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	 Digest: A Journal of Foodways & Culture 7:1  (2018-2019): 57-61       ©  American Folklore Society 2020 
 

History of Pig Castration 
 
By: Johanna Mörlein 
 

Abstract: The widespread castration of non-anaesthetized pigs has been 
questioned, since scientifically there is no doubt about pain without anesthesia 
during the procedure.  Public outcries have led to changes in European law. 
These facts shed light on why there is now growing interest in the fattening of 
uncastrated male pigs as an alternative. The occurrence of an off-odor in the fatty 
tissue of the fattened, uncastrated male pigs, however, continues to hinder the 
widespread adoption of this method in Europe and, in this case, Germany. 
Castration is, indeed, a longstanding method but it was usually implemented for 
breeding purposes and aggression reduction. In other words, it was used for very 
pragmatic reasons for management and handling. The reviewed ancient literature 
contradicts the widespread opinion that maintains that pig castration has always 
been used to prevent off-odors in meat produced for human consumption.  

 
Keywords: Food history, animal welfare, swine husbandry, castration, pork, boar 
taint 

 
 
Consumer and scientific concerns about animal welfare in European agriculture have 
been growing in recent years, especially with respect to painful routine practices in 
animal husbandry.  Such invasive operations as tail-docking, beak-trimming, and 
castration—which are not practiced for curative treatment of diseases, but as preventive 
measures to adapt animals to food production systems—have come under increased 
scrutiny (Der Wissenschaftliche Beirat für Agrarpolitik, Ernährung und 
gesundheitlichen Verbraucherschutz [German Scientific Advisory Council on 
Agricultural Policy, Food and Health Consumer Protection] 2015). Consumers are 
troubled that contemporary intensive farming systems entail conditions that prevent 
animals from their natural behavior and imply body adaptation for industrialized 
raising conditions informed by scientific research (Phoenix and Walter 2009).  
 
The widespread castration of non-anaesthetized pigs, in particular, has been questioned, 
since scientifically there is no doubt about pain without anesthesia during the 
procedure.  Public outcries have led to changes in European law and will most certainly 
have lasting effects on the production of pork. These facts shed light on why there is now 
growing interest in the fattening of uncastrated male pigs (entire boars) as an 
alternative for fattening non-anaesthetized castrated pigs. The occurrence of an off-odor 
in the fatty tissue of the fattened, uncastrated male pigs, however, continues to hinder 
the widespread adoption of this method in Europe and here, in my case, Germany. 
 
In this research note, I present a short, beginning look at the history and genesis of 
castration to provide a better understanding of past needs, practices, and how they 
differ from those in current livestock management systems. My hope is to connect, open 
discussion, and share resources with others, in varied disciplines, who study and 
research practices in animal husbandry for pork production. I am especially interested 
in learning about ancient literature that treats the topic. 



58     Mörlein, History of Pig Castration, Digest: A Journal of Foodways & Culture 7:1 (2018-2019) 
 
 
What I have found in my historical research so far is that the Fertile Crescent not only 
represents the earliest evidence of domesticated grains such as einkorn wheat (Triticum 
monococcum) around 10000 BCE (Doebley, Gaut, and Smith 2006: 1309), but was also 
where domestication of the wild boar (Sus scrofa) took place, which may have occurred 
as early as 10500–10000 BCE (Zeder 2008). There is evidence of other centers of pig 
domestication in Southeast Asia (Kittawornrat and Zimmerman 2011) and China 
around 10000 BCE, and in southern Sweden around 2400 BCE (Falkenberg and 
Hammer 2007). Zooarcheological findings of upper canines from pigs in Uppåkra, 
Sweden, reveal evidence of castration during the European Iron Age in 500 BCE. Based 
on the malformation of canines in male pigs and how canines continued to follow 
further developmental pathways in adult unaltered boars and sows, the assumption has 
been made that these differences could have resulted from castration (Magnell, 
Boethius, and Thilderqvist 2016). This possibility is supported by the fact that the teeth 
of male pigs comprise a part of their secondary sexual characteristics, whose 
development, of course, can be affected by castration due to changes in the synthesis of 
hormones. Although castration implies a health risk, there seemed to be reasons for 
taking this risk in the ancient past. 
 
