makes them more likely to be targeted 
by police, as well as a contemporary 
comparison and analysis of these 
issues. The media around Newton’s 
case, although he was later acquitted 
of all charges, painted Newton as a 
deviant simply because he was in a 
Black organization. Applying the lens 
of Critical Race Theory, as explained 
by Bryan Warde and Edward Taylor, to 
these events, we can begin to see the 
racist groundwork on which many of 
our institutions of law are built upon and 
how media’s favoring of sensationalism 
over accurate representation 
is hurtful to already vulnerable 
members of the American public.  

True crime’s popularity has never been 
higher. However, true crime media 
largely ignores offenses by authority 
figures, and creators use their outreach 
to monetize viewership with cold 
cases rather than making critiques of 
the societal structures in the United 
States. Most true crime media also 
perpetuates “missing white woman 
syndrome” and ignores the plights of 
marginalized communities, including 
Black and Native American. This bias 
makes it harder for the stories of 
minority groups to be heard and can be 
damaging to their communities in the 
long run. Following this, my argument 
will use Huey P. Newton’s Revolutionary 
Suicide as a historical representation 
and firsthand account of the ways in 
which the judicial system is inherently 
biased towards minority groups and 
how their representation in the media 

The White Lens Of Crime 
Media: Examining Minority 
Underrepresentation in 
American Media and its 

Consequences
Caleb Hardesty, Ball State University

13



Introduction

Nearly every facet of media in the United States is tainted by the racist precedent 
set by reporters over the course of the last two hundred years. This inherent racism 
not only demonizes members of minority groups daily but also completely erases 
their voice in the purposeful omission of their struggles. If more mass media outlets 
and popular influencers were willing to highlight the day-to-day injustices faced by 
the underprivileged members of our country, we could potentially see real social 
change and the regression of racist legislature as the public becomes more aware of 
the oppressive scaffolding holding the judicial system together, instead of continuing 
to cast minority groups as inherently deviant and making it harder for them to prove 
their innocence or receive help from government bodies. 
 To lay out the historical groundwork of these issues, this essay will draw heavily 
from Huey P. Newton’s experience in the 1960s using his autobiography Revolutionary 
Suicide (1973), as well as the works of several critical race theorists including Bryan 
Warde, Angela Davis, and Edward Taylor. Newton’s own experience with racism 
in the judicial system and how he was portrayed in public media provides a well-
documented firsthand account of the inherent racial bias in both of these institutions, 
as well as fighting back against the pre-established narrative of Black Americans. While 
Newton’s story did unfold in the 1960s, its relevance can still be directly applied to the 
current climate of The United States. While many like to pretend that institutionalized 
racism is a thing of the past, modern media and judicial issues prove otherwise. 
 These contemporary issues linked with a historical precedent provide a clear 
outline of the real-life damage that negative media representation inflicts upon 
the marginalized communities of our country. Were these communities to have a 
larger say in their own stories, or at the very least get to have their stories properly 
told through other outlets, they could potentially benefit in three major ways: these 
groups could remove the mark of demonization that has plagued them throughout 
American history, they could have a greater chance of combatting racist legislature 
and demanding structural change, and they could finally receive proper help from 
government bureaucrats (such as the police) rather than having their struggles be 
ignored or punished. 

Historical Precedent 
A brief overview of the origins of the police force in the United States is helpful to 
understand the argument being presented before moving on. The first equivalent of 

