress. Russia asks for bread and receives— whiffs of grapeshot. Typhus and cholera are rag- ing, but medical supplies are denied and material ot this sort shipped by the Danish Red Cross is turned back by the Allied forces. The formalities of a trial are superfluous when starvation and the plague are already guiding the hand of "justice" to the throat of the Russian people. 1 HE RECENT STATEMENT OF OUR NEW UNDER Secretary of State to the effect that the Soviet Government of Russia could scarcely expect recog- nition unless it declared itself willing to pay its foreign debts, or rather to recognize as its own debts incurred by the former Czaristic and Keren- sky regimes, is significant, and not altogether self- explanatory—which debts would the Under Secre- tary have the Russians recognize? Is he speaking for his own country alone, or is it intended to throw the American Government's influence behind the claims of France and England as well? In Article 21 of Annex II of the recently published treaty between Poland and the Allied and Associated Powers "Poland agrees to assume responsibility for such proportion of the Russian public debt and other Russian public liabilities of any kind as may 1919 67 THE DIAL be assigned to her under a special convention be- tween the principal allied and associated powers on the one hand and Poland on the other, to be pre- pared by a commission appointed by the above states." This assignation, it may be assumed, will be based on the estimated extent to which present Polish territory benefited by the application of the proceeds of foreign loans. To this extent at least the Soviet Government will be absolved from de- livering the sum that Poland can be induced to as- sume. How much of the funds raised in the United States by the pre-Soviet Russian Govern- ments were actually turned over to these Govern- ments, and how much liability can be justly allotted to the present Russian Government when the former Russian Governments (or their accredited repre- sentatives when the Governments themselves ceased to exist) not only refused to turn over public funds in their possession, but obviously appropriated them for their own use even to the extent of financing counter revolution and foreign intervention against the de facto Russian Government? It would seem clear from the amount of Russian loans floated in this country and the supplies sent from here to Rus- sia that American citizens indeed hold some just claims against the Russian state, or the Russian people under whatever government it may be, for value received. Have these claims been formulated by their holders, examined by the State Department, communicated to the Soviet Government—and been disavowed by it? The public is entitled to these facts, if they exist, since it is only on the basis of facts, authoritative and convincing, that it can come to any just conclusions. Are we to settle our own difficul- ties with Russia according to our own straightfor- ward, single-handed American manner, or is our - State Department to maintain its obdurate attitude toward that struggling people till the Entente Powers have carved out satisfactorily extensive pledges in timber and oil of an indebtedness which their diplomacy in Russia had precluded them from realizing by fair and peaceful means? It depends, first, upon how much time it will take the savage tribes that fringe the territory of Russia, backed by Entente and Japanese troops and supplies, to battle their way to Moscow and stamp out Bolshevism in a country where 80 to 90 per cent of the population appears to have accepted its formulas; second, upon the lease of life extended by the popular parties of England, France, and Italy to their present impe- rialistic governments. Finally it depends upon the ability of these imperialistic governments and their American agents and friends to dyke up with their one-sided atrocity propaganda, the rising tide of pro- test of the American people at our Government's smug attitude toward starving and blockaded Rus- sia. . The success of Kolchak is dubious; the tenure of the European governments is infirm. It is there- fore on the corruption of American opinion that counter-revolutionary propaganda is centered. Unless universal conscription for military training is got under way in a hurry, we shall be obliged to use a volunteer army in our potential war with Mexico. Such being the case, it may be wise to begin at once to gather material for the recruiting posters. Much data relative to the causes of the war, now in free circulation, may otherwise be unavailable when we have in hand the business of touching the "hearts and minds" of men of military age. Let it be set down then that irregularities in Russia have done much to curtail Europe's supply of oil. Concurrently with the Peace Conference there was held in Paris an in- formal gathering of those gentlemen who control as much of the world's oil supply as has not been cut off by the unreasonable Bolsheviki. Nothing hap- pened. Until presently there appeared a Council of Twenty—financiers—purely informal—organized to look after investments in Mexico, where extinc- tion of private property in oil wells is threatened. Since that time events have moved with gather- ing speed. Felix Diaz is conducting a revo- lution in behalf of law and order—and property rights. Villa, on a summer swing around the circle, has given the United States the opportunity to commit what Carranza might choose to con- sider an act of war against Mexico. Carranzist promises to let the oil kings go their way in Mexico have alternated with stories of drilling stopped by force of arms, and of Americans killed by ruffians —rather less often than in our own South. The whole business has finally got into such a muddled state that the New York Times has hired an ex- consul of ours to run up a trial balance and see just how much money each of the powers now has tied up in Mexico. The totals are approximately: America $870,000,000; Great Britain $670,000,- 