Irrespective of any doubts surrounding Homer’s sole authorship of classical texts, Felix 
Hoesch’s monumental work on pig breeding (1911) cites a Homerian text, dated to 
around 1102 and 800 BCE, as early evidence of castration of pigs in the Mediterranean 
area: “Castration of boars must be restricted to the spring and fall and should only be 
done by a waning moon.” A century or so later, the ancient Roman scholar and writer 
Varro (116 BCE to 27 BCE) wrote three books concerning agriculture entitled Rerum 
Rusticarum Libri Tres. The second of these, De re pecuaria, deals with breeding and 
livestock management, and claims that “The best time for castrating boars is when they 
are one year old. No animal should be castrated before it has reached an age of at least 
six months” (Hooper and Ash 1934: 365). Meyer et al. interpret Varro’s statement as 
proof that the Romans were already aware of the improved growth performance of boars 
(Meyer, Franke, and Schäffer 2004). Varro also describes the advantages and 
disadvantages of dog castration, also indicating that the Romans were aware of its 
effects on dog temperament. He wrote: “Whenever they carried out surgical castration 
male dogs lost their viciousness,” a clear advantage for easier handling. These two texts 
written by Homer and Varro from pre-Christian times are early proofs that castration is 
an old tradition in pig livestock management systems. 
 
The next accessible reference I have so far been able to review is from Johann Christian 
Gotthard from 1798 in Germany, referring to differences in the management of sows, 
boars, and castrated males depending on their purposes. He explained that to be able to 
control breeding, at least two barns were needed so that sows and boars could be kept 
separately. He described boars as “mean, foaming at the mouth and being offensively 
aggressive toward humans,” recommending that, “To prevent any misfortune, their long 
incisors needed to be broken off.” Compared to the handling of dogs described by Varro, 
here the handling explicitly referring to boars is described as dangerous, thus alluding to 
the advantages of raising castrated pigs for purposes other than breeding (Gotthard 
1798). In 1838 G. H. Haumann extended reasons for castration of male pigs, giving two 
reasons: 1) to control the number of offspring and breeding in general; and 2) to make it 



   Digest: A Journal of Foodways & Culture 7: 1 (2018-2019): 59	

	
 

easier to fatten them. He explained the second reason by his observation that 
uncastrated pigs did not lend themselves to fattening as they neither tended to gain 
weight nor did their meat become tender compared to castrated pigs (Haumann 1838). 
According to these references, castration was not utilized as a means to influence odor 
deviations in meat. 
 
As mentioned above, one reason for castration was to control breeding. In fact, this 
justification became law in different regions of Germany, for instance in Thuringia in 
1856 and Bavaria in 1910 (Meinzolt and Niklas 1930). These early breeding laws (called 
Körgesetz in German) also prescribed that only specific boars with approved traits 
should be commonly kept and used for breeding purposes (Boettcher, Ritter, and Kürbs 
1994). 
 
A few years later, B. Koch wrote (1917) that the disputed castration of female pigs should 
not be carried out because of high mortality rates and because of the fact that it was not 
necessary. In comparison, Koch adds, the castration of male pigs was to be carried out 
earlier than after puberty, namely at the age of 14 days. In contrast, Toepper and 
Perkuhn (1928) describe castrated pigs as “calm and whose meat is tender, well 
marbled, tasty, pleasant smelling and displaying excellent fat content.”  The reader´s 
interpretation could be that meat from castrated pigs has odor advantages. But the same 
authors describe older boars as “mean, and so agitated by their sex drive as to make 
them dangerous.” They refer to the meat of such animals with the following description, 
that “their skin is thick, the flesh is hard, reeking of urine, making it unfit for human 
consumption.” It is obvious that Toepper and Perkuhn describe boars which had been 
used for breeding and which were in no way associated with boars for meat production. 
And they compare the meat of such animals with that of castrated pigs, so that the 
reader’s interpretation may be misled as the comparison does not consider the age of 
pigs. Toepper and Perkuhn also wrote about the advantages of a late castration, whereby 
“body muscle is further developed which for some purposes make the meat more 
valuable, e.g., for storable goods“ (1928).  
 
It becomes apparent through this small number of historical sources that castration is, 
indeed, a longstanding method. Usually, however, it was implemented for breeding 
purposes and aggression reduction. In other words, it was used for very pragmatic 
reasons for management and handling. Descriptions of off-odors were based on samples 
taken from old uncastrated boars formerly used exclusively in breeding.  
 
The literature I have so far reviewed appears to contradict the widespread opinion that 
maintains that pig castration has always been used to prevent off-odors in meat 
produced for human consumption.  I welcome readers to respond with their thoughts 
and suggestions for further resources to explore. 
 