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the police force can be traced back directly to Carolina slave patrols in the 1700s. While 
these groups would continue to grow and develop throughout America’s early history, 
they flourished after the abolishment of slavery in 1865. Wealthy white communities, 
afraid of retribution from the now-freed Black population, needed a vanguard to 
protect them from perceived harm and continue the subservient role of the previous 
slaves. This job, which would lead directly into the modern police force, was given to 
former slave hunters (Spruill 43). From their very inception, the police have served 
white elites by purposefully combatting underprivileged communities, and their 
brutality has been overlooked by state governments in favor of pleasing the upper 
class. This was later followed by Jim Crow policies and mass segregation (enforced 
by the police and upheld by legislative and judicial bodies), the effects of which still 
permeate throughout American institutions (Warde 468). 
 In 1967, Newton, a co-founder of the Black Panthers, was charged with the 
murder of police officer John Frey. His trial began in 1968, and he was later acquitted 
of all charges after it was discovered that Frey was accidentally killed by his own 
partner in a panicked shooting. This case, as well as Newton’s experiences leading up 
to it, will be used to demonstrate Newton’s demonization by the media and how the 
opinions of him that were publicly broadcasted through various outlets allowed law 
enforcement officials to harass him, and further, to pass legislation to directly suppress 
the rights of Black Americans. 
 The media’s negative representation of minority groups was not a new concept 
during Huey P. Newton’s trial. On the contrary, it was a leading force that made Newton 
question the unfair treatment of him, his family, and his community at a very young 
age. On his entrance into the local school system, Newton reported, “I knew only that 
I constantly felt uncomfortable and ashamed of being Black. … It was a result of the 
implicit understanding in the system that Whites were ‘smart’ and Blacks were ‘stupid’” 
(17). This statement shows the permeating effect of negative minority representation 
in America, where a child inherently feels othered from their fellow children simply 
because of their skin color. Despite not having yet faced direct racism in his life, 
Newton had already been forced to internalize the racist status quo because of what 
public opinion had taught him about race relations. 
 As Newton grew older, he watched as both he and his community were routinely 
harassed and assaulted by police officials. At this time, these events did not gather 
any media attention. Whereas today, thankfully, bystanders can easily document 
instances of police misconduct, this was occurring at a time in which the marginalized 
communities being harassed had almost no outlet for help. When they did reach out, it 
boiled down to their word against the word of the white police officers. 
This is a nearly impossible battle for members of minority groups to win, as the societal 

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narrative broadcasted through all forms of media forces disenfranchised groups 
to have to prove that they are morally sound, whereas white people are naturally 
assumed by the public eye to be just (Patton & Ward 335). This is further reinforced 
by critical race theorist Angela Davis who describes a system through which an ever-
perpetuating cycle forces Black Americans to be arrested after being assumed guilty, 
sent to jail in much greater quantities than whites because of racial bias, and then 
seen as criminals because of the large number of Black people in prison, creating a 
perceived “Black monopoly on criminality” (265). 
 Reflecting on this idea, Newton became aware of how severely minority groups 
were being deprived of their own voice. This concept would inspire a large portion of 
Revolutionary Suicide in which Newton emphasizes the importance of Black people 
being in charge of their own representation. He highlights this scarcity and the flaws 
with what little representation there is when reflecting on his first experiences with 
African American activists. Newton claims Donald Warden “is the only Black man I 
know with two weekly radio programs and one on television. The mass media, the 
oppressors, give him public exposure for only one reason: he will lead the people away 
from the truth of their situation” (66). As a way to combat this problem, Newton was 
driven to write this book without the influence of “the oppressors” to inspire others to 
resist these narratives upheld by the establishment.   
 After this, Huey P. Newton and Bobby Seale started The Black Panthers. The first 
course of action they took was to combat the harassment of innocent minorities by 
police officers. The Black Panthers started “police patrols” in which volunteers would 
gather in small groups with visible firearms and follow the police officers through 
Black communities in Oakland. During the process, they would also give legal advice 
near people who were being detained, often providing the victim with the knowledge 
they were being arrested under false pretenses and allowing them to go back home to 
their families while also forcing the police officer to admit their illegal actions (Newton 
127-128). 
 These officers would not face charges, however, as there were no outlets for 
these groups to report officer misconduct and no popular media outlets broadcasted 
the struggles of inner-city communities. The complete omission of the Black narrative 
allowed the white power structure to publish false claims about The Panthers with 
no repercussions. White-owned newspapers began to print stories told by the police 
that The Panthers were a violent mob disrupting the peace, which allowed law 
enforcement to crack down on the group without public outcry (Figure 1). 
 

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 Consider here Bryan Warde’s ideas on critical race theory in which he states: 

This racial privilege comes by way of white people having unequal access to resources 
and social rewards and the power to shape the norms and values of society by virtue of 
being a member of the dominant group. Because of this unequal access, white people 
as a group not only have and maintain an ongoing competitive edge over minority 
groups, such as black people, but they are also able to sustain this dominance in all areas 
of society through the shaping of law and practices that protect the status-quo. (463).