000; France $285,000,000; Germany $75,000,000 (very menacing). Now in order that there shall be no departure from the spirit of true international- ism, the war against Mexico should not be con- ducted by any one nation for a selfish purpose, but by the League of Corporations, functioning through the United States army for convenience's sake. When all these facts are widely published and it is made clear that the object of that war is to be the purely humanitarian one of conserving private property, there will be no end of young men eager to be buried near the oil wells. .Experience has of late made it increasingly easy for Americans to make the logical leap from the beginning of a project of repression to its con- clusion. By consequence the news that the Rand School had been raided was accepted in some quar- ters as an announcement that the institution had been closed. But for once force has not kept pace with inference. While lawyers deliberate the means of suppression, the work of the School proceeds. 68 July 26 THE DIAL Casual Comment How OFTEN IN THE COURSE OF INDIVIDUAL AND collective history do love of war, love of power, love of woman, or of the several arts draw rich curtains of emotion between the intellect of man and those flat realities of life that seem so to cry out for study and appraisement! How much will a man endure from outrageous fortune if only his verses have oc- casional acceptance, or his lady smile once in a moon! For Baudelaire, one kind or another of inebriety is a necessity—to hide from men the bare bones of truth, unendurable to the eye. Just now, when the prom- ises of religion are becoming daily less effective as palliatives for unendurable conditions, certain people who accept a full measure of religions comfort— being for the most part little in need of it—are en- gaged in a very energetic campaign to remove out of existence a cherished comforter which has helped for a long time to hold people of another sort in quietude. For the most part the church people do not want to see things generally upset, and yet here they are, depriving the workingman of his beer! Perhaps they do not understand the stabilizing effect of beer upon society, in which case Mr. Gompers of the American Federation of Labor will willingly supply the necessary data. The wobblies of the I.W.W. would also be willing to testify, though unlike Mr. Gompers they have no vested interest in stability. It is even said that they accuse Mr. Gompers of bad faith, insisting that for the failing consolation of , Pie In the sky By and by he is far too willing to substitute the amber joys of Beer Right here. When America was still a spectator of the European conflict, our theater audiences had stomach for the realities of the war. In those days we used to wonder at London. The excellently illustrated weeklies emanating from that city pictured the streets filled wirh crippled men and the wreckage of Zeppelin raids, and the theater stages ablaze with the khaki-clad choruses of new musical comedies avowedly inspired by the war. The last two years have given New York, and the rest of America, a taste of the same indecency. For a time every tall Venus draped in the colors of an Allied country was received among us with applause that drowned the music of the national anthem she danced to. A chorus of such allegorical figures aroused deeper feelings of spiritual unity with our Allies than have since 'been inspired by the peace-pageant at Paris. Such diverse theatrical performances as The Better 'Ole and The Burgomaster of Belgium remind us that we have been in the war, and that we are still so much in it that we cannot look at it open-eyed. The Bairnsfather-Eliot "fragment from France'' serves the mellow mood that has grown out of vic- ,tory. In reality its humor is just as appropriate as that of Hamlet's grave-diggers—but the irony of the situation is lost upon the audience and, we think, upon the authors. For Old Bill's armor of blind cheerfulness the Burgomaster substitutes another and a better defense against reality. A mind fully occupied with horror of the enemy has no place for a more monstrous horror. But some day, when we dare look at war again for what it is, somebody will write a real war play. The people who have sons and brothers buried in France will not be able to sit through this play. Many men who were there in the lines and came back again will be afraid to see it. . . . In many households of diseased in- heritance, conventionality has deadened thought; in such households Ibsen's Ghosts is unendurable. The real war play will be like that; it will let realities crawl out from behind the curtain of emotion. Out of respect to Mr. George Sylvester Viereck it is impossible to review his psychoanalytic study of Theodore Roosevelt (Jackson Press; New York). He has prophesied that it will not be reviewed in the American press, and a prophet must not be left without honor in his own land. Besides, the book is of a nature to confuse the unsophisticated reviewer. It has nothing to do with psychoanalysis; little to do with the late president; and everything —oh! pages and pages—to do with Mr. Viereck. Why should a student of psychoanalysis give him- self away so completely: is it that he lacks the Freudian technique of self-analysis? The author of The Erotic Motive in Literature (Boni & Live- right), Mr. Albert Mordell, will be happy to supply him a vocabulary which will obviate the necessity for his studying the subject. Mr. Viereck cruelly pub- lishes Roosevelt's ante-bellum eulogies of Mr. William Hohenzollern, late German Emperor; therefore he is sadistic; he suffers from his admira- tion for Mr. Roosevelt; therefore, he is masochistic; he peeps at Mr. Roosevelt's naked soul; therefore he is voyeuristic; he exhibits the true inwardness of his own personality and career, and therefore he is exhibitionistic! Mr. Viereck must not object to this reciprocal analysis of his character, for as he him- self has aptly paraphrased, those who take up