





































 

69 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

https://www.designforsocialchange.org/journal/index.php/DISCERN-J 

 

ISSN 2184-6995 

 

This work is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution-NonCommercial-NoDerivatives 4.0 

International License. 

 

  

 

 

 
Housing, entryways and social architecture in poor borderlands  

of Mexicali 
 
Carlos Rios-Llamas, Saúl Luque-Sanz 

 

Published online: November 2024 

 
To cite this article:  

Rios-Llamas, C., & Luque-Sanz, S. (2024). Housing, entryways and social architecture in poor borderlands  

of Mexicali. Discern: International Journal of Design for Social Change, Sustainable Innovation and 

Entrepreneurship, 5(2), 69-82. 

 

  



 

70 

 

 

Housing, entryways and social architecture in poor borderlands  

of Mexicali 
 
Carlos Ríos-Llamasa, Saúl Luque-Sanzb 

 
aAutonomous University of Baja California, Mexicali, Mexico. llamas@uabc.edu.mx 
bAutonomous University of Baja California, Mexicali, Mexico. saul.luque@uabc.edu.mx 

 

 

Abstract 

This article presents a methodological approach to the insecurity associated with urban peripheries,  

using the western area of Mexicali, Baja California as a case study. Its focus is on the security of homes,  

the urban environment and inclusive communities, which serve as a protective mechanism, ranging from 

collaborative reinforcement of fences with recycled materials to neighbourhood surveillance networks 

that protect homes. Using the architectural design as inspiration, a prototype of security portals was 

created, highlighting the importance of local construction knowledge, recycling of materials and using 

interconnections between the home and the street. The dataset consists of field research conducted 

between January 2023 and June 2024. A triple method of analysis was used: (1) classification of facades 

within a polygon of several neighbourhoods in the Centinela area; (2) descriptive statistics based on 

a survey of perceived security in each street of the study area; and (3) participatory workshops to design 

urban strategies using materials obtained in the surroundings. The result is a proposal for entryways 

referred to as ‘sidewalkdesign’ because it combines the transition between the home, the sidewalk and the 

street, promotes neighbourhood spaces for meeting and cooperation and, most of all, ensures that homes 

remain safe through physical barriers and natural surveillance. 

 

Keywords: Social architecture, Popular housing, Entryways, Mexicali 

 

Introduction 

Historically, the western periphery of Mexicali has been known for its informal settlements and self-built 

houses. The acquisition and formalization of land for housing have resulted in a significant influx of 

individuals who are most vulnerable into this part of the city. During the late 20th century, migrants from 

southern Mexico settled in deprived areas surrounding Mexicali and Imperial Valley (Méndez, 2021). This 

has resulted in a precarious yet diverse neighbourhood actively working to overcome urban challenges such 

as deficits in infrastructure and services. Family members in the border region often built their homes with 

materials considered trash, such as discarded construction materials and agricultural materials from 

American farms. 

 

Over the last few decades, a neighbourhood in western Mexicali named Centinela has seen rapid growth  

in self-built homes. We conducted a series of neighbourhood meetings and workshops following the 

principles of participatory design and community architecture to gain an understanding of and empathy  

for the lifestyle of the residents in these communities. Applied research was conducted in the Centinela´s 

neighbourhoods by architecture students and residents. We wanted to develop strategies and housing 

improvements that can be implemented collaboratively by architecture students, urban planners and 

anyone else who can work directly with precarious communities in the future. 

 

mailto:llamas@uabc.edu.mx
mailto:saul.luque@uabc.edu.mx


 

71 

 

 

Housing systems are composed of the interactions between actors related to housing development, 

delivery and operation within the broader urban context (Ayub et al., 2020). Urban interconnection, 

as a system or network connecting different parts of a city, is collectively shaped by actors and their 

interactions. Urban peripheries are characterized by a variety of cultural models, and housing 

developments often follow organic forms associated with self-construction and progressive  

construction (Hernández, 2023). 

 

For urban design and development, hierarchical (top-down or bottom-up) and network (peer-to-peer) 

analyses are both critical (Figure 1). According to this perspective, urban development can be optimized by 

integrating infrastructure, delivering essential services, improving accessibility to public spaces, improving 

mobility and strengthening social inclusion. 

 

 

Figure 1. Social structures and interactions. 

Source: Based on Cumming, 2016. 