Warde’s definition helps to underline the relationship between resource access and 
the subsequent ability to suppress minority groups. It is important to note that while 
the resources mentioned certainly apply to physical things like money and property, 
public resources also include more conceptual aspects such as time and executive 
representation. From this, we can begin to see that this symbiosis between white 
media and white lawmakers is not an accidental occurrence, but rather a product of 
the purposeful exclusion of Black voices which allows the powers that be to reap the 
social rewards, in this case being able to control social perceptions in a way that places 
them on top of the social hierarchy. 
 This unity of police and media narratives paved the way for racist public officials 
to change the law to directly combat their unease at the thought of organized Black 
people following the aforementioned police patrols carried out by The Black Panthers. 
Look no further for proof of how improper media representation can allow lawmakers 
to suppress minority groups than the following quote by Huey P. Newton. These are 
his own words on Donald Mulford, a republican state assemblyman, calling into a radio 

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Figure 1. “Panthers Indoctrinate the Young.” Aug. 18, 1969, Fascination and 
Fear: Covering the Black  Panthers - The New York Times (nytimes.com) 



show interview with Newton: 

He told us that he planned to introduce a bill into the state legislature to make it 
illegal for us to patrol with our weapons. It was a bill, he said, that would “get” the 
Black Panthers. Mulford’s call was a logical response of the system. We know how 
the system operated. If we used the laws in our own interest and against theirs, then 
the power structure would simply change the laws… A few days later, the paper 
carried a story about Mulford’s “panther bill.” In its particulars it was what we had 
expected- a bill intended to suppress the people’s constitutional right to bear arms. 
Until then, White men had owned and carried weapons with impunity… Mulford 
had been asked by the Oakland police to introduce this bill because some “young 
Black toughs,” as they called us, were walking around with guns. The bill was 
further evidence of this country’s double standard against Blacks. (Newton 154) 

This is a very potent historical event for several reasons once we begin to roll back 
the layers. Firstly, and perhaps most glaringly, Newton points out that white people 
(including the violent Ku Klux Klan at the time) had publicly brandished weapons in 
public protests throughout the country without ever being charged as criminals and 
without any intervention by lawmakers. Once minority groups in underprivileged 
communities began to practice this same right, laws were implemented in direct 
response to strip these communities of their power and uphold the status quo. This 
was made possible because of the media’s use of fear mongering, in which news 
outlets spread disinformation to paint the Panthers as a force of evil acting against 
the interest of American citizens. Fear goes hand in hand with racism, and this is a 
purposeful strategy utilized by oppressors because if citizens are afraid of a group 
of people and what they might do, they are more likely to overlook when they are 
brutalized under the guise of public safety (Davis 269). 
 Furthermore, we can see that this blatantly racist bill was able to be passed 
because of the media’s support and presentation of Mulford’s ideas, as well as the 
newspapers’ repeated characterization of Black Panthers as a militant force taking the 
streets by storm. By controlling the narrative through news media, Mulford was able to 
propose racist legislature in the public eye and simultaneously be seen as a protector 
of the community due to the papers’ inherent bias against minority groups. Below is an 
example and analysis of the impact of these press releases. 
 

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Figure 2. “The Sacramento Bee’s front page story the day after the Panthers protest of the Mulford Act.” May 
2nd 1967, The Panthers and the Press – Fourteen East (fourteeneastmag.com). 
 
 This article (Figure 2) was released in the Sacramento Bee after a protest at the 
Sacramento capitol building regarding the aforementioned “Panther bill.” The images 
and opinions expressed in this article were not a new stance by the media, but they do 
highlight the lengths that the press was willing to go to uphold the narrative that most 
benefited the power structure. Simply put, the capitol was not invaded. The Panthers 
arrived at the capitol brandishing firearms (as was still legal at that time) and read a 
speech highlighting the importance of combatting racist lawmaking as well as simply 
walking around the building (Newton 156-158). However, the headline of this paper 
and the accompanying image instill a fear of an organized and hostile mob looking 
to overthrow the government. Within the article, there are also lies about how many 
Panthers there were, what they had been doing, and what they had said, as well as the 
use of negative vocabulary to describe normal legal actions. This was done to imply 
that the Panthers were criminals and deviants rather than the protesting civilians that 
they were (Pederson). 
 These Panthers would be arrested after their legal demonstration, which may not 
have happened had the public been more aware of what was actually happening. The 
media’s portrayal of the Black Panthers prior to the incident made it simple for police 

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to round up the protestors without gaining public ire, whereas if the average citizen 
had been more aware of the true situation taking place, they may have been outraged 
to see innocent people being battered and arrested by the police. 
 This is a situation we still see all too often, in which the oppressed are robbed 
of their voices and are denied the opportunity to speak out in defense of themselves. 
Throughout the entirety of Huey P. Newton’s lifespan, he was denied chances to speak 
on mass public broadcasts because of the representation that preceded him as a Black 
activist, something he attempted to counter with his autobiography. Without the 
ability to present their own narratives, minority groups are forced to endure whatever 
the established powers wish the public to believe, which is almost always a narrative 
that upholds the status quo and keeps those that benefit from the oppression of 
minority groups in control. 