References Cited 
 
Boettcher, Hartmut, Ernst Ritter, and Rolf Kürbs. 1994. Die Entwicklung der 
Schweinezucht in Thüringen. Geschichtsheft der Thüringer Landesanstalt für 
Landwirtschaft [Thuringian State Institute for Agriculture] 4 (2): 1–41.  



60     Mörlein, History of Pig Castration, Digest: A Journal of Foodways & Culture 7:1 (2018-2019) 
 
http://www.deutsches-schweinemuseum.de/images/pdf/boe_SZ_Thuer.pdf (access 
checked March 9, 2020). 
 
Doebley, John. F., Brandon S. Gaut, and Bruce D. Smith. 2006. The Molecular Genetics 
of Crop Domestication. Cell 127 (7): 1309–1321. 
 
Falkenberg, H., and H. Hammer. 2006. Zur Geschichte und Kultur der Schweinezucht 
und -haltung, Part I. Züchtungskunde 78 (1): 55-68. 
 
Gotthard, J. C. 1798. Das Ganze der Schweinezucht oder vollständiger Unterricht in 
der wartung, Pflege und Behandlung der Schweine, ihre Benutzung, Kenntniß ihrer  
Krankheiten und Heilung derselben: Ein Beitrag zur Beförderung landwirtschaftlicher 
Industrie. Verlagsgesellschaft Altona.   
 
Haumann, G. H. 1838. Praktische Schweinezucht. Weimar: B.F. Voigt. 
 
Hoesch, Felix. 1911. Die Schweinezucht. Naturgeschichte, Rassengeschichte, Züchtung 
und Haltung der Hausschweine, ihre Stellung in der Betriebslehre und der 
Volkswirtschaft. Hannover: M. & H. Schaper Verlag. 
 
Hooper, William Davis, and Harrison Boyd Ash, trans. 1934. Cato and Varro On 
Agriculture. Loeb Classical Library 283. Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press. 
http://www.loebclassics.com/view/varro-agriculture/1934/pb_LCL283.365.xml 
 DOI: 10.4159/DLCL.varro-agriculture.1934 (access checked March 9, 2020) 
 
Kittawornrat, A., and J. J. Zimmerman. 2011. Toward a better understanding of pig 
behavior and pig welfare. Animal Health Research Reviews 12 (1): 25–32. 
 
Koch, B. 1917. Schweinezucht und Schweinehaltung. Leipzig: Dr. Max Jänecke. 
 
Magnell, Ola, Adam Boethius, and Johan Thilderqvist. 2016. Fest i Uppåkra. En studie 
av konsumtion och djurhållning baserad på djurben från ceremonihus och 
vapendeposition [Fest i Uppäkra: A Study of Consumption and Animal Husbandry 
Based on Animal Bones from Ceremonial House and Weapon Deposition]. 
Uppåkrastudier 12 (Folk fae och fynd): 85-132.    
 
Meinzolt, Hans, and Wilhelm Niklas. 1930. Das Gesetz über die Haltung und Körung 
der Bullen, Eber, Ziegenböcke und Schafböcke (Körgesetz) in der Fassung die 
Bekanntmachung vom 26. Mai 1930. München: C.H. Beck'sche.  
 
Meyer, H., Peter Robert Franke, and J. Schäffer. 2004. Hausschweine in der griechisch-
römischen Antike: eine morphologische und kulturhistorische Studie. Oldenburg: 
Isensee.  
 
Phoenix, Laurel E., and Lynn Walter. 2009. Critical Food Issues: Problems and State-
of-the-Art Solutions Worldwide. Oxford: Praeger. 
 



   Digest: A Journal of Foodways & Culture 7: 1 (2018-2019): 61	

	
 

Toepper, Paul, and Fritz Perkuhn. 1928. Die Kastration der männlichen Haustiere: aus 
der Praxis, für die Praxis. Berlin: P. Parey. 
 
Der Wissenschaftliche Beirat für Agrarpolitik, Ernährung und gesundheitlichen 
Verbraucherschutz (WBA). 2015. Wege zu einer gesellschaftlich akzeptierten 
Nutztierhaltung. Gutachten [Pathways to a livestock system accepted by society as a 
whole]. March 25. BMEL. Berlin. 
http://www.bmel.de/SharedDocs/Downloads/Ministerium/Beiraete/Agrarpolitik/Guta
chtenNutztierhaltung.pdf (Access April 16, 2016)  
 
Zeder, Melinda A. 2008. Domestication and early agriculture in the Mediterranean 
Basin: Origins, diffusion, and impact. Proceedings of the National Academy of Sciences 
105 (33) 11597–11604. https://doi.org/10.1073/pnas.0801317105 
 
 