 

Due to the diffuse nature of urban expansion along the Mexicali border, analysing the physical systems 

intercepted by public transportation, pedestrian paths, bicycle paths and passageways on more minor 

scales, such as colonies and neighbourhood centres, is necessary. Additionally, examining how urban 

dynamism develops concerning the density of schools, hospitals, parks and markets is crucial. Likewise, 

social sciences and architectural design contribute to a thorough understanding of peripheries. Both 

disciplines are increasingly vital in protecting and enhancing the urban periphery. 

 

During the early 1900s, when the border city was established, the western neighbourhoods of Mexicali 

were separated. In the 1950s, when the Bracero Programme was implemented, the eastern and southern 

areas were emphasized, and in the 1990s, the industrial project mainly focused on the east side. Several 

neighbourhoods, such as Centinela and San Pablo, remained low in density and isolated from the rest of the 

city (Map 1). However, urban fringes become focal points of cultural and ethnic practices in borderlands, 

not only as a place where economic and political forces manifest against a complex social dynamic, but  

also as a centre of those forces (Holguín, 2011). 

 

 

 



 

72 

 

 

 

Map 1: Housing density in the Centinela area, Mexicali, 2024. 

 

One of the most critical concerns of contemporary cities is providing a comfortable and safe public space. 

Despite the emphasis on “eyes on the street”, as the sociopolitical activist Jane Jacobs proposed, this 

concern has remained constant in recent decades. As outlined in her 1961 book The Death and Life of Great 

American Cities, natural surveillance refers to the continuous surveillance conducted by residents and 

merchants in these areas from their homes towards the street to ensure that streets and urban spaces are 

well guarded. In Jacobs’ view, given the importance that residents place on the urban environment to 

guarantee their well-being, they naturally become “ordinary guardians of the street”, with the authority  

to deter inappropriate behaviour. 

 

Natural surveillance can be considered from the perspective of four types of spatiality, which possess the 

following qualities: 1) contact spaces between buildings and streets; 2) attractive and appealing public 

spaces; 3) lighting spaces; and finally 4) broad walking areas. In terms of the peripheral situation, the scope 

of this theory lies in its proposal for security and coexistence in the neighbourhood that can be generated 

by building a fence, wall or natural border that connects the sidewalk to the street. The question is how this 

can be accomplished in an urban environment marked by precariousness. This is where neighbourhood-

collaborative networks are vital in integrating design solutions, urban strategies and social organization  

for the well-being of communities. 

 

In terms of the quality of public space on the street, Gehl (2010) proposes three fundamental ideas: 

“Life comes first, then space, then buildings.”;”The function of urban design is to make life easier and more 

pleasant for people” and “Streets and public spaces are the lifeblood of a city” Gehl, 2010). However, in our 

contemporary world, urbanization is dominated by large-scale urban projects, which are carried out 

without significant consideration for social issues. University urban design studios provide opportunities  

for critical reflection on urban issues (Batuman & Altay, 2014). 

 



 

73 

 

 

Gehl’s Cities for People (2010) illustrates the power of urban design when it emphasizes social interaction 

and human experience. As part of this work, Gehl identifies several key factors contributing to a people-

centred approach to urban planning. Politicians and architects are responsible for adhering to human  

well-being in designing a city based on innovative technology. However, the key to urban design lies  

in people’s imaginations and how they envision their children and grandchildren living there. 

 

Based on communicative planning theory, urban planners must slow the planning process to increase 

participation and involvement (Calderon et al., 2022). As part of the security analysis in the poor areas  

of Mexicali, participation mechanisms were established between architecture students and neighbourhood 

organizations. To achieve participatory design, it is necessary to find ways to involve citizens in the process 

of making decisions about urban design and development. 

 

Rather than treating participatory design as a methodology, it can be seen as a way to conduct any 

methodology (Udoewa, 2022). This paper proposes three types of participation: the designer as community 

member, the community member as designer and the community member as facilitator. By emphasizing 

citizen participation in the interventions, proposals will arise and be based on the community’s needs and 

concerns since they are considered through participatory design workshops and empathetic dialogues 

throughout the process. 