Contemporary Application 
While some may insist that these historical precedents are outdated and deny that 
there is any such thing as systemic racism, there is an alarming parallel connecting 
these past issues to the contemporary United States. I also argue that racism is 
just as pervasive in these institutions as ever, it has simply changed its form. In this 
section, each of the historical issues covered will be directly tied to recent events 
in this country that show little progress has been made regarding minority group 
representation and struggles within the judicial system. 
 First, representation of minority groups in media has only minutely changed in 
news media and true crime narratives. A glaring issue with both of these mediums is 
the erasure of minority stories. Several factors lead to this issue. Just as in the 1960s, 
minority groups are still assumed to be naturally at fault when presented in news 
stories, even when they themselves are the victims. Patton & Ward contend that 
“proving the worthiness of missing Black women is difficult when media narratives 
attempt to link these women to crime, mental illness, and other issues to suggest that 
they are somehow responsible for their predicament” (334). It has been so ingrained 
in the mass-scale culture industry of The United States that Black people are deviants 
that simply making their presence known in crime media will, by default, suggest guilt 
on their behalf.  
 With the lack of public outlets available to them, as mentioned by Bryan Warde, 
there is little hope for these oppressed groups to counter these narratives or begin 
the process of reversing their assumed guilt by white audiences, meaning that the 
audience is not only made unaware of the struggles of these communities but also 
becomes unsympathetic towards their struggles. Because of this, the stories of 

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minority groups are often simply left out of the media circuit. White people can be 
related to as a stand-in for the audience whereas a member of a minority group would 
ostracize the potential viewership (Patton & Ward 333). Just as the Panthers could 
not speak for themselves against allegations by the police, modern disenfranchised 
communities are still at the mercy of white media.
 This erasure that strips minority groups of their voices is a symptom of a 
phenomenon known as “Missing White Woman Syndrome” (MWWS). MWWS is best 
described as “the information communicated to general audiences [is] influential 
and situate[s] ‘certain subgroups of women-often white, wealthy, and conventionally 
attractive—as deserving of our collective resources, while making the marginalization 
and victimization of other groups of women, such as low-income women of colour, 
seem natural” (Patton & Ward 334-335). MWWS arises from the media’s reliance on 
sensationalism and viewership monetization rather than reporting on the most 
pressing stories. This has life-altering consequences for those who are denied media 
representation and is widespread in both news and crime media. 
 Take for instance the recent true crime craze over Gabby Petito, a young white 
blogger who went missing in 2021. The events following the search and rescue efforts 
carried out by law enforcement highlight the sad reality of the underprivileged 
experience in our country. During the search for Petito, at least nine other dead bodies 
were found in the wild. These bodies would turn out to belong largely to minority 
groups, including Black, Native, and Hispanic women. Their stories were almost 
completely ignored, as they did not fit the public narrative of an innocent pure woman 
(Montell & Medina). Law enforcement agencies did not look for their killers, and their 
families were left without peace, which is another example of media representation 
directly affecting the course of policing. Without public outcry and interest, true crime 
media’s hyper-fixation on MWWS allowed the police to sideline the deaths of the 
underprivileged.  
 This is not a unique standalone occurrence. Whereas a young white woman’s 
story draws the national eye seemingly overnight, minority groups must fight to get 
even a passing glance from both media and law enforcement. Take for instance serial 
killer Jeremy Skibicki, who was charged with the murder of three Indigenous women 
in 2022. Normally, it would be assumed that a modern serial killer would attract true 
crime influencers like moths to a flame, but the deaths of Indigenous women don’t fit 
into the sensationalism addiction caused by MWWS, even though police believe that 
the bodies of two or more women may still be buried in the landfill where Skibicki 
dumped his victims. Even worse, the police refuse to search for these bodies despite 
pleas from the families of the victims (Morin). Being denied any semblance of justice 
is a reality minority groups face on a daily basis. If these police were held accountable 

