monsehe ritual performed by culambu ethnic people in north konawe regency, southeast sulawesi mustaman anak agung ngurah anom kumbara anak agung bagus wirawan i gst. kt. gde arsana university of haluoleo, kendari email: mustaman33@yahoo.com abstract the existence of the local culture in the globalization era is a highly interesting phenomenon to explore. the close relationship between human beings and the culture proves that human beings cannot live without culture; how primitive they are, as exemplified by the life of the culambacu ethnic people. based on such an assumption, the monsehe ritual becomes an interesting thing to explore. the problems of the present study can be formulated as follows: how the monsehe ritual performed by the culambacu ethnic people is like; what ideologies contribute to the monsehe ritual; and what meaning it contains. the data in the present study were collected through observation, interview, library research, and documentation. the theory of functional structure, the theory of semiotics, and the theory of hegemony were used to analyze the problems of the study. the result of the study shows that, first, the monsehe ritual is performed to ward off misfortune (mosehe inia) and to settle conflict and adultery, and to treat sick people. in addition, it is also performed as part of the death ceremony. second, the monsehe ritual contains cosmological ideology and religious ideology. third, the totality of the mosehe ritual which is performed by the culambacu ethnic people is accumulated in the form of symbols which are rich in meanings such as religious meaning, harmonious meaning, educational meaning, identity meaning, social control meaning, and solidarity meaning. keywords: monsehe ritual, ideology, animism. introduction in the globalization era the change in and the existence of the local culture is a highly interesting phenomenon to explore. it is interesting as, on one hand, human beings create the culture; on the other hand, human beings are the product of the culture (tilaar, 2007: 13). the close relationship between the culture and human beings proves that human beings cannot live without culture; how primitive they are, as exemplified by the life of the culambacu ethnic group. therefore, the cultured life permanently features human beings all the year round and will never come to an end. based on such an assumption, the monsehe ritual performed by the culambacu ethnic people becomes important to explore. the problems of the present study can be formulated as follows: (1) how the monsehe ritual performed by the culambacu ethnic people in north konawe regency is like; (2) what ideologies contribute to the monsehe ritual; (3) what is the meaning of the monsehe ritual performed by the culambacu ethnic people living in north konawe regency. in general, this present study is intended to give space to the local tradition which is dominated by the majority group. in particular, this present study is intended to (1) understand the form of the monsehe ritual performed by the culambacu ethnic people, (2) understand the ideology which the monsehe ritual contains, and (3) understand the meaning which the monsehe ritual contains. the theories used in the present study are (1) the theory of functional structuralism, (2) the theory of semiotics, and (3) the theory of hegemony. research method this present study employs the qualitative method in which interpretation plays an important role and the result of the study is descriptively presented (ratna, 2010: 48). the qualitative study is a tradition in social sciences which is fundamentally based on the observation of and related to people (maleong, 2003: 4). the present study was conducted in wiwirano district, north konawe district, southeast sulawesi province. the data were collected using the techniques of observation, interview, library research and documentation. discussion this present study explores the monsehe ritual which is performed by the culambacu ethnic people living in wiwirano district, north konawe regency. it is a process of purification which functions to purify human beings from all mistakes and diseases. it is a tradition of the culambacu ethnic people which refers to the thinking perception of the myth which their ancestors had. such a myth has made the monsehe ritual an ideology or reference which is referred to by the culambacu ethnic people in every traditional practice they have performed until now. the first problem which is discussed in this present study is the form of the monsehe ritual. it describes or explains the total form of the monsehe ritual performed by the culambacu ethnic people in north konawe regency, southeast sulawesi. the ritual is performed (1) to ward off misfortune (monsehe ini’a), (2) to settle conflict (monsehe pompokomoikoaha), (3) to settle adultery (umo’api), (4) as part of the death ceremony (monsehe imatea), (5) to treat sick people (monsehe lo’e mokolili). when the ritual is performed, the time and place, the actor involved, the language and facility used are specified. the meaning of each instrument used is related to one another. second, the monsehe ritual contains the ideology which is always referred to by the culambacu ethnic people. according to barthes (2003), ideology is derived from a myth; after it is established, it becomes an ideology. furthermore, kaelan (2008: 5) states that an ideology may refer to a view or teaching which contains the truth or what is supposed to be true as a result of contemplation. the ideology of the monsehe ritual is divided into two parts; they are the cosmological and religious ideologies. the cosmological ideologies are made up of (a) the ideology of the conservation of the nature, (2) the ideology of the conservation of culture; (3) the ideology of ethnicity, and (4) the ideology of mehau. the religious ideologies are made up of (1) the ideology of forestry, (2) the ideology of rites (peweuha), (3) the ideology of human nature (totoahano). the cosmological ideology of the monsehe ritual is related to the concept of the culambacu ethnic people of the process of how the universe (the macrocosmos) and human beings (the microcosmos) are created. the religious ideology is related to the conception of the culambacu ethnic group of the relation between human beings (o’ata) and god (pe’apua). third, the totality of the monsehe ritual which is performed by the culambacu ethnic people are accumulated in the form of highly meaningful symbols such as the religious meaning, the harmonious meaning, the educational meaning, the identity meaning, and social control meaning, and the solidarity meaning. although the monsehe ritual is highly meaningful from the globalization context, its existence is disturbed by the mainstream muslim group, which, on behalf of the islamic ideology, refers to the single truth and refutes the tradition of the monsehe ritual. according to the mainstream muslim group, the monsehe ritual is an animistic teaching which is polytheistic and misleading. apart from the change in era, the new generation, which is affected by the modern education, has also negatively affected the monsehe ritual performance. the development of modern science and technology which gives priority to the economic value and rationality tends to shift the existence of the oral tradition in the society. as a result, the tradition of the monsehe ritual has undergone what is referred to as a cultural gap. in fact, it is potential and relevant to strengthen religion, identity, togetherness, solidarity and the development of human resources, that is, the culambacu ethnic people, who are very good at the oral tradition. in the globalization era, the tradition of the monsehe ritual will certainly be renewed and adjusted; even it will possibly become extinct; in other words, nobody will support its existence. anticipative steps should be taken to face renewal, adjustment or change. renewal, adjustment and change should not touch the cultural spirit (the inner cultural); as a result, the value and meaning which the tradition of the monsehe ritual contains still exist and will not disappear. through the present study, the writer would like to show defense of the tradition of the monsehe ritual to avoid it from getting extinct. at the same time, through this present study, the writer would like to suggest the government that it should give as specious space as possible for the monsehe ritual to grow and develop among its supporting people. such defense is a must, considering that the monsehe ritual contains the local genius, ideologies and meaning. in addition, it also contains the moral value which can lead to solidarity among the culambacu people. at the same time, it also becomes their identity. conclusion and suggestion first, the monsehe ritual is performed by the culambacu ethnic people to (1) ward off misfortune (monsehe ini’a), (2) to settle conflict, (3) to settle adultery (umo’api), (4) as part of the death ceremony, (5) to treat sick people, (6) the time when and the place where it is performed is specified, (7) those who are involved and the facilities used are specified as well. second, apart from what was described above, the monsehe ritual also contains the ideologies which are always referred to by the culambacu ethnic people. such ideologies are divided into two; they are the cosmological ideologies and the religious ideologies. the cosmological ideologies include (1) the ideology of the conservation of the nature, (2) the ideology of the conservation of culture, (3) the ideology of identity, and (4) the ideology of what is referred to as mehau. the religious ideology includes (1) the ideology of forestry, (2) the ideology of rites (peweuha), (3) the ideology of human nature (totoahanto). third, the totality of the monsehe ritual performed by the culambacu ethnic people is accumulated in the forms of highly meaningful symbols. such meanings include the religious meaning, the harmonious meaning, the educational meaning, the identity meaning, and social control meaning, and the solidarity meaning. what can be suggested in this present study are that (1) the government should pay more attention to various cultures or traditions of the indigenous people; it is also suggested that it should issue regulations ‘peraturan daerah (perda)’ which can protect the local culture, especially that which is still functional in its supporting community. apart from being sensitive to the local tradition and culture, the government should support and provide space for those who support tradition in order to maintain and look after it. (2) it is hoped to the culambacu ethnic people that they still maintain the monsehe ritual and the values it contains so it is still functional and serves as their ethnical identity. in addition, the values it has may also function as the medium for maintaining the morality of its supporting people and the culambacu generation. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the supervisor and co-supervisors for their full attention, patience, wholeheartedness, supervision and suggestions during the completion of this study. thanks are also expressed to the government of north konawe regency and the government of wiwirano district for the permit provided to the writer to conduct this present study. a word of appreciation should go to the informants for the information and data needed in this present study. bibliography barthes, roland. 2003. membedah mitos-mitos budaya massa. yogyakarta & bandung: jalasutra. tilaar, h. a. r. 2007. mengindonesiakan etnisitas dan identitas bangsa indonesia. jakarta: rineka cipta ratna, i nyoman, kutha. 2010. metodologi penelitian kajian budaya dan ilmu sosial humaniora pada umumnya. pustaka pelajar. maleong, lexy j. 2011. metode penelitian kualitatif. bandung: pt remaja posdakarya. kaelan. 2008. pendidikan pancasila. yogyakarta: paradigma offset matsna. 1999. orientasi semantik al-zamakhsyari. jakarta: anglimedi. deconstruction of traditional art: presentation style of cenk blonk leather puppet on dewata tv i dewa made darmawan indonesia institute of the arts denpasar email: dmd190259@yahoo.com abstract the presentation of cenk blonk leather puppet on dewata tv, as a cultural phenomenon with a variety of complex problems, has been observed by most people. however, it is still enthusiastically welcome by the lovers of the balinese leather puppet both in bali and outside bali. it seems that they are not aware of some basic changes in the way it is presented on tv. the way in which it is presented on tv is different from the way in which it is presented on the stage. it is such a cultural art which inspired the writer to explore and analyze in depth the way in which it is presented on tv. this study focuses on how the cenk blonk leather puppet is presented on dewata tv to perform the theme “dyah ratna takeshi”. it was found that the presentation of the cenk blonk leather puppet on dewata tv in its program entitled “pentas wayang kulit’ (the leather puppet performance) was the aesthetic presentation in which the elements of the traditional art were mixed with the modern technology medium (television). the material of the presentation of the cenk blonk leather puppet on dewata tv employed the production of bali record which had been reprocessed (deconstructed and reconstructed). advertisements and other materials were added and some parts were edited so that it suited the pattern of presentation and the slot of time during which it was presented. the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv was not completed with any accurate text and context. it gave impression that the traditional art was used to “package” advertisements and other promotions. the presentation of the cenk blonk leather puppet on dewata tv proved to be able to attract many people, especially the young people. they were made to be addicted to the puppetry art. before, they were not interested in it. keywords: deconstruction, traditional art, presentation style, leather puppet. introduction “badan sejuk aktivitas lancar” (if the body is cool every activity can be fluently done) was the head line of the television advertisement uttered by an actor as what was inserted in the television program entitled “pentas wayang kulit” (leather puppet performance). it was also completed with imaginary words which were clearly shown in the illusion of the movements made by the actors of the angle camera and textual animation which contained the hidden massage of the products advertised on the tv screen. unconsciously, it entered the mind at once through the eye lens. the presentation of the informative and persuasive advertisements on television, which was interestingly packaged with spectacular pictures using picture designing and audiovisual technology showed that the traditional art was used to package a variety of products needed for life. various types of products, starting from the products primarily needed for daily life to the products needed to enhance identity, washed our brains in such a way that we decided to buy the products which were shown and caught by our eyes every second and minute while we were enjoying the program entitled “pentas wayang kulit” (the leather puppet performance). the sophistication of the technology of mass media (television) appeared to give opportunities and challenges to the forms of the balinese traditional art which was adopted as the material presented. the introduction of the balinese leather puppet such as the cenk blonk leather puppet to dewata tv was a cultural phenomenon showing that there was a “collision” between the traditional cultural values (the leather puppet) and the new technology (the medium technology), while the traditional leather puppet was being marginalized. the fact that the ramayana leather puppet and the purwa leather puppet were scarcely performed proved this. this present study was intended to understand, discuss, and explain the cultural phenomenon showing that there was a “collision” between the traditional art and the modern technology. in particular, this present study was intended to analyze in depth how the cenk blonk leather puppet was presented on dewata tv, to identify how the material of the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv was produced, and to interpret the impact and meaning of the material the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv. in theory, it was expected that the results of the present study would contribute to the treasure of the cultural studies. in relation to that, it was also expected that the results of the present study would also enrich the sciences which are related to the traditional art presented on television. in practice, it was expected that the results of the present study would give information and motivation to the lovers of the balinese leather puppet to conduct research on the leather puppet presented on television. in this present study three theories were used; they are the theory of deconstruction, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of aesthetics. in general, it could be stated that the theory of deconstruction and the theory of hegemony were used to analyze the problems related to the leather puppet presented on television. in particular, it could be stated that the theory of deconstruction was used to analyze how the cenk blonk leather puppet was presented on dewata tv. the theory of hegemony was used to analyze how the material of the wayang kulit cenk blonk presented on dewata tv was produced. finally, the theory of aesthetics was used to analyze the impact of the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv on the art life and the puppetry in bali. research method this present study was designed to be qualitative research using phonological approach. it is assumed in the phonological approach that knowledge is not objective and static in nature, but it is interpretative (mulyana, 2002: 33-34). a social phenomenon is always contemporary in nature; even it is polysemic (multimeaning) in nature; it is still assumed in that way until it is negotiated in order to determine the status of such a social reality. in the present study, qualitative method with phenomenological approach was used as guidance or the working principle, starting from collecting the data, sorting the authentic data through the process of analysis, to explaining the synthesis of the results obtained in order to draw conclusions. all the data presented in the present study were obtained by observing (a) the cenk blonk leather puppet directly performed at dalem temple serongga, gianyar; (b) the recorded cenk blonk leather puppet presented by dewata tv. the data were also obtained by interviewing in depth the leather puppet lovers and the puppeteers in bali. the key informant was i wayan nardayana, the puppeteer. the primary data were collected using the observation and interview techniques. the secondary data, as the supporting data, were obtained through the documentary study; the recordings, the pictures, the results of the studies previously conducted related to the cenk blonk leather puppet were learned thoroughly. qualitative method was used and the data were descriptively, qualitatively, and interpretatively analyzed. the writer narrated, pictured or described the object objectively as it was and interpreted all the information obtained in the field. results and discussion the results of the study can be described as follows. first, the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv was the presentation of the innovative leather puppet which had been deconstructed through several stages. the implication was that what was not presented was not in accordance with the original, meaning that what was presented was less intact and less unified. second, the production of the cenk blonk leather puppet was deconstructed through two stages; they are (1) the recording of the cenk blonk leather puppet was deconstructed in such a way that it could be recorded in the form of vidio compact disk (vcd) and (2) the vcd was processed again in such a way that advertisements and the promotion of what was programmed by dewata tv, bumper in, bumper out, could be inserted in the leather puppet performance before it was presented on dewata tv. it was the materials which were inserted which degraded the aesthetic values of the cenk blonk leather puppet on dewata tv. third, the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv also had socio-cultural, aesthetic, and economic impacts. in addition, it also gave educational meaning, the meaning of preservation and welfare to the puppetry art in bali. as the illustration of the deconstruction and reconstruction of the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv, one episode is presented as in the following table. segment episode 1 time opening program of dewata tv, bumper in, teaser 04’01’’ i opening; igel kayonan, jejer wayang, cabut kayonan penyacah parwa (one part) 09’31’’ bumper out, advertisement, promotional programs 03’03’’ ii bumper in 00’29’’ opening; penyacah parwa (continued) 04’29’’ paguneman (one part) yudistira is accompanied by tualen at bale paseban 09’46’’ bumper out, advertisements, promotional program 02’00’’ iii bumper in 00’29’’ paguneman (continued) kanda tualen-merdah 10’40’’ bumper out, advertisements, promotional program 02’31’’ iv bumper in 00’30’’ paguneman (lanjutan) bimasena-ahimanyu kanda bimasena – tualen, kanda bimasena abhimanyu 06’59’’ credit tirle, tanjeb kayonan, bali record logo, dewata logo 00’49’’ time of the cenk blonk leather puppet presentation 41’25’’ (source: tayangan dewata tv, 17 november 2013). conclusion and suggestion first, the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv in the program entitled “pentas wayang kulit” (the leather puppet performance) was an aesthetic presentation which mixed the elements of the traditional art and the modern technological medium (television). the leather puppet presentation could be clearly understood using the theory of deconstruction and the theory of aesthetics. second, the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv was produced through three stages; they are the preproduction stage, the production stage, and the after production stage. the theory of deconstruction and the theory of hegemony were used to discuss and explain how the material presented was produced. the material presented on dewata tv was adopted from the production of the bali record (which was deconstructed before it was reconstructed). after it was produced, it was edited and then advertisements and other materials were inserted in it in order to suit the pattern of presentation and the time slotted for presentation. the process of deconstruction and reconstruction caused the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv to lose its textual accuracy and context, and to give impression that the traditional art was used to “package” advertisements and other promotions. third, the leather puppet presented on dewata tv had social, cultural, aesthetic and economic impacts and meanings. the social and cultural impact was that the leather puppet presented on television led to less social interaction among the viewers of the leather puppet in bali. the reason was that the viewers could watch the leather puppet performance from their respective home. the aesthetic impact was that the leather puppet presented on tv did not reflect an intact performance of the leather puppet, as advertisements, promotions and other messages were inserted in it. the economic impact was that the cenk blonk leather puppet presented on dewata tv could be used as a promotional medium for the art groups so that they would be well known by the public. the meaning of cenk blonk leather puppet presented on tv was significant enough. it was meaningful from the points of view of preservation, education, and welfare. the fact that the leather puppet presented on dewata tv could attract many people especially the young people proved the meaning of preservation. the young people used to dislike the leather puppet performance. the fact that the cenk blonk leather puppet gave educational messages which were highly needed by the public proved the educational meaning. the educational messages starting from the ethic values to the moral and spiritual values were neatly packaged in the form of fresh jokes. the meaning of welfare could be seen from the fact that being presented on dewata tv could promote so widely the puppetry art in general and the cenk blonk leather puppet in particular to the public which strengthened the market and increased its selling value. as a result, the group ‘sekaa’ members became more welfare. it was expected that the results of the present study could give new understanding to the lovers of the balinese puppetry art of the leather puppet presented on television. it was also expected that the results of the study would motivate the balinese puppetry artists, especially the puppeteers who are interested in performing the leather puppet on mass media to prepare themselves. it is also important for the writer to remind the producer and editor of television programs of being more careful in processing the materials of the traditional art which will be presented on television especially the balinese leather puppet. acknowledgement the writer owed many parties for the completion of this article. therefore, in this opportunity the writer would like to thank and highly appreciate prof. dr. i wayan dibia, sst.,ma., prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u., prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s., ir. i nyoman artha (the director of dewata tv), yudith erawathi (the programmer and producer of dewata tv), i gede arimbawa (the senior editor of dewata tv), tugung prabuwana (activation/producer of dewata tv), and i wayan sutawan, s.sn. (the former producer of dewata tv. the writer would also like to thank i wayan nardayana (the puppeteer of the cenk blonk leather puppet), i ketut muada (the puppeteer of the leather puppet of joblar abg), i made nuarsa (the puppeteer of the leather puppet of d’karbhit). bibliography abdullah, irwan. 2006. konstruksi dan reproduksi kebudayaan. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. aminuddin. 2002. "pendekatan pasca-struktural: jacques derrida". dalam analisis wacana dari linguistik sampai dekonstruksi. yogyakarta: kanal. baudrillard, jean p. 2004. masyarakat konsumsi. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. bungin, burhan. 2001. imaji media massa konstruksi dan makna realitas sosial iklan televisi dalam masyarakat kapitalistik. yogyakarta: jendela. ______. 2008. konstruksi sosial media massa: kekuatan pengaruh media massa, iklan televisi dan keputusan konsumen serta kritik terhadap peter l. berger & thomas luckmann. jakarta: kencana. burton, graeme. 2008. yang tersembunyi di balik media.yoyakarta: jalasutra. darmawan, i dewa made. 2014. “tayangan wayang kulit cenk blonk di dewata tv dengan lakon “dyah ratna takeshi”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, universitas udayana. dedy, djamaluddin malik (ed).1997. hegemoni budaya. yogyakarta: bentang budaya. kasali, renald. 1995. manajemen periklanan: konsep dan aplikasinya di indonesia. jakarta: grafiti. 6 resistance of fishermen and tourist practitioners to development of crab, groint, and walk way along beaches located in sanur area, denpasar, bali i nyoman winia department of tourism bali state polytechnics email: winia_pnb@yahoo.com abstract this study is to comprehend the resistance of fisherman community and tourism practitioner in the development of crab, groint, and walk way system in sanur beach region, denpasar, bali. this research concerns on the real field with an emphirical character approach which relates to the resistance of fisherman community and tourism practitioner that is still highly bubling. lately, there has been an abrasion from the sea water which resulting to the damage of the coastal line structure. results of the research indicated that: (1). the resistance of fisherman community and tourism practitioner in the development of crab, groint, and walk way system in sanur beach has been meant as the occurrence of the conflict of interests between investors where the fisherman community and tourism practitioner are sacrified. (2). the causing factors of the resistance of fisherman community and tourism practitioner are due to the command for farm depletion in sanur beach region by local government authority was without having a good socialization; the development of the tourism accommodation facilities by the investors exploited the farm of fisherman community and tourism practitioner; and also the loss occurred on the community members from the lateral impact incurred by the development of the crab, groint, and walk way system in sanur beach region. (3). this community resistance has impacted the physical environment, social life, culture, and economy as well as the felt meaning in: the prosperity meaning, religion, politics and community psychology. keywords: resistance, community, investor, crab, groint, and walk way system. introduction beaches, as one of the tourist attractions in bali, have been recently threatened by abrasion. the beaches which are located in sanur area have been so damaged by abrasion that attempts have been made by the government to overcome it as a consequence the reclamation of serangan island. one of the attempts already made by the government to minimize the impact of the marine current is building the system of crab, groint, and walk way along the beaches located in sanur area. many people agreed and many others disagreed with such a construction as it had not been well socialized. initially, the fishermen and tourist practitioners did not understand it and, therefore, they resisted it. this present study focuses on the resistance of the fishermen and tourist practitioners to the construction of the system of crab, groint, and walk way along the beaches which are located in sanur area. the resistance was shown by disturbing the initial process of the construction. based on the background described above, the objectives of the present study are to identify the form of the resistance shown by the fishermen and tourist practitioners along the beaches which are located in sanur area, the factors contributing to the resistance shown by the community, and the impact and meaning of the construction of the system of crab, groint, and walk way in the beaches located in sanur area. in theory, it was expected that the results of the present study would enrich the socio-cultural sciences, especially the science which is related to the people’s resistance to the construction of the great project of the system of crab, groint and walk way along the beaches located in sanur area. in practice, it was expected that the results of the present study would be taken into account by the government when issuing any policy which regulates the construction of great projects along the beaches located in sanur area. it was also expected that the results of the present study would motivate the cultural observers to develop tradition, culture and environment. apart from that, it was also expected that the results of the present study would contribute to the management and use of the beaches located in sanur area by the community, investor and government as part of the solution to the capitalistic impact on the industry of tourism in the current globalization era. research method qualitative method was used in the present study. it is commonly used to reveal community life, history, behavior, social movements, kinship relations, socio-economic condition, way of thinking and community’s belief. this present study was conducted at the beaches located in sanur area where there are two traditional villages; they are sanur kauh village and sanur kaja village under one sub district, namely, sanur sub district. there are 25 banjars (banjar = the smallest neighborhood under a traditional village) in the two traditional villages. among them, only some were purposively chosen; they are banjar tanjung, banjar blanjong, banjar semawang, banjar betngandang, and banjar batujimbar. those banjars were chosen as the locations where the present study was located for the reason that international tourist activities such as sanur village festival, bali open, and asian beach games are usually performed there. in addition, most of their residents were either elementary school or junior high school graduates. apart from that, the environment had not been well organized, their beaches were still dirty, and they had many new comers who did not have permanent jobs. result and discussion from the present study, it was identified that the fishermen and tourist practitioners showed their resistance to the construction of the system of crab, groint, and walk way at the beaches located in sanur area by closing the beaches where the project would be constructed, blocking the accesses to the beaches, confiscating and detaining the heavy tools used, throwing stones at the vehicles used in the project, and destroying every material used for the project. apart from that, their resistance was also shown by reporting the project to the traditional and government apparatus, although, finally, it was known that they obtained no satisfactory solution. the reason was that both the traditional and government apparatus were unfortunately involved in the project. as they obtained no satisfactory solution, the local people who formed several groups were bridged by the local non government organization to file a claim to the government of denpasar city and the government of bali province. however, they did not obtain any satisfactory clarification either. as a result, they became apathetic towards the government by getting passive and quiet. such an action was shown by paying no attention to what was instructed by the government and the traditional and official apparatus. as some illustrations, they did not empty the space which should have been emptied for the project; they did not take part in voluntary labor services; they did not take part in issuing permits; they did not attend the meetings held related to the project. in short, the local people did not take part in every governmental program. the factor contributing to the local people’s resistance was that what was constructed by the government at the beaches located in sanur area was evaluated to be improper. the reason was that what was repeatedly constructed by the government was always unsuccessful. furthermore, it damaged the beaches. as far as the construction of the system of grab, groint and walk way was concerned, it had not been well socialized by the government. consequently, the local people showed their resistance as the government was considered inconsistent in organizing the sanur area. initially, it was informed that the project would not destroy the places where the local people did their activities to earn their living; however, finally, it turned out that the project relocated them. the situation was made to be getting worse as there was no alternative location prepared by the government, traditional villages, and administrative village; as a result, many local people were jobless. the system of crab, groint, and walk way which had been constructed, with which many local people agreed and many others disagreed, turned out to be meaningful to the local people. environmentally, the sandy beaches located in sanur area became wider again as the waves were avoided by the groint. in addition, the waves were broken by the crab, and the public area was separated by the walk way where the people could enjoy the beaches. the socio-economic impact was that being well organized, the beaches located in sanur area attracted investors and tourists. as a result, the local people who had capital and could make use of the opportunity could make run businesses in transportation, water sports, marine tourist services, and trading. however, those who were not innovative and had no capital would not have anything to do; they would be jobless and relocated; they would become viewers in their own area. psychologically, they would be traumatic as they were not able to anticipate the change in paradigm. culturally, the traditional culture would become extinct; nobody would use traditional canoes as they were replaced by the motor boats made up of fiber. in addition, the culture of going to the beach for pilgrimage would not be seen any longer as not all the beaches could be used as the places where such a ritual could be performed; all the beaches were used for tourist enterprises. however, those who were able to make use of the opportunity to make adaptations to the beach which was well organized could increase their income. in addition, religiously, the development also contributed to the protection of the areas where the temples such as merta sari temple, dalem pangembak temple, and pesambyangan temple are located from the raging of the waves. however, the government had thought about that the arrangement of the beaches located in sanur area using the system of crab, groint, and walk way which would cause the areas of the beaches to be wider, and inspire the investor to come again to invest their money in sanur area. the fact that pt. sanur dinamika mentari and pt restu maharani decided to invest their money in sanur area proved this, although the spaces where they invested their money was disputed by the local people. in addition, the inconsistency in preserving the culture and ritual could be clearly seen, resulting from modernization in various aspects as the impact of the construction of the system of crab, groint, and walk way along the beaches located in sanur area. conclusion and suggeston from what was described above, it could be concluded that there was physical and non physical resistance shown by the fishermen and tourist practitioners to the construction of the system of crab, groint, and walk way along the beaches located in sanur area. the physical resistance was shown by destroying the heavy tools used in the construction of the great project of the system of crab, groint, and walk way, and closing the accesses to the project. the non physical resistance was shown by being quiet, as every form of physical resistance which had been shown failed. the factors leading to the resistance shown by the fishermen and tourist practitioners to the construction of the system of crab, groint and walk way were that the project had not been well socialized before the permit was issued by the government of denpasar city through the traditional and administrative villages to reorganize the beaches located in sanur area and to build accommodations, the government’s inconsistency, and alternative location where the local people would be relocated had not been prepared. the development of tourism in sanur area in the current globalization era affected and was meaningful to the local people as they gradually changed their professions from being marginalized as fishermen to being involved in tourism; finally, many worked as tour guides escorting tourists to serangan island and lembongan island. on one hand, the construction of the system of crab, groint and walk way along the beaches located in sanur area benefited many people; on the other hand, it also inflicted many others. the project inflicted the traditional fishermen with their wooden canoes, and benefited those who served tourists using their fiber glass canoes. in accordance with the objectives of the study, the targets which were aimed at by the researcher are as follows. the results of the study are open to criticism. it is suggested to other researchers that they should conduct further research with different topics and problems. the results of the study are also open to further analysis so that the construction of the system of crab, groint, and walk way along the beaches allocated in sanur area will be more critically and theoretically analyzed. it is also suggested that the results of the present study should be used as input for the investor, government, hotel owners, fishermen, tourist practitioners, and the policy makers at the village or sub district, district, and city/regency levels, and for the executive and legislative bodies so that such a construction may be used to support tourism in sanur area. apart from that, the results of the present study may also contribute to the development and discipline of the cultural studies, and may also be used as a reference to welcoming tourists to bali province in general and bali in particular. acknowledgement the writer would like to thank e-journal of the cultural studies for publishing this article. bibliography adnyana manuaba. 1998.”strategi pariwisata yang berdimensi kerakyatan”. bali : majalah ilmiah pariwisata universitas udayana. agger, ben. 2003. teori sosial kritis kritik, penerapan dan implikasinya. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana.. ardika, i gede. 1999. konsep pembangunan jakarta panjang dalam pembangunan pariwisata bali. makalah dalam seminar pariwisata berkelanjutan menurut perspektif orang bali. denpasar : pusat penelitian kebudayaan dan kepariwisataan universitas udayana bekerja sama dengan dinas pariwisata provinsi bali. -------. 2005. ”strategi bali mempertahankan kearifan lokal di era global” dalam putra, dharma& sancaya, windhu, ed. kompetensi budaya dalam globalisasi. denpasar: fakultas sastra universitas udayana dan pustaka larasan. barker. 2004. chris. cultural studies. yogyakarta : kreasi wacana. foucault, michel. 2002. power knowledge. wacana kuasa/ pengetahuan. yogyakarta: bentang budaya. jenning, paul. 2009. report on resistensialism. media internet id.wikipedia org. diakses, 12 november 2009. ritzer, george. 2004. teori sosial postmodern, juxtapose research and publication study club, diterjemahkan oleh mohammad taufik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. ritzer, george dan douglas j. goodman. 2011. teori sosiologi modern (dialihbahasakan oleh alimandan). jakarta : kencana. roger simon. 2004. gagasan-gagasan politik gramsci, (edt) mansour fakih. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. winia, i nyoman. 2014. ”resistensi masyarakat nelayan dan pelaku pariwisata dalam pembangunan sistem crab, groint, dan walk way di wilayah pantai sanur, denpasar, bali”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, universitas udayana. 7 practice of forest area clearance in kubu district, karangasem, bali ida gemawati monda i made merta sulistyawati ni made wiasti doctorate study program in cultural studies postgraduate program, udayana university email: mondaidagemawati@yahoo.com abstract the phenomenon of forest clearance is a holistic problem which has caused a forest not to function optimally. the first consequence of forest clearance is felt by the people living around the forest. it can lead to fire, landslide and the disappearance of water source. it can also cause the micro climate to decrease. the theories used in the present study are the theory of power discourse and knowledge proposed by foucault, the theory of hegemony proposed by antonio gramci, and the theory of communication action, proposed by habermas. it was found that; first, those who cleared the trees growing in the forest area away come from the surrounding villages. the culture of such a forest clearance had been done from generation to generation. the closer they lived to the forest area, the more cattle they raised. they raised more or less four cattle without being supported with how to prepare the food they need. second, the government had made many attempts to overcome the forest clearance at the kubu forest management resort “resor pengelolaan hutan (rph) kubu”; however, the attempts which it had made was not well communicated. third, the view of the people involved in the forest area clearance was different from the government’s policy. fourth, if related to tulamben village as a tourist destination, the areas within and outside the forest had the potentials which could be developed as the solution to the forest area clearance. keywords: forest area clearance, protected forest area, rph production forest. introduction the phenomenon of the forest area clearance has been one of the activities which can cause the forest to be degraded. it is a holistic problem as it involves the areas within and outside the forest. what is meant by the forest area clearance in the present study are the activities of clearing away the trees growing in the forest area in order to be able to grow elephant grass (wide-leaved grass), kaliandra, gamal, cashew fruit trees, and pineapple, and the activity of cutting the branches of the trees growing at rph kubu. those who were involved in the forest area clearance come from the surrounding villages such as dusun batu dawa kaja, tulamben village; dusun batu giling, dukuh village; dusun kubu, juntal village; dusun bantas, baturinggit village, kubu district, karangasem regency. the study was conducted at rph kubu. it covers the protected forest with an area of 2,009.23 hectares, and the production forest area with an area of 204.11 hectares. the forest clearance, based on what is stated in article 50 clause (3) letter b the act no. 41 of 1999 concerning forestry, refers to the attempt made to clear away the trees growing in the forest area without any permit from the government. the government, through the regency department of forestry and provincial department of forestry ‘satuan kerja perangkat daerah (skpd)’, has done its best to give information and guidance. however, the forest area clearance still takes place. the problems of the present study are how the forest area clearance took place; what the government did ; what were the impact and meaning of such a forest area clearance. in general, this present study is aimed at understanding the forest area clearance; in particular, it is aimed at answering the three questions formulated above. in theory, it is expected that the result of the present study may give theoretical contribution to the development of higher education knowledge. in practice, it is expected that the result of the present study may give input as to how to overcome the forest area clearance in kubu district, karangasem regency, bali province in particular and in the other areas in bali in general. research method this present study is a study of cultural studies, and is qualitative in nature. the informants were purposively determined using the snow ball technique. the data collection was discontinued when the data were considered redundant (redundancy of information). the data were obtained through in depth interview. the other informants as well as key informants were also used. apart from the qualitative method, participatory rapid appraisal technique (pra) was also employed. pra is a newly innovated method which can be used to improve accuracy and efficiency of the time needed for collecting data. discussion and result there were several things which led to the forest area clearance. first, the area of forestry was internally limited. those who were involved in the forest area clearance came from the surrounding villages. since 19 january 1990, the ministry of forestry had had the authority to control all the activities taking place within the forest area. on the other hand, the local people had developed their own system to develop the forest area. they had cleared the trees growing in the forest area away from generation to generation. before the act no. 41 of 1999 concerning forestry was issued, the local people had not understood why the forest area clearance was illegal; they thought they had the right to clear the trees growing in the forest area away. they saw that the land within the forest area was fertile. the streets which are covered with asphalt and which are not covered with asphalt and the path available were easily used as the access by the local people to the forest area. they went to the forest area on foot and by motor. some also went by riding their horses. those who were involved in the forest area clearance were farmers; however, they could only cultivate their land during raining season. they also developed plantations and raised cattle. some also developed gmelina and jati trees, and some others obtained sap from the palm trees. however, raising animals such as cattle, pigs, horses, goats and chicken were what they liked best. when they big enough, they were sold, and the money they earned was spent on the things they needed for performing religious rituals, building houses and for their daily needs. the closer they stayed to the forest area, the more livestock they raised, at least each family raised four cattle. they could have been able to grow the plants they needed for the livestock around their compounds. what they needed for their daily needs was planted in the land they had. the knowledge they had to make use of the land and rain water was insufficient. the local people cleared the trees growing in the forest area away in order to be able to fulfill their daily needs. according to maslow, there are five stages of human needs. what the local people need still belongs to the stage of basic household needs (food, drinking water, sending children to school, and so forth). the limited information provided to those living around the forest area and there was not security around the forest area also contributed to the forest area clearance. second, the limited knowledge in forestry was also another factor causing the trees growing in the forest area to be cleared away. the other factors included the governmental less firm regulation, the climate change, and the local regulation ‘awig-awig’ prevailing in one village was different from that prevailing in another village. the government had directly supervised the local people who were involved in the forest area clearance in regard to the matters pertaining to forestry. in addition, those who were supposed to give elucidation and the skpd (the department) of forestry had provided elucidation until the level of banjar (the neighborhood under a traditional village). the department of forestry of bali province in general, and the department of forestry and plantation of karangasem regency had involved the local people living around the forest area to take part in the reforestation program within and outside the forest area. the technological transfer and adoption programs had been realized by planting trees at all the villages around the forest area. outside the area of forestry, the government had standardized the cashew fruit seedlings yielded by the mascot of plantation. to make the livestock food available, those who were responsible for giving elucidation and the department of forestry had trained the local people as to how to make the livestock food available. priority should be given to the attempts which should be made to overcome the limited availability of water for which two man-made reservoirs ‘embung’ had been constructed. in addition, the assistance in the form of small-size water tanks had also been donated gradually. apart from that, it had been planned to construct more reservoirs. as well, pipes had been installed for connecting the tegal waja reservoir with kubu district. the impacts of the forest area clearance included erosion and fire. the forest area clearance had also led to political impact. the forest area clearance had economic, poverty, social and resistance meanings. the impact discussed in this present study was the negative impact. the forest fire had always taken place almost every year. the factors which had caused the forest fire to take place were the cigarette which was disposed of carelessly, the torch which still contained kerosene among the branches of the trees used by the local people in search for grasshopper-like animals and honey, and for burning grass as, to their opinion, the grass would grow when the wet season started. then the fire, the path made, the branches which had been cut off and the farming activities caused erosion to take place within and outside the forest area. after the data were analyzed, there were four novelties in the present study. first, those who were involved in the forest area clearance came from the villages around the forest area. this had been done from generation to generation. the closer they stayed, the more cattle they raised (more or less four cattle). when the present study was initially conducted, the local people still cleared the trees growing in the forest area away stealthily and openly. their insufficient knowledge and no partnership were responsible for this. second, several attempts had been made by the government to overcome the forest area clearance at rph kubu; however, what it had done was not maximum yet, meaning that such a problem had not been holistically solved. third, the local people’s view was different from the government’s policy. fourth, there were several potentials which could have been developed both within and outside the forest area. the environmental services could be developed within the forest area, and the agricultural potential could be developed outside the forest area. those should be integrated with the areas which were prescribed as the strategic areas by the regional government through the act (perda provinsi bali) no. 16 of 2009 concerning rtrw bali from 2009 to 2019, in which tulamben was prescribed as a tourist destination. in this way, the culture of managing the forest ecosystem could be established in accordance with the characteristic of the local area. conclusion and suggestion the local people’s insufficient knowledge and no partnership in forestry and non forestry had caused the forest area clearance to take place continuously. the government had not optimally coped with the matter pertaining to the forest area clearance. the forest area clearance had caused erosion and fire to take place. it had also led to the political impact. in regard to its meanings, it had economic and poverty meanings, social meaning and resistance meaning. there were potentials which could be developed both inside and outside the forest area. it is suggested to the government of bali province that the forest area should be managed as what had been planned in the village forest management, and the local people living around the forest area should be empowered to be holistically in charge of the forest management resort. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. ing. ir. i made merta as the supervisor, prof. dr. ir. sulistyawati, m.s., m.m., m. mis., d.th. as co-supervisor i, and ni made wiasti, m.hum. as co-supervisor ii, and the government of karangasem regency in general, and the government of kubu district and the government of bali province in particular. bibliography barker, c. 2004. cultural studies teori & praktik. terjemahan nurhadi. yogyakarta: penerbit kreasi baru. cavallaro, dani. 2004. critical and cultural theori. yogyakarta: niagara. foucault, michael. 2002. pengetahuan dan metode, karya-karya penting foucault 1954-1984. (terjemahan). yogyakarta: jalasutra. fiske, john. 2007. oerder of thing: arceologi ilmu-ilmu kemanusiaan. (terjemahan b. priambodo dan pradewa boy) yoguakarta: pustaka pelajar. deconstructing the ideology of resistance shown by the people living at candikuning village to the management of eka karya bali botanical garden i wayan sujana aa bagus wirawan i nyoman sirtha i nyoman dhana mahasaraswati university, denpasar email: sujanaiwayan@yamail.com abstract the people living at candikuning village are not involved in the management of the eka karya bali botanical garden; however, they intend to enjoy the retribution which is received by the botanical garden, for which they show their resistance to the management. this article is intended to understand the ideology which has inspired the local people to argue that they are entitled to the retribution received by the eka karya bali botanical garden. the data were collected through in-depth interview, observation, and documentation techniques. the data were critically analyzed using the deconstruction method. based on the analysis of the facts which had inspired the resistance shown by the local people living at candi kuning village to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden, it could be understood that the geopolitical ideology was used as the basis of the resistance. therefore, the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden should give some of the retribution they received to the local people. the botanical garden is located at candikuning village or part of the area of candikuning village. however, the village had never received any retribution from the botanical garden. the management should remember the proverb “di mana bumi dipijak di situ langit dijunjung” (we should adjust ourselves to the environment where we stay), based on the philosophy of tri hita karana, meaning that the management should give retribution to the temple located at the area of the botanical garden. keywords: geopolitical ideology, resistance, share of distribution. introduction basically, this article discusses the answer to the question why the people living at candikuning village show their resistance to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden. such a question was inspired by an action, that is, the resistance which was shown by the people living at candikuning village to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden that they were entitled to the retribution which was received by the botanical garden. in this case, the term resistance is adopted from what is stated by scott (1993), who states that resistance is “… every action taken by the members of a group of people to show disagreement with what is claimed … or to show what they claim …” the resistance shown by the people at candikuning village to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden is interesting to explore. the reason is that they are not involved in the management of the botanical garden. based on the assumption that an action is usually related to a certain ideology which is adhered to by its followers, this article is intended to deconstruct the ideology of the resistance shown by the people living at candikuning village to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden. the term ideology in this article refers to the concept proposed by jones and wareing (in atmadja and atmadja, 2008: 240), who state that “now the word ideology is more widely used to refer to the faiths which are felt to be logical and ‘reasonable’ by those who adhere to it. in relation to what was described above, this article is intended to understand the ideology of the argument given by the people living at candikuning village for the resistance they show to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden. therefore, in practice, it is expected that the result of the study will enrich the knowledge of the ideology which has caused the people living at candi kuning village to show resistance. furthermore, in practice, it is also expected that the result of the study will make the related parties to be aware that there has been an ideology which has caused the people living at candikuning village to show their resistance to the management of the botanical garden. therefore, it is expected that the related parties can collectively find a solution to such a resistance without inflicting any parties. research method the data in the present study were fully taken from the facts written in the form of a dissertation written by i wayan sujana, doctorate program of cultural studies, school of postgraduate studies, udayana university entitled “the resistance shown by the community of candi kuning village, baturiti, tabanan, bali to the management of bali eka karya botanical garden tourist destionation”. the qualitative, descriptive, and interpretative methods were used in the study. the data were collected using the in-depth interview, observation, and documentary methods. the facts which appeared from the argument used by the local people to show their resistance to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden were critically analyzed using the deconstruction method. discussion as far as the resistance shown by the people living at candi kuning village to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden is concerned, the informants informed that “the botanical garden is located in the area of candikuning village”. they further stated that “although the botanical garden is part of candikuning village, no retribution has been given to the village yet”. … the villages which are located close to tourist destinations usually share the retribution they receive” …”the management of the botanical garden should remember that it should adjust itself to the environment where it is located … in accordance with what is taught in the philosophy of tri hita karana … the management should give retribution for the renovation of the temple which is located at the area of the botanical garden”. based on the information given by the informants, it is identified that the bali eka karya botanical garden is located in the area of candikuning village; therefore, it is advisable for the botanical garden to give retribution to the village. if this can be realized, then the management will be regarded as being able to adjust itself to the local condition as stated in the philosophy of tri hita karana. it is an ideology which emphasizes that the relation between human beings and god, the relation between human beings and their fellow beings, and the relation between human beings and environment should be importantly in harmony. that means that the geopolitical ideology is used as the reference by the local people, namely, an ideology which emphasizes the geopolitical position-based policy. such logic reflects the truth, as, in fact, the map of candi kuning village shows that the bali eka karya botanical garden is located in the area of candikuning village. what is regarded as being true, in this case, refers to what is stated by “the theory of what is correspondently true” in which it is stated that a statement (knowledge, theory, proposition, hypothesis) is stated to be true if it is adjusted or related to an empirical reality. apart from that, such logic is seen to be adjusted to article 6 of peraturan daerah ‘perda” (the regional regulation) of bali province number 3 of 2001 concerning desa pekraman (traditional village). it is stated that the “traditional village” has the authority to make decisions on the implementation of any regulation based-development in its area related to tri hita karana. in article 10, it is stated that “the earnings of the traditional village are earned from: … e. any other legal revenues: f. the non-binding donation received from the third party”. these stipulations give opportunity to the local people to express their opinion that they should have been involved in the management of the botanical garden, and that they should have received donation from the management. it is not surprising, therefore, that the local people argue that the management of the tourist destination should have received retribution from the management, especially if the donation received will be spent on the activities performed related to tri hita karana. if the management is not willing to give any donation to the village, then it will be stated not to do what it should have done, for which it should be warned in a particular way. the view with the geopolitical ideology as described above reflects that there is relation of power between candikuning village with the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden tourist destination. in this case, based on the ownership of the area, the local people consider themselves the superordinate party and the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden the subordinate party. the reason is that the area where the botanical garden is located is included in the area of candikuning village. it is in such a relation of power the people living at candikuning village are in the opinion that the management of the eka karya botanical garden should give distribution to them. such an opinion also reflects the logic that if the management is not willing to give retribution to candikuning village, then the resistance shown to the management will be a must and/or will not be wrong. the fact that, geographically, the bali eka karya botanical garden is located in the era of candikuning village may not be properly used as the basis for referring to the village the superordinate party and the bali eka karya botanical garden the subordinate party. in relation to this, what is stated by schermerhorn as quoted by poerwanto (2005: 8), is importantly used as the reference. he states that the dominating class is made up of two groups; they are the dominating group and the elite group. the number of the dominating group is greater and has more power than the number of the subordinate group. the number of the elite group is smaller but has more power than the subordinate group. in addition, the subordinate group is made up of what is referred to as the mass subject and minority group. the mass subject is the group which has more members but less power than the dominating group. the minority group is the group which has less members and power than the dominating group. viewed from the perspective theory, as far as the dominating group and subordinate group are concerned, it seems that the people living at candikuning village cannot be stated as the dominating group within the context of the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden. the fact shows that the local is larger in number; however, they have less power than the management of the tourist destination. the reason is that the management of the tourist destination represents the republic of indonesia as the tourist destination is under a government’s institution which is referred to as lipi. therefore, if viewed from the structure of the government of the republic indonesia, the people living at candikuning village are the subordinate group (the mass subject group) which has less power than the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden. therefore, it is not surprising that the people living at candikuning village is not powerful enough to claim that the management of the botanical garden should give retribution to them. however, the geopolitics is still logically used as the basis for showing resistance to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden. conclusion and suggestion based on the discussion above, it can be concluded that the resistance shown by the people living at candikuning village to the management of the bali eka karya botanical garden refers to the geopolitical ideology. therefore, they are in the opinion that the management should give them retribution. it is suggested that the people living at candikuing village and the management of the bali eka botanical garden should negotiate based on the multicultural ideology-based understanding to make the relation between the two parties in harmony. acknowledgement the completion of this study cannot be separated from the support provided by many parties; therefore, in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the rector of udayana university, the director of the school of postgraduate studies, head of the doctorate program of cultural studies, udayana university, the rector of mahasaraswati university denpasar, and the other parties which cannot be mentioned one by one in this limited opportunity. bibliography atmadja, nengah bawa dan anantawikrama tungga atmadja. 2008. “ideologi tri hita karana – neolibralisme = vilanisasi radius suci pura (perspektif kajian budaya)” dalam i wayan ardika, dkk (ed.) dinamika sosial masyarakat bali dalam lintasan sejarah. denpasar: fakultas sastra universitas udayana. atmadja, nengah bawa dan anantawikrama tungga atmadja. 2014. filsafat ilmu pengetahuan perspektif proses dan produk. denpasar : pustaka larasan. lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2014. filsafat ilmu klasik hingga kontemporer. jakarta : pt. raja grafindo persada. jakarta : pt. raja grafindo persada. poerwanto, hari, 2005. orang cina khek dari singkawang. depok : komunitas bambu. scott, james. c. 1993. perlawanan kaum tani. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. 5 religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village, lumajang, east java i ketut gede harsana i gde parimartha i wayan ardika i made suastika udayana university email: gedeharsana@yahoo.com abstract the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village cannot be separated from the context of the relationship between the dominant culture of the bali hindus and the subculture of the hindus at senduro village. the bali hindus who are stronger culturally, economically and symbolically affect the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village in regard to their tatwa (philosophy), acara (ritual) and organization. the problems formulated in this article are as follows: the forms, the contributing factors, and the meaning of the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village. the qualitative method was used to obtain the data needed in the present study. the theories used are the theory of practice, the theory of subaltern, the theory of semiotics, and the theory of identity. before the temple was constructed the hindus at senduro village was classified as the followers of what is referred to as kejawen. the reason was that their religious practice was highly specific and different from the religious practices performed by the hindus in the other areas. after the mandara giri semeru agung temple was constructed, the hindus at senduro village were affected by the balinese in the way in which they perform their religious practice. such an impact could be observed from the aspect of their tattwa (philosophy), the aspect of their religious ritual, and the aspect of their religious organization. keywords: religious practice, hindus. introduction the religious practice which was performed by the hindus at senduro village is identical with the religious practice which is performed by the majapahit hindus. the strong pressure from the bureaucrat and the majority caused the hindus at senduro village to perform their religious practice secretly. it turned out that the balinese hindus who visited the village caused the religious practice performed the hindus at senduro village to change. they performed their religious practice openly instead of secretly. in addition, the tradition of the bali hindus was seen to dominate the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village. after the mandara giri semeru agung temple was constructed, the religious practice performed by the bali hindus seemed to be more dominant in the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduru village. based on the background above, this present study is intended to explore the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village from the perspective of cultural studies; therefore, the title of the article is “praktik keagamaan umat hindu di desa senduro, lumajang, jawa timur” [the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village, lumajang, east java” . research method qualitative method is used in the present study. the reason is that the present study is intended to see the existence of the hindus with their various obstructions and challenges at senduro village. the main instrument in the present study was the researcher himself. the data were obtained from interviews and field notes. the qualitative data were supported with the quantitative data. result and discussion before the mandara giri semeru agung temple was constructed, the hindus at senduro village had believed in god. however, in accordance with their belief, the name used to refer to god is different from the name used by the bali hindus to refer to god. one of the hindu leaders at senduro village through an interview stated as follows. “kami merupakan kelompok umat hindu yang merupakan turunan hindu majapahit,dalam penyebutan nama-namatuhan kami mempunyai sebutan nama tuhan tersendiri, seperti gusti kang akarya jagat saisine yang artinya tuhan yang menciptakan dunia beserta isinya dan gusti kang maha wikan yang artinya tuhan maha tahu” (djumadi wawancara, 25 maret 2013) [“we are hindus coming from the majapahit hindus. we use several names to refer to god. they are gusti kang akarya jagat saisine, meaning god who has created the world and what it contains, and gusti kang maha wikan, meaning “god who knows everything”] (djumadi, interviewed on 25 march 2013). based on the information obtained from the interview, it can be concluded that every area in indonesia also has different names which are used to refer to god. it is not necessary to make the names used to refer to god uniform. the knowledge and symbolic capitals the hindus at senduro village have for referring to god with different names are the identity as the followers of the jowo sanyto hinduism. the offering, which is referred to as gedang kayu pecok bakal, is highly simple. through such a very simple symbolic capital, they expressed themselves using a very simple religious offering referred to as gedang ayu pecok bakal. gedang ayu refers to the structure of an offering which is made of bananas, coconuts, flowers, betel vine, tobacco, eggs, and some money as the essence and pecok bakal is made of various types of spices. one of the hindu leaders at senduro village, through an interview, stated as follows. “bahwa bentuk upakara gedang ayu pecok bakal, merupakan warisan dari leluhur kami, yang kalau dilihat dari bentuknya sangat sederhana, akan tetapi inilah tradisi leluhur kami, yang mana gedang ayu pecok bakal ini kami pergunakan setiap ada upacara selametan, perkawinan dan upacara lainnya. walaupun ada bentuk upakara yang lain, akan tetapi gedang yu pecok bakal sebagai wujud upakara pokok (titik jatmiati, interviewed on 23 march 2013). [that the gedang ayu pecok bakal offering is an inheritance from our ancestors; if viewed from its form, it is highly simple; we use it as the offering when we would like to express our gratefulness, in the wedding ceremony and in the other religious rituals] (titik jatmiati, interview on 23 marh 2013). the gedang ayu pecok bakal is the form of a religious ritual which was used in the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village. although there were still several other forms of offering, the gedang ayu pecok bakal was the basic religious ritual. therefore, it was the basic ritual used in the religious ritual performed to express gratefulness, in the wedding ceremony and in the religious rituals performed before and after a baby was born. even in the religious ritual performed for someone who was stated to be grown up, such an offering was also used. however, since the bali hindus came, the gedang ayu pecok had been completed with what is referred to as canang sari (a type of offering). as the hindu organization at senduro village was still traditional, and there was no organizational structure, the function and the role played by the hindu leaders were highly important at that time. one of the hindu leaders at senduro village stated, through an interview, as follows. ”karena kelembagaan masih tradisional maka peranan para sesepuh atau orang yang dituakan dianggap penting untuk memberikan ajaran lewat petuah-petuah. petuah yang diberikan oleh para sesepuh diantaranya berisi tentang ajaran budi pekerti, sopan santun, ramah tamah, sabar, menerima apa adanya. praktik keagamaan di bidang etika diberikan oleh pare sesepuh setiap kali diadakan pertemuan (pesamuan dalam bahasa mereka). pertemuan atau pesamuan diadakan di sanggar-sanggar pemujaan” (mangku ngatris, wawancara, 23 maret 2013)” [as the organization is still traditional, the role played by the elders or those who are considered being the elders is very important. they are supposed to teach the worshippers through advices containing etiquette, ethics, friendliness, patience, and accepting what is available. the religious practice in regard to ethics is provided by the elders every time a meeting is held (in their language it is referred to as pesamuan), which is held at the worshipping places] (mangku ngatris, interviewed on 23 march 2013). after the mandara giri semeru agung temple was constructed, the worshippers were organized and supervised not only at the worshipping places but also at the temple. since then, their organization has been more modern, as can be observed from their organizational structure. the meaning of the religious practice performed at senduro village can be observed as follows. a new symbolic space was created. that is the first meaning. the integration between the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village and the one performed by the bali hindus caused the hindus at senduro village to enter a meaningless symbolic space. such a context of space changed the perspective of the hindus at senduro village; they referred to the religious practice performed by the bali hindus. that is the meaning of uniformity. the strong impact of the tradition of a great religion (in this case, hinduism in bali) damaged various types of the traditional activities inherited from their ancestors. the next meaning is the meaning of image. glamorization was the image or a sign which was constructed by the bali hindu tradition, when the festival was held for the mandiri giri semeru agung temple. the bali hindus gave priority to aesthetics over religious ethics. the next meaning is multiculturalism. it turned out that the existence of the mandara giri semeru agung temple caused the atmosphere to change. the non hindus started to show tolerance to the hindus at senduro village; as a result, in performing the religious practice they were brave enough to be open; no body felt being oppressed. the next meaning is that the non hindus and hindus at senduro village seemed to start respecting one another; as a result a harmonious atmosphere was created. the novelties of the present study are as follows. before the bali hindu tradition was introduced, the hindus at senduro village were the followers of the tradition of the majapahit hindu. at that time the religious practice was secretly performed by the hindus, resulting from the strong pressure from the majority at senduro village. the introduction of the bali hindu tradition caused the hindus at senduro village to perform their religious practice openly. the identity of being hindus, which used to be invisible, gradually appeared. in addition, the identity of the hindus at senduro village seemed to be protected by the bali hindu tradition; they seemed to adapt it. it turned out that the adaptation process of the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village and the one performed by the bali hindus led to a new problem. the adaptation process became a problem if such a process took place in the surface only (false adaptation). in such a process of adaptation, the religious practice performed at senduro village seemed to be revitalized; however, the symbols of the bali hindu tradition dominated the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village. the resistance to the symbols of the bali hindu traditions was shown by the hindu elites at senduro village. such a resistance was not physically shown; it was shown in the form of the construction of a shrine named candi waringin at the area of the mandhara giri semeru agung temple. physically, it adopted the javanese architecture. that was the realization of what had been desired by the hindus at senduro village; they desired that their tradition would not be neglected. conclusion and suggestion before the temple was constructed, the religious practice performed by the hindus at senduro village was adjusted to what was traditionally instructed by their ancestors. they were classified as what is referred to as kejawen followers. the reason was that the religious practice they performed was specific and different from the religious practice performed in the other areas. after the mandara giri semeru agung temple was constructed, the hindus at senduro village started being affected by the religious practice performed by the bali hindus in regard to their tattwa (philosophy), rituals and organization. the existence of the mandara giri semeru agung temple should protect the local tradition of the hindus at senduro village which was implemented in the religious practice locally performed. the hindus at senduro village should think about and struggle for formal (legal) regulations which can regulate the development and conservation of the local wisdom they have. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i gede parimartha, m.a as the supervisor, prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as co-supervisor i, and dr. drs. i gusti ketut gde arsana, m.si. as co-supervisor ii for their attention, motivation, supervision, encouragement during the completion of this article. bibliography harsana, i ketut gede. 2005. kebangkitan umat hindu di desa senduro kabupaten lumajang (perspektif kajian budaya). (tesis) s2. program pascasarjana universitas udayana denpasar. herusatato, budiono. 2001. simbolisme dalam budaya jawa. yogyakarta : pt. hanindita graha widaya. pals, daniel. l. 2001. seven theories of religion. (terjemahan). yogyakarta: dalam. pudja. g. ma sh. 1983. pengantar agama hindu iii veda. jakarta. penerbit maya sari. pustaka pelajar. jakarta. rahardjo, turnomo. 2005. menghargai perbedaan kultural. dalam komunikasi antar etnis. pustaka pelajar. saerosi, m. 2004. politik pendidikan agama dalam era pluralisme, telaah historis atas kebijaksanaan pendidikan agama konvensional di indonesia. jogyakarta: tiara wacana. saidi, anas. 2004. menekuk agama membangun tahta. kebijakan agama orde baru. jakarta : desantara. titib, i made. 2003. teologi simbol-simbol dalam agama hindu. surabaya : paramita. usman, husaini. 2001. metodelogi penelitian sosial. jakarta : pt. bumi aksara. weber, max. 2006. sosiologi. terjemahan dari from max weber. essays in sociology. yogyakarta. pt. tiara wacana. social practice of pedagang acung (vendors) at kintamani tourist area, bangli, bali ni made ary widiastini department of diploma 3 in hotel management faculty of economics and business, ganesha university of education, singaraja i wayan ardika nengah dasi astawa i gede mudana e-mail: ary.widiastini@gmail.com abstract this present study is intended to explain the social practice performed by the pedagang acung (vendors) at kintamani tourist area, bangli regency, bali province. in selling their commodities, the vendors cannot be separated from those who are involved in the development of tourism. in this present study the data were collected through observation, interview and library research. the data were eclectically analyzed using the theory of social practice and some other supporting theories. such theories were used to identify various forms of the social practice performed by the vendors. the result of the study showed that in practice the vendors interacted with various parties involved in the development of tourism at kintamani, bangli. the consequence was that they fought for the capital as they had different interests. having a limited amount of capital caused them to be marginalized by those who had bigger amounts of capital. the economic, social and cultural capitals they had caused them to be suspected of the sources of the problems in the development of tourism at kintamani. they should not have been negatively viewed but should also have been positively viewed. in other words, they should have been viewed as those who ran entrepreneurship with limited amounts of capital who could also reduce the rate of unemployment and contribute to the economic development in bangli regency in particular and bali province in general. keywords: vendors, social practice, tourism, kintamani introduction vending, as a profession, which has been undertaken by the local people living at batur village, has not only benefited them economically but has also led to various economic, social, cultural, political and environmental problems. kintamani with its beautiful mount and lake has inspired many people to excavate the potentials it has. many local people, who used to work as farmers, have been working as vendors. they sell their commodities to the tourists who visit kintamani. such a phenomenon supports what is stated by wirakartakusumah (1987: 33-47) that there are several factors which can cause people to change their professions. such factors are as follows (1) the economic factor, (2) the social factor, (3) the natural factor, (4) the educational factor and so forth. such a phenomenon can also be seen at kintamani as one of the tourist destinations in bali. many local people have worked as vendors, as, in their opinion, vending can benefit them more than working as farmers. what they can produce from farming cannot meet their various needs. the reason is that what they can produce cannot be entirely consumed; some should be left for the following growing season. in addition, they have to wait for a relatively long time before they can harvest what they plant. therefore, they should have other jobs; otherwise, they cannot fulfill their daily needs. most of them have chosen to work as vendors as an additional job, meaning that vending can strengthen their economy. in this context, vending at kintamani tourist area is also the economic basis for the families living there. the phenomenon of being involved in the informal sector by working as vendors, who sell their commodities to tourists, is interesting to be investigated. the reason is that many local people have chosen such a profession in order to be able to meet their primary, secondary and tertiary needs. cukier and wall (1994: 464-476), in his article entitled “informal tourism employment: vendors in bali, indonesia”, stated that vending can sufficiently benefit people; therefore, those who have limited capital have chosen such a profession. in this present study what is explored is the social practice performed by the vendors at kintamani tourist destination from the perspective of cultural studies. reseach method in this present study, the main instrument used was an interview guide. those who were involved in vending enterprise interviewed were the vendors, the product suppliers, the village government, the regency government, the provincial government, the local leaders, the tourism observers, and those who were involved in the tourism businesses. the data were descriptively and qualitatively analyzed, and the result of the data analysis was informally presented, meaning that the result of the data analysis was descriptively analyzed based on the norms referred to in the cultural studies. discussion vendors are not only in bali, but they are also found in almost every tourist area in indonesia; however, they are differently named. their existence has been explored by several foreign researchers, as stated by timothy and wall (1997) in their book entitled “selling to tourist indonesian street vendors”, that working in informal sectors such as working as vendors at tourist destinations has economically and significantly contributed to the economic development. in bali in general, and at kintamani tourist destination, kintamani, bangli regency in particular, there are so many people who have chosen vending as a profession, meaning that the space of meaning has been fought for economically, socially, culturally, and politically in every activity the vendors do. the social practice which is performed at kintamani tourist area, bangli regency, is internal and external in nature. in practice, the vendors are involved in the activities in which the other parties are also involved such as their group, the other group of vendors, the government, the product supplier, the restaurant owners, the tourist guides and tourists. in practice, the vendors at kintamani tourist destination establish three groups; the lake view group, the garden view group, and the groups in every restaurant. each group has an area where they vend their commodities, based on the agreement they have made since they were under the supervision of bintang danu foundation. as stated by takwin (2009: xix), the habitus as the basis of the domain caused people to spontaneously make contacts with others, as can be seen from the process through which the groups of the vendors were established. as far as the vendors at kintamani tourist destination are concerned, the groups were established based on their geographical and psychological proximities. in practice, each vendor sells his/her products from 10.00 am to 4.00 pm, although many start selling their products earlier or go home later; this only contributes to the turnover they earn. the commodities they vend are based on the blue cards they receive from the bintang danu foundation. this policy is still prevailing, causing the competition among the vendors not to be too high. the express boundaries of the areas where they may vend their commodities have also caused the competition among the groups of the vendors not to be high either. although the competition is not too high, they often have to run after the tourists who happen to be in their areas in order to gain maximum profit. the government, as the party which has the authority to regulate the vending practices, does not provide any good space to the local people with limited capital to be independent in entrepreneurship. therefore, in this present study the concept proposed by bourdieu in jackson (2010: 139) concerning the ideological superstructure was used to understand the actions taken by the government. the intention to minimize unemployment as the job opportunities are limited has caused the government to give non-formal permit to those who intend to undertake entrepreneurship, that is, to those who intend to work as vendors. the government’s attitude to allow those who would like to undertake non formal businesses may lead to a condition in which the vendors are marginalized due to various reasons as a form of the game of power played by the government. the phenomenon which is interesting to be explored is the existence of the product suppliers to them no firm attention has been paid by the government. based on the result of the data analysis in the present study, it was found that their existence had mainly caused the vendors to keep under pressure. the vendors had to pay off the products from the suppliers; therefore, they had to sell their commodities aggressively; otherwise, they would not gain their capital back. the information obtained from the interview showed that those who gained the highest benefit from the vending activities at kintamani tourist area were the suppliers. the reason was that they took such commodities from the producers and they did not take any risk as the vendors were supposed to pay off the products they had taken from them. as stated by plummer (2011: 285) that the social capital refers to the relation among individuals in which confidence plays an important role. therefore, it can be understood that a supplier who did not allow the vendors to pay off the products he/she supplied to them in installments means that his/her confidence to the vendors was low. the vendors, as the party that has the smallest capital, should be faithful to the regulations applicable to them, including to the regulations issued by the restaurants where they are allowed to sell their commodities. many restaurants at the kintamani tourist area allow the local people to work as vendors. in practice, there is a mutual symbiosis relation between the restaurants and vendors; such a relation is in the form of the patron-client relation. as stated by scott (1981: 257) that the goods or services which are exchanged for between the patron and the client are not the same; the reason is that the nature of the relation between them is based on their different needs; similarly, the nature of the relation between the vendors and the restaurants are not equal either. the image of the restaurants is good as they have prepared space for the local people where they can earn their income by selling souvenirs. the practice of entrepreneurship at kintamani tourist area is also performed by the tour guides who cannot be separated from the existence of the vendors either. unconsciously, the tour guides often consider that the vendors, whom should be appreciated for being the host, the source of problems. as stated by takwin (2009:xx-xxi) that every domain requires that every individual should have specific capital in order to be able to survive. the tour guides and vendors should too. however, tourism requires that everybody should have a strong cultural resource, causing the vendors to have to accept their defeat. plummer (2011:229) stated that the cultural resource includes the accessibility to information, knowledge, skill and education. in this case, the tour guides have such elements of the cultural resource, making them easily make tourists not to believe in the vendors. in this context, although based on the formula proposed by bourdieu that the habitus and domain are controlled by local people, the limited elements of the cultural resource, as stated by plummer (2011:229), have caused the vendors to be marginalized in their own area. in practice, the vendors are under various pressures; they are considered the sources of the problems at kintamani tourist area, bangli. in many articles and studies, it is stated that the vendors at kintamani are the social pathology of the kintamani tourism. furthermore, dwitahadi et al. (2016), in her article entitled “perlindungan hukum terhadap hak wisatawan berkaitan dengan kenyamanan wisatawan di kawasan wisata penelokan kintamani bangli” (the legal protection of what tourists are entitled to are related to the comfort of the tourists at penelokan tourist area, kintamani, bangli), stated that the act number 10 of 2009 concerning tourism only sides with tourists, and that no attention is paid to what is needed by the local people who are also entitled to the positive impact the development of tourism in their own area. the concept that vending is a solution to unemployment has never been taken into consideration, although vending makes the local people able to fulfill what they and their families need; as a result, crimes can be minimized. as stated by wayan yarmi (40 years old) that vending made the local people able to meet their daily needs and, as a result, stealth could be reduced. therefore, the entrepreneurship which is undertaken by the vendors should be viewed as a positive thing so their existence will not be marginalized. conclusion and suggestion in practice, the vendors at kintamani tourist area should compete against the other parties that are involved in the development of the tourism at kintamani, bangli. apart from the competition among them, the competition also takes place between them and the other parts that also have various interests in the development of kintamani and with whom they share the shame arena such as the tour guides and product suppliers. in practice, the vendors become marginalized as the economic, social and cultural capitals they have are limited. in spite of that, many local people still undertake their entrepreneurship as vendors. as stated by timothy and wall (1997: 322-338), who particularly explored the street vendors in indonesia in general and in yogyakarta in particular considered that the employment in the informal sector at the tourist area should be supported as their existence is important in the macro economic development. it is also suggested that those who consider that the vendors are the sources of problems should wisely try to understand their existence. in this way, the development of kintamani as a tourist destination can be benefit and enjoyed by every party in general and the local people as the host in particular. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., prof. dr. nengah dasi astawa, m.si and dr. i gede mudana for their guidance during the completion of this present study entitled “the social practice of the vendors at kintamani tourist area, bangli, bali” as the dissertation which could be well completed. the writer would also like to thank the management of the doctorate program in cultural studies, udayana university for the contribution given to the writer during the completion of the article and dissertation. the writer would also like to thank the directorate general of higher education for the financial assistance provided to the writer during her study. bibliography cukier, judie dan wall, geoffrey. 1994. informal tourism employment: vendors in bali, indonesia. tourism management. volume 15. issue 6. page 464-476. jackson, peter. 2010. “pierre bourdieu”. dalam jenny edkins dan nick vaughan williams ed. teori-teori kritis menantang pandangan utama suti politik internasional. teguh wahyu utomo penerjemah. yogyakarta: baca. plummer, ken. 2011. sosiologi the bacis. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. rhisma dwitahadi, ida ayu made. r.a. retno murni a.a. sri indrawati. 2016. perlindungan hukum terhadap hak wisatawan berkaitan dengan kenyamanan wisatawan di kawasan wisata penelokan kintamani bangli. kertha semaya. vol.4, no.1, pebruari 2016. dalam http://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kerthasemaya/article/view/18913/12389 takwin, bagus. 2009. “proyek intelektual pierre bourdieu: melacak asal-usul masyarakat, melampaui oposisi biner dalam ilmu sosial”. dalam richard harker, cheelen mahar, dan cris wilkes. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. hal. xv – xxv. timothy, dallen j. dan wall, geoffrey. 1997. selling to tourists indonesian street vendors. annals of tourism research. volume 24. nomor 2. page 322-340. wirakartakusumah, m. djauhari. 