Materials and methods 

This case study examines the Centinela area in western Mexicali and the citizen dialogue process it involve, 

based on ethnographic research inspired by Forester’s (2017) emphasis on ‘practice stories’ and his 

pragmatic critical approach. Within the context of the case study, we examine what each resident does 

and how they cope with the challenges of living in their neighbourhood. The data collection process was 

undertaken between the years of 2023 and 2024, during the period of the dialogue between the residents 

and architecture students. 

 

The analysis was carried out based on observations and decisions made during four meetings in which the 

design process was implemented. The architecture students drew illustrations depicting the condition of 

the houses and developed proposals for each family. We conducted five semi-structured interviews with 

neighbourhood leaders and informal discussions with the students involved in the design and 

implementation of the project. A semi-structured interview allowed the neighbourhood leaders to express 

themselves freely. The survey questions addressed community needs, perceptions of the proposed designs 

and potential effects on neighbourhood dynamics. 

 

Safety barriers 

Two aspects of security may be harmonious or discordant: subjective and objective. A subjective aspect 

refers to a person’s perception of an event based on their assessment of its risk. Subjectivity is primarily 

characterized by the self-affirmation of “feeling safe” and is strongly influenced by self-confidence and trust 

in the environment. Conversely, the objective aspect of security is concerned with objective events that do 

not depend on the individual’s perspective. From the double subjective and objective security factors, the 

city is typically considered “unsafe” primarily because the residents and neighbours stigmatize it 

subjectively. As an objective tool for assessing risk and insecurity in a city, colony or neighbourhood, 

crime statistics and urban diagnoses provide objective figures that complement these assessments. 

 



 

74 

 

 

In the process of urban expansion, the periphery of metropolitan areas has been characterized by 

processes of “sub-urbanization”. Before the real estate boom and the peripheralization of social housing, 

it was widespread to establish industrial complexes, recycling and waste management centres and 

complementary services for the city, such as agricultural land, farms and livestock production, among 

others, in these areas. Peripheries are usually characterized by social groups with a mix of urban and rural 

residents, and their perspectives tend to blend to promote exchange and the development of subjective 

security networks. Due to the constant movement of populations in urban peripheries, essential services 

are often delivered late to meet residents’ needs. Due to the late arrival of services, several additional 

problems arise since deficiencies are corrected when precariousness has already generated new issues  

that cannot be solved by simply installing infrastructure or urban equipment. 

 

As a result of government neglect, not only has the physical condition of these neighbourhoods 

deteriorated, but the stigmatization processes for these communities have also been contaminated with 

prejudice as a result of the constant dissemination of images of neglected spaces, as well as the 

classification of urban edges as “dangerous areas” or “no-go zones” (Figure 2). 

 

Figure 2: Perceived fear in the Centinela area, Mexicali, 2024. 

Source: Based on a survey from 16 streets (avoiding walking on the streets, carrying valuable objects  

and leaving home alone). 

 

Theorists concerned with security and urban planning have offered a variety of explanations for how 

security can be maintained or how insecurity increases in some urban enclaves. First, criminologists 

published the “broken windows” theory in 1982. In their article, Kelling and Wilson (1982) clarified that 

crime is not affected by the income level of a neighbourhood, because if a window is broken or a house  

is not repaired, the impression will be that no one is in charge, which will result in more broken windows  

and more crimes. 

 



 

75 

 

 

Broken windows are a visual indication of disorder and minor crimes committed through vandalism. Most 

concerning is that these minor crimes trigger discourses that negatively impact subjective security and 

shape people’s perception of these environments. In cities, the urban periphery is the least protected area 

by police security, which can lead to the failure of police to control and impose repercussions on minor 

crimes that characterize them. This can trigger other crimes or create the proliferation of cells and gangs 

that claim urban enclaves. In “broken windows”, the perception of insecurity and criminal networks 

in the suburbs leads to urban disorder and discourages societies from regaining security. 

 

The Centinela area, located west of Mexicali city, has been referred to as a place of insecurity because  

it has become normalized that it is a place where crime is prevalent and crimes are committed. The 

fieldwork conducted by Universidad Autónoma de Baja California students since August 2023 revealed that 

the main problems in this area are not related to crime but to precarious housing, a lack of services and 

deterioration of public space and the environment, based on surveys and photographic records. Residents 

also associate risk with leaving the house alone, walking through the neighbourhood and walking to take 

the bus (Figure 3). 

 

 

Figure 3: Risk and victimization in the Centinela neighbourhoods, Mexicali 2024. 