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in news media, the pressure for the case to be solved would push law enforcement to 
assist its community. As it stands, the lack of public outcry allows law enforcement to 
avoid consequences for ignoring the needs of underprivileged Americans. 
 While MWWS is not immediately evident and media outlets may deny that 
they are favoring white people over minority groups, that only further aligns with 
the thoughts of Critical Race Theorist Edward Taylor, who states in a 1998 article, “[b]
y relying on merit criteria or standards, the dominant group can justify its exclusion of 
blacks to positions of power, believing in its own neutrality” (123). Neutrality may at 
first sound positive regarding race relations. However, when it comes to oppression, 
neutrality naturally benefits the oppressor while further harming the efforts of the 
oppressed. 
 Neutrality leads to an issue sometimes conveyed as “colorblindness” towards 
race and is presented as a positive. “Colorblindness” often fails to see the white power 
structure oppressing minority groups or implies that underprivileged communities are 
already entirely equal with the white upper class, which is not true (Taylor 123). This 
pseudo-willful ignorance does more damage than good and only ensures that those 
without the ability to speak for themselves will remain suppressed and controlled 
by the established racist narrative. Instead, media owners should acknowledge the 
discrepancy present in their narratives and allow diverse journalists to highlight the 
problems in their communities. 
      Another direct correlation between the 1960s and today’s narrative structure 
arises whenever any member of a minority group stages a public protest. As seen 
during the Sacramento protest in 1967, the established media will skew the narrative 
whenever possible to mislead their audience into believing that peaceful protesters 
are organizing into violent mobs. 
 In this image (Figure 3), taken during a 2020 Black Lives Matter (BLM) protest 
following the death of George Floyd, protestors can be seen standing in front of a 
flaming trash can on a public street. The headline speaks for itself. When comparing 
this reporting to that of the 1960s, there are many parallels with damaging 
implications. First, this report immediately relies on fear mongering. Tucker Carlson, 
pictured on the left, has often been accused of being a fear monger himself, and the 
headline along with the photo of fire is meant to instill a sense of panic in viewers. 
If the camera were to pan around this city, however, it would be evident that the 
city is not on fire and this was a contained incident, which can be proved by the 
documentation of these protests posted to social media. Although these more 
aggressive actions were largely isolated incidents, media outlets, such as Fox News, 
instead skew the facts in order to uphold the racist narrative that serves them best 
and allows for further discrimination against minority groups by fostering fear in their 
audience that these protestors are an active threat to their cities and their safety. 

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         Consider also the combative attitude of “Our Leaders Peddle Lies” and the 
function that this part of the report serves for the narrative. The “Lies” mentioned here 
are the charges against the officer who murdered Floyd, as Fox News took the stance 
that the officer was within his legal right. By trying to undercut opposing views, this 
outlet is attempting to instill distrust in BLM spokespeople and any public officials who 
are sympathetic to them. This angle was also used to say that Floyd was deserving 
of his punishment by implying that he was a criminal and the officer was simply 
detaining a dangerous man, which was the same strategy used to justify the arrest of 
the Sacramento Panthers. Yet again, we see the symbiotic relationship between media 
fear mongering and presumed criminality used as a tool to pave the way for abuses by 
government bodies. 
         Finally, there is the issue of how separate events are reported and how the 
vocabulary and presentation of these issues serve to uphold the status quo. Take for 
instance January 6th. During the reporting of that event, Fox News took a sympathetic 
tone and praised the protestors for upholding civic duty and fighting for what 
they believed was right. They were painted as family-oriented patriots, and it’s no 
coincidence that a majority of these protestors shown were white. When compared 

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Figure 3. “Our Leaders Peddle Lies as Our Cities Burn.” 2020, Foxnews.com 



to the reporting of BLM protests, we see a harsh contrast that bolsters Newton’s exact 
critique in the 1960s in which violent white protesters were excused while Black 
activists were immediately reprimanded. Despite a vast majority of BLM protesters 
being nonviolent, Carlson described them as “crazed ideologues, grifters, criminals, 
antisocial thugs with no stake in society and nothing better to do than hurt people 
and destroy things.” 
 However, unlike the Sacramento protest, there is a spark of light in the reporting 
of this event. It comes from the independent posters on social media that relayed 
the true motives and goals of these protesters, as well as clarifying that they did 
not participate in any violent or aggressive action. Because of the ease of internet 
access and widespread social media in this country, it is somewhat more possible 
for underprivileged communities to share their stories. We see a direct effect in this 
story, wherein the protestors were prevented from being entirely demonized because 
of the large public interest in the protests that encouraged interpersonal discussion 
and inspired content creators to report on the situation. Looking back at the events 
of Sacramento and even the foundation of the Black Panthers, you’ll recall that there 
was no outlet for the group to clarify its own story en masse. They were entirely at the 
mercy of biased white media and therefore made deviant. Had they had this ability to 
present their narrative, the Mulford bill may not have been passed, and members of 
the Panthers may not have been unlawfully beaten and arrested. 
         This shows us the direct positive influence that proper media representation can 
have. Despite the longstanding racist narrative, the historic abuses by the police, and 
the racist legislature across the country, this group was protected and valued because 
they were given the chance to speak for themselves. They were not erased in favor of a 
trite and dated true crime story or demonized on the public news. Were more of these 
massively popular independent content creators driven to pick up on the stories of the 
underprivileged, we could see real public perception of these groups change entirely. 