1998. bayang-bayang ekonomi klasik. jakarta : dirjen dikti depdikbud. conflict between two villages on television screen: analysis of the discourse of bali tv coverage on kemoning-budaga case i komang arba wirawan i wayan ardika anak agung bagus wirawan film and television study program, faculty of arts and design indonesia institute of the arts denpasar email: arbawirawan10@gmail.com abstract this study is intended to analyze the discourse of bali tv coverage on the kemoning –budaga case, bali, a conflict which took place on 17 september 2011, which led to discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village ‘desa pakraman’. such coverage of the case was considered blaming the governor of bali, mangku pastika. he was reported to intend to disperse the traditional villages in bali. the bali tv and bali post, which are under the bali post media group ‘kelompok media bali post’ (abbreviated to kmb) continuously exploited the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village subjectively. the governor of bali, mangku made pastika, did not accept that and prosecuted the bali post in denpasar court of first instance ‘pengadilan negeri denpasar’. the theory of discourse, the theory of agenda setting, the framing theory, and the theory of semiotics are used in the present study. the result of the analysis shows that the conflict between kemoning village and budaga village covered by the bali post was an extended discourse of the bali post printed media which was managed using a clear setting agenda for the social, political, and ideological interests of the kmb’s ajeg bali. the relation between the governor of bali, mangku made pastika, and kmb, which was good in the beginning, changed into a serious conflict. it is interesting to explore the discourse of the bali tv’s news release which aggravated the conflict in order to identify the subjective agenda of the news broadcasting policy and the counter discourse as the response to it. the main data of the present study are the discourse of the news released by the bali tv on the kemoning-budaga case. the data were in the forms of the documents of the materials which were once presented. the governor of bali, mangku made pastika, made use of the department of the public relations of the government of bali province and the media beyond the kmb such as the tvri bali and radar bali to present his counter discourse. the discourse on the kemoning-budaga case shows a real example how the mass media do not pay attention to objectivity for the sake of power. keywords: discourse, agenda setting, framing, and counter discourse, traditional village introduction the press world, including television, has entered a new area in the era of reformation which started in 1998 for several reasons. the first reason is that the permit needed to establish a television station is made to be easier. the second reason is that all the television stations are free to produce news. since then both the national television station and local television station have made news as one of their superior programs in order to improve their rating or to show their identities off. in the middle of september 2011 the bali tv successively reported the news that the governor of bali, made mangku pastika, would disperse the traditional village. such news was exposed by the bali post and kmb. mangku pastika disagreed with the news and stated that the bali post was less professional as it spread false news. even he prosecuted the bali post in court for having spread false news. there had never been any case of news coverage involving two great strengths in bali; therefore, it is interesting to explore it from the perspective of mass media. this present study is intended to analyze the discourse on “the dispersal of the traditional village” in the bali post’s news coverage after the conflict between kemoning village and budaga village, klungkung, bali, took place. there were several reasons why the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village was chosen and interesting. the first reason was, in accordance with the bali post, that the discourse of the traditional village was considered damaging what is referred to as ajeg bali, a moral movement which is intended to conserve the balinese culture, including the traditional village. the second reason, in accordance with mangku pastika, was that the discourse on the dispersal of the traditional village was considered subjective and less professional. the legal claim made by mangku pastika to the bali post, which had almost never taken place, attracted the public attention. the reason is that the bali post and bali tv belong to one group and that the bali tv viewers spread both in the urban and rural areas. what is interesting is that how the bali tv constructed the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village. the theories used in the present study are the theory of discourse, the theory of agenda setting, the framing theory, and the theory of semiotics which are used eclectically. the theory of discourse was used to deconstruct the objective and meaning (foucault, 2002: 228) of the construction of the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village on the bali tv news. the theory of agenda setting was used to identify the working process of the press when preparing information on, opinions and issues about the discourse of dispersal of the traditional village which was used as the center of the attention paid to by the bali tv and kmb (tamburaka, 2012). the framing theory was used to analyze how the dispersal of the traditional village was presented in the journalistic practice by the bali tv and kmb. the theory of semiotics was used to analyze all aspects and meaning of a sign in communication, words, pictures and so forth (hoed, 2011: 3). it was also used to interpret the meaning of the text, expression and visual in the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village. research method this present study was designed to use qualitative approach and phonological approach using the paradigm of critical research, namely, the thinking paradigm which views massages as the struggle for power, politics, and ideology. fairclough (2009) stated that a discourse was manifested through various forms in general and language and other symbols in particular. therefore, a discourse cannot be viewed as the reflection or the representation of an entity and a social relation; it should be viewed as a construction (saparingga, 2000: 1). the present study was conducted at several places in denpasar such as at office of the local indonesian broadcasting committee ‘komisi penyiaran indonesia daerah bali (kpid)’ and at the office of the bali tv. a number of interviews were also held at several places in denpasar. the main data of the present study was in the form of the dispersal of the traditional village which was broadcast by the bali tv. this issue appeared after the conflict between kemoning village and budaga village, klungkung, bali, took place. the data were in the form of the materials which were presented and documented. the supporting data were also obtained from the printed media clippings and online media. result and discussion among many issued printed mass media, the bali post and radar bali are very popular, and among the electronic media especially television media, the bali tv and dewata tv are very popular. the bali post’s owner established what is referred to as ‘kelompok media bali post (kmb)’ (the bali post media group). the bali tv as part of kmb is highly influential as it has been the first private television station in bali. it has many viewers as it presents the programs which are used as the microphone of the kmb’s ideology, namely, what is referred to as ajeg bali. the relation between the governor of bali, mangku made pastika, and kmb, which used to be good, was becoming a serious relation. the conflict resulted from the news that the governor of bali, made mangku pastika, was reported to intend to disperse the traditional village. the governor could not accept that. the bali post successively reported the dispersal of the traditional village as if it had blamed the governor’s position. finally, the governor of bali made a summation and prosecuted the bali post to court. the court of first instance ‘pengadilan negeri (pn)’ and the appellate court ‘pengadilan tinggi (pt)’ granted what was claimed by mangku pastika; however, the supreme court ‘mahkamah agung’ granted the appeal made by the bali post. first, the framing and agenda setting of the bali tv contributed to the creation of the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village. second, the media cultural factor, the economic and political factor, and the ideological factor also lead to the creation of the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village. third, the governor of bali, mangku pastika, used the public relations division of the government of bali province and the media beyond the kmb such as tvri, radar bali, bali express, and warta bali to present this counter discourse. the bali express newspaper did not expose the dispersal of the traditional village at all, and warta bali implied that the governor never disturbed the press freedom. the production process of the creation of the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village resulted from the attempt made by the bali tv to delegitimize the governor of bali through framing, and the continued agenda setting of the dispersal of the traditional village. the reproduction of the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village contained the struggle between the ideology of the media power and the ruler’s power. they competed to win the public opinion, which became split; some supported the bali tv and some supported the governor of bali. the bali tv’s power produced the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village by choosing the speakers who supported its ideology. however, the governor of bali won the public opinion by inviting an expert in national communication named tjipta lesmana as the counter discourse was set as part of a seminar which was widely covered by the local media. second, the factors which supported the process of the creation of the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village, which caused the governor’s position to be widely questioned, resulted from the selected processes, the results of interviews, and the pictures (visual) which were framed. the superlative titles of texts such as “cok rat mangku pastika jangan emosi”[cok rat asked mangku pastika not to be emotional], “komitment gubernur jaga bali dipertanyakan” [the governor’s commitment to saving bali is questioned], “berjia kesatria” [be brave], “gubernur mestinya minta maaf” [ the governor should apologize] did not reflect any accurate event or reality. the governor and bali tv fought against each other in order to obtain sympathy and support from the balinese society. the governor stated that he never stated the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village. however, the bali post stated the opposite by presenting tjok gede agung as the speaker. that means that there were two discourses which competitively struggled for the public opinion; some agreed with the discourse the dispersal of the traditional village and some did not. the reason was that each party viewed the event from different angles. third, the governor of bali, mangku mastika, who felt being blamed, did what he could do to face the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village which was strongly and critically constructed by the bali post, starting from using the right to answer, prosecuting the bali post, and making a counter discourse in order to straighten out the news released by the kmb which was considered being not in accordance with the fact. the counter discourse was made using the media beyond the kmb such as the tvri bali, radar bali, bali express, and warta bali. the governor also held meetings attended by the society leaders in order to clarify the event by showing the video recording of the plenary session held by the regional legislative assembly ‘dewan perwakilan rakyat daerah bali (dprd)’ and the witnesses who watched the conflict between kemoning and budaga. conclusion and suggestion based on what was described and analyzed above, it was found that the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village covered by the bali tv after the conflict took place between kemoning and budaga, klungkung, was an extended discourse of the bali post printed media which was managed using the clear agenda setting for the social, political, and ideological interests of the kmb, namely, what is referred to as the kmb’s ajeg bali. first, the news coverage was not objective and was in accordance with the journalistic ethics as it presented misinformation and could disturb the people. the analysis of what had happened to the discourse covered by the bali tv and the kmb mass media after the conflict between kemoning and budaga took place showed the subjective and less professional journalistic work as facts and opinions were combined. the bali post journalist and the bali tv journalist did not ask the key source, namely, the governor of bali, made mangku pastika, for his confirmation. the only his statement was quoted. such a practice was considered incorrect by the press board ‘dewan pers’ as an obligation as specified in article 3 of the journalistic code ‘kode etik jurnalistik (kej)’. second, the less professional press work could lead to a counter attack to the press itself through a counter discourse and even to being persecuted to court. when the governor of bali, mangku pastika, felt that he was blamed for the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village, the governor did his best to make a counter discourse using the mass media beyond the bali post, bali tv, and kmb. in addition, he also prosecuted the bali post to court. although in this legal process mangku pastika was the loser, the step he had taken was a lesson for the press that it should work professionally, and for the people that the press did not always present facts objectively. first, it is suggested to the media management that it should work professionally. second, it is suggested to the social and its leaders that they should more critically read the content of the news. in addition, they should also understand the real construction of the television discourse. that is important as the discursive practice applied by the editorial staff is the television program which is also the activity of constructing events. the news program tends to be constructed by the national and local television stations. the society leaders, whom are used as the speakers, should give their comments more critically (based on data and facts) and understand the matters which are discussed. that means that the comments they give do not support any particular interests. in addition, it is expected that they should give their opinions carefully. third, it is suggested to the government that, when facing any conflict with the press, it should be wiser as it plays a strategic role in supervising the press community. such a supervisor should be intended to improve the quality of the journalists through the programs which can improve their competencies in producing news. the government should facilitate the training which is held to improve the professionalism of the press institution. finally, it is suggested to the researchers in the future that they should explore the cases of the subjective news coverage in the framework of giving good media education to the society. this study only focuses on the case of the discourse of the dispersal of the traditional village which was responsible for the conflict taking place between the bali post, bali tv and kmb and the governor of bali, mangku pastika. there are many matters pertaining to the media which are already over and are not recognized as problems. acknowledgement the writer would like to thank and respect prof. dr. i nyoman darma putra, m.litt., as the supervisor, prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. as co-supervisor i, dr. i gede arya sugiartha, s. kar., m.hum., as co-supervisor ii. the writer would also like to thank all the informants from kmb, radar bali, bali express, and warta bali. bibliography chandler, daniel. 2007. semiotic: the basic. usa and canada: routledge. eriyanto. 2002. analisis framing: konstruksi, ideologi, dan politik media. yogyakarta: lkis. fairclough, norman. 2009. critical discourse analysis. the critical study of language. sydney: macquarie university foucault, michel. 2002. power/knowledge: wacana kuasa/pengetahuan. jogjakarta: bentang budaya. hoed, h. benny. 2011. semiotik dan dinamika sosial budaya. jakarta: komunitas bambu. sparringa, daniel. 2000. analisis wacana: teori dan konsep wacana. surabaya: fisip unair. tamburaka, apriadi. 2012. agenda setting media massa. jakarta: rajawali pers. microsoft word ivanrbkaunang_e-journal comodification of maengket dance in minahasa, north sulawesi in the globalization era ivan robert bernadus kaunang1, i nyoman kutha ratna2, aron meko mbete2, i gde semadi astra2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university email: ivanzkaunang@yahoo.co.id abstract this research explores comodification of maengket dance in minahasa (tari maengket hereon abbreviated to tm) in the globalization era. it reveals the empirical field reality related to comodification. the influence of global culture in minahasa has been responsible for the cultural practices of capitalism such as the emergence of cultural industry which refers to the comodification of cultural forms as amusement industry, mass culture, popular culture and culture of consumerism. the tm has been comodified, commercialized, touristified in such a way that new meanings and forms are created. this research is focused on (1) form of the comodification of the tm in minahasa, north sulawesi in the globalization area; (2) the factors which have been responsible for the comodification of the tm minahasa, north sulawesi, and (3) the effects and meanings of the comodification of the tm in minahasa, north sulawesi in the globalization era. the related data were collected through interview, observation and documentation and they were descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively analyzed. the data sources are some key informants and some other ordinary ones. the purposive method was employed to interview them. the theories used are the theory of comodification (fairlough), the theory of popular culture (williams and agger), the theory of deconstruction (derrida) and the theory of representation (hall). the research findings show that comodifation has tended to the shift of the tm values following the pattern of arts organized by the ruler and entrepreneur, the pattern of distribution carried out through the inter group or institutional power relationship, and that the form of comodification has taken place from the process of production to the community of consumers which have been conditioned. it has also been found out that the factors of the supporting community, the creativity of the artists, christianization, industry of culture, mass media and tourism have been responsible for the comodification of the tm in minahasa. the effects of the comodification are that the orientation of the magic-religious values has shifted to christianity, the creativity of the artists has been shackled, and the minahasanese political identity has become crystallized. and then, the meanings of the comodification are competitiveness, contestation, image, well-being, and representation of minahasanese identity. key words: commodification, maengket dance, minahasa, north sulawesi, globalization background the influence of global culture in minahasa has been responsible for the cultural practices of capitalism such as the appearance of cultural industry which refers to the comodification of cultural forms as amusement industry, mass culture, popular culture and culture of consumerism. the fact that tm has been comodified, commercialized, touristified is reflected by the current form of the maengket dance (tari maengket hereon abbreviated to tm). the tm in minahasa used to be performed as a sacred dance and to have highly religious meanings. it used to be performed at particular events such as the event when it was time to harvest rice. the expressions sung were directed to empung walian wangko, god, the almighty. before the twentieth century, the tm did not undergo any change with regard to its forms of representation, its context and setting. the tm was performed as a ceremonial ritual activity in various aspects of traditional life of minahasa community. now it has been performed for three aspects of tradition such as harvesting rice (maowey kamberu), dedicating new houses (rumamba) and youth social intercourse (lalayaan). the interaction of interests in the process of the comodification of the tm involves the production agetnt, the distribution agents, and the consumers. the process of comodification acted by the entrepreneur and the government in producing and distributing the tm including the culture of its supporting community is interesting and relevant to explore in the perspective of cultural studies. discussion the form of comodification of the tm in minahasa in the globalization era has followed the patterns of arts organized by the entrepreneur (the capital owner) and the ruler (the government). they have produced the tm and have distributed it as an attempt to fulfill the demand of the market and consumers. the comodification of the tm has taken place from the process of production and distribution. it has taken place in various forms of consumption. as a whole it has been comodified and its elements have been comodified as well. as far as its current form is concerned, the dancers performing it, its movements and formation , the accompanying instruments , the uniform and make up worn by the dancers, the property, the place where it is performed have all been comodified in such a way that it may satisfy the consumers (the market). the factors which have been responsible for the comodification of the tm are its supporting community, the artists with their creativity and innovation, and the construction of the minahasanese identity as a response to the pressure of the global culture. apart from those factors, the factors such as christianization, the mixture of the global culture and local culture, the cultural industry, the mass media as the popular cultural agent, and tourism have also led to the comodification. the effects of the comodification of the tm in minahasa in the globalization era are that the orientation of the religious magical values has shifted resulting from the conversion from the traditional religion into christianity, the creativity of the artists which has been shackled as a consequence of the structural domination, the tm products which have been claimed by several organizations known as the comodifying groups as there is a power relationship between them and the ruler (the government). in addition, the comodiying groups also have capital of power and knowledge. there are still some other factors which have also led to the shift of orientation of the religious magical values. those factors are the artists and the cultural observers who belong to the same politics of arts get united, the socio capital which binds the minahasa leaders coming from different background of influences, and the comodifying groups have power to create the community of consumers (accessibility of capital). structural domination, cultural claim, and the conditioned eliticism of groups of arts have made the creativity of the artists and cultural observers who belong to the same politics of arts and those who are marginalized, being not included in the those elite groups, shackled. then, the next effect is that there is a political crystallization of identity on the identity of the ethnic group of minahasa and on the identity which unifies the other plural and multicultural ethnic group communities in minahasa. the meanings of the tm in minahasa in the globalization era are competitiveness, contestation, imagology, and well-being which refer to the economic benefit and exchange values in the forms of status, image and group identity. then the meaning of the representation of minahasaness identity is expressed in many ways and is reflected by the dancing uniform, the dancing formation, the sounds and the lyrics. novelties the novelties of this study are as follows. 1. the finding which enriches the concept and theory of comodification is called the layer or stacked comodification. 2. the finding that there have been claims made by several studios of arts such as association of waranei wulan minahasa (persatuan waranei wulan minahasa hereon abbreviated to iwmm), association of maengket massamper (persatuan maengket massamper hereon abbreviated to pmm) of north sulawesi, institute of arts and culture of north sulawesi, and the teams of arts of the tm from all the regencies in minahasa for the final products of the tm. 3. the finding in the form of the concept and redefinition of the tm. nowadays, the tm is referred to as a popular dance which can be performed in various places, any time and in various programs and activities. the dancers may wear colorful uniforms and may be adjusted to the context of the programs in which it is performed. it may be performed by at least eight pairs of dancers, or at most twelve pairs of both female and male dancers, or may also be colossally performed by hundreds and thousands of dancers. the leader of the dance is called kapel and the musical instruments used are tambur, iron kolintang (momongan), gong, and tetengkoren (tuked). the tm has not been performed in three stages any longer but now it has been performed as a formation of three themes such as the themes of maengket maowey kamberu, marimba, and lalayaan. these three themes may be performed as a package or separately, depending on the context and the objective of the program for which it is performed. conclusions the first conclusion is that the comodification of the tm takes place when it is produced, distributed and consumed. the process of comodification takes place in the form of a package performed to welcome guests ceremonially, to dedicate a program activity and to celebrate the anniversary of any regency, any town and the province. it is also performed for evening of cultural entertainment, any festivals, any bestowal, any parade and any cultural carnival, any personal activity such as weeding parties and tourist attractions performed for domestic and foreign visitors. the production and distribution of the form of the comodification of the tm in minahasa has been done by the association of maengket massamper (perhimpunan maengket massamper, hereon abbreviated to pmm) of north sulawesi, the association of waraney wulan minahasa (ikatan waraney wulan minahasa , hereon abbreviated to iwwm), the institute of arts and culture of north sulawesi. the dancers, the choreographers, the movements and the formation, the lyrics, the accompanying instruments, the uniform, the property, and the place where the tm is performed to satisfy the consumers (the market) have also been comodified. the pattern of distribution has been made through the power relationship among the institutions, the studios of arts and the community of the consumers of the tm which is conditioned. the second conclusion is that the supporting community, the creativity of the artists, the construction of minahasanese identity, christianization, the mixture of the global culture and the local culture, the rapid development of cultural industry, the mass media of industry as the agent of popular culture, and tourism industry have been responsible for the comodification of the tm in minahasa. the third conclusion is that the effect and meaning of the comodification of the tm in minahasa in the era globalization are that the magical religious values have shifted resulting from the conversion of foso traditional religion into christianity, the shackled creativity of the artists, crystallization of the politics of identity and the meaning of wellbeing. as far as the meanings of the comodification of tm is concerned, the meaning of competition, the meaning of contestation, the meaning of image, the meaning of image and the meaning of the minahasanese identity representation are reflected through the products of dancing uniform, the formation of the dance, the sounds and the lyrics. sa ngaza in religious and traditional rituals performed by the ngada ethnic people in flores maria matildis banda faculty of arts, udayana university denpasar email: mbanda574@gmail.com i nyomanweda kusuma i nyoman kutharatna pudentia abstract this cultural study was conducted based on the primary data kasa’o (the traditional house bestowal of blessing) and wo’sodewa (the church bestowal of blessing). the study was intended to reveal the elements causing the oral tradition sa ngaza (tls) in the traditional ritual ‘ritual adat’ (ra) are still performed in the religious ritual ‘ritual keagamaan’ (rka), the function and meaning of tls in ra and rka, how it has been inherited. the study used the theory of formula, the theory of semiotics, and the theory of practice, especially the practice of capital. the data were collected using the techniques of observation, interview, and documentation. sa ngaza is unique in regard to its pattern of formula in the same dimension in general and in the opening and closing formulas in particular. these formulas support the transmission of tls, causing mori sa ngaza (the sa ngaza reporter) to be able to maintain the continuity of tls and its growth in ra and rka. the opening formula explains the identities of the characters. the thematic formula in ra and rka reports different contents. tls in ra emphasizes patadela (the ancestor’s massage); tls in rka emphasizes the biblical massage. the meaning plurality in ra and rka explains the acculturative relationship between the tradition and religion. in this relationship there is a shift in the identities of the characters, sa’o (the traditional house), and patadela. the hierarchy of leadership in the tradition and religion can save and hamper the oral tradition. therefore, tls can be generally inherited based on the role of leadership through families and society, religious institutions, and education. keywords: sangaza, kasa’o, wo’osa’odewa, oral tradition of sa ngaza, traditional ritual, and religious ritual introduction sa ngaza is one of the oral poems symbolizing the ngada ethnic identity in flores, east nusa tenggara. it is reported in the traditional ritual related to the identity of sa’o (the traditional house), ngadhuthe sacrificed pole symbolizing the male ancestor), bhaga (the house symbolizing the female ancestor). apart from being part of the traditional ritual ‘ritual adat’ (ra), sa ngaza is also developed as part of the religious ritual ‘ritual keagamaan’ (rka). as an illustration, it is also developed in the church bestowal of blessing ‘ wo’osa’odewa (wsd) ritual. wsd directly adopts the kasa’o traditional ritual (the traditional bestowal of blessing). the peak of the ra kasa’o and rka wsd are performed using the enthroning symbol of kawapere (the shield, the thing against which one can lean) in the entrance of sa’o and what is referred to as ‘pintutabernakel’ (the church’s inner part). it is necessary to observe the relationship between tradition and religion by taking several things into consideration. first, the change which takes place in the verbal character of sa ngaza.second, what is referred to as patadela in ra is replaced by the biblical massage in rka. third, it is necessary to observe the relationship between tradition and religion whether the domination of religion over tradition results from either harmonization or disharmonization. the problems which are discussed in the present study are: a) what elements cause the oral tradition of sa ngaza in ra to develop in rka; b) what is the function of the oral tradition of sa ngaza in ra and rka; c) what is the meaning of the oral tradition of sa ngaza in ra and rka?; and d) how the oral tradition of sa ngazahas been inherited? the discussion is intended to answer the four problems above and how the inheritance of sa ngaza can be creatively and innovatively developed in ra and rka. in theory, it is expected that the study can enrich the treasure of the oral traditional studies. in practice, it is expected that the study can enrich the treasure of the ngada ethnic people’s knowledge of their identity as the traditional people and members of a religious community. method the method used in the present study is the qualitative method focusing on the production exploration and the use of the map of cultural meanings. therefore, the qualitative method used here highly depends on the quality of observation and the techniques of observation, interview, and documentation, meaning that the data which were observed are the primary data directly obtained from the field. the primary data include tls in watuweara kasa’o(the traditional house bestowal of blessing) in wogoon 27 and 28 june 2012 and tls. in ra kasa’o there were 13 oral texts of sangaza (read: sa ngaza) made up of 5 sa ngaza reported by what is referred to as moringalu (the ritual owner), and 8 sangaza reported by wailaki(families of relatives) supporting the performance of ra. discussion etymologically, sa ngaza consists of the word sa, meaning summoning, shouting out something, reporting, and the word ngaza, meaning name. sa ngaza is the poem reporting the identity of the mythological character and ancestor. it is orally reported in all big parties apart from in the rabaparty (the party held to celebrate new year) and hunting – it is used to express appreciation to the ancestor by mentioning the most important characteristics (arndt, 2009: 243); (banda, 1996). the opening formula of sa ngaza in ra contains the mythological character and ebunusi (the ancestor). in rka the characters which are reported are emadewa (allah bapa), king jesus christ, saint (the holy man) and the characters who are still alive on earth. the identity of the character cannot be neglected in reporting the opening of sangaza. name is the recognition for humanity and existence (danesi, 210: 146). as an illustration, the ancestor’s name woe (clan, sub ethnic) tikosawa, namely sawaperakela (sawaularsakti). name is a type of special word which can be referred to in communication (barker in mulyana, 2005). from the semiotic point of view, it is interesting as it directly relates its owner to the culture in which he/she was born (danesi, 2010: 145). in the opening formula there is a shift of identity from the mythological character and ancestor in ra to saint ‘santo”, emadewa (god), and the church’s hierarchical leader). the thematic formula of tls in ra kasa’o (the traditional house bestowing of blessing) explains three important themes; they are kawapere (the shield, something against which someone can lean), the traditional house as sa’ongaza (the house with a name) and paladela (the ancestor’s message). in rka wo’osa’pdewa (the church bestowal of blessing), apart from kawapere and church as sa’ongaza, the biblical massage is also used as one of the three important themes. in the study conducted by parry-lord, it is stated that the formula system can also be found in the semantic structural level referred to as idea or theme (lord, 1976: 68). such a group of themes is also an important corpus for explaining tls in ra and rka. ra kasa’o is one of the habitus, where the reality internationalization and internality externalization take place. it is adjusted to the specific condition in which it is formed (bourdieu, in jenkins, 2010: 115), and such an attempt is consciously made in bheikawapere. it is enthroned at the entrance of sa’o(the traditional house) and kasa’o (the traditional house bestowal of blessing) and at the tabernakel door (the inner part of the church). in rka wo’osa’odewa (the church bestowal of blessing) it is the new habitus. in sa ngaza rkakawapere is implicitly revealed as wipengatage go kawapere (in order to enthrone kawapere, kawapere kami noase’e (kawapere against which we lean). from the semiotic point of view (barthes, 2010: 3003; hoed, 2011:45), the denotative meaning of kawais pot, the denotative meaning of pere is the shield; connotatively, it means the shield, something against which someone can lean).the connotation of kawapere has become a myth and even an ideology for the ngadha ethnic people. an established connotation can develop into a myth, and an established myth can develop into an ideology (barker, 2009: 74). this is symbolized in the symbol of kawapere. dillistone states that actually a symbol explains the collective awareness of a traditional community and religious community (dillistone, translated by widyamartaya, 2002: 196). such a collective awareness can be observed in the change in function and meaning of kawapere, symbolizing the unity of anasa’o (the owner of the traditional house) and woe (clan, sub ethnic) into the unity of the religious community within the church. sa’o(the traditional house) is the house which has name in ngadha. it is different from baru (the common house) which does not have any name. maintaining the traditional house is one of the physical forms of the attempts made to continue the ancestor’s tongue ‘tukumumumnungalema’. according to rolland barthes, the production of connotative meaning explains the history of a sa’o in the traditional domain in ngadha. this concept includes the persistence of planning the personal and collective future (bourdieu refers to group as class). one group in the social relation cannot be separated from another in the same domain in order to show its status, authority and legitimacy (bourdieu, translated by fauzi, 2009: 97—100) which contains philosophy, history, moral values, ethics, religion, traditional law, social organization, literature, and aesthetics (juweng, 1998: 169). sa’o as sa’ongazais the traditional identity of the ngadha ethnic people. the church as sa’ongaza is the new identity for the ngadha ethnic people who are catholics. pala dela (the ancestor’s massage) in ra kasa’o is revealed in all the texts, both sa ngaza which is reported by moringalu (the ritual owner) and wailaki (families of relatives) supporting the ritual. wi mite mata raga witoro papa bhoko (maintaining the ancestor’s prestige as dewasa’o) su’u papa suru, sa’a papa laka(we have to help one another), lobo papa tozotara papa dhaga (growing together in order to achieve what is aimed at) illustrate this. however, in ra wsd, the thematic formula presents the biblical massage in ngadha language such as :dheponono logo (trailing) the messenger ‘rasul’, da dhepopatadewa ana (following the massage of jesus chrisst). patadela in ra is entirely replaced by the biblical massage in rka. the economic capital (money) is needed for performing ra kasa’o; the economic capital can be overcome if there are the social capital (the relationship with wailaki, mosalaki, the group of traditional leaders) and the cultural capital (the knowledge of the history of sa’oand woe). ra kasa’o is the habitus which has been internalized. it can be strengthened if there are the cultural capital, social capital, and economic capital in the traditional domain or religious domain. it is the balanced relationship between the habitus, capital and domain which can lead to the practice of kasa’o (the traditional house bestowal of blessing) with tls used as the reporting media in order to strengthen identity. what can be stated from the performances of kasa’o and wo’osa’odewa are as follows. it seems that the position of patadela was replaced by the biblical massage. this justifies the opinion that enculturation frequently becomes a demand and has not expressed a fact yet, meaning that the deeper level has not been reached yet (quack, anton 1992, in kirchberger, 1996: 157). what is global and what is local do not necessarily mean that they contrast with each other; in other words, they keep in contact with one another and lead to a number of possibilities (putranto, hendar, in sutrisno, mudji and hendarputranto, 2005:255). it is possible that the traditional community pay less attention to rituals when they are searching out a new identity in sa’odewa (church). this condition will make that the catholic which is adhered to has not become ngadha catholic as stated by boelaars (1955) in his book entitled indonesianisasidarigerejakatolik di indonesia menjadigerejakatolik indonesia (the indonesianization of the catholic churches in indonesia into the indonesian catholic churches). the focus of what is reported in the sa ngaza text is the glorification of ebunusi(the ancestor). it is supported by what is believed by the church that respecting ancestors is not identical with idolatry (jebatu, 2009). however, this present study also proves what is proposed by kang-san tan through kirchberger (1995) as to the multiple ownership of worshipping ancestors and almighty god. they need to be selectively observed through the planned inheritance system. conclusion and suggestion first, in the opening formula there is a shift of identity from the mythological character and ancestors in ra into saint, emadewa(god), and the church’s hierarchical leadership in rka. the function and meaning of kawapere symbolizing the unity of anasa’o (the traditional house owner) and woe (clan, sub ethnic) and the unity among people in the church. sa’o as sa’ongaza is the traditional identity of the ngadha ethic people and the church as sa’ongaza as the religious identity which all appear later. in the thematic formula patadela in ra is entirely replaced by the biblical message in rka. the attention paid to the traditional tradition in general and ra kasa’o in particular tends to be getting weaker and the attention paid to the ownership of the new identity, that is, religion is getting stronger. ana sa’o (the traditional house owner) and the traditional hierarchy of leadership should have the cultural capital, social capital, economic capital, and symbolic capital to maintain the new identity. what is practically suggested in the present study is that the dhorasua tradition (helping one another with an obligation to do something for those who have done something for us) needs to be maintained as the implementation of the social solidarity in families. it is academically suggested that the oral poems and cultures should be explored from the economic point of view and the values and aesthetics of beauty point of view. acknowledgements the writer would like to thank supervisor and co-supervisors, the rector of udayana university, the school of postgraduate studies of udayana university, the doctorate program of cultural studies, the study program of oral tradition ‘kajiantradisilisan (ktl)’ the directorate general of higher education, faculty of arts of udayana university especially the study program of the indonesian language, and the informants. references arndt, paul. 2005. masyarakat ngadha keluarga, tatanan sosial, pekerjaan, dan hukum adat (terj. paul sabonama). ende: nusa indah. maumere: chandraditya. banda, maria matildis. 1996. ”tradisi sangaza: ragam puisi lisan ngadha bajawa flores nusa tenggara timur” hasil penelitian asosiasi tradisi lisan nusantara jakarta. banda, maria matildis. 2014. “tradisi lisan sa ngaza dalam ritual adat dan ritual keagamaan etnik ngadha di flores” disertasi. program doktor program studi kajian budaya universitas udayana denpasar. barker, chris. 2009. cultural studies: teori dan praktek (terj. noerhadi dan sihabul millah) yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. barthes, rolland. 2010. membedah mitos-mitos budaya massa semiotika atau sosiologi tanda, simbol, dan representasi (terj. mahyuddin ikramullah). yogyakarta: jalasutra. benny, h. hoed. 2011. semiotika dan dinamika sosial budaya. depok: komunitas bambu. boelaars, huub. j.w.m. ofm cap. 2009. indonesianisasi dari gereja katolik di indonesia bourdieu, pierre. 2010. arena produksi kultural sebuah kajian sosiologi budaya (terj. yudi santosa). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. e-journal of cultural studies vol. 8, no. 3, july 2015 socio-cultural implication of balinese women working on cruise ship i made darma oka made antara i gede mudana doctorate program in tourism, udayana university email: madedarmaoka@pnb.ac.id, gedemudana@pnb.ac.id abstract the balinese people tend to work on the cruise ship. in the last four years, the number of the balinese women who work on the cruise ship has increased significantly, namely, by 33,84%. this present study is intended to analyze the socio-cultural implication of the balinese women who work on the cruise ship as part of the tourism industry. qualitative data are used in the present study. the data were analyzed qualitatively. the result of the study shows that the balinese people were proud of being employed on the cruise ship as they had the opportunity to see the other countries which they had never dreamed of visiting. the socio-cultural life of the countries they had visited was unique and was completely different from the balinese socio-cultural system. the socio-cultural life of the balinese women who were employed on the cruise ship can be divided into; (a) the social implication; being employed on the cruise ship enabled them to improve the social status of themselves and their families, and (b) the cultural implication; being employed on the cruise ship enabled them to understand and conserve their culture. they acknowledged that their strong cultural tradition could impede them from being employed on the cruise ship. the paternal traditional life which is attached to the balinese people and benefits the balinese people sometimes cause the balinese people to hesitate to be employed on the cruise ship. keywords: socio-cultural implication, the balinese women, tourism industry, cruise ship. introduction the number of the balinese women who are employed on the cruise ship has dramatically increased in the last four years. the percentage of the balinese women who work on the cruise ship as part of the tourism industry has risen from year to year, although, from their participation point of view, the number of the balinese women who are employed on the cruise ship is less than 10% if compared to the number of the balinese men who are employed on the cruise ship (bp3tki, 2014). the women’s empowerment in the tourism industry in general and on the cruise ship in particular is interesting enough as culturally the tourism sector is under the public sector. based on the traditional (gender) division of employment, the public sector is in the area of men. women are in the domestic sector; they are supposed to manage households, wash clothes, and cook. sukeni (2006) stated that, conventionally, despite such a traditional division of employment, the current fact shows that, since the modern tourism developed in bali, the balinese women have participated in the public sector such as in the tourism industry, including the cruise ship. the empowerment of the balinese women in the tourism industry in general and on the cruise ship in particular should be enhanced, as the number of the balinese women is almost equal to the number of the balinese men (bps bali, 2013). the objective is that both the balinese women and men can contribute their thoughts and power to the development of tourism. the development of tourism is highly complex and involves all the related stakeholders. the active involvement of the stakeholders is intended to give maximum significance to the future generation. in relation to that, alavalapati and adamowicz (2000) state that it is necessary to develop the model balance between the economic and environmental significances and the people’s empowerment in the development of tourism. gelbman and timothy (2011) suggest that the physical, social, and cultural elements are the potential elements to which attention is necessarily paid to in the development of sustainable tourism. furthermore, nunkoo et al. (2012) state that the economic perception, the attitude of political institution, the local society’s potential and the belief in individuals are important in the development of tourism so that the tourist activities can be sustainable. it is recognized that the empowerment of the balinese women in the tourism industry in general and on the cruise ship in particular can positively affect life as it can improve their families’ income and enrich international experiences. however, it can also negatively impact. research method qualitative data are used in the present study. the data on the socio-cultural implication of the balinese women who were employed on the cruise line were obtained from several informants; however, their number was not exactly determined. the first informant was a woman who was experienced in being employed on the cruise line, from whom the other informants were determined. when the data were considered surfeited, the data collection was discontinued. the data were qualitatively analyzed. however, before the data were analyzed, they were classified, systemized, and interpreted so that the phenomenon which was explored had social, academic and scientific values. the focus was aimed at finding what way of thinking such a social phenomenon contained or at finding the rationality which such a social phenomenon implied (bungin, 2011: 45). discussion in general, the balinese women who were employed on the cruise line stated that being employed in the tourism industry especially on the cruise line was interesting. they felt proud of being able to be employed on the cruise line as they had the opportunity to explore the countries which had never appeared in their mind; they had never thought that they would visit such countries. furthermore, they stated that the countries they visited were socially and culturally unique, meaning that their socio-cultures were different from the balinese social culture. that made the balinese women happy as they had never thought of being able to visit such countries. however, communicating using the international lingua franca, namely, english, impeded them from interacting with the guests and their crew-fellows. this fact was directly undergone by ketut eka juliani (a lady who was employed on the cruise line for seven years). she stated that if the balinese people would like to work on the cruise line being able to speak good english was needed; otherwise, they were not able to interact and do what they were daily supposed to do. what was stated by ketut eka juliani shows that communication and interaction with the crew and guests played an important role to minimize miscommunication. in the beginning, the balinese women found it difficult to interact with their crew-fellows coming from different countries with different languages, cultures and backgrounds. however, as time passed by, finally, they became accustomed to what they were supposed to do; they could adapt themselves to their crew-fellows who came from different countries. this gave a special experience to them. every employee should be able to communicate in english in the guest area. this could motivate the balinese women to study harder. it turned out that the social interaction taking place on the cruise line could motivate them to improve their ability to communicate in english; in this way, they could work together with their colleagues. english is the main language used in the communication between them and the other crew on the cruise line. ni putu ardyanti, who used to be employed on the cruise line for ten years, stated that social problems can take place anywhere and happen to everybody who is employed on the cruise ship; therefore, they need to be anticipated. this cannot be separated from the interaction made by people as social beings in whatever divisions they are employed on the cruise ship. the social problems such as being drunk due to alcohol, gambling and prostitution are frequently made to be identical with those who are employed on the cruise line”. what the informants stated about being drunk due to alcohol, gambling and prostitution on the cruise line was interesting to be explored. these three things are frequently made to be identical with the women who are employed on the cruise line by several people. however, such a view is not entirely true; therefore, it needs to be straightened out. it is true that the social problems taking place on the cruise line such as being drunk due alcohol, gambling and prostitution are the temptations which need to be anticipated by manpower especially the balinese women. it can be a problem for the balinese women to leave their families for several months; however, it will be a bigger problem if, it turns out that they are not able to stand such temptations and avoid themselves from being involved in a careless life. everything depends on how strong the balinese women can stand temptations which they may face on the cruise line as they are far from those they love. the balinese women always do their best to be able to stand such temptations. they are aware that they work on the cruise ship in order to earn more money as an attempt to improve their statues and families; in other words, they work on the cruise line not for pleasure. the success in anticipating such temptations was proved by a balinese woman named komang diah sekarsari, who comes from kintamani, bangli. now her economy and “social status” have dramatically improved. she stated that “having the experience in being employed on the cruise ship has made her feel being more appreciated and respected in her family and society. she also stated that she felt safe and comfortable being employed on the cruise ship as she was supported by her family. according to her, as far as the temptations mentioned above are concerned, it depends on how someone anticipates it. in the social intercourse in the village where she currently lives, she feels that she is more appreciated by her friends. before she was employed on the cruise ship, she was frequently marginalized by her friends; she was treated improperly as, economically, she came from a poor family. however, after she left her village several times to work on the cruise ship, her friends treated her completely differently. this reality was one of the things which motivated her to work on the cruise line; he wanted to prove to her friends that she could also improve her status and the status of her family. being employed on the cruise line enables the balinese people to enjoy the cultures of the countries they visit. they introspect themselves when observing the cultures of the countries they visit. wayan yuni astuti also explained that “working on the cruise ship is not always pleasant. they also faced many obstructions and challenges in their daily social interactions. one of the things which challenged the balinese manpower when working on the cruise ship was how to adapt to the new environment which was completely different from the environment where they live in bali. their crew-fellows came from different countries such as asia, europe, america, africa and australia who certainly brought their own culture. if the balinese women cannot adjust themselves to the new environment and make friends selectively from the other crew, then negative implications cannot be avoided. it is acknowledged that the balinese women who work on the cruise ship are stated to be lucky as most indonesians who work on the cruise ship are balinese people, meaning that it is easier for them to ask their nation-fellows for assistance. the reason is that they speak the same language and work far from where they originally come from. ida ayu gede indayani (who was experienced in being employed on the cruise ship for 7 years) stated that “working on the cruise ship is not always appreciated by the society; many people do not appreciate the women who are employed on the cruise ship; in their opinion, working on the cruise ship is negative”. what is stated by this informant shows that there are still several things which impede the balinese women from being employed on the cruise ship. some people state that the women who are employed on the cruise ship are those who are “naughty”. in their opinion, the balinese women who are employed on the cruise ship are bad; as a result, the parents will disagree if their daughters would like to work on the cruise ship. that is not entirely true. many balinese women still consistently implement the principles of the hindu teaching which are adhered to. it is such a negative view which the balinese women who are employed on the cruise line intend to deconstruct. it is true that the tight customs and traditions are acknowledged to impede the balinese women from being employed on the cruise line. the paternal traditional life, which more benefit men, sometimes cause the balinese women to hesitate when deciding whether they will work on the cruise ship or not. bhasin (2001: 11) stated that the paternal ideology, which more benefits men, always considers that women are lower and are more easily controlled. conclusion and suggestion the social implication of the balinese women who are employed on the cruise ship is that, after being employed on the cruise ship they are able to improve the social status of themselves and their families. the cultural implication is that the balinese who are employed on the cruise ship can more understand and conserve their culture. in relation to that, it is suggested to the government that it should give the same opportunity to every balinese woman to work on the cruise ship, depending on the potentials they have. in addition, it is also suggested that the government should support and empower the balinese women who would like to be employed on the cruise ship. acknowledgement in this opportunity the writer would like to thank the informants for having given the information needed. many thanks are also expressed to all those who have supported the completion of this article. bibliography alavalapati, j.r.r. dan w.l. adamowicz. 