Source: Based on a survey from 16 streets (leaving the house alone, walking through the neighbourhood 

and walking to take the bus). 

 

A decline in social relations and insecurity has also accompanied the deterioration of physical spaces 

in Centinela´s neighbourhoods. In each neighbourhood, such as Centinela, Ampliación Centinela and  

San Pablo, a neighbourhood committee is responsible for determining and negotiating solutions with 



 

76 

 

 

government agencies. Doing so convinced some government entities, in partnership with the neighbours, 

to undertake improvements to some of their spaces, such as the community park, which was 

renovated in 2024. 

 

Based on the architectural study of a sample of homes, we could better understand the living conditions of 

many families. Research projects have provided funding for several housing and urban space improvement 

initiatives, including fencing, street furniture, roof improvements and, if possible, the construction or 

restoration of some houses. 

 

As opposed to the notion of “broken windows”, which implies that spaces, such as housing, streets or 

parks, are slowly degraded as they are neglected, there is also the possibility of progressive rescue and 

improvement when people are enthusiastic and committed to enhancing their small areas. Upon 

accumulating needs in the periphery, people prioritize housing deficiencies at the expense of urban 

infrastructure and public spaces. Even though most homes are considered habitable, they were built using 

self-construction techniques and recycled materials to resolve deficiencies (Images 1 & 2). 

 

  

Image 1: Recycled door. Image 2: Recycled steel roofing sheets. 

 

The effects of social disorganization on the urban periphery 

A person’s ideas and actions are influenced by their family environment, their neighbourhood networks 

and the environment in which they live. Several Chicago School of Criminology authors, including Clifford 

Shaw and Henry McKay (1942), proposed an explanation for the degradation of these urban enclaves based 

on social disorganization theory, which was developed in 1942 to focus on the environmental conditions 

that affect the development of a person in criminology. According to their theory, the environment in 

which one grows up reflects the behaviours and thoughts one exhibits in response 

to that environment. 

 

Shaw and McKay argued that crime is the result of abnormal living conditions (high poverty levels and poor 

health). Disorganization can take several forms: (1) Community control breakdown, when a neighbourhood 

loses control, causing people to adapt to new circumstances; (2) Uncontrolled immigration, in which 

immigrants often settle in disadvantaged communities; (3) Factors related to social deprivation, such  

as divorce, illegitimate births and a higher percentage of males; (4) Lastly, various patterns of criminal 

behaviour appear in marginalized and poor neighbourhoods where sub-societies often exist, and citizens 

have a precarious way of life. 



 

77 

 

 

 

Based on the articulation of the broken window theory and the social disorganization theory, a series of 

conclusions are reached concerning the Centinela’s neighbourhoods. In the first place, certain areas that 

have experienced elevated levels of neglect have a higher level of crime, which helps to explain the lack 

of control and progressive degradation of the physical and social environment. However, as the theory 

of social disorganization demonstrates, the environment plays a crucial role in determining an individual’s 

development, even more so when dealing with individuals who grow up in poverty and violence, 

as is the case in the precarious polygons on the western periphery of Mexicali. 

 

Using photographic analysis, the condition of the fences in the study area was determined by collecting and 

analyzing photographs of the streets. The fences were classified by type of material and level of quality. 

Using recycled materials from the same area, a design proposal and a tentative budget for the intervention 

have been created, preserving the aesthetic values of the urban image and architectural design while 

putting the community at the centre of the process through three participatory workshops. The analysis 

found that 234 fences were made of chain link, 233 fences were made of iron, 2 fences were made of tyres 

and 49 were a combination of recycled materials (Table 1). 

 

Table 1: Materials used in fencing. Centinela neighbourhoods, Mexicali, June 2024. 

Street Galvanised chain link Wrought iron Recycled (tyres, timber, 

steel shades, etc.) 

ARISTOTELES 30 44 2 

APOLO 40 36 5 

EUQUIDES 15 8 4 

EUCLIDES 7 1 1 

ESQUILO 6 10 2 

PITAGORAS 17 13 3 

PLATON 6 9 0 

SATELITE 12 6 1 

SOCRATES 8 9 3 

SOFOCLES 33 29 7 

CRATER 3 5 2 

SAN CRISTOBAL 6 3 1 

SANTA LUCIA 21 24 9 

SAN PABLO 5 3 4 

ATOTONILCO 3 8 2 

TECATITLAN 13 15 0 

ZIHUATANEJO 9 10 0 

IXTAPA 15 7 5 

TOTAL 234 233 52 



 

78 

 

 

Fieldwork was conducted to determine which houses were in a critical state regarding their physical 

boundaries. An exploratory walk was conducted along some of its streets to classify houses, sidewalks, 

vegetation, parks, fauna and some interactions with community members (Images 3–8). 