Conclusion
It is a simple fact that institutionalized systemic racism permeates throughout many 
largely influential bodies throughout the United States. These issues have existed 
since the country’s inception and have affected all levels of government. While these 
problems do not rest solely on the shoulders of the media, the assistance that the 
media has given (and continues to give) to uphold the power vacuum preventing 
minority groups from protecting themselves cannot be understated. Angela Davis 
argues, “What we have come to recognize as an open, explicit racism has in many ways 
begun to be replaced by a secluded, camouflaged kind of racism, whose influence 
on people’s daily lives is as pervasive and systematic as the explicit forms of racism 

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associated with the era of the struggle for civil rights” (270-271). 
         As citizens, we have historically had little in the way of outlets for demanding 
social reform. However, with the rise of easy-access media, we have seen cases in 
which minor pushback has been inflicted on the power structure. If more media 
creators, specifically independent true crime influencers and news media reporters 
unbound by the limitations of broadcast networks, were to continue presenting 
the stories of the voiceless, these communities would gain an invaluable quantity 
of support. From finding missing persons to combatting the racist foundations of 
law enforcement bureaucrats, proper media attention could revolutionize how we 
communicate with our government. 
         In the words of Huey P. Newton, “There were enough laws on the books to permit 
Black people to deal with all their problems, but the laws were not enforced” (110). The 
pieces to social reform do exist in this country, but they will not be put into the proper 
place by those currently in charge, as that would upset the power vacuum that keeps 
them in charge. Through the mass social education available through independent 
media available to the public, we, as a united people, could hold the institutions 
around us responsible for their actions and demand an end to the injustices inflicted 
upon our marginalized countrymen by the judicial system. 



Works Cited 

Lubiano, Wahneema, and Angela Davis. “Race and Criminality - Black Americans and 
the Punishment Industry.”  The House That Race Built, Random House, 1999, pp. 
264–279.  

Montell, Amanda and Isa Medina, hosts. Sounds Like a Cult. Apple Podcasts, 2023, 
Sounds Like A Cult: The Cult of True Crime on Apple Podcasts. 

Morin, Brandi. “Daughters of Murdered Indigenous Woman Push Canada For Action.” 
Indigenous Rights News | Al Jazeera, Al Jazeera, 9 Dec. 2022, www.aljazeera.com/
news/2022/12/9/daughters-of-murdered-indigenous-woman-push-canada-for-
action.  

Newton, Huey P., and J. Herman Blake. Revolutionary Suicide. Penguin Books, 2009.  
Patton, Lori D., and LaWanda W. Ward. “Missing Black Undergraduate Women and 

the Politics of Disposability: A Critical Race Feminist Perspective.”  The Journal 
of Negro Education, vol. 85, no. 3, 2016, pp. 330–349., doi.org/10.7709/
jnegroeducation.85.3.0330.  

Pederson, Brendan. “The Panthers and the Press.” 14 East, 21 Oct. 1970, 
fourteeneastmag.com/index.php/2016/10/21/the-panthers-and-the-press/.  

Spruill, Larry H. “Slave Patrols, ‘Packs of Negro Dogs’ and and Policing Black 
Communities.” Phylon (1960-), vol. 53, no. 1, 2016, pp. 42–66. JSTOR, www.jstor.
org/stable/phylon1960.53.1.42.  

Taylor, Edward. “A Primer on Critical Race Theory.”  The Journal of Blacks in Higher 
Education, no. 19, 1998, pp. 122–24. JSTOR, doi.org/10.2307/2998940.  

Tucker Carlson Tonight. Fox News Channel. 2020. 
Warde, Bryan. “Black Male Disproportionality in the Criminal Justice Systems of the 

USA, Canada, and England: A Comparative Analysis of Incarceration.” Journal of 
African American Studies, vol. 17, no. 4, 2013, pp. 461–79. JSTOR, www.jstor.org/
stable/43525522.  

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