2000. “tourism impact modelling for resource extaction regions”, annals of tourism research, 27 (1), 188-202. badan pusat statistik provinsi bali. 2013. bali dalam angka bali in figure 2012. denpasar. balai pelayanan penempatan dan perlindungan tenaga kerja indonesia (bp3tki). 2014. penempatan tki tahun 2013. denpasar. bhasin, k. 2001. memahami gender. jakarta: teplok press. gelbman, a., and d.j. timothy. 2011. “border complexity, tourism and international exclaves; a case study”, annals of tourism research, 38 (1), 110-131. lubis, a.y. 2006. dekonstruksi epistemologi modern: dari postmodernisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga, cultural studies. jakarta: pustaka indonesia satu. nunkoo, r., h. ramkissoon, and d. gursoy. 2012. “public trust in tourism institutions”, annals of tourism research, 39 (3), 1538-1564 sukeni, n.n. 2006. “dampak pariwisata terhadap gender di bali”, jurnal studi gender srikandi, vi. (1), 1-13. 96 commodification of cutural heritage as tourist attraction at penataran sasih temple, pejeng, gianyar anak agung gd raka i wayan ardika anak agung bagus wirawan i ketut setiawan faculty of letters, warmadewa university, denpasar e-mail: dapurpoleng@gmail.com abstract penataran sasih temple with the cultural heritage it has is located at pejeng village, gianyar, and is commodified as a tourist attraction. there are three problems which are formulated in the present study. they are (1) what was the cultural heritage which penataran sasih temple, pejeng, gianyar, has like; (2) how the process of commodification of the cultural heritage which the penataran sasih temple has took place; (3) what were the impact and meaning of the commodification of the cultural heritage which the pentaran sasih temple has on the people living at pejeng village. in general, this present study is intended to identify the commodification of the cultural heritage which the penataran sasih temple has. in particular, this present study is intended to identify the form of the commodification of the cultural heritage, understand the process of the commodification, and explain the impact and meaning of the commodification. the qualitative method was used in the present study. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, and library research. the data were analyzed descriptively and qualitatively. it could be inferred that the cultural heritages included (a) the kettledrum “bulan pejeng”, the other cultural heritages, and the religious ritual; (b) the commodified cultural heritages were distributed by the government, profit organizations, academicians, and traditional organizations; and (c) the commodified cultural heritages were consumed by the local society, non balinese society, and international society. keywords: commodification, cultural heritage, tourist attraction introduction the commodification of cultural heritages in the globalization era is common in bali. as a product of global cultural product, commodification surpasses the boundaries of traditional territories (salazar, 2006: 188), what is sacred and what is profane. it is indicated by the fact that there are many cultural heritages which are used as cultural heritages. the global culture which uses money as the social strength can shake the attitude and behavior of the local people who are strong enough to conserve the local wisdom (hoed, 2011: 211). the capitalistic culture has caused the cultural heritage to be commodified. such a phenomenon has taken place at the penataran sasih temple. based on such a phenomenon, this present study discusses the cultural heritages which are commodified as tourist attractions. the title of the study is “commodification of the cultural heritage as a tourist attraction at penataran sasih temple, pejeng, gianyar”. in general, this present study is intended to identify and understand the commodification of the cultural heritage at penataran sasih temple. it has been intentionally produced as a commodity which contains what is intended by power. in particular, this present study is intended to identify the form of commodification, the process how it took place, and its impact and meaning on the people living at pejeng village. in theory, it was expected that the result of the present study could find new findings which can enrich the scientific treasure; and in practice, it was expected that the result of the present study could give information to the local people, those who are responsible for maintaining the temple, the village’s leaders, and the hindu leaders on the existence of the cultural heritage in the globalization era and on how to manage it as a sustainable tourist attraction. reseach method in this present study, the critical qualitative approach was used, meaning that various phenomena were thoroughly observed and listened to. the critical research method was used to collect, process, and analyze the data. during the process of collecting the data, various phenomena in the field were critically observed, questions were critically addressed, and informants were critically listened to. in addition, references were also critically referred to. the data were accurately analyzed to make them valid. discussion commodification is a phenomenon which is interesting to be talked about in the current era. the reason is that commodification presents something which is unique, making it different from what happened in the previous eras. commodification is stated to be unique as the commodity which is used to attain money is something which is new. such a commodity is not limited to the control over manpower, product, and service but also includes other aspects. the things which were not used as commodities are then used as commodities and include education, religious symbols, death, and parts of the human body. however, the fact that people would like to have better and greater lives have been responsible for this (benjamin in jenny edkins-nick voughan williams, 2010: 112), meaning that money is used as their social strength. such a thing has happened to the balinese people, especially those who live at a tourist destination. the globalized cultural tradition has caused the local people’s attitude and behavior to change, from the social religious attitude and behavior into the social economic attitude and behavior (ardika, 2015: ix), meaning that the local people, including those living at pejeng village, have been affected by the capitalistic culture. the products which are used as commodities are (a) the kettledrum “bulan pejeng” with its uniqueness (kempers, 1960: 63; bintaro, 1985: 86), which is supported by the myth entitled “ratu bintang” that the kettledrum was a moon falling down from the sky; such a myth is narrated in the forms of books, articles, journals, brochures, inscriptions, the social media texts; (b) the penataran sasih temple (10-23 ad) (stutterheim in semadi astra, 2013: 3) with its what is locally referred to as tri mandala (goris, 2012: 34), status and function of the temple; (c) the other cultural heritages; and (d) the religious ritual which is locally referred to as maplengkungan with its various processions. the cultural heritage is distributed and promoted to consumers by four helix; they are (a) the government with its related departments; (b) profit organizations such as television, social media, printed media and so forth; and non media such as asita, travel agencies, the indonesian association of tour guides, hotels, and so forth; (c) both national and international intellectuals through the articles they have written; and (d) traditional villages through social media such as internet. consumption refers to the process of consuming commodities by consumers or those who consume them. the consumers which are intended to be the target are foreign tourists, meaning an attempt is made to invite as many tourists as possible to penataran saih temple. the fact shows that the tourists who have visited the penataran sasih temple are dominated by the european ones. the commodification of the cultural heritage which the pentaran sasih temple has is accordance with what space and time demand for through a relatively long process. the existence of foreign tourists with their modern cultures can affect the attitude and behavior of the local people who are strong enough to conserve the originality of their traditional culture. this is exemplified by the attitude and behavior of the local people who welcome the tourists who visit the pentaran sasih temple. initially, the local people welcome them friendly and traditionally. however, then the visit made by the tourists is commercialized (pitana, 2005: 83). the local people needed money as the capital needed to renovate the temple; as a result, the temple was intensively managed and commodified. what had been commodified was not limited to the cultural heritage but also what is locally referred to as the temple’s nista mandala which functions as the public space; as a result, at the nista mandala a shopping center, a parking lot, and a night market were constructed. the commodification of the cultural heritage significantly positively and negatively affected the existence of the pentaran sasih temple (ardika, 2007: 35). the positive impact was that commodification generated money which was needed to organize the development of the pentaran sasih temple, the maintenance of the shrines ‘palinggih’, and management of the temple’s environment, and so forth. the negative impact included the fact that the temple became profane as the tourists were allowed to enter what is locally referred to as utama mandala; their personalities had not been identified; the nista mandala (the outside yard of the temple) was transformed into the business center, causing the concept of the temple’s tri mandala to be degraded. commodification could also have positive meaning; (a) it gave educational information, indicated by an attempt made to trace the origin, status, and function of the cultural heritage; social religious life; the social, cultural and political life of the local people; (b) the symbolic meaning, which was contributed by the uniqueness of the kettledrum “bulan pejeng” and the religious ritual “maplengkungan”. the tourists could see that pejeng village functioned as the center of the past civilization; (c) the aesthetic meaning; as can be seen from the form and decorating pattern of the kettledrum “bulang pejeng”, which can show that the art, cultural and technological civilization of pejeng village was so high in the past; and (d) the economic meaning; all the assets were managed by the traditional village, meaning that the local people’s prosperity was becoming improved. conclusion and suggestion several conclusions can be drawn from the present study; they are (1) the forms of the commodification included (a) the kettledrum “bulan pejeng”, which is supported by the “bulan pejeng” myth which was written in the forms of books, journals, articles, and so forth; and the religious ritual; (b) the commodified cultural heritage which was distributed by the government, profit organizations, intellectuals, and traditional villages, and (c) the commodified cultural heritage which was consumed by the local people, those coming from the other parts of indonesia, and (d) the international society; (2) the process of the commodification started from when a foreign researcher who visited the temple was traditionally welcome by the local people; however, then such a visit was commodified; (3) the commodification of the cultural heritage also had several meanings; they are : it gave educational information on the social, religious, cultural, and political life in the past; the meaning of symbolic image; the aesthetic meaning; and the economic meaning especially for the local people. the kettledrum “bulan pejeng” contains historical, cultural, scientific, and religious values. it is also unique; therefore, it can attract whoever observes it. therefore, through this opportunity, it is suggested to the traditional leaders that they should urge the local people to be responsible for looking after and conserving such a cultural heritage. not only the cultural heritage which the penataran sasih temple has which should be conserved, but the cultural heritages which are located in the other parts of pejeng village as well. this is one of the attempts made to strengthen the existence of pejeng village as the zone of conservation and cultural heritages. acknowledgement through this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., and dr. i gede mudana, m.si for their suggestions related to the completion of this present study. thanks are also expressed to head of the doctorate program of cultural studies, school of postgraduate studies, udayana university, denpasar, prof. dr. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u., and his secretary, dr. putu sukardja, m.si. bibliography ardika, i wayan. 2007. pusaka budaya & pariwisata. denpasar: pustaka larasan. astra, i gde semadi. 2013. menjelajah tokoh udayana di bali: nilai-nilai kearifan tokoh udayana dalam konteks religi, sejarah, sosial budaya, hukum, dan pertahanan dalam perspektif lokal, nasional, dan universal. diselenggarakan oleh pusat kajian bali, 2 desember 2014. bintarti, d.d. 1985. “analisis fungsional nekara perunggu dari lamongan, jawa timur”, dalam pertemuan ilmiah arkeologi iii (pia iii) ciloto, 23-28 mei 1983. proyek penelitian purbakala jakarta, departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. edkins, jenny williams, nick vaughan (ed). 2010. teori-teori kritis: menantang pandangan utama studi politik internasional. yogyakarta: pustaka baca. goris, r. 2012. sifat religius masyarakat pedesaan di bali. judul asli: “the religious character of the village community” dalam djawa (java), xv (1935: 1-16). penerjemah: sunaryono basuki ks. pengantar i wayan ardika’ editor: jiwa atmaja. denpasar: penerbit udayana university press dan pusat kajian bali. hoed, benny h. 2011. semiotik & dinamika sosial budaya. jakarta: komunitas bambu. kempers, a.j bernet. 1960. bali purbakala: petunjuk tentang peninggalan purbakala di bali. djakarta: penerbit “ichtiar”. piliang, yasraf amir. 2011. dunia yang dilipat: tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta: jalasutra. pitana, i gde dan gayatri, putu g. 2005. sosiologi pariwisata: kajian sosiologi terhadap struktur, sistem, dan dampak-dampak pariwisata. yogyakarta: andi. salazar, noel b. 2006. the local global nexus” disajikan di lima lokakarya graduate asia research institute pada ‘pertanyaan metodologi: penelitian pariwisata di asia’, universitas nasional di singapore, 5-6 desember 2006. baliseering genealogy: deconstructing the ducth colonial education in north bali and its implication in globalization era i made pageh anak agung ngurah anom kumbara aa bagus wirawan putu sukardja ganesha university of education, singaraja email: imadepagehundiksha@yahoo.com. abstract baliseering in education hides the motives of the colonial ideological interest which are inserted in various colonial policies; it is hegemonic in regard to its structure and culture and has widely affected north bali. in this present study, the qualitative method was used. in other words, the data were collected through interview, observation, and library research. the data were analyzed using the genealogic concepts of knowledge, domination, and hegemony (foucault, gramsci, and giddens). however, the data which were related to education were eclectically analyzed using the concepts proposed by bourdieu, paulo freire, and ivan ilich. the result of the study shows that genealogically baliseering in education hide the colonial ideology and interest which was inserted in various discourses of colonization and hegemony in the society’s structure and culture with its wide impact. the motivation of baliseering was obtaining cheap human resources in the bureaucratic modernization and making bali an exotic tourist destination. the structure and culture of the balinese people were created in a dominative and hegemonic way through hegemonic and colonial concepts in the traditional villages ‘desa pakraman’ in bali. its implication was highly wide; the political structure had been made to be hegemonic. in addition, ethnocentrism, primordialism, and colonization had been made to appear in both formal and informal education, causing liberalism and internationalism to appear. apart from that, education had been made to be marginalized for the poor. keywords: baliseering, ideology, colonization, critical education. introduction it was found that the baliseering policy could not be separated from what the colonial government did to maintain power by modernizing bureaucracy and making bali an exotic tourist destination. the baliseering process took place in a dominative and hegemonic way and it was legitimated by building the “bali monument in surabaya”. through colonization and hegemony, colonization was operated by creating hegemonic reliefs at the important temples in north bali such as (a) the relief of modern transportation, the relief of airplanes, the relief of bicycles, and the relief of playing violin. colonization was also operated by placing a bell at catus pata. (b) colonizing and dominating formal and informal education was operated by balinizing all the supporting components of the educational system. the informal education was operated by comodifying the painters who were under the pita maha foundation. baliseering widely affected the structure and culture of the balinese people. the hegemonic primordialism was operated through the state of east indonesia and the board of kings. the stronger ethnocentrism, primordialism, and capitalism appeared at the traditional villages through the maintenance of the balinese culture and establishment of what is locally referred to as pacalang. colonization in education could not be separated from liberalism, internationalism, and marginalization of the poor from education, indicating that the national education had failed. the balinese people were not aware that the globalized capitalism had dominated them, causing the culture, land, and religion in bali to be comodified and profane. the problems of the present study are formulated as follows (1) why the baliseering appeared,(2) how the baliseering in north bali took place, (3) what was its implication in the globalization era. research method the qualitative method was used to answer the three problems of the study formulated above, meaning that the social science research procedure was employed. in other words, the data were collected through observation, interview, and library research. then the data were verified, analyzed and concluded from the perspective of cultural studies. the collected data were analyzed, verified and concluded using narration, tables, photographs, and charts from the perspective of cultural studies. discussion the first baliseering education was firstly proposed by flierhaar (1932) in sidemen (1983), which is also referred to as balinization (picard,, 2006), rebalinization (atmadja, 2010), which was intended to maintain the balinese culture from being degraded. maintenance in the colonial era was politically done to oppose the radical ideology which disagreed with the dutch colonial government. the balinese structure and culture were used as the “living museum”, for which an exotic culture tourist destination was prepared. the baliseering educational policy was inspired by the dutch colonial government’s interest in modernizing bureaucracy. schools were built to produce the administrators and technicians needed to undertake the policy of modernizing bureaucracy in bali. tourist destinations were prepared by rehabilitating several temples and inserting hegemonic reliefs, in which the relation between the east and west was reflected in such a way that the balinese people were not aware that they had been dominated. the relation between knowledge and the western philosophy was reflected in the reliefs. the baliseering educational policy was implicitly intended to hide two main interests; they are the modernization of bureaucracy and culture tourism. on the other side, the dutch government was afraid of the teachers, as the threatening elites, as there was a discourse of conflict over castes which potentially contained nationalism, communism, and islamism. thus, the baliseering educational policy was intended to hide the interest in modernizing bureaucracy (maintaining power). as well, it was also intended to hide the economic interest, namely, making bali an interesting exotic tourist destination of culture tourism. the power of the colonial government in bali was symbolically legitimated by building the “bali monument in surabaya”, giving an impression that the colonial government was afraid of the patriotism in bali. using the local genius as the basis, colonization and hegemony were operated and hidden in the reliefs of the temples using the western cultural symbols. the baliseering process took place by preparing the structure of tourism and educating people informally by dominating and colonizing various colonial concepts through the reliefs in the tourist destinations which had been prepared to be visited by foreign tourists in bali. the local knowledge which was made to appear on the reliefs of the holy buildings in north bali was illustrated by the relief of airplane; the relief of car; the relief of those drinking alcoholic drinks can be seen at jagaraga dalem temple. the relief reflecting a dutch who was playing violin was related to the guitar held by goddess saraswati symbolizing sciences. similarly, the position of garuda wisnu kencana with its relief reflecting a dutch who was cycling, which can be found at maduwe karang temple, illustrated the hegemony over the lord wisnu’s vehicle. a bell was used to reflect hegemony over the ritual centrum of catus pata; this was intended to shift the people’s orientation towards the church and money “the time is money” (materialistic). ringgit , as the currency, could not be separated from the life circle ritual and the hindu rituals performed by the balinese people. the colonization through the baliseering policy was operated through the ideological domain, cultural domain, traditional villages, religious system, physical buildings, arts, and the language used at the traditional village. the cultural capital, economic capital, political capital, and the capital of local genius were used to dominate and colonize in such a way that the local people were unaware of such a policy. ideologies were introduced through schools; schools were made to be the agent of the baliseering process. the policy taken by the dutch government was undertaken by deconstructing all the educational components such as curriculum (including the hidden curriculum), the local like physical building, the teachers who were chosen from the artists, text books, art education, drawing, and sports in which the movements made in the balinese dances were imitated, and the way of balinese life which had been intended. the role played by the pita maha foundation was highly important in what to do to comodify arts for the sake of tourism. this supports what is stated by boudieu that habitus, traditional and organic intellectuals are created in the educational domain of the young generation, strengthened by the regulation regulating the legal sanction as a means of disciplining the local people so that bali would permanently be the “living museum” benefiting the western capitalism and colonialism. the striking impact of the baliseering policy in the globalization era includes: the hegemony of primordialism over the state of east indonesia and the board of kings, the ethnocentrism of the traditional village ‘desa pekraman’ through the slogan “ajeg bali” and “pacalang”. the political responses given were in the forms of “bakso haram” (forbidden bakso), the issue of terrorism in bali. the primordial political picture was reflected in the forms of the gray buleleng affair “buleleng kelabu”, the mass emotion of being “sutindih” to megawati as the family of soekarno who was perceived of having the blood of buleleng. the educational colonization, which led to liberalism, internationalism, and marginalization of the poor from education, proved that the national education had failed to implement what is instructed in the 1945 constitution that the mentality of the nation should be developed. the world of culture tourism had transformed to follow what was needed by the market, causing arts to be comodified following the number of tourists visiting bali, the financial situation, the development of technology and telecommunication within the context of globalized and localized ideology which contributed to the world’s view of the balinese people. the sacred things were made to be profane; the land, tradition, and religion in the “culture tourism” developed in bali were comodified. conclusion and suggestion the conclusions that can be drawn from the present study are as follows. first, the baliseering policy was motivated by the colonial interest that the ideology of nationalism and radicalism should be stemmed. it was undertaken to produce educated human resources and to make bali the “living museum” for the sake of the exotic culture tourism. second, the process of baliseering took place in a dominative and hegemonic way and was legitimated by constructing the “bali monument in surabaya”. the tourist destinations with colonization and hegemony were developed using the reliefs at the important holy places in north bali. such reliefs reflected modern transportation, playing violin, and cycling. in addition, a bell was also placed at catus pata. education, which was balinized, was used as the agent of baliseering. third, the baliseering policy affected the local people’s structure and culture, as can be seen from the establishment of the state of east indonesia, the board of kings, and the gray buleleng affair “peristiwa buleleng kelabu”. ethnocentrism and capitalism were getting stronger in bali and were transformed into what is locally referred to as “ajeg bali” and “pacalang”. the educational colonization was seen in the education system which led to liberalism, internationalism and marginalization of the poor from education in the globalization era. arts were comodified, depending on the number of tourists visiting bali, financial situation, and the development of telecommunication technology. the globalized and localized ideology caused what was sacred to be profane, the land, tradition and religion in bali to be comodified. from what was described above, it can be suggested as follows. first, this present study is far from being perfect; therefore, further studies should be conducted by the researchers in the future to make the result of the study more perfect. second, the government should take a strategic policy to overcome the marginalization of the poor from education, as instructed in the 1945 constitution. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank ganesha university of education (undiksha) and its staff, udayana university and the doctorate study program of cultural studies of udayana university. bibliography atmadja, ngh. bawa. 2010. ajeg bali: gerakan, identitas kultural, dan globalisasi. yogyakarta: lkis. bourdieu, pierre. 1986. “the form of capital”. dalam hand book of theory and research for the sociology of education. new york: greenwood press. derrida, jacques.1988. the ear of the other. lincoln: university of nebraska press. flierhaar , h.te. 1931. de aanpassing van het inlandsch orderwijs op bali aan de eigen sfeer. batavia: kolonial belanda. foucault, michel. 1969. the archeology of knowledge and the discourse on language l’archeologie du savoir (penerjemah). london: tavistock publications limited. ivan illich, dkk. 2013. sekolah dibubarkan: lantas mau apa? pro dan kontra terhadap pandangan ivan illich. ign. gatut saksono (penyadur). yogyakarta: ampera utama. kumbara, a.a. ngr. anom. 2010. “konstruksi wacana ajeg bali dalam relasi kuasa: antara ideologi dan utopia”. orasi ilmiah: dalam pidato pengukuhan jabatan guru besar tetap dalam bidang ilmu epistimologi antropologi pada faksas unud, sabtu, 6 november 2010. picard, michel. 2006. bali pariwisata budaya dan budaya pariwisata. jean couteau & warih wisatsana (penerjemah). jakarta : kepustakaan populer gramedia. sidemen, ida bagus. 1983. “baliseering dan pengaruhnya terhadap perkembangan pariwisata di bali”. laporan penelitian. denpasar: universitas udayana. wijaya, i nyoman. 2009. “mencintai diri sendiri: gerakan ajeg bali dalam sejarah kebudayaan bali 1910-2007”.disertasi s-3 ugm. yogyakarta: universitas gadjah mada. 109 microsoft word singkir hudijono_e-journal 1 alternative dispute resolution in banyumas regency: in the perspective of cultural studies singkir hudijono1, i nyoman sirtha2, i gde parimartha3, i made suastika 3 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of law, udayana university 3faculty of letters, udayana university email: hud_poer_undana@yahoo.com abstract this study discusses about an alternative dispute resolution in banyumas regency as a non-litigation dispute resolution. the problem observed was a breakthrough taken by the society in banyumas regency in overcoming the so far deadlock of law enforcement and the attitude of not trusting the justice enforcement. it has been a public secret that the dispute resolutions employing the legal centralism paradigm have been dominated by the judicial network. this has caused the acknowledgement of the state law to decrease, being a commodity that can be traded. the research aims at finding out and describing how the alternative dispute resolution (adr) emerges as an alternative mechanism in deconstructing the legal centralism; interpreting and describing what is meant by the alternative dispute resolution (adr) in the development of progressive law. this research was conducted employing qualitative method. in this context, the researcher explored various pieces of related information with the reason that the society in banyumas regency has chosen the alternative dispute resolution mechanism as the mechanism in deconstructing the legal centralism. the research was conducted as follows: the problems were identified, the theories for analyzing the data were selected, the primary and secondary data were collected, the collected data were analyzed and interpreted, and finally, the results of the research were written and constructed. the theories employed were critical legal studies, deconstruction, and large narration criticism theories. the results of the research show that: firstly, the alternative dispute resolution has emerged because of the awakened local knowledge, as the form of anticipation to the ineffective formal law domination. with regard to the effect of global intercourse, the alternative dispute resolution has emerged because of the refusal against the cultural homogeneity. secondly, the implementation of the alternative dispute resolution has become the preferred mechanism in deconstructing the law centralism because it can be implemented effectively and efficiently, and ensures the win-win solution. thirdly, denotatively, the alternative dispute solution reduces the confronting and antagonistic conceptions. connotatively, the alternative dispute resolution is the legal culture of banyumas society. it has functioned as the legal dynamisator creating and implementing law. key words: dispute, local knowledge, non litigation 1 introduction this dissertation is concerned with the alternative dispute resolution in banyumas regency. the study observes the breakthrough taken by the society in banyumas regency in overcoming the deadlock of justice enforcement using the legal centralism paradigm. the legal paradigm intentionally or unintentionally practiced has made the attempt to look for justice in a simple, quick and cheap process difficult to conduct. in its daily life, the society observes that the legal enforcement done by the government has been dominated by a judicial network, making the law enforcement complicated, take a longer time, cost much, and not completely reliable. related to this, several items are necessarily observed. firstly, constructing a law-based country cannot only be delegated to the legal professionals, because what is encountered is not solely a “legal project”, but “a human and humanity project”. secondly, an existing law is not part of script that the court recognizes as the binding provision when a sentence is imposed in a juridical dispute, but only part of life that is really referred to by the parties involved in a dispute. the observation above indicates that the judicature institution and the other formal legal enforcers are not the only sources of normative messages. there are three main problems in this research. firstly, how the alternative dispute resolution (adr) has emerged as the preferred mechanism; secondly, why the implementation of the alternative dispute resolution (adr) has become the preferred mechanism in deconstructing the legal centralism; thirdly, what the alternative dispute resolution (adr) means in the progressive legal development. in general, the research aims at identifying, describing, analyzing, and understanding the alternative dispute resolution phenomenon in banyumas regency as a dispute resolution tradition, which is an integral part of other cultures and daily reality performed by the society. in particular, this research aims at firstly finding out and describing the emergence of the alternative dispute resolution (adr) as a preferred mechanism. secondly, it aims at understanding and describing the implementation of the alternative dispute resolution (adr) as the preferred 2 mechanism in deconstructing the legal centralism. thirdly, it aims at interpretting and describing the meaning of the alternative dispute resolution (adr) in the progressive legal development. in theory, this study is useful for solidifying the scientific tradition developed by post graduate program of cultural studies of udayana university, which is full of critical discourse prioritizing interdisciplinary and multidisciplinary approaches as to the human life along with the cultural value of his environment that advocates the minority and marginal people. in practice, this study is expected to be able to eliminate the confronting and antagonistic conception in the dispute resolution through the court based on the centralistic state hegemony. this research is expected to develop a meditating, negotiating and conciliating conception responding to the disputing parties’ interests so that the social relationship can be maintained. the alternative dispute resolution developed through this study also has more access to the justice, because it is an answer to the society’s dissatisfaction with the court’s performance. this study will expand the non-confronting dispute resolution learning that always criticizes the large narrations influencing the society. material and discussion this research was conducted employing qualitative method. in this context, a variety of relevant information was explored with the reason that the society of banyumas has chosen the alternative dispute resolution mechanism in deconstructing the legal centralism, and the meaning of the alternative dispute resolution in the progressive legal development. the research was conducted as follows: the problems were identified, the theories for analyzing the data were selected, the primary and secondary data were collected, the collected data were analyzed and interpreted and finally the results of the research were written and constructed. the theories employed were roberto unger’s critical legal, derrida’s deconstruction, and lyotard’s large narration critical. the results of the research can be described as follows. firstly, from the analysis on why the alternative dispute resolution (adr) has emerged as the 3 preferred mechanism, many factors have been identified. the local influential factors include (1) the awakened local collective awareness; (2) the development of indigenous knowledge; (3) the role of the traditional institutions has returned back to the old “memory”, meaning that there is an inspiration to act more smartly in exploring the creative ideas which have already disappeared so far. meanwhile the influential global factors include (1) governmental hegemony, the court dictatorship and less effective formal law; (2) ease of access to information has made the society feel a higher autonomy and gets a wider room to express what they wish; (3) the change of socio cultural, political, economic, scientific and technological aspects so that all the society members should have social responsiveness and awareness of the nation’s and state’s problems; (4) the realization of peaceful life. the society needs certain culturally shared rooms in creating peace. secondly, from the analysis on alternative dispute resolution (adr) as the preferred mechanism in deconstructing the legal centralism, the results can be explained as follows. as the preferred mechanism in deconstructing the legal centralism, the alternative dispute resolution can be implemented in certain ways and patterns. such ways are: (1) emphasizing effectiveness and efficiency; and (2) mitigating the obstacles blocking the dispute resolution. the patterns employed are: (1) consultation; (2) negotiation; and mediation. the alternative dispute resolution is a small narration constituting the postmodern element to deconstruct the large narration that is in the form of legal centralism that refuses diversity. the alternative dispute resolution deconstructs (1) power “absolutism”; (2) juridical power game ideology; (3) state centralism in law ; (4) legal simulacrum; and (5) justice demon. thirdly, from the analysis on the meaning of the alternative dispute resolution (adr) in the progressive legal development, the results can be explained as follows. the progressive law is the power refusing and having desire to break the status quo. therefore, denotatively, related to the development of progressive law, the alternative dispute resolution refers to (1) law in action that updates the law; (2) the improvement of the public role in law; 4 and (3) the peace maintenance. connotatively, related to the development of progressive law, the alternative dispute resolution refers to (1) maintenance of harmony, conformity and fairness; (2) strength of multiculturalism root ; (3)sturdiness of national identity ; and (4) truth and justice. novelties the novelties that can be revealed include: (1) the alternative dispute resolution producing substantial truth and justice within the society emerges because of the convergence of two elements: the effect of local/global culture and the need for an alternative. this finding can be conceptualized and understood using roberto unger’s critical legal studies theory; (2) the alternative dispute resolution is a disorganization of a condition in which the society feels no harmony between the formal legal rules (less effective state law, dishonest law enforcers) and their legal needs. when the expected new norms have not been institutionalized while the formal legal values cannot be trusted completely, the society renegotiates the norms constituting the process of establishing values regulating the relationship among them. such values are the combination of the formal law and the traditional values (local policy). this can be conceptualized and understood using the deconstruction theory developed by derrida; (3) the alternative dispute resolution is the dispute resolution that is able to build the local spirit. because of its cultural approach, however, in physical level it will improve the awareness of pluralism, precluding the society from “any action permitted”. the cultural approach makes the alternative dispute resolution not constitute legal reformation, a radical legal deconstruction. this is relevant to the lyotard’s large narration critical theory. conclusion the conclusions that can be drawn are: (1) the alternative dispute resolution (adr) emerges as the preferred mechanism because of the awakened local collective awareness, in which the justice referred to by the society is derived from the ethnic cultural spirit that can give a cool solution when the members of society 5 encounter various problems. in the dimension the effects of global intercourse, the alternative dispute resolution emerges due to counter trend against the cultural homogeneity; (2) the implementation of the alternative dispute resolution (adr) has become the preferred mechanism in deconstructing the legal centralism because it is the dispute solution that can be implemented effectively and efficiently and with the patterns ensuring the win-win solution; (3) denotatively, the alternative dispute resolution (adr) reduces the confronting and antagonistic conceptions in solving the dispute through the judicature institutions based on the state centralistic hegemony. connotatively, the alternative dispute resolution (adr) means maintenance of harmony, conformity and fairness; strength of multiculturalism; national identity sturdiness; and truth and justice. acknowledgement in this occasion, the author expresses her great gratitude to the honorable prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, sh., m.s., as the promoter, prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., as the first copromoter, and prof. dr. i made suastika, su., as the second co-promoter, who with their sincerity and patience have guided her from the start up to the end of dissertation report writing. the author also says gratitude to the directorate of higher education of the department of national education through the doctorate program management team who has granted her study tuition in the form of bpps, the rector of kupang nusa cendana university and the staff, rector of udayana university and the staff, director of udayana university postgraduate program and the staff, and the chief of cultural studies doctorate program of udayana university and the staff. microsoft word sri purnama syam_e-journal eagle dance as cultural identity in the isolating tribal community changes, in pematang kabau village, air hitam district, sarolangun regency, jambi province sri purnama syam1, i wayan dibia2, i made suastika3, daryusti 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2performing arts faculty, indonesian arts institute, denpasar 3faculty of letters, udayana university email: purnama19@yahoo.com abstract this dissertation discusses the eagles dance as the identity of dance in cultural change in isolated tribal community (sad), in the village of pematang kabau, air hitam district, sarolangun regency, jambi province. central government through the ministry of social affairs moved sad out of the jungle and then settling on a permanent area and this activity has been carried out since 1973. furthermore, the settlement resulted in a fairly fundamental change, not only in style and environment of sad, but more important to the identity markers and self-identity of sad. people of sad who had been settled, strive to keep eagle dance even by making some changes as far as not to break out the essential elements of the eagle dance in order to avoid a total loss of identity and their self-identity in the new neighborhoods, this study aims to see how art, in this case eagle dance, can be a marker of identity that attaches to the sad after they settle outside the forest. to achieve these objectives there are three main problems which will be sought answers in this study, namely: (1) what does the eagles dance of sad in the village of pematang kabau looks like?; (2) how is the status of the eagles dance for sad in the village of pematang kabau; and (3) how is the impact and meaning of eagles dance towards the sad changes? the study with the perspective of cultural studies designing as this qualitative research is used to solve the three problems mentioned above by using several concepts, theories and techniques of data collection. concepts are referred to eagle dance, cultural identity, change, and isolated tribal community. the theory used is the identity theory, the theory of semiotics, hegemony theory, and theory of deconstruction. data collection techniques include participant observation, depth interviews, and study of literature / documentation. the data collected is processed in a descriptive analytical and subsequently presented in the form of narrative, tables, and visual illustrations. the results indicate that there had been changes towards the eagles dance in sad which had settled in kabau pematang village, although the use of holy spells as a musical accompaniment and distinctive gestures symbolic of this dance is still maintained. in residential sad, eagle dance is treated as a cultural group identity, and the regeneration of the dancers began to be conducted. the impact of this treatment which is carried out by citizens of sad making the eagles dance becomes sustainable dance despite the new of its socio-cultural functions. for sad in residential areas, eagle dance means as a symbol of cultural expression, equality, and welfare. the main meaning of eagles dance, who built from tradition and cultural power of sad, becomes a representation of community groups concerned, in the midst of pressure, domination and influence of the majority culture. key words: eagle dance, cultural identity, change, isolated tribal community introduction there is a new residential area for isolated tribal community (sad) in kabau pematang village, air hitam district, sarolangun regency, jambi province, while claiming to improve the standard of living of the underdeveloped rural communities, a culture considered primitive and backward, then since 1973, the central government through the ministry of social affairs moved the sad out of the jungle, which makes them leave their old lifestyle, which is always close with nature and entering into a new and modern lifestyle that’s far from the jungle. before settled, sad, which is the origin community of jambi, living in the wilds of the jungle in the province of jambi to the borders of palembang. they live in groups and spread out in the jungle. their life is depending on the natural resources in the jungle. the sad also lives in jungle to continue their generation. jungle is everything for sad. the bukit dua belas jungle region becomes the center of sad distribution. it is called bukit dua belas because there are twelve steps surrounding jungle hillside. the sad group believes that the respected gods, spirits of ancestors and ghosts reside in this hill. then, in 2000 bukit dua belas is functioned as national park forest with an area of 60,500 ha. furthermore, sad is the name given by the government through the ministry of social affairs to the community. they are classified as public in isolated, primitive, and backward. the concept of isolated communities is introduced by the ministry of social affairs is attached to the original community or now known as indigenous people outside of java, who live in the forest with the livelihoods of hunting, gathering, shifting cultivation, and so on. so far, the planners and development practitioners assume that the sad was isolated communities which reflect the backwardness of their living standards. therefore, they are considered not in accordance with the aims of development. way of life and culture run by the sad assessed as poverty, alienation, and underdevelopment. starting from these assumptions, occurs a kind of an understanding for the importance of the changes. these changes are sometimes shaped as traditional values taken off then replaced with other values, in order to achieve the development goals. one of the changes made to help the the sad is an effort to settle the isolated communities or known as the indigenous custom community empowerment. sad moved out from the jungle then settled in developing villages. settlements that have been made, leading to fundamental changes not only towards in lifestyle and environment sad, but much more important lead on the markers of identity and the identity of sad itself. eagle dance is one of the sad cultural identity, which distinguishes them with other community groups. therefore, sad people who lives in pematang kabau village, working hard to keep this dance even by making some changes as far as not ruin the essential elements of the dance itself. this study aims to see how art, in this case eagle dance, can be a marker of identity that attaches to the sad after they settle outside the forest. to achieve these objectives there are three main problems which will be sought answers in this study, namely: (1) what does the eagles dance of sad in the village of pematang kabau looks like?; (2) how is the status of the eagles dance for sad in the village of pematang kabau; and ( 3) how is the impact and meaning of eagles dance towards the sad changes? material and discussion this study applied qualitative methods to describe the efforts of sad living in the village pematang kabau, air hitam district sarolangun regency, jambi province to maintain its cultural identity through the eagles dance. this research was conducted in several stages. firstly, ethnographic data collection about sad and the eagles dance as a kind of art they have. then took a look at the sad who had been taken out from the jungle with their eagle dance.. next, the process of analyzing the changes of eagle dance is conducted that followed by analyzing the identity of the sad which is represented in the dance. secondly, choose the theory that will be used to assess the problems. this research uses the theory of identity, semiotics, hegemony, and deconstruction. thirdly, analyze and interpret temporarily data, and the fourth stage as the final stage was the writing of the results of research that had been conducted. research findings these research findings can be described generally as follows. 1. there is a change to the eagles dance of sad which had been settled in kabau pematang village. however, the changes has been made as an effort to keep the eagle dance life based on the context of the sad after they live outside the jungle. it is conducted by the sad in order to disclosure and strengthening their identity and to demonstrate the existence of sad as a civilized society and was able to prove their equality with other groups outside the community. 