 

  Image 3: Fences made 

from recycled zinc 

galvanized roofing. 

 Image 6: Fences made 

from brick. 

 Image 4: Doorways made 

from recycled zinc 

galvanized roofing. 

 Image 7: Fences made 

from recycled timber. 

 Image 5: Entryways 

made from recycled 

wood and homemade 

stucco. 

 Image 8: Doorways made 

from recycled iron. 

 

Many homes had to cover their lower fences with mesh, sheets, wooden pieces or concrete coatings. Many 

neighbours said they had to prevent stray dogs from getting into their houses by cutting some wood (as 

shown in Image 7), and in the same way, many had to do the same, as we could observe that many of the 

houses had significant but aggressive dogs to “protect” them. However, this also creates a reflex to 

something dangerous since the sense of security is also lost. 

 

Furthermore, seven houses were surveyed and analysed, one of which was built by its owner using recycled 

materials, including wood, cardboard, mesh and sand. The woman established her construction methods, 

insulating the walls with garbage, constructing a foundation that has served her well over the years, 

plastering partition walls and constructing other walls out of blocks. Even though the house is not in the 

best condition at present, it is entirely habitable and has been kept up for 32 years despite the seismic 

conditions of Mexicali. Here is one area where we would like to intervene and support her in improving  

her safety and quality of life. 

 

Interacting with Centinela’s residents allowed us to better understand other homes, their adaptations 

and the measures taken to resolve the precariousness of the area. Additionally, the residents shared their 

traditional construction methods, and in the Integral Design II workshop, it was decided to combine these 

methods with more technical components. By analysing the fences and their materials, different security 

options were selected. Residents can obtain these items quickly and without making a significant 

financial investment. 

 



 

79 

 

 

As part of the interaction with the residents, the architecture students came up with a variety of ideas 

regarding the possible rehabilitation of their homes including new materials and systems. During their visit 

to the residents’ homes, the residents shared their experiences, made their opinions known and provided 

feedback on how the students should approach their proposals. The students and residents maintained 

a constant correspondence via telephone, which further contributed to the exchange of ideas and the 

sharing of expectations. 

 

The residents presented critical conditions from their perspective, and the students were given a printed 

presentation that included comments from residents. The site analysis and comments of residents indicate 

that one of the most critical conditions of these communities is the fences, which are made from discarded 

materials, giving them a second life and increasing security. Even though many of the houses in the 

Centinela area do not have fences suitable for protecting their interiors, it is essential to emphasize that the 

inhabitants have been very creative in solving problems over the years. A physical barrier in the home is 

necessary; it serves as a security barrier and shows the need to provide a façade of greater significance, 

even becoming a point of coexistence. 

 

A team of students was assembled to analyze the houses in need of fencing and develop some proposals 

that would be presented to the community later in such a way that the community selected the one they 

liked the best while retaining the urban image of the colony, while integrating construction methods and 

materials from the area. We created fences using existing and reusable materials within the Centinela area, 

beginning with wooden pallet modules and following extensive research, proposals and evaluations. 

A portal-based project is proposed, which connects the houses with the street and provides a space for 

coexistence on the sidewalks. The proposal is embodied in a prototype that articulates a bench with the 

fence and a threshold, as described in the following subsection. 

 

Designing sidewalks 

The proposal involves recovering materials found in the Centinela neighbourhoods, such as wooden pallets, 

rubble, wooden pallets, steel sheets, chicken wire and even earth used to construct adobes. By doing so, 

we can reduce the consumption of new materials, which results in the treatment of those materials, 

resulting in more significant pollution. As a result of recovery, we are enabling people to give these 

materials above a second life and, by doing so, provide ecological support to the environment. The 

proposal is titled “Sidewalk Design”. As a result of our transition between housing, sidewalk and street, 

and by applying the theories we have already mentioned, we can create a public/private space, leading 

to coexistence on the sidewalk, which is very typical of the border region of Baja California. Using the 

collected materials, wooden modules are made from pallets or galvanized sheets (Figures 4 and 5), 

followed by a catalogue allowing potential customers to assemble their fences based on their preferences 

from assembling wooden modules to finishing the surfaces with mosaics, paints, plasters or mortars. 