2. sustainability identity of sad towards eagles dance can be seen from the spells that are still used and serve as musical accompaniment for the eagles dance, as well as dance movement that is still patterned as the eagle dance movement previously. this dance is put as a reflection of mythological animals, the eagle. although the sad which has been settled in kabau pematang village has no longer believe in god of bird, but they still appreciate it. in addition, the sad in the village of pematang kabau, began to regenerate the dancer in order to avoid a discontinuity of identity. 3. the existence of eagles dance belongs to a representation of the sad as a force that built within the culture itself in the midst of change and majority cultural pressure which are felt to have been pressing them towards their backwardness label. the existence of harmonization efforts undertaken by moving the sad out of the jungle causes waning of identity of the sad itself, it would be fortified with retaining the existing art as the eagle dance. surely the existence of sad is not to be discriminated against, not as a scorn, but the recognition and equality with other people is highly expected. research conclusion conclusions of this study is an effort of sad in first, sad continually strives to maintain their identity, particularly through the eagle dance. this is intended to eliminate the side view and a negative label toward the sad. although, there is a change of identity of the people who live the jungles within the people who live in rural areas and settle down, but sad does not want to erase his past as a rural community. this process proves that the identity belongs to a dialogical discourse that always bargains to achieve a complete understanding of the identity construction of a group of indigenous peoples. second, although the sad in kabau pematang village has been moved out and settled and has been changed its lifestyle, beliefs, etc. but the label as rural communities remain sealed because until now they still referred to as sad. they still get different treatment, and remained as second-class communities whose existence remained marginalized. so what does the expenditure from the jungle mean? third, eagle dance was the result of the reforms undertaken by the sad to undermine the negative meanings that had been attached to the sad, related to their identity as rural communities. negative labels that have been attributed to sad so far makes them conditioned as ethnic minorities. the eagle dance related in the present context has both a new understanding in the sight of sad people or people outside sad. eagle dance as a continuity of tradition owned by sad in kabau pematang village becomes representation of the sad to strengthen their existence in gaining equality with other community in various ways. the fourth, the eagles dance as a local cultural product of sad which is built on the accumulation process of cultural, historical, and community representation of form of sad is also functioned as an aesthetic that appears on the assumption which born within themselves and the surrounding environment. the cultural uniqueness of sad should be able to reflect the cultural diversity owned by indonesia and enrich the existing diversity itself. refferences abdillah, s.ubed.2002. politik identitas etnis. pergulatan tanpa tanda identitas. magelang:indonesiatera bakker, chris. 2004. cultural studies. (tim kreasi, pentj). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. sanjaya, p utama. 1999. negara, masyarakat adat, dan demokrasi: beberapa telaah eksploratif tentang hubungan negara dengan masyarakat adat. jakarta: lspp dan kongres masyarakat adat nusantara. soedarsono, r.m. 2003. seni pertunjukan dari perspektif politik, sosial, dan ekonomi. yogyakarta:gajah mada university. s.m. mutholib. 1995. orang rimbo: kajian struktural fungsional masyarakat terasing di makekal, provinsi jambi. bandung:universitas padjajaran. smiers, joost. 2009. arts under pressure. memperjuangkan keanekaragaman budaya di era globalisasi (terjemahan). yogyakarta:insistpress. acknowledgements the writer would like to appreciate her thankfulness to prof. dr. i. wayan dibia, m.a., as the promotor, prof. dr. i. made suastika, s.u, as the co-promotor i, and prof. dr. daryusti, m.hum, as copromotor ii, who already given his/her advise and motivation started from the proposal composing up the finishing of this dissertasion my gratefulness also comes to the head of the university, postgraduate studies director and his/her staffs, and the head of cultural studies doctorate program and his/her staffs. cenk blonk leather puppet performance within popular cultural context i made marajaya i made suastika i wayan dibia i nyoman kutha ratna puppeteering department, faculty of performing art, indonesia institute of the arts denpasar email: mademarajaya@yahoo.com abstract this present study is intended to discuss the cenk blonk leather puppet performance “wayang kulit cenk blonk (abbreviated to wkcb) within the popular cultural context. if viewed from the perspective of cultural studies, this present study is concerned with a new reality and phenomenon in the balinese puppetry art. the balinese leather puppet performance, which does not refer to the source book of the shadow play story “pakem pewayangan” and the puppetry norm “dharma pewayangan”, is preferred by many people. this present study analyzes the form, factor, and meaning of the wkcb performance with the popular cultural context using the theory of popular culture, the theory of deconstruction, and theory of discourse. the qualitative interpretative method was used. the data were obtained through observation, in-depth interview, and documentary study. the data were analyzed using the descriptive, qualitative and interpretative method of analysis. the data were presented starting from the basic data, data presentation, data analysis and conclusion. the result of the study shows (1) the wkcb was performed as part of the promotional activity; (2) the wkcb was performed as part of the socialization activity; (3) the wkcb was performed as part of the commemoration of anniversaries. second, the factors contributing to the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context included: creativity, art sustainability, the practice for the supporting artists, the modern cultural impact, the advance in technology, and the market demand. the meanings of the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context included: the aesthetic meaning, the social meaning, the welfare meaning, the amusing meaning, the political meaning, the conservation meaning, and the image meaning. the novelty shows that the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context presents the elements of popular works, popular discourses, the change in presentation, the change in the performing apparatus, and the freedom in receiving messages from those who have it performed to be transmitted to viewers. keywords: wkcb performance, creativity, and popular culture introduction the wkcb performance with i wayan nardayana as the puppeteer is one of the innovative leather puppet performances, which has been able to make itself the most popular balih-balihan art (the art which is created to amuse others) in bali, meaning that the wkcb with its unique and interesting presentations has been able to attract the leather puppet fans. those who are interested in it are not only males but also those coming from all the society layers regardless of their social statuses. the wkcb performance has been getting popular rapidly as it has been able to catch the current people’s aesthetic desires. being able to process the art using the technological package, and being able to communicate with the viewers through aesthetic, critical, and fresh humorous touches allow the wlcb performance to exist in the middle of the society. those who have it performed are not only individuals or groups of people, but also entrepreneurs, the government, and private organizations. the common people have it performed as part of the religious ritual; the entrepreneurs have it performed as part of the promotional activity through which their products and services are promoted. the government has it performed as part of the socialization program and as the information which is related to the people’s interest. the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context is a performance which audibly and visually presents the elements of popular works and discourses which are developing in the middle of the society. the elements of the popular works can be seen starting from how the wkcb is presented, the apparatus used, and the context in which it is performed. the popular discourses which are transmitted to the viewers are of the economic problem, the socio and political problem, law, environment, security, and health. the interesting and popular presentations of the wkcb performance have actually broken the puppetry norms which are locally referred to as pakem pakeliran and dharma pewayangan. therefore, what is presented in the wkcb performance is highly phenomenal and leads to a controversial reaction; many agree and many others disagree with such a phenomenon. those who agree with it consider that the wkcb performance is an art with a highly aesthetic value; it is stated to be able to resurrect the culture of responding to and watching the shadow play with leather puppets, and to inspire the growth and development of the innovative leather puppet performance in bali. those who disagree with such a phenomenon are the puppeteers or the lay people who are still fanatic for the great quality of the traditional leather puppet performance. this present study is intended to identify the form, the motivating factor, and meaning of the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context. the significance of the result of the present study is that it can contribute and add to the scientific treasure of the puppetry art, and that it can be used as a comparison by the researcher who will explore the matters pertaining to the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context in the future. research method the qualitative interpretative method was used in the present study. the primary data which are used in the present study were obtained through several direct interview in which the interviewees were i wayan nardayana, the puppeteer of wkcb, and the other puppeteers. the secondary data, which were obtained from the results of studies, books, articles, journals of arts, and both printed and electronic mass media, were also used as the supporting data. the data were collected using the techniques of observation, in-depth interview, and documentary study (pictures, recording, and note taking). the data were analyzed using the qualitative approach in order to obtain the picture of the form and the motivating factor, and the meaning of the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context. result and discussion the wkcb performance is a popular innovative leather puppet performance, which is a transformation of the traditional leather puppet performance. being popular and innovative, the government, entrepreneurs, and private companies are made to be inspired to have it performed in various important events such as promotion, socialization, commemoration of anniversaries and tv advertisement. the wkcb used to be performed to complete a religious ceremony; however, then it has been performed as a commercial performance which is economy-highly oriented for the entrepreneurs, as a medium for socializing the government programs. it is this which has led to the appearance of the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context, meaning that it has been performed: 1) for promotional activities which include (1) the promotion made by the cellular telecommunication, in which the products of kartu-as and blackberry cellular phones are promoted to the viewers; (b) the promotion made by kopi abc in which the product of kopi abc is promoted to the society of viewers which can make them stronger; (c) the promotion made by susu frian flag, in which it is promoted that such milk can make the body healthy and strong; (d) the promotion made by the dealer of yamaha motor cycles, in which the yamaha product is promoted to the society of viewers; (e) the medical promotion made by antangin jrg as medicine for relieving cold. 2) the wkcb is also performed to socialize particular programs such as (a) taxation socialization such as the income tax “pajak penghasilan (pph)”, the value added tax “pajak pertambahan nilai (ppn)”, the sales tax levied upon luxury items “pajak penjualan atas barang mewah (ppb)”, and the land and building tax “pajak bumi dan bangunan (pbb)”; (b) the socialization of what to do to overcome disasters such as earthquake, tsunami, landslide, flood, fire, and so forth; (c) the socialization of the 15th asean summit conference “ktt asean ke 15”, in which it was suggested to the society to get involved in keeping security so that the 15th asean summit conference could be successfully carried out at nusa dua bali; (d) the socialization of drug abuse in which it is suggested to the society not to consume and spread the forbidden items which can inflict the children’s future; (e) the socialization of general election, in which the election for the legislative candidates, the election for the regent and governor, and the political and democratic education are socialized; (f) the socialization of aids. 3) the wkcb which is performed as part of the commemoration of anniversaries; the commemoration of dies natalis isi denpasar in 2004 and the anniversary of sman 4 denpasar in 2012 are two examples. the factors which have contributed to the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context are (1) creativity; the attempt made to create new things in accordance with the current aesthetic desire of the society; (2) being motivated to maintain art; the attempt made to conserve the leather puppet performance in the middle of globalization current and; (3) the practice for the supporting artists; they are made to be more skilled so that they can perform the best and newest puppetry art works for the viewers; (4) the cultural impact of the modern society; the impact of the cultural value-oriented society’s life which is made to develop into the current life and civilization indicated by the critical and consumptive way of thinking and luxury life style; (5) the technological advance; the development of science and technology to support activities and; (6) the market demand; aesthetically, people desire to enjoy interesting performances which are useful to the society’s life. the meanings of the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context include (1) the aesthetic meaning; the wkcb performance can make the viewers joyful; (2) the social meaning; the wkcb can give art experience and enlightenment to the society; (3) the welfare meaning; the wkcb performance can improve the welfare of the puppeteer, the supporting artists, and craftsmen; (4) the amusing meaning; the wkcb can amuse the viewers; (5) the political meaning; the wkcb has made the traditional performance less popular and may lead to the appearance of the innovative leather puppet performance; (6) the meaning of conservation; the wkcb protects and maintains the existence of the leather puppet in accordance with the era development and; (7) the meaning of image; the wkcb inspires the society’s desire to give response to and watch it within different contexts. conclusion and suggestion it can be inferred from the present study that from the popular cultural context wkcb is performed to promote, socialize and demonstrate things; in addition, it is also performed to commemorate anniversaries and as part of tv advertisements. second, the factors which have contributed to the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context can be classified into the internal factors and external factors. the internal factors include: creativity, being motivated to maintain art, the practice for the supporting artists. the external factors include: the cultural impact of the modern society, the advance in technology, and the market demand. third, the meanings of the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context include: the aesthetic meaning, the social meaning, the welfare meaning, the amusing meaning, the political meaning, the conservation meaning, and the image meaning. the novelties of the present study show that basically the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context presents the elements of popular works, the popular discourses, the change in presentation, the change in the apparatus used, and the freedom in receiving orders from those that have the wkcb performed to transmit to the viewers. in relation to the wkcb performance within the popular cultural context, it is suggested to the artists that support the wkcb performance that they should intensify their creativity and practice in order to satisfy the viewers’ desires. it is suggested to the government that it should do its best to maintain the existence of the leather puppet performance in the middle of the globalization current. acknowledgement the god’s blessing has allowed the writer to be able to complete this study in time, for which the writer is grateful. in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the rector of udayana university, the director of the school of postgraduate studies of udayana university, head and secretary of the study program of cultural studies of udayana university, the teaching and administrative staff for the moral support and facilities provided to the writer so this article can be completed as expected. bibliography bungin, burhan, 2001. imaji media massa : konstruksi dan makna realitas sosial iklan televisi dalam masyarakat kapitalis. cangara, hafied, 2002, pengantar ilmu komunikasi. pt raja grafindo persada, jakarta. burton, graeme. 2008. yang tersembunyi di balik media. yogyakarta dan badung : jalasutra. cangara, hafied. 2002. pengantar ilmu komunikasi. jakarta : pt raja grafindo persada. darma putra, i nyoman, 1998. “ kesenian bali di panggung elektronik : perbandingan acara apresiasi budaya rri dan tvri denpasar. dalam majalah mudra, no. 6 tahun vi, hal. 31. stsi denpasar. darwanto, s.s. 1995. televisi sebagai media pendidikan. duta wacana university press, yogyakarta. dibia, i wayan. 1998. “pertunjukan kesenian di televisi”. dalam majalah mudra no. 2 th. ii hal. 7. stsi denpasar. hoed, benny h. 2008. semiotik dan dinamika sosial budaya. yogyakarta : fakultas ilmu pengetahuan budaya (fib) ui depok. kayam, umar. 1981. seni tradisi dan masyarakat. jakarta : sinar harapan. marajaya, i made. 2002. “pertunjukan wayang kulit parwa lakon brahmana sidi di tvri denpasar : kajian bentuk, fungsi, dan makna”. (tesis). denpasar : universitas udayana. _______.2014. “pertunjukan wayang kulit cenk blonk dalam konteks budaya populer”. (disertasi). denpasar : universitas udayana. mariyah, emiliana. 2006. “wayang kulit dalam era globalisasi”. dalam wacana antropologi. (ed. pujaastawa). denpasar : jurusan antropologi fakultas sastra universitas udayana. piliang, yasrat amir. 2003. hipersemiotika tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna. yogjakarta : jalasutra. ra’uf, amrin. 2010. jagad wayang. yogyakarta : garailmu. sedyawati, 2007. budaya indonesia : kajian arkeologi, seni, dan sejarah. jakarta : pt. raja grafindo persada. soetrisno, r. 2008. wayang sebagai warisan budaya dunia. surabaya : penerbit sic. religious ideology of the tradition of makotek in the era of globalization gede yoga kharisma pradana i nyoman suarka aa bagus wirawan i nyoman dhana hindu university of indonesia, denpasar, bali email: gedeyoga@yahoo.com abstract makotek is a cultural tradition which is performed as a ritual to ward off misfortune by the people living at munggu village, badung regency. it is performed once in six months, namely, every kuningan feast day. it has been inherited from generation to generation as an oral tradition. in the era of globalization, many parties and cultural components are involved in its performance. it is still performed until now. however, the people living at munggu village do not close themselves to modernity. the data were collected through observation, interview, library research and documentary techniques. the informants were determined using the purposive and snowball technique. all the data were analyzed in order to draw conclusions. the result of the study shows that the religious ideology which has inspired the people living at munggu traditional village to perform the tradition of makotek. ideologically, they believe that by performing the tradition of makotek, they can protect their resources and the human unity in the middle of the social dynamics in the era of globalization. it is performed in stages, in accordance with the tradition they have adhered to since a long time ago. the performance of the tradition of makotek at munggu village has been able to strengthen their belief in the existence of ida sang hyang widhi, almighty god. in addition, such a religious practice is the supernatural source of happiness and health as it is believed to be able ward off misfortune. keywords: religious ideology, performance of tradition of makotek, globalization era. introduction makotek is an oral tradition which is performed as a ritual to ward off misfortune by the people living at mungu traditional village, badung regency. it is performed once in six months, that is, every kuningan feast day. it has been performed until now, although, if their houses, public buildings, and ownership of land, hand phones, and vehicles, and the street leading to the village which is covered with asphalt and their daily life style are observed, they can be classified as modern and developed people. munggu village is located close to the governmental center of badung regency, and tanah lot tourist destination, which have directly affected the local people’s way of thinking and life. however, as a phenomenon, the tradition of makotek, which is performed as a ritual by the society which can be classified as a developed one, in the era of globalization is interesting to explore. although the local people can be stated to be developed, they still perform the tradition which is identical with irrationality, cultural underdevelopment, and orthodoxy. ideologically, the developed society in the era of globalization tends to adhere to the globalized culture, have capitalistic ideology, profit-oriented, and to hate irrational way of thinking. they tend to be busy working hard to solve their problems and to increase their income in order to be able to make both ends meet. in fact, in the middle of globalization which is identical with liberalism and capitalistic economy, the people living at munggu village still perform the tradition of makotek. such a tradition does not benefit them financially; in addition, they have to spend their money on the things needed for its performance; they leave their jobs so that they can be involved in it. the aspect of religiosity is the answer. this article entitled “the religious ideology of the tradition of makotek in the era of globalization” is intended to identify how the religious hegemony dominates the life of the people at munggu traditional village; they voluntarily perform the tradition of makotek although they can be classified as modern people. it is expected that the result of the study can be used as a reference; the people’s knowledge of the religious ideology which has caused such an oral tradition to be able to be conserved in bali in the era of globalization. research method the research method which was used to explore the tradition of makotek performed at munggu village in the era of globalization was the qualitative research method. the article which was written based on the result of scientific study was designed to be the study in oral tradition which is critically discussed from the perspective of cultural studies. the data were collected through observation, interview, library research and documentation techniques. the informants were determined using the purposive sampling and snowball technique. discussion an ideology socially tightens and stabilizes the collective life of society (sumantri, 2001: 264), meaning that an ideology is the way of life which is constructed from the tradition, history, and social relation across regions. it is constructed from reciprocal relation. socially, it legitimates the dominant political strength, identity, belief, orientation of action, and distorts the systematic communication in the ideological domain of its society. the ideological view is identical with the collective view of its society. similarly, the people living at munggu village regard the ritual of makotek as an important ritual which is intended to protect the local people in the era of globalization. ideologically, the tradition of makotek is a spiritual practice which is mobilized by the collective belief of the people living at munggu traditional village. through a series of ceremonies involving the relation of power, they reorganize their social structure for the sake of their collective interest in the era of globalization. the process of such a construction positively affects the harmonious collective positive image of the local people and the social control. hardiman (2003: 247—255) states that any religious activity can contribute to being respectful to others and discipline in making the human life in harmony, meaning that the harmonious construction which is created through the religious practice of makotek indirectly legitimates the dominant political strength, identity, belief, orientation of action, and distortion of the systematic communication among the people living at munggu traditional village. the people living at munggu traditional village position sasuhunan temple and kahyangan tiga temples as the state of power, and the center of religious strength. the environment as the space where the local people live is believed to have magical power which can free them from every kind of disease. therefore, it is believed that through the tradition of makotek they can keep their relation to their environment in harmony. it is believed that the nature has the power of giving life and creating disasters. it is believed that both life and disasters cannot be separated from the nature’s law, which regulates the cycle of the universe. it is believed that every cycle of the nature is determined by the supernatural power of ida sang hyang widhi, almighty god. sometimes, the nature’s energy has the effect of the supernatural power which can benefit human beings. the miracle of the nature’s energy makes human beings astonished. similarly, the hindus living at munggu village worship god through the symbols which are believed to be able to ward off misfortune. therefore, they still perform the tradition of makotek . such a religious practice is still peacefully performed due to the hegemony of the religious ideology which has been strongly implanted by their ancestors. the tradition of makotek performed at munggu village has made the local people have more understanding of the existence of ida hyang widhi, almighty god. furthermore, it is believed that such a religious practice is the source of happiness and supernatural power of god which enables them to ward off misfortune. dawkins (in wijayanto, 2012: 10) state that god has extraordinary power which cannot be separated from the essence of life. daulay (2011: 35) states that the essence of life needs religious adherence, meaning that the supernatural power can be achieved through full and total religious comprehension. similarly, the tradition of makotek, which is performed every year, is believed to be able to give happiness and spiritual comfort to the local people. the implementation of the religious value of ida sang hyang widhi, almighty god, and his manifestations can be explicitly and implicitly observed from the whole process of the performance of the tradition of makotek. ideologically, the ritual performed by the people living at munggu traditional village plays a role in intensifying and strengthening the human dependence on ida sang hyang widhi and his manifestations as the center of religiosity. in this context, everybody living at munggu traditional village can maintain the solidarity of their brotherhood through the performance of the tradition of makotek. koentharaningrat (1993) states that a ritual is an expression of religious faith. faith is needed to solve the matters pertaining to death, injustice, and suffering (wijayanto, 2012: 10). therefore, the tradition of makotek which is performed as a form of the expression of faith by the hindus living at munggu village seems to have been their spiritual need. such a need seems to be central in the society’s complex life in the current era of globalization. although the local people are busy with their livelihood, they still need to perform the tradition of makotek to save their lives and to improve the quality of their lives in the era of globalization. it is performed to purify the village from all types of profanity which are assumed to have bad values for the local people’s lives. the fact that the tradition of makotek is still performed in the era of globalization is based on the sameness in the religious ideology. it is one of the attempts which is made to empower the natural resources which the village, as a religious one, has. the religious ideology on which the tradition of makotek is based is a spiritual contact made by the local people with the environment where they live. the empowerment of the local people’s resources manifests in the form of their desire to perform the tradition of makotek more spontaneously, neatly, creatively and lively. they desire to show the change in their spirit to comprehend the god’s supernatural power as the controller of the universe. religiously, the local people’s faith in what is referred to as anima is the main factor which has contributed to the performance of the tradition of makotek until now. the local people’s religious ideology is so strong that the tradition of makotek is still happily performed until now. they seem to disagree with the stigmatic construction that the cultural religious tradition is old, antique, and not profitable. conclusion and suggestion the people living at munggu traditional village still perform the tradition of makotek until the current era of globalization due to the religious ideology they have. ideologically, the local people believe that by performing the tradition of makotek they can protect their resources and human unity in the globalized social dynamics. it is suggested that the performance of such a tradition should be formally, informally and academically continued. it is also suggested that the local people’s elements of the ritual tradition should be more critically developed within the current context in the framework of revitalizing culture as an attempt to empower the society’s resources and to avoid people from being marginalized. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m.hum., as the supervisor, and prof. dr. anak agung bagus wirawan, s.u., as co-supervisor i, and dr. drs. i nyoman dhana, m.a., as co-supervisor ii for their input and suggestions for the completion of this article. thanks are also expressed to the oral tradition association ‘asosiasi tradisi lisan (atl)’ for the scholarship provided to the writer to join the doctorate program in cultural studies, udayana university. a word of appreciation should also go to the informants, whose names cannot be mentioned one by one for the completion of this article as expected. bibliography daulay, asrul (ed.). 2011. pendidikan dan pemberdayaan masyarakat. medan: usu press. hardiman, budi f. 2003. kritik ideologi: menyingkap pertautan dan kepentingan bersama jurgen habermas. yogyakarta: kanisius. koentjaraningrat.1993. ritus peralihan di indonesia. jakarta: balai pustaka. sumantri, zaimar. 2001. “ideologi dalam pariwara” dalam ida sundari husen dan rahayu hidayat (penyunting), merentas ranah, bahasa, semiotika dan budaya. yogyakarta: bentang. wijayanto, eko. 2012. genealogi kebudayaan. jakarta: salemba humatika. 5 microsoft word wirata_e-journal 1 the hegemony imposed by the government and the resistance of wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group at bayan district, north lombok regency i wayan wirata1, i gde parimartha2, i made suastika2, i ketut subagiasta2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university email: abstract this research is entitled “the hegemony imposed by the government and the resistance of wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group at bayan district, north lombok”. the interaction between the government and the wetu telu sasaknese community at bayan district has resulted in differences in views, ideas, and behaviors leading to friction and refusal or opposition from the community. this research is focused on 1) how has the hegemony imposed by the government upon the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group residing at bayan district, north lombok regency taken place? 2) what has been done by the people of the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group residing at bayan distrik, north lombok to resist to the hegemony imposed by the government upon them? and 3) what are the effects and meanings of the hegemony imposed by the government and the resistance of the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group on the multicultural community life at bayan district, north lombok regency? the data needed were collected by interview, observation, and documentation and were descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively analyzed. the theories used to give answers to the problems formulated above are the theory of hegemony (gramsci), the theory of deconstruction (jacques derrida), and the theory of discourse (foucault). the results show that the hegemony imposed by the government has taken place in a number of particular aspects such as the religious aspect, socio political aspect, cultural aspect and educational aspect. being marginalized and being not free in developing their tradition and culture, the people of wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group residing at bayan district, north lombok regency, have been responsible for their resistance to the government and the followers islam waktu lima. the resistance has been shown by avoiding, refusing and even opposing what is considered not in accordance with their tradition and culture. one of the effects of the hegemony imposed by the government and the resistance made by the people of the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group residing at bayan district is that there has been imbalanced communication between the followers of islam waktu lima (which collaborates with the government) and the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group residing at bayan district leading to a social conflict. the other effects have been that such a social conflict has disturbed the social life of the 2 community, has led to a paradox of cultural preservation, and has narrowed the power of the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group residing at bayan district. from the meaning point of view, what has taken place at bayan district has philosophical and multicultural meaning as well as the meanings of struggle for identity, cultural preservation and dynamism. key word: the government, hegemony, wetu telu of sasaknese ethnic group, marginalized and resistance 3 background lombok is a small island which is located in west nusa tenggara province and is inhabited by an aboriginal sasaknese group. before islam was introduced, the sasaknese people believed in the souls of their ancestors and the sacred things, and offered offerings on the sacred graves. islam was introduced to lombok island in the beginning of the 16th century by the mubalig (preachers) from java, bugis and makassar. the introduction of islam has resulted in a syncretism. it is this syncretism which has made the followers of islam classified into two; they are the followers of islam wetu telu and the followers of islam waktu lima. islam waktu telu is the mixture of the traditional belief (the ancestor’s belief) and islam waktu lima which has al-quran and hadist as the references. from the colonial era to the independence era, such a difference seemed to be made bigger. during the independence era, the followers of islam wetu telu was marginalized and under pressure. the reason is that the other parties (the government and the followers of islam waktu lima) considered that the followers of islam wetu telu were not the followers of islam. during the new order, the position of the followers of islam waktu lima was getting stronger, as they collaborated with the government. with the strength they had, they oppressed the traditional teachings of islam wetu telu which was considered to contradict the real teachings of islam. however, the followers of islam wetu telu still believe that their belief has given them blessings and enthusiasm to survive and that it contains moral messages from their ancestors. such a condition has inspired the government to create some strategies how to avoid the traditions and customs which are related to the islam wetu telu carried out by the sasaknese ethnic group residing at bayan district from growing because it has been considered to contradict the real teachings. such a difference in insight and understanding has led to the resistance made by the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group residing at bayan district, north lombok regency to the hegemony imposed by the government. 4 discussion the hegemony imposed by the government upon the wetu telu sasaknese etnic group residing at bayan district, north lombok regency, includes a number of particular aspects such as religious ideological, socio political, socio cultural and educational aspects. in religious ideological aspect, the hegemony imposed has been in the form of some attempts made by the government to make the followers of islam wetu telu implement the teachings of islam as included in the holy books of al-quran and hadist. with the power it has and by collaborating with the followers of islam waktu lima, the government could fade and eliminate the customs and traditions related to islam wetu telu performed by the sasaknese ethnic group residing at bayan district. the reason was that it was considered to contradict the real teachings of islam. in addition, the government’s ideology was also implemented in the form of the construction of islam waktu lima mosques with the objective that the followers of islam wetu telu would not address their prayers at the old mosques any longer. they were made to address their prayers at waktu lima mosques because the old ones were considered not to match what was ideally needed to make them ideal holy places. in the dakwah (religious proselytizing) delivered, it was insisted that it was important to refer to the true and real teachings of islam. in socio political aspect, the hegemony imposed by the government was in the form of controlling the land owned by the followers of islam wetu telu residing at bayan district which was then used as the land of transmigration especially for the followers of islma waktu lima. in this manner, the government could extend and spread the islam orthodoxy at the area where the followers of wetu telu live, that is, in bayan district. islam waktu lima mosques, madrasah schools and pondok pesantren (school for koranic studies for children and young people, most of whom are boarders). the attempts made by the government to empower the religious leaders (known as tuan guru) in delivering dakwah islamiyah (islamiyah religious proselytizing) finally narrowed the movements of the traditional leaders of islam wetu telu, meaning that the identity of their community was threatened. in socio cultural aspect, the government used the old mosques, the traditional costumes, the traditional ceremonies as tourist 5 attractions as well as perisean and gegeruk dances as the arts of lombok, west nusa tenggara province. in educational aspect, the hegemony was imposed by sending the traditional leaders and the government civil servants coming from the community of islam wetu telu living at bayan district to the training programs and by building madrasah schools and pondok pesantren close to the governmental offices so that their security and sustainability could be maintained. it was also intended to inform to the followers of islam wetu telu living at bayan district that it was important for them to understand islam totally. the resistance of the followers of islam wetu telu to the ideological domination of the government which collaborated with the followers of islam waktu lima was shown by their refusal of the political discourse of the government. such a refusal was realized by tightening the customary rules and regulations and revitalizing and maintaining the belief inherited from their ancestors and by avoiding their leaders known as kyai keagungan (penghulu, lebe, ketib and mudim) from communicating too much with outsiders. they could only communicate within the kampu (the area where the followers of islam wetu telu and their leaders usually met). their resistance was also shown by refusing the assistance in the form of mosque construction, not attending shalat jumat (ritual prayers performed on fridays) and pengajian at the mosque. the social political resistance was shown by throwing something at their mosques to express that they did not agree with what had been done by the government to control their land and to give it to the followers of islam waktu lima. in addition, they did not agree with the content of the dakwah delivered by the preachers (tuan guru) who were the followers of islam waktu lima or orthodox islam either. the religious and traditional leaders of islam wetu telu at bayan district was made so deeply disturbed that there was no harmonious relationship between them and tuan gurus or ustads (islamic teachers). therefore, they were not welcome by the community of wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group at bayan district. socio culturally, their resistance was shown by protesting that they were not involved in the competition of the local traditional costumes. 6 with regard to educational aspect, the resistance was shown by the refusal given by the traditional leaders and the government civil servants who were followers of islam wetu telu not to attend the training program in which the participants where trained to be preachers and jemaah tabliq. the resistance was also shown by their refusal of madrasah schools or pondok pesantren. they showed this by not sending their children to these types of schools which were considered to give lessons related to islam orthodoxy and to contradict the tradition and culture inherited from their ancestors. the effects of the hegemony imposed by the government and the resistance shown by the followers of islam wetu telu at bayan district were that they socially affected the community, they were responsible for the paradox of cultural preservation, and they narrowed the power of the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group at bayan district. in addition, the politics of power performed by the government by collaborating with the followers of islam waktu lima led to a disharmony in the community. to give meanings to the attempts made by the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group living at bayan district, a struggle was needed to maintain their collective identity. in this manner, they would have a self identity and the government and the followers of islam waktu lima would be aware that they should appreciate the customs, the traditions, and the belief of the followers of islam wetu telu living at bayan district. in addition, an understanding that a culture was the form of appreciation and creativity of the community of wetu telu sasaknese etnic group living at bayan district needed to be maintained and preserved by its community. when activities were done and rituals were performed at the old mosques, the government and the followers of islam waktu lima should not interfere with them provided what was done was within the human limitations so that the meaning of cultural preservation could be provided. such a cultural preservation could improve the relationship between the followers of islam wetu telu at bayan district and the government and the followers of islam waktu lima. by appreciating the culture of wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group at bayan district, tolerance, togetherness and the sense of belonging to one family among the community elements at bayan district, north lombok regency would be created. and this would lead to unity. it is also hoped the government and the followers of islam waktu lima would not interfere too much with the customs and belief of wetu telu 7 sasaknese ethnic group living at bayan district. the government should respect humanity and keep anthropocentrism away. in other words, the government should not consider that the other parties were not important and that it was not everything or was the most powerful. in this manner, the lombok great proverb patuh patuh pacu would come true. what is meant by this proverb is togetherness, family atmosphere and unity. in addition to the philosophical and multicultural meaning, the creativity of the wetu telu sasaknese ethnic group at bayan district should be appreciated, respected and be equally treated. from the dynamism taking place, it is important to maintain and preserve the cultures of ethnic groups which beautify and form the national culture. new findings of the research the new findings of the research are as follows: 1. theoretically, most of the sasaknese people were not familiar with the differences in religious teachings; however, the implementations were adjusted to different customs and cultures; 2. the differences of what was believed by the wetu telu sasaknese etnic group from the teachings of islam and its traditions formed the historical experiences undergone by the community of the sasaknese etnic group in lombok, west nusa tenggara. 3. as the central institution, the government should mediate and protect all the community members. however, in reality, the government was not considered to protect and serve the community optimally; consequently, refusal or opposition could not be avoided and this was not in accordance with the concept of multiculturalism. 4. the mission of the dakwah delivered by tuna gurus and their followers in spreading orthodox islam scared the religious and traditional leaders of the wetu telu sasaknese people at bayan district. the reason is that the mission of such dakwah was considered a threat on the preservation of the great values already inherited from their ancestors. 5. the meanings which appeared from the hegemony imposed by the government and the resistance of the wetu telu sasaknese people living at bayan district 8 were that the meaning of disharmony, the meaning of instability and the meaning of being ironic. 6. the government, as the ruler, played an important role in implementing the power. the government and the followers of islam waktu lima should not be anthropocentric that they were the only most important parties and the most powerful. they should maintain togetherness, family atmosphere and unity so that a civilized, nationally moralized multicultural community would be created. conclusions the first conclusion is that the hegemony imposed by the government upon the wetu telu sasaknese etnic group at bayan district, north lombok regency, includes a number of particular aspects. they are religious ideological aspect, socio political aspect, socio cultural aspect and educational aspect. in religious ideological aspect, the government suggested that every muslim should address his/her prayers at any mosque of islam waktu lima. in socio political aspect, the government controlled the land belonging to the wetu telu sasaknese etnic group at bayan district and empowered the religious teachers (known as tuan guru/ustad) to deliver islamiyah dakwah . in socio cultural aspect, the government preserved the culture of the wetu telu sasaknese people at bayan district such as old mosques, traditional houses and arts as tourist attractions. even their arts were used to represent the arts of west nusa tenggara barat province. in educational aspect, the traditional leaders and the government civil servants coming from the wetu telu ethnic group were sent to attend the religious training programs and madrasah and pondok pesantrens were established. the second conclusion is that the resistance of the wetu telu sasaknese people at bayan district was shown by their refusal of the assistance in the form of rehabilitation of the old mosques, by not attending the pilgrimage to the holy place mekkah, and not addressing their prayers at any mosque. in addition, they did not attend the sholat performed at any mosque and if they did, the left the mosque before the dakwah was delivered. their socio cultural resistance was shown by protesting the government that they were not fully involved in any competition of local costumes. in educational aspect, their resistance was shown by refusing to be sent to any training program, by disagreeing 9 with the establishment of madrasah schools or pondok pesaren in which the teachings of orthodox islam were provided, which, according to them, contracted their tradition and culture. the third conclusion is that the effect of being dominated by the government on the socio community life of the wetu telu sasaknese people at bayan district was that they felt less comfortable and less peaceful. such a domination sharpened the differences in their views in such a way that it would result in disharmony. the islam orthodoxy and the islamiyah dakwah delivered by tuan gurus/ustads would threat their tradition and culture and finally would fade their culture. the meaning obtained by maintaining their tradition and culture was the meaning of struggling for identity. by preserving the culture as the appreciation and creativity of the wetu telu sasaknese community at bayan distict, the meaning of cultural preservation would be obtained. it is hoped, therefore, that the government should respect the human values highly, in addition to maintaining togetherness, family atmosphere and unity so that a multicultural community as the realization of civilized and nationally moralized human beings would come true. bibliography adonis, tito. 1989. suku terasing di bayan daerah propinsi nusa tenggara barat. jakarta : depdikbud. dirjen kebudayaan. ali, m. muhammad. 1999. ”praktek keberagaman islam waktu telu di lombok nusa tenggara barat”. ”tesis”. program pascasarjana universitas muhammadiyah jakarta. barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies. yogyakarta : kreasi wacana. bocock, robert. 1986. hegemony. chichester : ellis horword limited. foucault, michael. 2002. pengetahuan dan metode, karya-karya penting (suntingan, terjemahan aesthetics, method and epistemology, essential works of foucault 1954-1984). yogyakarta : jalasutra. ghozali, adeng muchtar. 2005. pemikiran islam kontemporer. bandung : pustaka setia. gramsci, antonio. 1971. selections from prison notebooks. new york : internasional publisher. kaplan, david dan albert a. manners. 1999. teori budaya. jakarta : pustaka pelajar. 10 mcdonnell. 2005. teori-teori diskursus, kematian stukturalisme dan kelahiran postrukturalisme, dari althusser hingga foucault (terjemahan). jakarta : teraju-mizan. mudana, i gde. 2005. ”pembangunan bali nirwana resort di kawasan tanah lot : hegemoni dan perlawanan di desa beraban, tabanan, bali”. ”disertasi” : program pascasarjanan universitas udayana denpasar. parimartha, i gde. 1987. ”hubungan bali – lombok abad xvi : meniti karya sastra”. jurnal widya pustaka. denpasar : fakultas sastra unibersitas udayana. piliang, yasraf amir. 2004. dunia yang dilipat, tamasya melampui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta : jalasutra. ratna, nyoman kuta. 2005. sastra dan cultural studies : representasi fiksi dan fakta. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. simon, roger. 1999. gagasan-gagasan politik gramsci (cetakan 1, terjemahan). yogyakarta : insist press-pustaka pelajar. strinati, dominic. 2003. populer culture. yogyakarta : bentang budaya. syakur, a.a. 2006. islam dan kebudayaan “akulturasi nilai-nilai islam dalam budaya sasak”. yogyakarta : adab press. zaelani, kamarudin. 2007. satu agama banyak tuhan : melacak akar sejarah teologi waktu telu. mataram : pantheon media pressindo. joged dance in youtube kadek suartaya i made suastika i wayan dibia anak agung gde putra agung isi denpasar/e-mail: rector@isi-dps.ac.id abstract in indonesia joged bumbung is a dance which was created in bali; it is known as tari pergaulan, namely, a social dance which is performed to make friends; however, it has innovated so freely that it becomes a dance with pornographic movements presented vulgarly. the recording of such a dance can be easily watched in youtube; it can also be easily watched in shared video web sites, through which the users can download, watch and share different video clips free of charge. the problems of the present study are (1) what is the negative impact of the pornographic joged dance on the aesthetic values of joged bumbung; (2) how negatively people view the dancers and group of such a pornographic joged dance; (3) how negatively people view the balinese cultural art resulting from the fact that such a pornographic joged dance has been uploaded in youtube? the main objective of the present study is to identify the negative impact of the pornographic joged dance in youtube. the data were collected through observation, interview, and library research. the collected data were then analyzed descriptively and qualitatively using the phonological theory; and the qualitative method is used. it can be concluded that the pornographic joged is still watched in different parts of the island; it is watched every night. the government, art observers, and the society’s leaders are anxious about the negative impact of such a joged dance on those who are involved in its performance. therefore, the bali government has persuaded the dancers and groups that are involved in the performance of such a joged dance to return to the ethical choreography of the performing art of joged bumbung. the government has directly met them for this purpose; however, what has been done has not been successful yet. there were three negative impacts of such a joged dance presented in youtube. they are (1) the art value of the joged bumbung dance has become degraded; (2) the dancers have been immorally justified; and (3) the balinese art and culture have been distorted. keywords: joged, pornographic, youtube. introduction when you open the internet and search out youtube: joged bali, you will get surprised that what you watch is such an indonesian social dance is performed to inspire sexual desire. it is performed by several young women who wear the balinese identity-showing costume; they open the fabric they wear, expose their thighs, and serve the men who dance with them one by one with pornographic actions, and are watched by both young and old viewers. it has been presented on the on line media for the last 10 years. the bali government has taken persuasive steps that the joged dance should be performed politely; however, it has not been successful yet. in some parts of bali, it is so popular that the people refer to such a joged dance as joged youtobe; it is still presented until now. the joged dance is very popular in bali. there are several varieties of the joged dance, but the most popular one is the joged bumbung dance. such a dance is generally performed with free, active, and dynamic movement patterns (dibia, 1999: 39). it is generally performed as an amusing performance in secular propane events. in bali there are many groups of joged bumbung; some are protected by the villages where they exist and as independent art groups. one group is usually made up of 15 persons, 10 or 12 are males and are the gamelan players and three are females and the dancers. it is important to have beautiful dancers in the joged bumbung dance. however, recently something has been added, that is, the dancers should be brave enough to make unsteady ‘jaruh’ movements (in the balinese language, jaruh is equivalent to being pornographic). the braveness and vulgarity of the dancers are so dominant that the joged bumbung groups which maintain the performing aesthetics and ethics are scarcely invited to perform. on the other hand, more and more people have invited the groups or the dancers who are brave to show pornographic and vulgar movements. the phenomenon of the pornographic joged is responded by the development in the globalized technology. the technology of the recording media and the technology of telecommunication have made the interaction among people from different parts of the world easier. the intimacy with the internet and the sophistication of the recording media have also contributed to the presentation of the balinese pornographic joged dance in youtube with an average duration of three or five minutes. according to atmaja (2010: 261), the pornographic joged is moved by the invisible puppeteer, namely, the system of capitalistic capitalism and the market ideology which is the golden product of globalization. research method the existence of the pornographic video can also be explored from the commercial vcd recording which is freely sold in bali both in the urban area and rural area as well as from youtube. the actions made by the pornographic joged can also be watched from the direct performance. north bali has many groups of the pornographic joged. the vcd with the sensational topic “joged goyang maut” in 2002 was predicted to be performed by a joged group from padangbulia village, buleleng. many people know that such a joged dance has also been performed by the groups in the other regencies. blahkiuh village, badung regency, for example, has a joged bumbung group whose dancers are brave enough to show vulgar actions. when they were interviewed, they said that they showed such movements unconsciously; they said that they had been possessed by a spirit. the phenomenon of the pornographic joged which was uploaded in youtobe was identified through direct observation and in-depth interviews in which the interviewees were the dancers and the gamelan players as well as some representatives of the viewers. discussion conceptually, the word porno means absence. the word porno, which is frequently referred to as pornography, is a form of behavior which is erotically shown to inspire sexual desire or any material which is intentionally and only designed to inspire sexual desire (kamus besar bahasa indonesia, 1999: 696). pornography roughly represents or shows obscene, especially the human sexuality; it is created with fantasy as the objective (blackburn, 1994: 293). the pornographic or vulgar joged, according to the balinese people, is a joged dance which shows the movements which are beyond the norms referred to in the balinese performing arts as the movements made by the hip (ngegol) and the repeated backward and forward movements (the balinese word for that is ngangkuk). the joged dance, as a genre of the old performing art, is mentioned in the bali cultural art books. the book entitled dance and drama in bali (1973), which was written by beryl de zoete and water spies, discusses the joged dance with its function as a social dance which the rural people like very much. the book entitled kaja and kelod, which was written by i made bandem and fredrik eugene, gives useful information on the joged dance during the colonial era. in the bali royal era, the joged performing art was controlled by the king and other noblemen. a dutch health worker, dr. yacobs, described what he viewed in the joged dance which was performed in 1881 in a palace in bali (bandem, 1981: 126-127). yacobs was highly surprised that when the dancers, who were young girls, finished dancing, they approached the royal guests and were ready to serve “what was particularly assigned to them”. those who were the royal joged dancers felt extraordinarily proud; in addition, their families were also proud as well. apart from that, they were also the idols of their societies. their lives were guaranteed and their families were provided with rice fields to cultivate. in the past, during the era of kingdom and when women were regarded as being inferior, the joged dance was also performed to amuse males. however, era has changed and shifted. women are treated as they are. that is expected from the joged bumbung by the cultural observers and the leaders of the balinese society (bali post, 2002). however, the current problem is that when globalization dominates; when the boundaries among nations are widely opened; when people live permissively; when technology develops with its negative and positive impacts, the joged bumbung, as one of the cultural aesthetic expressions of the balinese people, has been trapped in a humiliated condition; it has been exposed freely in the internet by the development in the on line media of youtube. ethno-aesthetically, the joged bumbung dance is an art expression which should be appreciated. however, now there are many joged bumbung groups who show their pornographic movements and actions, making them humiliated. ironically, although they are humiliated morally, religiously, and aesthetically, the pornographic movements they show, have turned out to make them able to earn money easily. the mocking criticism given by many people has turned out to make them more popular; more and more people want them to perform the dance. there are no performances without pornographic movements and actions. the joged bumbung performing art with pornographic movements and actions which are regarded as being erotic seem to be always blamed, as facing what is called the fruit of simalakama. being brave to present erotic movements means that more and more people want the dancers of such a dance to dance but they are humiliated by many people. if they are not brave enough to present erotic movements, nobody will want them to perform it but no negative response is given to them; nobody will watch them. such things, if defined, reflect collisions, offering and bargaining, and withdrawing and extending the instable values in the current society. actually, sexual desire is not only identical with the joged bumbung dance. a similar thing can be found in an indonesian dance which is similar to the joged bumbung. the tayub performance, a dance which is performed in central java, will never be complete if pengibing (the male dancer) does not touch the female dancer’s bra with a reason that he intends to insert some money to the tayub dancer’s breast. even the ronggeng and dombred dances, which are performed in west java, are more immoral. in the past, especially in kerawang and indramayu, the dancers were generally still very young; however, they were allowed “to dance with” more intimately. conclusions and suggestions the pornographic joged dance presented in youtube can be analogized as the fire and the smoke. the fire is the dance itself as it is empirically real. the smoke rises with pungent smell and immorality in youtube. although it is not real and invisible, it really reaches every part of the world. it explores so wide space and both the people living in bali and those living in the other parts of the world internally view it as something which is negative. the dancers and the balinese cultural art are also negatively viewed. therefore, three negative impacts and views were withdrawn from the pornographic joged presented on youtube. the three negative impacts and views are as follows. first, the negative impacts and views resulting from the presentation of the pornographic joged on youtube are that the values of the beauty of the performing art and gamelan connote comberan. in other words, it should function as the performing art which strengthens togetherness in the social interaction, but the fact shows that it is performed as an immoral thing. second, the dancers of such a dance which is presented in youtube are humiliated by many people. as the art figures, they are justified as if they only took the opportunity available to them. third, the pornographic joged which is presented in youtube has also led to an anxiety that the lay people from the other parts of the world will generalize that bali is identical with pornography. there is, once again, there is an anxiety that those who are not familiar with the balinese cultural art, or those who only watch the pornographic joged presented in youtube, will raise a question: is the balinese cultural art so vulgar and banal? it is here that an anticipative strategy is needed as a response to the need for the reposition of the joged bumbung dance in the more civilized cultural space. the cultural reposition which should be strongly held is that such a dance should give priority to aesthetics and ethics and the erotic favor added to the performance should politely entertain the viewers. acknowledgements through this opportunity, allow me to thank the supervisors such as i made suartika, i wayan dibia, and anak agung gde putra agung and the e-journal of cultural studies which publishes this article. a word of appreciation should also go to the informants of the study. references atmaja, i negah jiwa. modifikasi tubuh perempuan: joged “ngebor” bali. program studi magister dan doktor kajian budaya universitas udayana dan pustaka larasan. denpasar, 2010. bandem, i made dan frederik deboer. kaja and kelod: balinese dance in transition. kuala lumpur: oxford university press, 1981. blackburn, simon. the oxford dictionary of philosophy, oxford university press, new york, 1994. dezoete, beryl ; spies, walter. dance and drama in bali. kuala lumpur: oxford university press, 1938. dibia, i wayan. selayang pandang seni pertunjukan bali. masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia. bandung, 1999. moeliono, anton m, dkk. kamus besar bahasa indonesia (kbbi). balai pustaka jakarta, 1990. 1. internet joged. diperoleh dari http://www.balipost.co.id/balipostcetak/2002/4/7/g1.html (diakses tanggal 6 agustus 2015). 1 spirituality of gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people in the globalisation era pulumun peterus ginting i nyoman kutha ratna i made suastika i wayan dibia universitas negeri medan email: pulumun@yahoo.com abstract the gendang ritual of death, which is performed by the karo ethnic people, has changed a lot in regard to its spirituality in the globalization era. such change, which has caused the gendang ritual of death to be secularized, results from the interaction between the local cultural elements and the global cultural ones; meaning that a new form and meaning have appeared. this present study is intended to identify, analyze and explain what such change is like, the factors contributing to it and its implication. this present study was designed as a qualitative study using the critical interdisciplinary and multidimensional approach of cultural studies. the theory of deconstruction, the theory of comodification, and the theory of semiotics were used to answer such questions. the data were analyzed descriptively, qualitatively, and interpretatively. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, documentary study, and library research. three conclusions were inferred from the present study. first, the form of the change in spirituality of the gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people in the globalization era; second, the factors contributing to such change; third, the meaning of such change. the study shows that the interaction between the local culture and global culture has marginalized the local cultural values; as a result, such a ritual has a new meaning, and is becoming degraded and secularized. keywords: spirituality, gendang ritual of death, karo ethnic group, and globalization era introduction the karo ethnic people have many types of rituals in their culture. the gendang ritual of death is one of the rituals which is importantly performed by the karo ethnic people. this present study contains the result of analysis of a cultural reality which has taken place in the karo society in the globalization era. such change which has caused the gendang ritual of death to be secularized results from the interaction between the local cultural elements and the global cultural ones; as a result, a new form and meaning have appeared. as far as the perspective of cultural studies is concerned, a study should raise an empirical field reality which is related to the matters pertaining to the cultural globalization (lubis, 2006: 186). the traditional musical equipment, which is referred to as gendang lima sedalanen, as one of elements of the gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic group, has been replaced by keyboard, meaning that, on one hand, there has been degradation, and on other hand, there has been secularization. this represents the fact that the karo ethnic people’s spirituality has interacted with the modern rationality (ginting, 2015: xii). to this end, this present study discusses the spirituality of the gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people in the globalization era. this present study is intended to identify what the change in spirituality of the gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people is like; understand the factors contributing to such change; and to interpret the meaning of such change in the spirituality of the gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people, and interpret the meaning of such change in the globalization era viewed from the cultural treasure of its supporting community. it is expected that the result of the present study will be theoretically and practically significant. in theory, it is expected that the result of the present study will give contribution not only in regard to cultural studies but also more than that. in practice, it is expected that the result of the present study will give comprehension, enlightenment, and emancipation which can be used to improve the socio-cultural condition through a scientific process. in addition, it is also expected that the result of the present study will give concepts to the government as to what to do when excavating the local cultural values. research method the qualitative method using the approach of cultural studies which is critical, interdisciplinary, and multidimensional in nature was used to answer the problems of the study. the data were obtained through library research, documentary study, field observation, and in-depth interview (ratna, 2010: 84). after the data were verified, the data were analyzed using several relevant theories such as the theory of deconstruction, the theory of ethnomusicology, the theory of comodification, and the theory of semiotics. discussion the findings of the present study include three things. first, the change in the spirituality of the gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people in the globalization era includes (a) the form of gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people, which reveals that death is a real life, that in death there is a life, and that in a life there is death; (b) the form of the gedang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people includes the karo ethnic people’s cosmology; (c) the form of what is locally referred to as landek (dancing), which includes traditional landek and ceremonial landek; (d) form of what is locally referred to as nuri-nuri (advice); (e) the form of what is locally referred to as ngandung (cry); (f) the form of what is locally referred to as rende perkolong-kolong (singing); (f) the form of keyboard and trumpet. second, the factors causing the spirituality of the gendang ritual of death to change in the globalization era are (a) the internal factors which include the fact that the supporting community of the gendang ritual of death is not narrowly viewed and not only limited to the graphical territory and genealogy, but the karo community is viewed as a community within a social organizational community, wherever its member lives. the artistic creativity which is involved in the gendang ritual of death is an accumulation of the creative way of thinking of the karo ethnic people from year to year. the karo identity, which is closely related to the economic, political and cultural factors and practices, is at the same time their cultural identity. (b) the external factors which include christianization, which has given ambivalent impression and has caused the karo ethnic people’s spirituality to be cracked (sembiring, 2010: 89). then there has been a pressure from the foreign culture which has caused the karo ethnic people to become the standardized community of commodities. the cultural industry cannot be separated from the development of the consumer society, namely, the society’s life which refers to a social condition in which consumption is the central point of life (piliang, 2004: 251). the cultural industry is one of the external factors which contribute to the gendang ritual of death. third, the meaning of the change in spirituality in the gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people in the globalization era includes (a) the representation of the karo ethnic people’s society through what is locally referred to as gendang lima sedalanen which functions to accompany the music, and the dance which is performed in the gendang ritual of death as “something which glues” all elements of the ritual. in addition, it is also used during the death procession, which contains various messages and expectations for the families of those who are dead. the meaning of the relation between the “gendang lima sedealanen”, both as an instrument and the musical sound it produces, cannot be separated from the kinship system in the karo ethnic society; (b) the representation of the karo ethnic people’s society through what is locally referred to as landek (dancing) which includes traditional landek and ritual landek; a movement is defined as a symbol which functions as the karo ethnic society’s philosophy; (c) the representation of the karo ethnic people’s identity through what is locally referred to as nuri-nuri (advice); it indicates that the families of those who are dead is sad; respect is also expressed through nuri-nuri to what is locally referred to as kalibumbu; (d) the representation of the karo ethnic people’s identity through what is locally referred to as ngandung (cry); showing condolence and, at the same time, strengthens the families of those who are dead, expressed through cries; (e) the karo ethnic people’s identity through what is locally referred to as rende (song) which is frequently used in the traditional rituals which are performed by the karo ethnic people especially if someone is dead; (j) the representation of the karo ethnic people’s identity through what is termed as gendang keyboard and the representation of the karo ethnic people’s identity through trumpet; the meaning also includes the cultural change. the novelties of the present study are as follows. first, the oral tradition of the gendang ritual of death shows that spirituality functions as the basic values and commitment of the karo ethnic people when they perform the rituals which they are supposed to perform. second, modernization and globalization, which has been unconsciously believed not to dominate, turn out to marginalize and degrade the local tradition. this present study reveals what has really taken place in the field, meaning that hegemony takes place based on the consensus and agreement collectively made. and third, the definition of the gendang ritual of death should be redefined. conclusion and suggestion it can be stated that death is a real life; in death there is a life and in a life there is death. the spirituality of the gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people in the globalization era is getting degraded and secularized, resulting from the internal and external factors. this present study significantly strengthens identity. such identity strengthening is represented by the identity of the karo ethnic people through the representation of gendang lima sedalanen (ensambel music karo). this present study is open to criticism; it is open to further research so that various dimensions of the spirituality of the gendang ritual of death performed by the karo ethnic people in the globalization era can be more critically and theoretically analyzed. the result of the present study can also be used to develop and enrich the cultural studies, and as an important reference containing the creativity of the karo ethnic people in particular, and those who live in north sumatera province, and indonesia in general in art. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the rector of udayana university, and director of school of postgraduate studies for the opportunity and facilities provided to the writer to join the doctorate program of cultural studies of udayana university. the writer would also like to thank prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u. as the supervisor; prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. and prof. dr. i wayan dibia, sst., m.a., as co-supervisors for their supervision and advice during the completion of this present study. finally, thanks are also expressed to all the other parties for helping the completion of this study. bibliography adlin, alfahri (ed.). 2007. spiritualitas dan realitas kebudayaan kontemporer. yogyakarta: jalasutra. barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies teori dan praktik. (terj. nurhadi). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. berry, thomas. 2013. kosmologi kristen. (terj. amelia hendani). maumere: ledalero. cooley, frank l. 1976. tim penelitian gbkp, dan staf proyek survei menyeluruh dgi, benih yang tumbuh iv, suatu survei mengenai gereja batak karo protestan. jakarta: lpgi. dibia i wayan, f.x. widaryanto dan endo suanda. 2006. tari komunal. jakarta: lembaga pendidikan seni nusantara. ginting, pulumun p. 2015. spiritualitas upacara gendang kematian pada etnik karo di era globalisasi disertasi doktor s3 kajian budaya universitas udayana. griffin, david ray. 2005. visi-visi postmodern spiritualitas dan masyarakat (terj. gunawan admiranto). yogyakarta: kanisius. hoed, benny h. 2008. semiotika dan dinamika sosial budaya. jakarta: fakultas ilmu pengetahuan budaya, universitas indonesia. lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2006. dekonstruksi epistemologi modern: dari posmodernisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga cultural studies. jakarta: pusaka indonesia satu (pis). kipp, rita smith. 1976. the ideology of kinship in karo batak ritual. degree of doktor of philosophy university of pittsburgh. merriam, alan p. 1964. the anthropology of music, chicago: northwestern university press. nakagawa, shin. 1999. musik dan kosmos sebuah pengantar etnomusikologi. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. piliang, yasraf amir. 2003. hipersemiotika tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna. yogyakarta: jalasutra. prinst, darwan. 2004. adat karo. medan: bina media. pudentia, mpss (ed). 2008. metodologi kajian tradisi lisan. jakarta: atl ratna, nyoman kutha. 2010. metodologi penelitian kajian budaya dan ilmu sosial humaniora pada umumnya. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. sembiring, norita n. 2010. ambivalensi hubungan terjajah dan penjajah dalam kristenisasi di tanah karo, sumatera utara. dalam budiawan (ed.) ambivalensi post-kolonialisme membedah musik sampai agama di indonesia. yogyakarta: jalasutra. hal. 73-92. singarimbun, masri. 1975. kinship, descent and alliance among the karo batak. usa: california university press. suastika i made. (ed.). 2008. isu-isu kontemporer cultural studies. denpasar: cv bintang warli artika. tamboen, p. 1952. adat-istiadat karo. jakarta: balai pustaka. weber, max. 2006 etika protestan dan spirit kapitalisme. (terj. utomo tw, yusup pria sudiarja). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. yusuf, iwan awaluddin. 2005. media, kematian dan identitas budaya minoritas. yogyakarta: uii press. resolution of traditional conflict between komuning traditional village and budaga traditional village in klungkung, bali i ketut wenten aryawan state polytechnic of bali prof. dr. i ketut mertha, s.h.,m.hum. prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a dr. i nyoman dhana, m.a email: wentenketut@gmail.com abstract this present study discusses the traditional conflict between budagatraditional village and kemoning traditional village, klungkung regency, bali province. the study is intended to (1) find out the resolution of the traditional conflict between kemoning traditional village and budaga traditional village which was dominated by majelisutamadesapakraman (mudp); (2) identify the mechanism through which the decision was made by mudp to settle such a traditional conflict; (3) identify the implication of the settlement of such a traditional conflict on the relationship between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditionalvillage after the decision was made by mudp. this present study is also aimed at finding out the picture of such a conflict between the two traditional villages. the study used the qualitative method. the data were collected through observation, interview, library research, and documentary study. the theoretical approach which includes the theory of hegemony, the theory of mediation, and the theory of deconstruction was also used. the result of the study shows that the local traditional law ‘awig-awigdesapakaraman’ could not always be used as a reference to settle the dispute between the two villages. every attempt made by the mudp in relation to the resolution which was proposed in the earlier stages was considered unfair. the mechanism through which such a conflict was settled was dominated by the mudp and did not show any decision which reflected the principles of mediation. the implication of the settlement of such a conflict between the two traditional villages was that the relationship between them had not been in harmony. keywords: resolution, traditional conflict, traditional village introduction the scope of the present study is only limited to the resolution of the traditional conflict between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village, klungkung regency, bali province. the sources available and what was observed from the social harmony and internal conflicts among the balinese people, an interesting fact, which inspired the writer to explore such a conflict, was found. on one hand, several researchers concluded that the balinese culture have many local wisdoms which can potentially contribute to the social harmony, as stated by robinson that the balinese people are friendly and harmonious. however, many researchers also stated that the local wisdoms which contribute to the social harmony are only what are expected by the balinese people both those who live in bali and outside bali. it can be understood that basically the traditional conflicts in bali are within the context of fighting over the assets which a village has such as the cemetery and temple. similarly, the traditional conflict between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village basically took place within the context of fighting over the asset they have, namely, the cemetery and temple. the settlement of such a conflict was dominated by the mudp (majelisdesapakraman). the implication of such a conflict on the relationship between the two traditional villages is interesting to be explored in the present study. based on the background of the study described in the background above, the problems of the study can be formulated into three questions; they are (1) why the settlement of the conflict between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village was dominated by the mudp (majelisutamadesapakraman); (2) how was the mechanism through which such a conflict was settled for the parties that were competent in it so decisions were made by the mudp; (3) what was the implication of such a conflict on the relationship between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village after the decision was made by the mudp. the theories which were used to analyze the problems of the study are the theory of hegemony, the theory of mediation, and theory of deconstruction. this present study was intended to picture and understand the traditional conflict between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village. academically, it is expected that the novelty of the study may contribute to the socio-culture based sciences, traditional law and the dresta (tradition) prevailing in bali in general and at budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village in particular. in practice, it is expected that the novelty of the study may be useful to the traditional village leaders and the governmental institutions. research method an interview guide, an observational format, a documentation sheet, and a camera were used as the instruments for collecting the data in the present study. the object of the study was directly observed in order to obtain the information related to the problems of the study. the question and answer technique involving two or more people was also used to collect the data needed. such an interview was systematically held and based on the objective of the study. the documentary study was done by collecting both the written data and the data in the form of pictures. the data were classified so that they could be easily analyzed. various references, the result of the interview, and the result of the data which were traced were processed through stages of analysis; they are data reduction, data display and conclusion drawing. dicussion gramsci argues that to make power eternal two things are needed. first, the things which can lead to violence; in other words, what is needed is the power which can use law enforcement. such a thing is usually implemented by the state through its legal institutions such as the law, soldiers, the police and even the prison. second, the other thing which is needed is the ability to persuade people and their institutions to be faithful to the ruler through education, arts, religions and even families. this is usually done by the civil society through its institutions such as the non-governmental organization, socio-religious institutions, and interest groups. if power is only acquired through the first, the result will be “domination”; on the other hand, if power is acquired through the second through the institutions related to it, people will be faithful to the ruler, and this can be acquired through religious life, education, arts and even families, and the result will be “hegemony”. as the traditional conflict between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village was settled by mudp using pressure the result was domination, meaning that, as far as the settlement of such a conflict is concerned, the two villages were dominated by mudp. based on the theory of mediation, mediation involves a mediator, namely, the neutral party. in addition, in theory, mediation should be made based on several philosophical foundations as stated in the principles of mediation. one of such philosophical foundations is that everything which is discussed in the meeting held by the mediator and the parties that are involved in the conflict should be kept secret; nothing can be exposed to the public. in addition, the mediator should keep the secrecy of the content of what is mediated. the parties that are involved in the conflict should voluntarily come to the mediator that will mediate the conflict. empowerment means that, actually, the party that comes to the mediator has the ability to negotiate the conflict and make the agreement it expects. the mediator is only the witness. neutrality means that the mediator only mediates the process and the parties involved in the conflict keep the content. a unique solution is the solution which is made through the mediation process which is not in accordance with the legal standard; it is made through the process of creativity of the parties involved in the conflict. as far as the conflict between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village is concerned, the mechanism through which the settlement was made by mudp did not lead to such a solution; as a result, the decision made did not reflect fairness for the two parties. as a final conclusion, according to derrida, there is neither single certainty nor single truth. the only thing which can be stated to be a certainty or truth is the uncertainty of game. therefore, everything should be deferred while being free with differences. this is what is referred to as postmodernity, namely, the game of certainty. based on the implication of the settlement of the conflict between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village after the decision was made by mudp, it is suggested that the mudp bali should nothave made the decision in a hurry. what is meant is that the decision should be deferred, and then the resolution of the conflict should be acquired through negotiations; in addition, the settlement should be amicably made by the two villages which were involved in the conflict in their own way without being interfered by any other parties including the mudp bali. that was not done by the mudp bali as the mediator, causing the relationship between the two villages not to be in harmony. conclusion and suggestion basically, the attempt made by mudp to settle the traditional conflict between budaga traditional village and kemoning traditional village failed in the earlier stages. such a failure could not be separated from the resoluteness offered in every attempt made to settle the conflict which was considered unfair by the two parties. the mdup bali considered that both the mediation and decision proposed by the two parties were the authorization or domination to it; as a result, it could make the decision, which was unfair, freely. the mechanism through which the conflict between budayapakaraman village and kemoning traditional village was settled was still dominated by the mudp bali. in addition, the decision made did not reflect the principles of mediation, negotiation, and solution. the implication was that the relationship between the two villages was less harmonious. it is suggested that the conflict between the two villages should not be dominated by the mudp bali. in the mechanism through which the conflict was settled should have referred to theory of mediation. the mudp bali should consider the implication on the harmonious relationship between the two villages after the decision was made. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank all the parties, which cannot be mentioned one by one, for their assistance in the forms of facilities and funding provided to the writer. references abg. satria naradha, 2002. seputar desa pakraman dan adat bali dalam surpha i wayan. denpasar : pustaka bali post. barker, c. 2000.cultural stsudies : teori dan praktek. yogyakarta : kreasi wacana hadi, sutrisno. 1993. metodo research. lilid i. yogyakarta: andi ofset koesnoe, moh.1979.catatan-catatan terhadap hukum adat dewasa ini. surabaya : airlangga university press. koentjaraningrat. 1974. kebudayaan, mentalitet dan pembangunan. jakarta : pt gramedia lubis, akhyasr yusuf. 2014. postmodernisme teori dan metode. jakarta : pt raja grafindo persada marzuki. 1987. metodologi riset. yogyakarta: gadjahmada university press moleong, j. lexy. 1989. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. cetakan i. bandung: remaja karya milles, m.b, dan huberman, a.michael. 1992. analisis data kuaitatif. (tjetjep rohendi rosidi). jakarta: university indonesia press. nordholt, hank schulte, 2004. ”des adat, desa dinas, dan desa pakraman di bali : tinjauan historis kritis”., dalam i wayan ardika dan i nyoman darma puta, (ed). politik kebudayaan dan identitas etnik . denpasar: fakultas satra unud. hal 15-59. robinson, geoffrey. 1955. the daerk side of paradise. political violence in bali. london : cornel university press. sudipa, i nyoman. 2014. ”kemiskinan dalam perkembangan industri pariwisata di kelurahan ubud”. disertasi s3. kajian budaya program pasca sarjana denpasar: universitas udayana power relation in management of nusa dua tourist resort, bali i gusti ketut purnaya i wayan ardika i gede mudana email: igkpurnaya@gmail.com, igedemudana@yahoo.com abstract nusa dua tourist resort has been an important part of the development and growth of tourism industry in bali. therefore, the presents study was intended to analyze and answer the following questions: (1) what was the form of the power relation among the three stakeholders such as the government, the investors, and the local people in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort like after reformation from 1998 to 2013? (2) what ideologies contributing to the power relation in the management of the resort? (3) what was the meaning of the power relation among the three stakeholders such as the government, the investors and the local people, in such a management? it was found that the power relation in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort was affected by the hegemonic power, the negotiation power, and the oppositional power. the ideologies which contributed to the power relation in the management of the resort included the ideology of global tourism, the ideology of green tourism in the management of the resort and the ideology of the local culture in culture tourism. the struggle for the meaning of the power relation in the management of the resort among the three pillars (the government/btdc, the investors, and the local people) would take place continuously. the three pillars gave different meanings, depending on their respective positions and interests. keywords: nusa dua tourist resort, power relation, hegemony, negotiation, oppositional, and ideology of global tourism. introduction from 1983 to 2013 the nusa dua tourist resort became an important part of the development and growth of the tourism industry in indonesia in general and in bali in particular. since it was constructed, it had been managed by a state-owned company through the bali tourism development corporation (btdc). in 1980s and 1990s, tourism proved itself that it was one of the state important foreign exchange generators. the hotel industry, transportation business, travel agencies, the export of ready-made wear also developed, following the growth of tourism. this present study focuses on the power relation among the three pillars in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort. the three pillars include the government, in this case, btdc, the investors which manage the accommodation business and the other businesses related to the services provided to tourists at the nusa dua tourist resort, and the local people. the power relation took place from the land where the nusa dua tourist resort was constructed was freed, its construction, management, operation to the time when the present study was conducted. the power relation in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort was identified from how the three stakeholders were involved in the process of negotiation of various issues in order to achieve their respective objectives. the process of what was done at nusa dua fluctuated; it was not a simple process; it was fully dynamic between negotiation and compromise; in addition, it reflected the interactions among the pillars based on the power they had respectively. in general, this present study was intended to identify the power relation among the three pillars, namely, the government (btdc), the investors, and the local people in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort. before, the area, where the resort is located, was too dry to be an agricultural area; then it was changed into a resort which rapidly developed into a green and beautiful one with its great potential of tourism-based economy. however, nusa dua was never free from the socio-cultural problems. in this context, it was interesting to trace the form, ideology, and meaning of the power relation among the three stakeholders of the resort. in particular, this present study was intended to (a) identify the form of the power relation among the three stakeholders, namely, the government, the investors, and the local people in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort, bali; (b) identify the ideology contributing to the power relation in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort, bali; (c) identify the meaning of the power relation among the three stakeholders, namely, the government, the investors, and the local people in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort, bali. in theory, it was expected that the result of the present study would give theoretical understanding of the forms of the power relation among the three pillars directly related to the development and management of the nusa dua tourist resort (the government, the investors, and the local people). in addition, it was also expected that the result of the present study would be significantly useful to cultural studies, especially the attempts made to understand conceptually the relation among the government, the investors, and the local people at the nusa dua tourist resort. what seemed to be simple on the surface, if critically traced from the cultural studies, could give a new understanding of the patterns of the power relation which was part of and contributed to the development and management of the nusa dua tourist resort. in practice, it was expected that the result of the present study would give contribution to the decision maker related to the development and management of the nusa dua tourist resort which contributed to the improvement of the local people’s prosperity so its sustainability could be maintained. in addition, it was also expected that the result of the present study could give ideas which could be used to develop the tourism industry in indonesia in general and in bali in particular, especially the development of the people-oriented tourist resort. it was also expected that the result of the present study could make the local people critically aware that they were not the object of the development of tourism around the nusa dua tourist resort. three theories were used to analyze the problems of the present study from the perspective of cultural studies. they are (1) the theory of hegemony proposed by antonio gramsci, (2) the theory of discourse of power/knowledge proposed by michel foucault, (3) the theory of communicative action proposed by jurgen habermas. they were adopted from the critical social theories of postmodern which were eclectically applied. the method used was the qualitative-interpretative method in accordance with the domain of humaniora research. research method this present study of cultural studies was designed as a qualitative one using the phonological approach. it is not only related to what is done and uttered by human beings but also to the texts and context in society. the data can also be in the form of the pictures which can be described. the study was conducted at benoa subdistrict, south kuta district, badung regency, which includes three traditional villages such as bualu traditional village, peminge traditional village, and kampial traditional village. geographically, the nusa dua tourist resort cannot be separated from benoa subdistrict, which has been popularly known as one of the best resorts in the world. the primary data were obtained from the three pillars, namely the government/btdc, the investors, and the local people. the secondary data were obtained from observation, scientific journals, documents and so forth. the informants in the present study were those who were considered having knowledge and who were involved in the relation of the three pillars (the government, the investors, and the local people). the supporting instruments used to collect the data were a tape recorder, a camera and a note book. the relevant data were collected using the techniques of observation, interview, documentation and library. the data were analyzed in four stages (sugiyono, 2005: 101) such as the domain analysis, the taxonomic analysis, the componential analysis, and the cultural theme analysis. result and discussion the nusa dua tourist resort used to be a dry and not productive agricultural area; it could not guarantee the life of those living around nusa dua. it was then changed into a money generator by the government and investors. the development of the nusa dua tourist resort was one of the main programs of the new order government in the development of the tourism industry as the foreign exchange generator. in 1980s, when the price of the world’s oil decreased, the government tried to find a new alternative of revenue. tourism was one of the things which was considered being able to generate foreign exchange apart from the exports of oil and textile (erawan, 1994). the fact showed that in 1980s and 1990s, tourism proved itself to be one of the important sources of the state revenues. the hotel industry, transportation business, travel agencies, and export of ready-made wear also developed, following the development of tourism. the construction of the star hotels at nusa dua proved how dynamic the tourism business in 1980s in bali was. although nusa dua had been changed into an income generator, many people were not happy with the management of the nusa dua tourist resort. the struggle of the three pillars still appeared when the study was conducted; each held and struggled for their respective interests. the result of the study showed three things. first, the form of the power relation in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort could be directly and indirectly identified; the three pillars had hegemonic power and negotiation power in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort for the sake of their respective interests. it was also identified that there was oppositional power from a group of the local people with their own interests. in this action, the hegemonic power played an important role and affected every action done by the three pillars with their respective interests. second, the ideologies which contributed to the power relation in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort could be differentiated into three. the ideology of green tourism was affected by the interest in environment. it was affected by the non government organization which was concerned about environment as its view was that what was done by tourists would only damage the area they visited. every hotel or investor which could maintain green tourism and conserve environment would obtain the earth check certificate. the ideology of the local culture in culture tourism could not be separated from the ideology of thk (tri hita karana) which is glorified by the balinese people, especially by the bali hindus. when the study was conducted, tkh changed its function; it became a certificate which would be provided to every hotel which could fulfill the standard already determined by the bali post media group as the provider of the thk award. third, the struggle for meaning of the power relation in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort could be described as follows. from the government’s point of view, the nusa dua tourist resort could support the state economy; it could generate foreign exchange for the state; the investors would pay taxes for the hotels they constructed and managed. in addition to increasing the state economy, tourism could also improve the economy of those living around the nusa dua tourist resort. from the investors’ point of view, the resort could benefit them for the money they had invested as the tourism in bali island had been internationally known for its beauty. however, from the local people’s point of view, the meaning they provided to the existence of the resort would never come to an end, as many meanings would appear from the surface, depending on who would provide the meaning and what for. many local people assessed that the nusa dua tourist resort could improve their economy and open job opportunities, meaning that their standard of living and level of education could be better. however, many others felt that they were inflicted as they felt that they had not received reasonable compensation for their land. at the same time, the local people kept making attempts to have the opportunity provided by the tourism-based economy as the outcome of the existence of the hotels constructed at the nusa dua tourist resort. such attempts continuously led to negotiations among the three pillars at nusa dua. conclusion and suggestion based on the deep analysis described above, several conclusions could be drawn as follows. first, the form of the power relation in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort among the three pillars, namely, the government, the investors, and the local people changed radically. when the resort was planned and constructed during the new order era, there was hegemonic power relation; the management was marked by the negotiation power relation among the three pillars; after the reformation era to the time when the study was conducted there was oppositional power relation. second, the power relation among the government, the investors, and the local people in the management of the nusa dua tourist resort was affected by three ideologies; they are the ideology of global tourism, the ideology of green tourism, and the ideology of the local value-based culture. third, when giving meaning to the nusa dua tourist resort, each pillar had different strategies, depending on their respective positions and interests. it is suggested to btdc, as the management of the nusa dua tourist resort, that it should pay attention to the condition of the people living around it. it is also suggested that it should give compensation to those who had not received any for their land used as the location of the nusa dua tourist resort. in this way, it is expected that there will not be any dispute between the management and those who claimed for the compensation. it is suggested that the hotels located at the nusa dua tourist resort can open more job opportunities for those living around nusa dua so that they will have jobs which suit their abilities. giving a priority to the outsiders who are more competent over the local people should be avoided; the local people should not be forgotten. it suggested to the researchers in cultural and tourism studies that they should conduct further research concerning the environmental practice and the struggle for relation/discourse available; there are still many things to explore, especially those who involve the three pillars in the development of tourism. acknowledgement in this good opportunity, the writer would like to thank and appreciate prof. dr. i nyoman darma putra, m.litt., prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., dr. i gede mudana, m.si. for their critical scientific supervision, full attention, diligence, and carefulness to make this article more perfect. bibliography agger, ben. 2006. teori sosial kritis: kritik, penerapan dan implikasinya. yogyakarta : kreasi wacana. althusser, louis. 