 



 

80 

 

 

  

Figure 4.       Figure 5. 

 

Starting from a small foundation, we will create the anchorage using Simpson methods, a method widely 

used in wood construction in the United States. Since 4x4” wooden beams are readily available and 

inexpensive in Mexicali, obtaining wooden pallets is no problem. Wooden pallets are used in the 

transportation of materials so they are often discarded, and many recycling facilities can be 

found near the border. 

 

To facilitate self-construction, the fences were designed to be easy to assemble, and workshops were 

conducted so that people within the Centinela area could learn how to construct these fences more 

efficiently, thus generating a positive impact on their work area by helping to build more fences, which will 

lead to job opportunities within the neighbourhood. Participatory approaches were used to identify local 

interests and improve local development and planning activities. 

 

The main objective of this proposal, as shown in Images 9 and 10, is to create a safe and peaceful 

environment by using fences (in this case assembled from pallet modules, with the posts anchored to the 

ground with light foundations) and implementing urban furniture consisting of gabions, as well as planting 

appropriate vegetation and placing a small cover and transitioning from the street to the sidewalk. 

Achieving a better social and urban environment has been made possible by applying this philosophy.  

The ability to personalize the fence with respect to the catalogue makes it unique and more personalized, 

increasing its value for customers. 

 

  

Images 9 & 10: Pallet design alternatives. 



 

81 

 

 

 

Conclusion 

Through participatory design, architecture students can work with residents from poor urban areas to 

come up with solutions for the problems they are facing. Based on an applied research project involving 

peripheral urban precarious communities, the studio projects and actions had a chain impact on small 

communities and had a double benefit for architecture students. In addition, implementing a project  

based on these criteria and integrating citizens allowed us to expand our vision regarding the peripheries  

of urban areas. 

 

As a result of participatory design, each detail shared with the community can be used as an excellent 

opportunity to contribute to the improvement of the city where we live and study, in addition to providing 

an applied solution to what is usually discussed and proposed in architectural design workshops during 

professional architectural studies. 

 

When it comes to designing with people, what is considered to be one of the scarcest resources is time. 

This is because university planning is driven by deadlines that differ from neighbourhood dynamics as well 

as residents’ availability of time to collaborate with teachers and students. Despite the slow progress, the 

contribution is filtering through as a “grain of sand” so that one day it can no longer be a “dangerous 

neighbourhood”, “crime zone” or “Don’t go there, they kill there”. For architecture students, one of the 

most outstanding achievements is empathizing with the inhabitants of their city and deepening the role 

of architecture in such situations, where, despite the multifaceted nature of the problems, the importance 

of architecture cannot be overstated. 

 

With the efforts and proposals already made and going forward, a safer, more harmonious neighbourhood 

is expected. By empowering residents, participatory processes enable them to continue working on their 

projects even without designers. Although this has been the case, faculty, students and residents will 

constantly work together to ensure that these achievements are constantly adjusted and improved 

so that they remain relevant for a long time to come. 

 

This project was well received by the university students, and it certainly sparked a new interest in some 

students. However, the most significant effect was to get a younger generation interested and excited 

about learning new skills in collaboration with residents of their own city. Additionally, the university 

students found that they gained a greater understanding of background and learning differences,  

as well as improving their ability to work with diverse groups of individuals. According to them, their 

communication skills had developed significantly, and they could apply it to other projects, whether  

at university or at work, particularly with people with less skill or less ability to use design language. 

Additionally, a professor with experience in teaching participatory design to residents will be able to 

provide valuable advice to some of their future students. 

 

This small project provides a simple alternative that recovers local knowledge and relates it to a 

participatory design exercise accessible to residents. A similar exercise can be developed in architectural 

workshops to encourage the next generation to go beyond the ambition of design that focuses on the 

transformation of a city spontaneously and explosively. Architects need to reinvent themselves from 

creating spectacular spaces for photography and magazines to incorporate people into the design 

process to improve their environment as we go through a generational change. 