2010. tentang ideologi: marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies. yogyakarta: jalasutra. bocock, robert. 1986. hegemony. chichester : ellis horword limited. erawan, i nyoman. 1994. pariwisata dan pembangunan ekonomi: bali sebagai kasus. denpasar: upada sastra. lewis, jeff. 2008. cultural studies: the basics. london: sage. mccarthy, thomas. 2009. teori kritis jurgen habermas. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. picard, michel. 1996. cultural tourism and touristic culture. singapore: archipelago press. sugiyono. 2005. memahami penelitian kualitatif. bandung: alfabeta. 1 microsoft word i wayan windia 1 customary conflict and banishment ‘kasepekang’ at bungaya traditional village, karangasem regency, bali: in the perpective of cultural studies i wayan windia1 , i gde parimartha2, tjok istri putri astita3, nyoman drama putra2   1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3faculty of law, udayana university e-mail: parisudha@yahoo.com i. introduction 1.1 background every traditional village in bali has a strong social organization system to create harmony for its society, including the local genius (wales, 1948) which can establish peaceful situation such as: paras-paros salunglung sebayantaka (always together when happy and unhappy), tri hita karana (three things resulting in welfare, that is, harmonious relationship between man and the almighty, man and his fellow man, man and his environment). this has made powell (1930) call bali island “the last paradise”. this does not mean that bali is free from conflicts. based on the researches conducted by agung (1974; 2001), triguna (1997); pitana (1997; 1999); windia (2000); atmaja (2001); dwipayana (2001); rai (2004); kerepun (2004); robinson, 2006), bali has never been free from any conflicts not every conflict which happens at a traditional village can be stated to be a customary conflict. as stated by ter haar (1991), a customary conflict arises when there is a customary violation which makes the atmosphere at the village not in harmony. out of 112 conflicts which happened at the traditional villages between 1999 and 2005 only 57 or 50, 9 % can be categorized as the customary conflicts. the doers of the conflicts can be given sanctions ranging from the lightest one, that is, warning (pamiteket) to the heaviest one; that is, customary banishment (kasepekang = being fired from the traditional village membership.) out of 57 customary conflicts which have happened in bali, 24 have been settled by the sanction of kasepekan). from the researches conducted, it has been found out that out of 14 traditional villages at bungaya 12 have applied the customary banishment. the people who have received such banishments are called krama nanggulang meaning the members of the village who are isolated at their own villages for certain cases, but are still considered as the members of the villages. a different case happened in 2004, when i ketut surajana adi putra and his families were not only customarily banished by banjar adat kecicang (the smallest traditional neighbourhood after the village) but also 2 by bungaya traditional village. consequently, they were not krama nanggulang anymore and they were also fired from the membership of bungaya traditional village customary conflicts followed by customary banishments are becoming one of the problems in the existence of the traditional villages in bali, if viewed from the human right point of view. however, no deeper researches have been conducted so far on this matter. investigating customary conflicts from the perspective of cultural studies, the theory of hegemony, the theory of conflicts, and the critical legal studies is necessarily conducted in order to find easier solutions to the conflicts. . 1.2 statement of the problems this research was conducted to analyze and answer the following three problems; (1) the factors which have caused conflicts and customary banishment at bungaya traditional village, (2)the mechanism of settling the conflicts, and (3) the effect and meaning of customary conflicts and their banishment (kasepekang) at this village. 1.3 objectives of the research the general objective of the research is to investigate the customary conflicts which are settled by customary banishment (kasepekang) at bungaya traditional village. the specific objectives of the research are: (1) explaining the factors which have caused the conflicts and the customary banishment at bungaya village; (2) explaining the mechanism of settling the conflicts, (3) explaining the effect and meaning of the customary conflicts and their banishment (kasepekang) at this village, and (4) analyzing the solutions and the effect of the customary conflicts which are settled by the customary banishment (kasepekang). 1.4 significance of the research academically, the result of the research can (1) contribute to the development of the sociocultural studies, especially the balinese customary law; (2) be used as the basis for further and deeper researches. practically, the result of the research will be beneficial to: (1) the leaders of the traditional village (prajuru) in handling the conflicts; (2) the traditional villagers (krama desa) in understanding the customary sanctions; and (3) the governmental institutions in motivating the villagers ( krama desa) to be aware of balinese cultural values. ii. literary review, concepts, theoritical framework and research model 2.1 literary review a customary conflict is one of the problems at the traditional villages in bali. however, only a few intellectuals and researchers in bali have been interested in investigating this matter. furthermore, what they have investigated is only presented in the form of research reports. those researchers are dherana (1975), januariawan (1996), suderti (1997), and windia (2000). they have focused more on the customary conflicts and their sanction kasepekang in the legal perspective. a deep research on traditional villages and balinese customary law was carried out by v.e. korn (1932), while 3 warren (1993) conducted a research on the relationship between traditional villages and official villages within the system of the republic of indonesia. they also discussed about the customary banishment (kasepekang), but their discussions were not deep. putra agung (2001), rai (2004), and triguna (1997) are also interested in the customary banishment but their researches are only related to their expertise. the customary conflicts and banishment cannot only be investigated from the legal perspective but they are necessarily investigated from multidisciplinary approaches such as the theory of conflict, the theory of law, the critical legal studies, and other critical social theories such as the theory of hegemony which is common in cultural studies. 2.2 concepts there are four concepts that are used in this study; they are the concepts of customary conflicts, customary banishment, traditional villages, and cultural studies. a cultural conflict is a conflict which happens at a traditional village and its members. the conflict arises because of the violation of the traditional norms and /or hindu norms and after the punishment is imposed; those who break the norms are not prepared to fulfill what they are obliged to by the traditional village resulting in a conflict between them. the customary banishment (kasepekang) means being sacked from the village membership. this means that those upon whom the sanctions are imposed do not necessarily do what they have been obliged to by the traditional village (swadharma) and that the privileges they have ever obtained from the traditional village (swadhikara) are supposed to be revoked. a traditional village is an organization in balinese society which are bound by three things; they are: (1) parahyangan which is in the form of holy places such as temples ; (2) palemahan which refers to the parcels of land occupied by the villagers (karang ayahan desa = the parcles of land which belong to the village, and karang gunakaya = the parcels of land which belong to the individuals) ; (3) pawongan which refer to the villagers who are hindus. cultural studies are an approach which aims at observing a subject matter from the point of view of cultural practice and observing its relation with power and analyzing the socio political context where culture manifests itself. 2.3 theoretical framework this research applies three theories such as: (1) the theory of conflict, (2) the theory of hegemony, and (3) critical legal studies. the theory of conflict is based on hegel’s dialectical philosophy which is then developed by karl max. the idea of this theory is that a conflict takes place when there is an economic gap. this is supported by ralf dahrendorf who says that conflict arises when the distribution of power and authority is not equal. however, in this study the conflict theory applied is that the one proposed by collins who states that a conflict takes place when there is a fight over wealth, power and prestige. the theory of hegemony is introduced by an italian philosopher, antonio gramsci. he states that this theory is established on the premise that ideas are important and that the physical strength is insufficient to control the socio 4 politics. in contrast, gramsci states that hegemony is a form of supremacy of a group or several groups over another or others. what is intended by supremacy in this case is ‘domination’, that is, power which is supported by physical strength. ccritical legal studies was firstly introduced in 1970 by richard a. posner in his book frontiers legal theory. this theory is under the theory of postmodern law which directs its analysis toward the context where law exists and views causal relationship between a doctrine and text with a reality (adji samekto, 2003). based on the above description, the research model can be diagrammed as follows: 2.4 research model iii. research method 3.1 location and nature of the research this research was conducted at a traditional village named bungaya, in karangasem regency. the reason why it was decided to be the location where the research was carried out is that there were some relatively long customary conflicts here.they appeared 1977 and were settled in 2007.based on the location, this study balinese customary law/rules and regulations of traditional villages customary conflicts and banishment at bungaya factors causing customary conflict and banishment kesepakang at bungaya socioculture / caste economics and politics/power settlement of customary conflict and banishment kesepakang at bungaya and the responses of the villagers involved in the conflict the effect of the customary conflict and banishment kasepekang on the life of the people at bungaya traditional village amendments in balinese customary law/rules and regulations of traditional villages 5 can be classified as a field research, and based on the nature of and scope, it can classified as a case study 3.2 types and data source the data employed in this study are quantitative and qualitative data which were obtained by interviewing the villagers and leaders who were familiar with the customary conflicts at bungaya traditional village. 3.3 data collection, analysis, and presentation the data were collected by nonparticipant observation, that is, by interviewing the leaders who were familiar with the conflicts and banishment of kasepekang by investigating several documents which are related to the conflicts and the banishment under study. then the data obtained were analyzed with reference to the theories relevant to the perspective of cultural studies. to support the analysis and the argument, some pictures, photographs and tables are also included. iv. results of the research 4.1 factors causing the customary conflicts and banishment at bungaya traditional village there were four factors causing the customary conflicts and banishment of kasepekang at bungaya traditional village from 1999 to 2005. they are: customary violation , economy, politics, and difference in perception in caste. among them, two are easily identified; they are different perception in caste and customary violation, whereas the factors which have something to do with economy and politics are not so clear. however, loss and gain in economy and the fight over power and influence at the traditional village are responsible for every customary conflict and banishment of kasepekang at bungaya traditional village. the customary conflict involving the bungaya traditional village and adi putra and friends which is the focus of this study resulted from different perception in caste. adi putra and friends were stated to break the customary law pertaining at the village, that is, they have added “i gusti” to their names since 1977. they have done this because they believe in the inscription (prasasti) inherited from their ancestors. 4.2 mechanism in handling the conflicts at bungaya in general, the conflicts at bungaya traditional village were settled in three mechanisms, they are: (1) the internal mechanism, which was done by the leaders starting from the smallest unit (tempekan), the higher one (traditional banjar) and the highest one (traditional village) with reference to the customary rules and regulations pertaining at the village. (2) the external mechanism, in which the customary conflicts were settled by the governmental institutions such as the police and court with reference to the criminal law (kuhp)and to the rules and regulations beyond kuhp.; (3) the combination of internal and external mechanism, that is, the traditional village leaders coordinated with the governmental institutions and other hindu-related organizations with reference to the rules and regulations applicable at bungaya traditional village, and other rules and regulations made by the hindu-related institutions and related to balinese customary law. 6 the customary conflicts between bungaya traditional village and adi putra and friends were initially settled by internal mechanism and finally by combined mechanism, which is the focus of this study, at the regent’s office in karangasem on the 5th of october, 2004. 4.3 effect and meaning of the customary conflicts and banishment (kasepekang) at bungaya village. the customary conflicts at bungaya traditional village affected both adi putra and friends and the traditional village itself. adi putra and friends encountered difficulties in carrying out their social and religious activities after the sanction kasepekang was imposed upon them. it also affected bungaya traditional village. there was an impression that the traditional village was awkwardly applied its rules and regulations on its members who broke the customary law. the important meaning of such a settlement is that imposing kasepekang, although in accordance with the applicable customary law, was not the best solution. in other words, it did not settle the conflicts perfectly. this means that the customary law so far applied at the traditional village should be interpreted within the context of diversity at the village. v. research findings theoretically, it was found that there was hegemony and a domination of one group over another at bungaya traditional village. however, no complete hegemony and domination was found because there was always an opposition. the opposition came from the group who felt to be dominated and hegemonized but had economic capital such as adi putra and friends in order to get access to cultural capital and social capital. the customary conflicts were made to appear not due to the inequity in the distribution of material, power and authority (the seen elements/sekala) but were also made to appear by the difference in belief (the unseen elements = niskala) such as the interpretation of the inscription inherited from their ancestors. a practical finding of this research was that the customary law and sanction were basically made to create harmony (kasukertan) both physicaly and mentally at the village. however, the customary law and sanction were found not to be in accordance with the era development and the human rights. in addition, it was found that such a sanction was applied following the irresponsible big voices (briuk siu) instead of the rules and regulations. the sanction intended is kasepekang. vi. conclusions and suggestions the factors which were responsible for the customary conflicts and banishment at bungaya traditional village from 1999 to 2005 are: customary violation factor, economic factor, political factor, and the difference in perception of caste. among the four factors, two weere very easily recognized; they are customary violation factor and the difference in perception of caste, whereas the other two factors were not as clear as the first two ones. however, the consideration of gain and loss in economy and the fight over influence and power at 7 the traditional village were found in every conflict. the conflict between bungaya traditional village and adi putra and friends were made to appear due to the customary law violation and the difference in perception of caste. the customary conflicts at bungaya traditional village were settled by three mechanisms, they are: (1) the internal mechanism following the organizational structure of the society, that is, starting from the lowest unit (tempekan), the higher unit (banjar) and the last is the highest unit (the traditional village); (2) the external mechanism which involved the governmental institutions, the police and court with reference to criminal law (kuhp) and the rules and regulations beyond it; (3) the combined mechanism, that is, the traditional village leaders coordinated with the governmental institutions and other balinese traditionand hindurelated organizations in bali. the conflicts were settled by referring to the applicable rules and regulations, the national rules and regulations and other rules and regulations governing hindu followers. the customary conflict between bungaya traditional village and adi putra and friends were settled by the combined mechanism on october 5th, 2004 at the karangasem regent’s office. the customary conflict and the sanction kasepekang affected those who were involved in the conflicts. adi putra and friends found difficulties in carrying out their activities related to parhyangan such as religious activities, related to pawongan such as social and economic activities, and related to palemahan such as the occupation of some parcels of land belonging to the traditional village. the traditional village sounded to have awkwardly imposed the customary law upon its members who violated the rules and regulations pertaining at the village. the important meaning which can be presented is that the settlement of the customary violation by imposing the customary banishment kasepekang, although in accordance with the rules and regulations pertaining at the traditional village, turned out not to be able to settle the problems perfectly. the change in one or some aspects of terms of address which did not lead to the change in caste did not relatively result in any consequences including the customary conflicts. the suggestions which can be offered are : firstly, the traditional village should dare state that the sanction of kasepekang is not applicable anymore, and should dare change the provisions of the written and unwritten rules and regulations (known as kuna dresta) which unlikely create peace (kasukertan) physically and mentally (sekala and niskala) at the traditional village, because they are not in accordance with the era development and human rights. secondly, it is necessary for the traditional village leaders to change orientation. they do not only refer to the big irresponsible voices (briuk siyu), but should also pay attention to the norms commonly applicable and human rights. academically, it is suggested that further researches be conducted concerning the customary conflicts in bali in order to find out the mechanism suitable for handling the customary conflicts and to match the universal theoretical concepts of social sciences and cultural studies with those of bali local genius such as the concepts of seen elements and unseen elements. reconstruction of wayang orang darma kerti at batu pandang: a struggle for identity in mataram, lombok| i gusti ngurah seramasara i ketut ardhana i nyoman suarka i made ruastiti theatric study program faculty of performing art institute of the arts denpasar e-mail: aseramasara@email:com abstract wayang orang (the stage show usually with the wayang theme) is a performing art of which the characters are played by people. as a specific sasak performing art, the wayang orang which is performed in mataram lombok, used to use what is referred to as serat menak as the story source. however, such a performing art was marginalized and was almost getting extinct. therefore, the sasak artists and cultural observers, whom were facilitated by uptd taman budaya lombok, did their best to save such a performing art by reconstructing it. the performing art which was constructed by iptd taman budaya lombok was the wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang. such a reconstruction was made in the middle of the struggle for an identity of those living in mataram, lombok, who belong to different ethnic groups and religions. this present study was intended to understand the matter pertaining to the reconstruction of wayang orang darma kerti as part of the struggle for the identity of the people living in mataram, lombok. the qualitative method and the theories of deconstruction, multiculturalism, and hegemony were used to analyze the problems of the study. the result of the study showed that 1) there was a desire to preserve wayang orang as a local identity, meaning that the desire to reconstruct it was inspired by the islamic religious value and the wetu telu islamic value; 2) it was reconstructed through several stages; they are observation, inventory, and classification; finally, it was decided to reconstruct wayang orang performed at dusun batu pandang, east lombok in which the puppeteers and dancers from mataram, west lombok, were involved; the puppeteers were gathered, the themes were composed, the performance was practiced, and the wayang orang was performed; 3) the implication of the reconstruction of the wayang orang was that the sasak ethnic group had an art identity, and religion and culture adapted to each other as the implementation of what is referred to as adatluwirgama, and the local people’s prosperity became better. keywords: reconstruction, wayang orang introduction wayang orang is a performing art of which the characters are played by people. the specific sasak wayang orang used what is referred to as serat menal as the story source. however, it was marginalized and was almost getting extinct. as a result, the sasak artists and cultural observers were facilitated by uptd taman budaya, mataram, lombok, to save such a performing art by reconstructing it. one type of the wayang wong which was reconstructed by uptd taman budaya mataram, lombok, was the wayang wog darma kerti, dusun batu pandang. such a reconstruction was an art activity done by the artists and cultural observers in mataram, lombok, and facilitated by uptd taman budaya mataram, lombok, west nusa tenggara. such a reconstruction was done by the artists as an activity to resurrect the wayang orang darma kerti at dusun padang which became marginalized. such an activity was consciously done; it was planned based on the concept already made (cassirer, 1970: 193). it was a product of the intellectual subjective way of thinking as what an artist understands that something can change from time to time (purwanto, 2006: 3). this means that a reconstruction is highly determined by the way of thinking and the point of view of an artist which can change from time to time. as far as this present study is concerned, the reconstruction is defined as an activity in which the text of the wayang orang performing art was deconstructed. the ethnicity and cultural diversity which are getting stronger in the current globalization era has led to the struggle for the sasak identity. the sasak ethnic people who strongly adhere to the purification of islam and are oriented towards the syariah ideology consider wayang orang what is referred to as biddhah. however, those who are oriented towards their customs and traditions or the cultural identity consider that the existence of wayang orang should be preserved and maintained. such a struggle caused the wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang to be reconstructed and maintained as the local identity of the sasak ethnic people in order to understand what peace and conflict were (ardhana, ed, 2013: 171). the problems of the present study entitled the reconstruction of wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang: the struggle for an identity in mataram, lombok can be formulated as follows: 1) why wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang was deconstructed; 2) how it was reconstructed; and 3) what was the implication of such a reconstruction. this present study was intended to understand why wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang was reconstructed, the stages through which it was reconstructed, and the implication of such a reconstruction. research method the method used in the present study was the qualitative method with the approach of cultural studies. the steps taken were collecting the data, analyzing the data, and presenting them systematically (bailey, 1987: 32; silalahi, 1999: 6). the data were collected through observation and interview. in this way, the data gained were authentic and valid. several theories were used to analyze the data. they are the theory of deconstruction proposed by j derrida (zehfuss, 2010: 190), which was used to analyze the plot and the text of the wayang orang performing art; the theory of multiculturalism, which was used to analyze the logical condition of the struggle for the identity of the people living in mataram, lombok, who belong to different ethnic groups and religions. result and discussion the reconstruction of the wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang, as the identity of the sasak ethnic group, was desired by the sasak artists and cultural observers. such a reconstruction was motivated by the cultural ideology, that is, the ideology to construct and preserve the wetu telu culture. it is a syncretized concept which can unify the islamic religious teaching and sasak tradition, as can be clearly observed from the wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang in which what is referred to as serat menak was used as the story source. however, the lombok society has neglected it; therefore, it was reconstructed with the theme “jayengrana merariq”. it is the theme in which the islamic teaching is combined with the daily sasak customs and traditions. the merariq tradition, as a daily performed sasak tradition, is a wetu telu cultural heritage which has been created through a historical process. the stronger ethnicity and cultural diversity has led to the struggle for self-identity. those who strongly adhere to the purification of islam and are oriented towards the syariah ideology consider that wayang orang is biddhah. however, the sasak ethnic people who are oriented towards the customs and traditions or the cultural ideology consider that wayang orang needs to be preserved and maintained. the wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang is different from the bali wayang wong. the dancers of the former do not wear masks and those of the latter do . there is a binary opposition in the wayan orang text reading in regard to the plot and performance. such a binary opposition is shown by the dichotomy between the pure islamic teaching which is symbolized and played by the character jayengrana, and the concept merariq as the sasak tradition which is considered biddhah based on the pure islamic teaching. j derrida refers to such plot reading and performance as the deconstructive reading, as the essence of the binary opposition is the system of difference (norris, 2003:9; zehfuss, 2010: 190). such a difference considers that the purification of islam is more important than customs and traditions, meaning that purifying the islamic teaching is more important that maintaining customs and traditions (norris, 2003: 10-11). the group of people who intend to apply the islamic teaching purely in lombok feel that they are more important, have more power, and have the single truth, causing them to neglect multiculturalism and leading to hegemony. in the reconstructed version of the wayang orang, the sovereign jubil is more dominant; he cannot accept jayengrana as a follower of the purification of islam. in fact, it is performed that jayengrana considers that belonging to pure islam shows a wise attitude as it can accept the values of the area where islam develops; as a result, jayengrana can accept the merariq tradition in lombok. the wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang, east lombok, was reconstructed through several stages; they are 1) the existence of wayan orang in lombok was observed to identify whether it was feasible to be reconstructed or not; 2) the wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang, was decided to be reconstructed; 3) the dancers were gathered; 4) the persons playing the accompanying music were determined; 4) the performance was practiced; and 5) it was performed on the stage. the implication of such a reconstruction is that the concept of multiculturalism has been accepted; the reason is that the players of the reconstructed version of wayang wong are from different ethnic groups such as the balinese ethnic group, the sasak ethnic group, and the javanese ethnic group. the values which are constructed are that the religious values and traditional values adapt to each other, as the sasak identical form and the wetu telu cultural heritage. in addition, it also reflects conflicts and the importance of integration. the reconstructed version of wayang wong can support the development of tourism in lombok; as a result, it can improve the prosperity of the mataram, lombok, and society. conclusion and suggestion as far as the context of the wayang orang performing art is concerned, reconstruction was an activity which was done by the artists to resurrect the wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu pandang, which was marginalized and almost became extinct. such a reconstruction was inspired by the desire of the artists and cultural observers to resurrect wayang orang as the sasak identity. the desire to reconstruct the sasak identity was motivated by the cultural ideology, namely, an ideology used to construct and preserve the wetu telu culture. the wayang orang was reconstructed in the middle of the struggle for the identity of mataram, lombok as a multiethnic and multi-religious society. the stronger ethnicity and cultural diversity in the globalization era has caused the sasak ethnic people to struggle for their identity. the sasak people who strongly adhere to the purification of islam and are oriented towards the syariah ideology consider that wayang orang is biddhah. the wayang orang darma kerti, dusun batu padang was reconstructed to 1) establish the sasak identity which is dominated by the islamic strength; 2) establish the religious and aesthetic values through the story adopted from what is referred to as serat menak; 3) such a reconstruction affected the development of the sasak identity based on the religious and traditional values, and contributed to the sasak ethnic people’s prosperity. therefore, it is suggested that the wayang orang performing art should be preserved and maintained as the specific sasak art identity. it is necessary for the sasak people to understand the reconstructed version of wayang orang as it contains the peaceful purified islamic values which appreciates the truth and can exist with other ethnic groups and cultures. such a reconstructed wayang orang gives information that multiculturalism is important, and that the hegemonic characteristic that a group of people is more superior to another should be eliminated through the story jayengrana marariq, which can accept the sasak customs and traditions and do not contrast with the islamic purification. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. phil. i ketut ardhana, ma, as the supervisor, prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m.hum, as co-supervisor 1, and dr. i made ruastiti, sst., m.si., as co-supervisor 2 for their motivation and cooperation during the completion of this study. the writer would also like to thank the e-journal of cultural studies for publishing this article. bibliography| ardhana, i ketut (ed), 2013, anak agung gde putra agung, sejarawan dan budayawan bali. denpasar : pustaka larasan bekerjasama dengan jurusan sejarah fakultas sastra universitas udayana. baily, kenneth d, 1987, method of social reaserch. london: free press. cassier, e, 1970, an essay on man. new york: bantam books. norris, christopher, 2003, menbongkar teori dekonstruksi jaques derrida. yogyakarta : ar-ruzz media. purwanto, banbang, 2006, gagalnya historiografi indonesiasentris ?!. yogyakarta : ombak. silalahi, uber, 1999, metode dan metode penelitian. bandung : bina budhaya. zehfuss, maja, 2010, jaques derrida dalam edkins, jenny-nick vaughan williams (ed), “teori-teori kritis menantang pandangan utama studi politik internasional”. yogyakarta: baca. oqehowe microsoft word titis_e-journal deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta architecture titis s. pitana1, i gde semadi astra2, i made suastika2, i. b. gde yudha triguna3 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3hindu university of indonesia email: titis_pitana@yahoo.com abstract this dissertation is the result of a study entitled ”deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta architecture.” this study is intended not to understand the keraton surakarta architecture as a physical materialization of architectural planning and design. rather, in this study, the keraton surakarta is the material object of a study on the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning which focuses on three main problems: (1) the cause of the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning toward the keraton surakarta architecture; (2) the deconstruction process of the symbolic meaning; and (3) the implication of the deconstruction toward the social-cultural life of the keraton people and surakarta society. key words: deconstruction, symbol, architecture, keraton surakarta introduction when javanese people’s spirit is eroded deep in the cycle of history, the word ’culture’ can not mean ”belief” as so far understood by most experts. for the symbolic meaning of the keraton as an effort to explore the newness and nowness meaning, it seems that ”belief” is not a compromise to understand culture at present. ”belief” as the peak of thoughts has not so far been achieved by rational minds in scientific traditions, both positivistic and interpretive. it is because the word ”belief” in the study of eastern mysticism has been understood better as a spiritual discourse than a rational idea which is apllicable for social-cultural practices. it is from this dimension that the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta architecture is directed to go beyond 2 the paradox of truths of rationalism-realism and criticism as well as intuitionism to come to what is called ’epistemology’ in science, particularly in cultural studies. physically, the keraton surakarta architecture can be regarded as an indigeneous work of javanese culture which has symbols implying messages and advice for the next generation. however, the messages and advice behind the symbols have no meanings if they are not understood. the symbols available in the keraton surakarta are expressions that can not be signed only by physical materialization. because of this, the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta should always be searched suitable with its interpreter’s space and time. in other words, interpretation into the symbols of the keraton surakarta will never stop or will keep on deconstructing. therefore, to interpret the symbols of the space design patterns and construction elements in the keraton surakarta, it is necessary to understand the background history and process of its establishment. the sustainable deconstruction of the symbolic meaning here should be taken as a never-stop process so that the new meaning should be always ”becoming” and fragmented by the interpreter’s space and time. although history has tried to make a periodization of human activities since thousands of years ago, as a totality view of life, it is basic that in the history of mankind there has never been an absolute separation between thoughts, actions, spaces, and time as a moment. it is thus not simple to find out an absolute separation between thoughts and their results in life space which are not tied up to time contextually, just like humans who can not be separated from their culture and social life. this study is intended not to understand the keraton surakarta architecture as a physical materialization of architectural planning and design. instead, in this study, the keraton surakarta architecture is regarded as the material object of a study on the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning focused on three issues: (1) the cause of the symbolic deconstruction meaning of keraton surakarta architecture; (2), the process of deconstruction, and (3) implications of such deconstruction towards socio-cultural life and keraton surakarta’s society generaly, this study is intended to describe the construction and deconstruction of javanese culture rooted in the keraton surakarta with its local genius reflected in the keraton surakarta architecture. in turn the study is aimed to reveal and explain the 3 cultural reconstruction in purpose to enrich national culture as part of scientific works to develop knowledge and science. specifically, this study has three purposes: (1) to know and understand the causes of the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta; (2) to know and understand the processes of the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta; and (3) to know and understand the implication of the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta towards the social-cultural life of the keraton people and surakarta society. this study has two significances. firstly, theoretical significance, this study is expected to give significant contributions to the development of knowledge and science, particularly architecture and cultural studies. besides, it is hoped to add and complete the previous studies on javanese architecture and national architecture. moreover, for academics, this study can be used as a reference to find out possible areas for further studies which can not yet be covered by this study. secondly, practical significance, this study is expected to broaden people’s mind and widen their views on the local genius contained in their local cultures in the face of the impacts of global culture. besides, this study can be used by public decision makers in relation to social-cultural life. discussion this study is a cultural studies study which uses qualitative method, and qualitative-descriptive and hermeneutics-based interpretive data analysis. in general a study with qualitative analysis is defined as a study that produces descriptive data in the form of words, idioms, and/or expressions, including observable actions—by emphasizing on the concept and pattern development of the data; paying attention to both setting and subject holistically so that they are inseparable variables; being humanistic; understanding the meaning as the basis for participant’s actions; understanding the limited scope of situation; and being a crafting art that prioritizes mastery and feeling involvement (bungin, 2003:147). in this study derrida’s theory of deconstruction is positioned as the grand theory to answer three study problems which is in its application supported by three other theories used eclectively, namely (1) foucault’s theory of power and knowledge, (2) eco’s visual communication semiotics, and (3) jauss’ theory of reception. 4 the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta architecture is not an event that happens naturally; instead, it originates from the resistance or objection to logocentrism created on the basis of the keraton metaphysics. this means that the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta architecture is an event caused by the metaphysical death of the keraton surakarta. the “death” here can probably happen because of being made dead by those outside the logocentrism creators of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta architecture and/or because of its own death due to the keraton members’ metaphysical refusal against the logocentrism they have created. the metaphysical death of the keraton surakarta which is the accumulation of resistance and/or objection to the metaphysics itself is triggered by three aspects: (1) status and role changes of the keraton surakarta, from being the company’s power dolls in the colonialization era up to the swa-praja (autonomy) status and becoming the cultural heritage in the era of the indonesian republic; (2) the keraton surakarta in the global constellation, in which there is the pressure of the modern rationality on the keraton morality that makes the keraton as a victim of capitalism and a means of tourism commodification so that the keraton no longer has a space to articulate its own existence; and (3) coup d’etat for power, in which there came two kings after the coup d’etat incident over the keraton surakarta that refuse the existential metaphysics of the keraton as the cosmos center and the model of javanese culture. in derridian logic, the interpretation of symbols in the keraton surakarta architecture is a sustainable process. the architectural materialization is a means of visual communication in which, to umberto eco, in the interpretation of symbols there happen semiosis and canon process, that is a process of uniting or combining an entity (representamen) with another entity called ‘object’. this process results in a neverending relation chain. this never-ending movement is then formulated by eco and derrida as the unlimited semiosis process (broadbent, 1980:382-383). this process is then used to know and understand the deconstruction tracks of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta where its clarity can be understood through the following processes. first, the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the “design and building patterns” that happen through three processes, namely (1) from the teaching on life to the cultural heritage; (2) from sacred to profane; and (3) from the 5 symbol of feudalistic bureaucracy to domestic family institution. second, the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the “materialization of the keraton surakarta architecture” that happen through four processes, namely (1) building form: from the symbol of greatness/glory to that of apprehension; (2) relating building: from the symbol of space consciousness to that of communication; (3) limiting building: from the symbol of the maintenance of sacredness to that of geographical limit; and (4) accessories: from moral message to construction accessories. third, the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the “king and keraton surakarta” that happen through three processes, namely (1) javanese king: from the symbol of god-kings to the duty-carrier of javanese culture; (2) keraton surakarta: from the symbol of cosmic centers to that of tourism attraction; and (3) the symbol of keraton surakarta: from the symbol of the cosmic unity to that of commodified accessories. the metaphysical death of the keraton surakarta as the causing factor of the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta architecture, and explained by the discussion on the deconstruction tracks eventually give some implications toward the social-cultural life of the keraton community and surakarta society. first, toward the social structure of the keraton and surakarta society which can be identified from two social facts, namely (1) the keraton surakarta is today part of the local (kelurahan) administration; and (2) the keraton surakarta community is now part of the surakarta society. second, toward the social intitution which can be identified from two social facts, namely: (1) the keraton surakarta has become the society’s cultural affinity; and (2) the keraton surakarta has become a legitimating institution for modern aristocrats. third, toward the kinship system and value formation process which can be identified through two social facts, namely (1) the keraton surakarta community has become ”ajur-ajer” aristocrats (immersed with ordinary people); and (2) the keraton surakarta struggle for becoming the model of javanese culture. fourth, toward the space formation for new consciousness established by the keraton surakarta in response to various changes due to global modernism. 6 findings first, there are three sides acting as the subjects that perform the the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta architecture: the authority, the keraton surakarta community, and people outside the keraton surakarta. (1) authority, which can historically be distinguished into two, i.e. the colonial authority during the colonization era and the government authority during the republic indonesia era. in this case both the colonial authority and the government authority serve as the key holders of capitalistic logocentrism that have killed the metaphysics of the keraton surakarta and replaced it with that of modernist rationality. (2) the keraton surakarta community, i.e. the keraton internal members who intentionally or unintentionally have done a metaphysical (cosmological) isolation of the keraton surakarta by changing the keraton sacredness into a cultural parody. even, the limited material dimension originating from economic problems has a more significant correlation to the cognitive dimension of the keraton surakarta community so as to let the keraton architectural spaces become uncared hollow spaces which eventually lead to the metaphysical refusal of the keraton itself. (3) people outside the keraton surakarta who have spontaneous body responses towards the hollow architectural spaces of the keraton surakarta. the spaces which used to be used as a forum of activities (representation of events) are considered worth to be “benefited” by ignoring the metaphysics of the keraton surakarta through cultural improvisation. second, in carrying out its function as a cultural institution (the duty-carrier of javanese culture), the keraton surakarta is faced with three main obstacles: economically, psychologically, and socially. (1) economic obstacle, that is the limitedness of the keraton’s financial condition just to support its own existence. (2) psychological obstacle, that is the psychological burden suffered by the keraton surakarta as the impact of having no political autonomy. (3) social obstacle, that is the historical destiny that has stigmatized the keraton surakarta as the one accused of being the feudalistic followers which are opposed against the democratic principle practiced in the republic of indonesia (nkri). 