 

82 

 

 

 

References 
Ayub, B., Naderpajouh, N., Boukamp, F., & McGough, T. (2020). Housing market bubbles and urban resilience:  

systems theory. Cities, 106, Article 102925. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2020.102925  

Batuman, B. & Altay, D. (2014). Critique by design: Tackling urban renewal in the design studio. Urban Design 

International, 19, 199–214. https://doi.org/10.1057/udi.2013.40  

Bellair, P.E. (1997). Social interaction and community crime: Examining the importance of neighbor networks. 

Criminology, 35(4): 677–703. 

Calderon, C., Mutter, A., Westin, M., & Butler, A. (2022). Navigating swift and slow planning: Planners’ balancing  

act in the design of participatory processes. European Planning Studies, 32(2), 390–409. 

https://doi.org/10.1080/09654313.2022.2156271  

Cumming, G. (2016). Heterarchies: Reconciling networks and hierarchies. Trends in Ecology & Evolution, 31(8),  

622-632. https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tree.2016.04.009  

Fakharany, N. (2023, July 21). Jan Gehl: Primero la vida, luego los espacios, luego los edificios (al revés, nunca 

funciona). ArchDaily México. https://shorturl.at/yprKh 

Forester, J. (2017). On the evolution of a critical pragmatism. In B. Haselsberger (Ed.), Encounters in planning  

thought. Routledge. https://tinyurl.com/2yuswrbb  

Gehl, J. (2010). Cities for people. Island Press. 

Hernández, S. (2023). Modos de vida y apropiación territorial en la trama urbana de la zona periurbana de 

Guadalajara. Perifèria, revista de recerca i formació en antropologia, 28(2), 55–77. 

https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/periferia.925  

Holguín, C. (2011). Dining with the devil: Identity formations in Juarez, Mexico. Identities, 18(5), 415–436. 

https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2011.654739  

Jacobs, J. (1961). The death and life of great American cities. Random House. 

Kelling, G., & Wilson, J. (1982, March 1). Broken windows: The police and neighborhood safety. The Atlantic. 

https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1982/03/broken-windows/304465/  

Lip Licham, C.A, Palacios Garay, J.P., Santa María Relaiza, H.R. & Tamayo Huamán, P.J. (2021). Actualidad  

de la seguridad urbana en Latinoamérica. CIEG, (51), 128–141. https://tinyurl.com/4cx3d93f 

Martínez, C. (2015, June 18). Cuatro elementos de diseño para implementar la teoría de los “ojos en la calle” de Jane 

Jacobs. Plataforma Urbana. https://shorturl.at/XXhnX 

Méndez, A. (2021). More than victims or villains: Representations of Mexican migrant men in the Imperial Valley-

Mexicali borderlands, 1942–1954. California History, 98(3): 28–53. https://doi.org/10.1525/ch.2021.98.3.28  

Nivón-Bolán, E. (2000). Conexiones urbanas: Cultura, metrópolis, globalización. Sociológica, 15(42), 115–142. 

http://www.sociologicamexico.azc.uam.mx/index.php/Sociologica/article/view/494  

Pineda, V., Artieda, L., Libertum, N. & Garcia, A. (2021, December 3). What does it mean to design an inclusive city? 

IDB. https://shorturl.at/ZCAll 

Shaw, C., & McKay, H. (1942). Juvenile delinquency and urban areas. University of Chicago Press. 

Udoewa, V. (2022). An introduction to radical participatory design: decolonising participatory design processes.  

Design Science, 8, Article e31. https://doi.org/10.1017/dsj.2022.24  

 

https://doi.org/10.1016/j.cities.2020.102925
https://doi.org/10.1057/udi.2013.40
https://doi.org/10.1080/09654313.2022.2156271
https://doi.org/10.1016/j.tree.2016.04.009
https://shorturl.at/yprKh
https://tinyurl.com/2yuswrbb
https://doi.org/10.5565/rev/periferia.925
https://doi.org/10.1080/1070289X.2011.654739
https://www.theatlantic.com/magazine/archive/1982/03/broken-windows/304465/
https://tinyurl.com/4cx3d93f
https://shorturl.at/XXhnX
https://doi.org/10.1525/ch.2021.98.3.28
http://www.sociologicamexico.azc.uam.mx/index.php/Sociologica/article/view/494
https://shorturl.at/ZCAll
https://doi.org/10.1017/dsj.2022.24