7 v. conclussion the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta architecture is an event caused by the metaphysical death of the keraton surakarta as an accumulation of resistance and/or objection to the metaphysics itself. second, the deconstruction tracks of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta are the deconstruction processes which happen to three deconstructions of the symbolic meaning: (1) deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the “design and building patterns”; (2) deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the “materialization of the keraton surakarta architecture”; (3) deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the “king and keraton surakarta”. third, the deconstruction of the symbolic meaning of the keraton surakarta has four implications toward the social-cultural life of the keraton and surakarta people: (1) toward the social structure of the keraton and surakarta people; (2) toward the social insitution of the keraton and surakarta people; (3) toward the kinship system and value formation process; and (4) toward the space formation for new consciousness established by the keraton surakarta in response to various changes due to global modernism. references behrend, e.t. 1982. kraton and cosmos in traditional java. madison: university of wiscosin. broadbent, g., bunt, r., and jencks, c. 1980. sign, symbols, and architecture. new york: john wiley & sons ltd. bungin, burhan. 2006. analisis data penelitian kualitatif: pemahaman filosofis dan metodologis ke arah penguasaan model aplikasi. jakarta: pt rajagrafindo persada. faisal, sanapiah 2005. format-format penelitian sosial. jakarta: pt. raja grafindo persada. grenz. stanley j. 2001. a primer on postmodernism pengantar untuk memahami postmodernisme. terj. wilson suwanto. yogyakarta: yayasan andi. ibrahim, julianto 2008. kraton surakarta dan gerakan anti swapraja. jogjakarta: malioboro press. larson, goerge d. 1990. masa menjelang revolusi: keraton dan kehidupan politik di surakarta, 1912 – 1942 (terjemahan oleh: lapian, a.b.). yogyakarta: gajah mada press. marsudi 2001. "nilai arsitektur pada simbolisme keraton kasunanan surakarta" (tesis). semarang: progam pascasarjana universitas diponegoro. 8 santosa, imam 2006. "kajian estetika dan unsur pembentuknya pada keraton surakarta" (disertasi). bandung: program pascasarjana institut teknologi bandung. setiadi, b., dkk. 2000. raja di alam republik: karaton surakarta dan paku buwono xii. jakarta: bina rena pariwara. soeratman, darsiti 1989. kehidupan dunia keraton surakarta, 1830 – 1939. yogyakarta: taman siswa. supariadi 1998. "surakarta masa pemerintahan sunan paku buwana iv 17881820: priyayi dan kiai pada masa transisi kolonial" (tesis). yogyakarta: program pascasarjana universitas gajah mada. acknowledgements thanks are owed to (1) prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, as the promoter; (2) prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u., as the co-promoter i; and (3) prof. dr. i.b. gde yudha triguna, m.s., as the co-promoter ii for their patience and motivation started from the proposal composing up the finishing of the dissertation. thanks are also owed to the rector of udayana university, director of postgraduate program of udayana university and her staffs, and the head of cultural studies doctorate program of udayana university and his staffs. microsoft word cerita 1 e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 the barong landung performing art from the perspective of cultural acculturation i nyoman cerita aa bagus wirawan i nyoman suarka doctorate program, study program of cultural studies postgraduate studies, udayana university, denpasar email: inyomancerita@yahoo.com abstract the barong landung performing art, as the acculturation of the balinese culture and chinese culture, has opened the new history of the relationship between the balinese culture and chinese culture. the acculturation has also become the peak of the chinese cultural impact on the balinese culture in general and the balinese performing art in particular. moreover, balong landung has also been considered the symbolic appearance of the balinese king, sri aji jaya pangus, and his wife, kang cing wie, who governed from 1099 to 1103 caka year. the qualitative method was used in the present study and the data were collected through library research. the data were collected through the secondary data source. the primary data were collected through interview, observation, and documentation techniques. the result of the study shows that the barong landung performing art is a traditional balinese performing art which has been affected by the chinese culture. it has been strongly integrated into the elements of the people’s performing art and culture in every region of bali. in bali it reflects the humanity-oriented culture. it can be classified as the sacred, magical, and religious performing art and is performed as part of the traditional and religious rituals in bali. keywords: acculturation, culture, barong landung, sacred and religious introduction tracing the development of the balinese culture constitutes a historic process which cannot be separated from the acculturation process. the balinese culture has been made to exist and develop based on the local cultural norm or value which adjusts to the era development. the people’s sociocultural life shows the strong impact of foreign cultures in general and the chinese culture in particular. the balinese performing art, culinary, household and ritual equipment, ceramics, porcelain, silky products and so forth show this. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 in arts in general and in the performing art in particular, the acculturation between the balinese culture and chinese culture has implicitly and explicitly taken place. they have dialogically and naturally assimilated in such a way that a new culture with specific and strong profile has been created. the barong landung performing art illustrates this. the strong assumption that the chinese culture has affected the existence of the barong landung performing art can be clearly seen from its appearance and characteristic. the barong landung is one type of barong in bali which looks like a big and tall giant. the male one has irregular hair ‘gobrang’, protruding teeth ‘jongos’, looks frightening, and has hard characteristic and is referred to as jero gede. the female one reflects a cultural acculturation and has the characteristic which the chinese girl shows. it has narrow eyes, protruding forehead ‘jantuk’, a long chin , and curly hair and is referred to as jero luh. this study is intended to understand the constellation of the barong landung performing art in bali from the perspective of cultural acculturation, to inventory it in the form of descriptive documentation, and to enrich the treasure of the performing art as a literary source. research method the qualitative method is used in the present study. the secondary data were collected through the library research. the primary data were obtained through field research using the interview and observational techniques. the data were analyzed through open coding, axial coding, and selective coding using the critical theories of cultural studies. discussion the term acculturation is derived from the latin word “acculturate”, meaning “growing and developing together”. according koentjaraningrat, acculturation is a social process which takes place if a social group with its culture is faced with a different foreign culture. affinity is needed to support the process of acculturation. affinity refers to the cultural acceptance without getting surprised, which is then followed by homogeneity as a digested new culture resulting from the level of sameness and cultural characteristic (www.carajuki.com). among the american anthropologists the term acculturation has appeared since 1936 as the reaction towards the historic reconstruction studies which were considered less complete as they did not talk about the socio-cultural change (bee, 1974:94; in hadi, 2006:35). so far the acculturation studies, if viewed from the perspective of cultural studies, e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 still analyze what is critically understood of the socio-cultural process. now they are popular enough among the anthropologists. as a cultural change, acculturation is indicated by the relationship between two cultures which give and receive from one another “the counter between two cultures” as stated by shorter (1988:5-8, in hadi, 2006:35). the acculturation between the balinese culture and chinese culture has taken place since the old bali era; the existence of what is referred to as “uang kepeng” (coin with square hole) in bali proves this. it was introduced as the currency exchange and a means of formal payment before 1300s. finally, through the process of acculturation, it functioned to equip the hindu religious and traditional rituals performed in bali (harthawan, 2011: 30). sidemen (2006:6-7) also stated that “uang kepeng” was predicted to be created in the beginning of the 7th century, namely the during tang dynasty era. it was carried to bali through the trading relationship in the 9th century. apart from “uang kepeng”, the impact of the chinese culture in bali can also be seen from the existence of the barong landung performing art. this is an important historic datum. based on the theories of acculturation mentioned above, it can be stated that in bali the barong landung performing art is a magical religious performing art. the balinese people believe that it has a magical strength; therefore, it is performed on special days as part of the traditional and religious rituals. the process of acculturation involving barong landung had taken place since the pre-historic era, indicated by the development of the hindu and buddha kingdoms. this era formed the institutions which a number of special characteristics strengthening the balinese culture. r. brandon, in his book entitled “seni pertunjukan di asia tenggara”, which was translated by r. m. soedarsono, stated that most experts are in the opinion that the chinese people migrated to the southern countries from 2500 to 1500 a.d. the anthropologists refer to them as the indonesian people, austronesian people, protomalay people or deutro malay people. they are also called the pre-historic immigrants (1989:9). based on what is stated above, it can be stated that bali island with its beautiful nature and customs and traditions, which is located in indonesia, cannot be separated from the chinese immigrants. the historic datum which is closer to the acculturation of the balinese culture and chinese culture is the barong landung performing art. barong landung is the symbolic appearance of the bali king, sri aji jaya pangus, who reigned from 1909 to 1103 caka year and was married to kang cing wie, a daughter of a rich chinese merchant. their marriage changed the social life order within the kingdom and outside the palace. however, e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 the cultural acculturation and what was believed in hinduism and buddhism could not be separated. according to jero i made darsana, an artist and writer from banjar kedisan, tegallalang, gianyar, the marriage between the bali king sri aji jaya pangus and kang cing wie opened the new history of the relationship between china and bali. although they did not have any children, the king loved his wife. in addition, he reigned so wisely that the people were reluctant to him. kang cing wie was wise, sincere, and kind; as a result, he was used as a model by the balinese people. the balinese people built several temples such as batur temple, dalem balingkang temple, gambur anglayang temple in buleleng regency and besakih temple in karangasem regency to respect and commemorate her. she has also been referred to as “ratu subandar” by the balinese people living in kintamani. the temples where “ratu subandar” is worshipped are not only taken care of by the balinese people living in kintamani but also by the other people who are hindus and buddhists (interview, 12 mexh 2017). apart from that, the balinese people have created two barong landungs to eternalize king sri aji jaya pangus and his wife kang cing wie for their greatness and nobility as husband and wife. so far barong landung has been performed, maintained and developed by the balinese people. the regencies which maintain it are gianyar regency, denpasar city, badung regency, and tabanan regency. the barong landung performing art, as a traditional performing art, is performed differently from the other performing arts in bali. if viewed from the form of its performance, it is a result of the cultural acculturation process. the balinese cultural values and the elements of the people’s arts have harmoniously and dynamically acculturated with the chinese culture. the acculturation does not deviate from the local people’s socio-culture. choreographically, the barong landung performing art is a dance drama whose style is different from region to region. each has its own interesting element as its identity. the diversity in style can lead the barong landong performing art to becoming an impressive, unique and interesting performing art. as well, it is also performed as part of the traditional and religious rituals in bali. as a magical and religious performing art, it is performed to ask for blessing, safety and protection for everybody (proyek pengembangan kesenian kantor wilayah department p. and k. provinsi bali, 1981/1982:74). it is not surprising that the hindus in bali develop different types of traditional, magical and religious performing arts which are packaged based on the siwam values (truth, spirituality), the satyam values (sincerity, loyalty and honesty), and sundaram value (beauty). the art expressions differently expressed by the balinese e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 people show that they are flexible as what is taught in hinduism which maintains and develops what is created by its followers to show that they believe in the almighty god “ida sang hyang widhi wasa” through the artistic and philosophical symbolic media as exemplified by barong landong. conclusion and suggestion the openness and flexibility of the balinese culture to the chinese culture have been shown through the horizontal and vertical process of acculturation. during the acculturation process, the balinese culture has not only directly received the chinese culture but it has also filtered and packaged it as new forms within the multicultural framework. socio-culturally, the balinese people, who are hindus with their own culture, are constructed from the religious magical values which have always dialectically, innovatively and dynamically developed in accordance with the local cultural values and norms and the era development. the barong landung historically proves the movement and acculturation process of the balinese culture and chinese culture which contribute to civilization, humanity, culture and the balinese culture itself. therefore, it is suggested to everybody that they should maintain its greatness and holiness. seeing that the barong landung performing art is getting marginalized by the globalized culture, it is suggested to the society, government, and formal and informal institutions to pay a particular attention to its maintenance and development according to the balinese cultural norms. acknowledgements the writer would like to thank and appreciate prof. dr. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u. for his attention and seriousness in supervising the process of the completion of this e-journal, prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m.hum. for his patience, sacrifice and thoroughness in supervising and constructively directing the process of the completion of this e-journal. reference brandon, james r. 1989. seni pertunjukan di asia tenggara. diterjemahkan oleh r.m. soedarsono isi yogyakarta. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 hadi, y. sumandiyo. 2006. seni dalam ritual agama. yogyakarta: buku pustaka. harthawan, i dewa nyoman. 2011. uang kepeng cina dalam ritual masyarakat bali. denpasar: pustaka larasan. proyek pengembangan kesenian. 1981/1982. penggalian data 8 buah kesenian tari tradisional di bali. denpasar: wilayah departemen p dan k provinsi bali. sidemen, ida bagus. 2002. nilai historis uang kepeng. denpasar: larasan-sejarah. microsoft word cok_ace_ed_english_ 1 spatial alteration at ubud traditional village, gianyar, bali in the globalization era: a cultural study tjokorda oka artha ardhana sukawati1 , sulistyawati2, i gde parimartha3, i made suastika3 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of engineering, udayana university 3faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: acebali@royalpitamaha-bali.com abstract in the era of globalization much spatial alteration has taken place at ubud traditional village, gianyar regency, bali as the consequence of fast development of tourism. the aspects which have changed, as the result of the shift from agricultural culture to tourism culture since 1970, include the spatial relationship between man and god (parhyangan), the spatial relationship between man and his environment (palemahan), and the spatial relationship between man and his fellow being or the three things which cause physical and spiritual prosperity among human beings. this research in cultural studies was conducted to reveal the spatial alteration which had taken place at ubud traditional market in the globalization era especially since 1970 as the consequence of the fast development in tourism. the data were analyzed by applying qualitative analysis technique, eclecticism of the theory of change, the theory of space, the theory of hegemony, and critical and practical theories. the research was conducted by employing qualitative method which features cultural studies. the results of the research show that the increase in population and in what is needed by tourism has led to the spatial alteration in parhyangan in the village and home levels. the spatial alteration in pawongan as a unity of membership (krama) does not take place and the spatial alternation in families does not either. this indicates that ubud traditional village is getting more complex in facing modern and global condition with its commercial culture. its tradition, agricultural culture and nature have contributed to the development of tourism. in regard to palemahan, catus patha has not been the only center of orientation any more. the settlement of the population has followed the development of tourist facilities. tourism has also altered the land usefulness causing zero-settlement based on groups of banjar (neighborhood under a traditional village) to be irrelevant. in regard to the patterns of space occupied by families, the walls built to separate one family from another have been demolished; the buildings (bale) have been rehabilitated, teba (the unoccupied part of a compound where animals raised for sale are usually kept and rubbish are usually gathered) has been exploited. the change in people’s behavior from being non commercial into commercial has blurred the layout and function of the buildings built in the zones of madya (immediate level) and nista (lower level). key word: spatial alteration, globalization, tourism, tri hita karana, ubud traditional village 2 introduction physically and geographically, ubud traditional village is an agricul tural village with its agricultural culture, as the other villages in bali in general. the rice fields on which the villagers’ income depends on are not fully flat, especially those which are located along where the rivers bend. such rice fields are close to the river banks or the hilly areas, making the roads bend. the development of tourist industry at ubud traditional village especially since 1970s has caused the spatial patterns to change significantly, adapting to what is needed by the development of tourism. the increase in the number of tourists coming to bali from year to year has led to the increase in the availability of tourist infrastruc ture and facilities which has needed more and more space, and has caused newcomers to come. the shift in function of the land cannot be avoided. in other words, the development of tourism has resulted in spatial alteration both in the village and residence levels. such spatial changes can be noticed in the aspects of local genius tri hata karana. those aspects include spatial alteration in parhyangan (the relation ship between man and god), palemahan (the relationship between man and his nature), and pawongan (the relationship between man and his fellow being). the problems in this study are formulated in the forms of questions about how the spatial alteration has taken place in regard to parhyangan, pawongan, palemahan and its effect on ubud traditional village in the globalization era. the data were analyzed using qualitative analysis technique through eclecticism of the theory of change, the theory of space, the theory of hegemony, and critical and practical theories. discussion the spatial alteration at ubud traditional village, gianyar regency in the era of globalization of tourism which has taken place so fast since 1970s can be viewed from the aspects of local genius tri hita karana. the changing aspects include spatial alteration in parhyangan (the relationship between man and god, spatial alteration in pawongan (the relationship between man and his fellow being), and spatial alteration in 3 palemahan (the relationship between man and his nature). such changes match the theory of change, the theory of space, the theory of hegemony, and critical and practical theories. the results of the research show that the increase in the number of population and in what is needed by tourism has resulted in spatial changes in parhyangan in the levels of village and residence. mandala pura kahyangan tiga (mandala refers to a particular arena made available at every temple in bali; kahyangan tiga means the main three temples built at every traditional village in bali) is widened but its original form is maintained. sanggah /pamerajan (family temple), and palinggih (a kind of shrine) are renovated and altered with bigger ones which are made of better materials with better ornaments. the change in the form of palinggih does not much influence the space of sanggah /pamerajan but changes its spatial value. the spatial alteration in pawo ngan indicates that tradition is main tained in the modernity of tourist industry undergone. the community life as a unity of membership (krama) does not change and the family life does not either. such a spatial alteration means that ubud traditional village is getting more complex in facing the global-modern condition with its progress in commercial culture. the existing tradi tion, including the agricultural culture, the natural capital and the arts, has greatly contributed to the development of tourism. a meaningful “globalize tion” has taken place because the local community has lived a global and local life. this has caused the villagers to be “subject and object of development” making them prosperous. the spatial alteration in pale mahan, catus patha has not been the only center of orientation. even the people’s residence has followed the development of tourist facilities. tour ism has also changed the usefulness of land making the zone for residence based on the groups of banjar (a neighborhood under a traditional village) not dominant any more. related to the patterns of compound, the walls surro unding the compound have been demolished, the bales (buildings) have been rehabilitated, and the teba (unoccupied part of the compound where animals kept for sale are usually kept and rubbish is usually gathered) has been exploited. the change 4 in the banjar members’ behavior from being non commercial into being commercial has blurred the layout and function of the buildings in the zones of madya (immediate level) and nista (the lower level). the shift in building pattern has resulted from the absence of jempeng and jineng (buildings where rice is usually stored) in many houses. the new buildings with their commercial functions have been oriented toward the market. and the buildings for rent are not generally oriented toward natah (the yard). the consequence is that there has been a harmonious synergy between tradition and modernity of global tourism which has resulted in prosperity for the local community. to the local community, the changes mentioned above indicate that the village is getting more complex in facing the global modern condition. such a phenomenon has not only affected the traditional community as a unity of the village membership (karma) but also the families and the individuals within the families, although the local tradition has not disappeared. the community recognizes that the existing tradition, the agricultural culture, the natural capital and the arts have contributed to the development of tourism. in other words, a meaningful “globalization” has taken place as they have lived a local and global life. this has caused the local community to be the “subject and object” of development. as implied and requested by perda bali no. 3 (local rules and regulations) concerning tourism that there should be a harmony between the development of tourism on one hand and the culture and community as the owner on the other. such a relationship should mutually support and benefit each other. the research findings concer ning the spatial alteration at ubud tradi tional village in the era of globalization of tourism are related to tri hita karana, that is, parhyangan, pawongan, and palemahan. the three findings are as follows: the first one is related to parhyangan , that is, there has been a shift in appropriateness. the second one is related to pawongan, that is, there as been a rise in social entity fanaticism. the third one is related to palemahan, that is, there has been a decrease in the belief in the religious values of space. 5 conclusion it can be concluded that the spatial changes in parhyangan, pawo ngan, and palemahan have not changed the essence of ubud traditional village as an entity of traditional area with its agricultural culture, tradition, religion and arts in spite of the develop ment of the modernity of tourism in the era of globalization. moreover, the traditional and cultural capital can be converted into the economic capital, that is, the tourist capital for the local community. therefore, all the parties which are involved such as the government (the political aspect), entrepreneurs (the economic aspect), and the community (the cultural aspect) should work together for the development of ubud traditional village in accordance with what has been implied by tri hita karana. the first suggestion is that the government should be aware that the development of tourism ought to be under control as what has been done so far so that there will be no change in the identity of ubud traditional village as a unified system of parhyangan, pawo ngan, and palemahan. the second sug gestion is that the entrepreneurs in tourism are obliged to preserve the local interests. this can be done by giving wide opportunities to the local human resources to be the landlords/landladies in their home land. the third suggestion is that the community of ubud traditi onal village is expected not to be easily made to change the space of its village due to the temptation of the tourist commercialism. it should be strongly stressed that land and space belong to the balinese culture. acknowledgement i wish to thank the rector of udayana university and the director of postgra duate program udayana university for the facilities and opportunity provided to join the doctorate program at udayana university. i would also like to express my appreciation to promotor: prof. dr. ir. sulistyawati, m.s., co-promotor i: prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., and co-promotor ii: prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. their guidance and advice are greatly helpful in the process of writing this dissertation. finally, i am 6 greatly indebted to the other parties who have assisted the process of the research. bibliography adi, rasmen. 1992. ”respon masya rakat bali terhadap pola rumah tradisional bali”, penelitian. agger, ben. 2003. teori sosial kritis: kritik, penerapan, dan implikasinya (penerjemah nur hadi). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. appadurai, arjun. 1993. “disjuncture and difference in the global culture economy” dalam mike featherstone (ed.) global culture, nationalism, globaliza tion, and modernity. london: sage publications ltd., hal. 295-310. bagus, i gusti ngurah. 1980.“kebudayaan bali dalam manusia dan kebudayaan di indonesia” dalam koentjaraning rat (ed.) manusia dan kebuda yaan di indonesia (cetakan v). jakarta: djambatan. bagus, i gusti ngurah. 1980. “masalah tanah dalam perubahan sosial”, makalah seminar fenomena permasalahan tanah adat dan budaya (bali), diselenggarakan oleh ylbhi-blh, bali di denpasar, 27 januari 1996. barker, chris. 2000. cultural studies: theory and practice. california: sage publications, ltd. gelebet, nyoman. 1986. pengertian arsitektur tradisional bali. denpasar: fakultas teknik unud bali. gramsci, antonio. 1968. prison notebooks. london: lawerence & wishart. gramsci, antonio. 1971. selections from prison notebooks. new york: international publisher. harker, richard, cheelen mahar, dan chris wilkes (eds.). 2005. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik, pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu (terjemahan). yogyakarta: jalasutra. bourdieu, pierre. 1971. an outline of a theory of practice. cambridge: polity. kaler, i gusti ketut. 1974. panglemo kosala sabha. denpasar: dit jen cipta karya dept. putl bali. macrae, graeme s. 1999. acting global, thinking local. university of auckland. mantra, ib. 1993. bali masalah sosial budaya dan modernisasi. denpasar: upada sastra. mckean, phillip frick. 1973. “cultural involution: tourist, balinese, and the process of modernization in an anthropological perspec tives”, disertation, department of anthropology, brown univer sity, usa. perlas, nicanor. 2000. shapping globalization civil society, cultural power and threefol ding. new york: cadi and global network for social threefolding. picard, michael. 1996. cultural tourism and touristic culture. singapore: archipelago press. piliang, yasraf amir. 2004. dunia yang dilipat, tamasya melampaui batasbatas kebudayaan. yogyakarta: jalasutra. microsoft word artikel a.n. ni luh suartini2 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 consumptivism in the gender role in ni nyoman sani’s works of art luh suartini1, hardiman2 1,2study program of visual arts, universitas pendidikan ganesha email: 1luh.suartini@undiksha.ac.id , 2hardiman@undiksha.ac.id received date : 10-03-2023 accepted date : 22-05-2023 published date : 31-05-2023 abstract all this time in visual art in bali a woman has often been placed as an object per se. actually, in the visual work of women artists in bali there is found an ideology that works behind it. this article reveals and describes the gender ideology that works behind the visual representation of ni nyoman sani that is why a descriptive qualitative study is used by using postmodernism theory, visual semiotic theory, gender theory, ideology theory, and psychoanalysis theory to reveal the problem. this article concludes that the gender ideology works behind ni nyoman sani’s work, that is, concerning the consumptivism of the gender role in its use. it is hoped that this discussion can give us a broader and deeper understanding of the gender ideology that works behind ni nyoman sani’s creative process. keywords: consumptivism, gender role, ni nyoman sani. introduction “art of this era is the art that cannot be fully understood without placing it in the whole framework of community and culture.” (hasan, 2001; saidi, 2008). nowadays, indonesian contemporary art is present speaking of this era that is complex, full with human problems. global capitalism that cannot be stopped, continuous destruction of the environment, rapid progress in information science and technology and wars of ideologies that worsen, human spilt personality, the problem of woman and gender that keeps on the top agenda, sex and power that increasingly intensify, etc. these problems are present in front of the indonesian contemporary artists. however, the most special are the the problems faced by balinese contemporary women artists. in addition to the social problems, their own problems as visual women artists amidst the patriarchal cultural construction are also surfacing. balinese women artists as indonesian women artists are facing social problems and their personal problems. the problems that are faced by ni nyoman sani, for example, are readable from the theme of her paintings on gender e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 problem that have been motivated by the reality of her biography in which she experienced gender injustice. hence, as confirmed by winarno (2007), although art is a personal expression, it keeps giving a social function that can explain social situations in human life. art, as emphasized by sugiharto (2015) is also viewed as the basic element in all human activities, the inherent parts in all of their performances. it is in this position that works of visual art created by ni nyoman sani have to be seen. all this time, analyses of previous studies on balinese contemporary works, including those of ni nyoman sani, have often used the aesthetical approach of modernism. hence, the problems that have been exposed were the structural problems in visual art, both visual and aesthetical aspects. other things outside the visual text, such as social, political, gender, sexual, globalism phenomena are excluded from the analyses. meanwhile this article focuses on the gender ideology that works behind the creative process of ni nyoman sani. methodology this descriptive qualitative study was prepared by writing a number of steps that covered the design, the determination of the types and sources of data, the determination of the techniques of data collection, the determination of data analysis techniques, and the presentation of the result of data analysis. there were two types of data sources in the process of writing this article. first, the primary data, in the form of visual art works, the concept of creation, and the artist’s bibliography. secondly, the secondary source, that is, in the form of comments, notes from art journalists, art/culture observers, and academicians on the work of art studied in this article, as well as the biography of the artist. this study used the instruments of interview guide, observation guide, visual and audio recorder and camera (photo and video camera). the method of examination was based on the criteria of documentation photography and audio documentation. in the process of writing this article, the data collection was done by using an observation technique in the studio of ni nyoman sani, which was done three times, unstructured interviews both directly and indirectly through communication media and social media with ni nyoman sani for four times, and library research using monographies, exhibition catalogues posters, both printed and electronic. there are 40 works that have been collected successfully in this process, but according to the criteria that has been determined, and the need for the writing of this article, only eight works were analyzed. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 to find the answer to the problem in this article, content analysis was selected, especially in relation to gender ideology found in the works of ni nyoman sani. the analysis process was based on cultural studies theories as stated by barker (2014: 6162) that cultural studies is an interdisciplinary field that selectively takes various perspectives and other disciplines to study the relations between culture and politics using an eclectic method. the interdisciplinary method has the procedure that is based on one discipline as its ontological basis. works of art as objects of the study is treated as an autonomous institution of the art itself that is built by relating inter-elements in its structure. this is the basic analysis stage in hermeneutic as objectivation, or form analysis. this stage is then followed with the next analysis, that is symbolization. from here the works of art are read as a collection of signifiers that refer to various signified outside themselves. it can be called content analysis. some theories are eclectically used in this study. they are postmodernism theory, visual semiotic theory, gender theory, ideology theory, and psychoanalysis theory. eclecticization of theories using those theories has been carried out by a number of scholars such as nugraha, et al. (2022), trisnadewi, et al. (2022), zellya, et al. (2022), and putra, et al (2022) but it is clear that the research under study is significantly different from the works of the scholars from aspects of ontology, methodology, location of research, and time of research. none of the scholars even discussed the image of woman in visual art, especially painting media. results and discussion a woman is sitting in a half lying position. she is wearing a dress which shows the stomach part of her body. her face looks quiet and it looks like she is contemplating. the foreground and the background of the setting of the woman are whitewashed and there is a little of light blue hue. the quiet impression becomes stronger with this setting. this painting in oil on canvas is entitled menunggu (waiting) (90 x 140 cm, 2003). ni nyoman sani, the painter, through this painting wants to express a mental condition of a woman who is waiting. “menunggu” as explained in the lexical meaning is staying for some time at a place, expecting something to happen (to come). (who or what) is being waited by the woman with this sexy dress? it is easy to draw the correspondences among the position, dress, setting and the quiet facial expression. there are two meanings that can be understood in this painting. first, the woman in this painting is the one who is often represented as an active woman. the body of the woman as expressed in giddens (2004) is the instrument to win e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 love. the woman in this painting is the subject who is aware that she herself is a visual object. the object that is ready to be viewed by male eyes. this is of course related to the role of gender based on sex or biological characteristic that causes the public world to be claimed as the men’s world, while the private or domestic world is for women. the patriarchal social relation is informed through law, system, tradition, and even on behalf of religion. hence, woman’s body is under the reign of the patriarchal power. secondly, the woman, in this case, the woman’s body in this painting is the woman’s body that can be categorized to be present in the universality concept. the concept of universality and universalism as noted by prabasmoro (2004:89) refers to a kind of “a meeting place” for “cultural variety”. universality implies something which contains another. however, people have a doubt about this later. like the concept of universality and universalism, a type of a certain body, for example, is accepted more as something universal than the other types the normalized body of course can be accepted universally. in the case of sani’s painting, for example, the ideal body is the one with a fair skin. fair or white contains the meaning as an image of nonworking class woman. white is also associated with cleanliness. this concept is of course only a cultural construction. however, sani as many women, dreams of this, as part of the way of life (or more accurately as a life style). this woman artist represents a white body on canvases. the women bodies in sani’s paintings are the bodies which because of the body aesthetical power and then commodification have been being accepted by many women. the woman’s body in this painting is a clean fair skin as the fruit of the body aesthetical process (see figure 1). gambar 10.4 figure 1. menunggu (waiting) by ni nyoman sani (source: ni nyoman sani, 2003) as in the painting above, apakah wanita harus selalu menunggu? (does a woman have to always wait?) (acrylic on canvas, 210 x 240 cm, 2005) also presents a e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 similar condition. four women in the positions and gestures which are almost alike or in a quiet position. the eyes of the four women appear to be looking at a distance, but with an empty gaze. there is an impression that in their minds they are waiting something. the waiting impression in this painting is stronger than before. this impression is present through repetition that is built by the way how the four women are put in three panels with the same size. the vertical panels that are arranged in a row give the impression of repetition while on the other hand they give an impression of frames or boundaries that enclose the women. menunggu (waiting) for these four women remind of the act of waiting (menunggu godot). the act of waiting, which may be active, is likely to be uncertain. the image of a fair skin in some of sani’s paintings like those exhibited in “seri putih” (a white series) at santrian gallery, represents the reality of women whose images of bodies are located in their minds and not in their bodies. thus, image is obviously not the real thing. women’s bodies in sani’s paintings often present beauty as women’s strength. in this sense, women’s bodies are the tool to gain attention from the other sex. this image projection does not directly present an image about an interdependence. women are represented as the side who need men. wowen on sani’s canvas are women whose dresses and makeups give an impression of producing a sign and at the same time meaning. a representation that shows the subject woman’s pose with an awareness as an object that is ready to be viewed. a body is a visual object whose owner is aware of as an asset (see figure 2). figure 2 apakah wanita harus selalu menunggu (do women have to always wait) by ni nyoman sani (source: ni nyoman sani, 2005). e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 bodies in sani’s paintings as formulated by synnott (2003:12) not only “have existed” naturally, but also become social categories with different meanings produced and developed every time by different populace. in other words, bodies are like a sponge in its ability to absorb meanings, besides having a very strong political nuance. in this case, women’s bodies are the habitat for the growth of cultural, public, private, positive, negative, economical symbolism and commodification. bodies, especially women are related to a discipline that has to and will be undergone by them. bodies are socialized in a system in such a way that it then has a hierarchy. thus, we know very beautiful, beautiful, less beautiful, and even not beautiful bodies. in sani’s case of paintings, women’s bodies are very beautiful bodies. the painting is done by paying attention to the perfect body anatomical structure. part by part, the body is placed in a perfect pose and proportion. to strengthen the ideology, sani even changed the color of women’s bodies to fair, something that is culturally constructed. women’s bodies in sani’s paintings are also the habitat for the growth of private and public meanings. bodies that must be private and domestic are presented by sani publicly. women’s bodies are presented as visual objects. sani’s way of looking at women’s bodies, as expressed in her concept about paintings, that is, however it may be, influenced by the patriarchal culture and under the dominance of men who appreciate the bodies to be “consume“ as the visual objects. even, the bodies in this painting also gives an impression as an object of touch, an object of male desire. see her painting entitled, seandainya aku sewangi mawar (if i smelled as fragrant as a rose) (acrylic on canvas, 180 x120 cm, 2003). this painting is made up of a picture of a woman in a sitting pose with feet joining each other. this pose is very closely associated to the word fashion or photography. this impression is confirmed by the position of the head that turns to the side. it is clear that there is a style in this position. this style is associated with the meaning of the pose as a way to be seen. as the definition of a pose, which is the style or attitude that is presented when one takes a picture of it or paints it. hence, a pose is an attitude as the result of an arrangement with the aim of obtaining a certain style. or in other words, a pose is very different from a gesture that is related to body language. the woman in this painting is wearing a dress with a wide neck which enables the neck and shoulder to be clearly seen. the read dresses unite with the whole setting of the painting. the dominance of this red color immediately stimulates the eyes to see it. at the beginning the process of looking at this painting starts with the glaring red color. after a while, the eyes are led to see the strange color. the color is white with a little hue of brown e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 in the parts of face, neck, fingers, legs and toes. it is easy to see that this painting is presented by the artist with the stress on the strange color. this strange color is on the part of the body that is interesting to see. the strange color with its meaning is a disorderliness that shows a deviation from a common uniformity. the disorder in this work of sani serves to give a focus of attention. the woman in this painting clearly shows her appeal to be seen. hence, the meaning of women’s bodies has migrated from the domestic (private) domain to the the public. this is made clearer by the title of the painting: seandainya aku sewangi mawar (if i smelled as fragrant as a rose). rose, of course, can have a connotation of a visual object, an object of smell, an object of desire. rose, its fragrance, its beauty, then is present with its public characteristic (see figure 4). figure 3 seandainya aku sewangi mawar (if i smelled as fragrant as a rose) by ni nyoman sani (source: ni nyoman sani, 2003) sani did not criticize the quasi-world of this beautiful woman. sani did not criticize the sociocultural construction of a male territory. she even tended to campaign about white, and at the same time she adopted it. this was seen by sani through the look of the dress of her painting to the real dress. sani then designed dresses inspired by her paintings. in the opening of her single exhibition at santrian gallery, sanur, sani presented an exhibition of dresses that she designed using the visual art performing approach. there e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 were fifteen dresses of her design that were exhibited by models. interestingly, one of models was i nyoman sura, a choreographer who was also a balinese contemporary dancer. thanks to sura, this exhibition of sani’s dresses entered the domain of performance or theater in a broader sense. sani and sura collaboration erazed the difference between fashion and art. sani and sura of course owed it to paul poiret, a vouturier (a haute-couture fashion designer) at the beginning of the 20th century that collaborated theater and fashion. the removal of the difference between fashion and art was stated clearly by sani by exhibiting seven of her designs in mannequin made from bamboo works. the making and displaying of these mannequins used the installation art approach. it did not stop there. the catwalk long straight white cloth that was once used at the time of performance/fashion show was displayed all the time during the exhibition. on the edge of this long cloth there was exhibited a bamboo mannequin. this work was more like an installation produced by a fashion show index. thus, this dress design by sani was not present as an exhibition as commonly seen at a house of fashion, the dresses with the bamboo mannequin were the works of fashion and at the same time was also a performing art and installation art. in art terminology this work belongs to the genre of contemporary visual art another term for postmodern visual art. this is marked by, for example, the erasure of the border between pure art and applied art, visual art and performing art, dress and installation, and even art and kitsch (see figure 4). figure 4 fashion showmannequin installation. the work of ni nyoman sani (source: ni nyoman sani). e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 fashion according to budiman (2004:95), while adopting barnard’s opinion (1996) that has become classic, is present in front of us through an ambiguous face. on the one hand, a face looks attractive and tempting, but on the other hand, it reveals a meaning that is associated with falsehood and deception. fashion is often called the existence of body that serves as a bridge between the biological body and the sociocultural reality. it is often viewed as something seconder. sani through her works paintings, performances, and installations —represents fashion not only in the position as applied visual art works, but also an effort to produce the meaning of fashion in the pure art environment. meanings that can be produced from this work, among others in the selection of colors in the dress. the painting entitled seandainya aku sewangi mawar (if i smelled as fragrant as a rose) (2003), garis (line) (2003), menunggu (waiting) (2003), apakah wanita harus selalu menunggu (do women have to always wait) (2005), pelangi (rainbow) (2003), senyum tipis (thin smile) (2003), etc. are dominated by red which has the gender connotation. the red color in culture is often constructed as women’s color. hence, red is also associated with feminineness, that is associated with the person who is wearing it who is regarded as womanlike. the dresses that are worn by the women in sani’s paintings also show certain parts of the body. the shoulder, back, thigh, leg, and even breast split. the dresses are present with denotative meanings of the covers of the bodies, but the more important ones are the connotative meanings. conclusion women in sani’s paintings are fashionable with the dresses, the white skin, lipstick, and various body attributes whose class position can be read semantically, that is, upper middle class. women in their sociocultural position are in a conspiration of enticement who are fond of consuming dresses and cosmetics more than what they need. a sociocultural reality that is close to commodification. hence, women in these paintings are the cultural subjects and objects of the rapid commodification development. a live and revived reality in the process of consumptivism through the use of gender difference. sani, through her paintings, although tends to accept the reality of gender difference, however it may be, has given an interesting portrait of the issue of women in interpreting the meaning of their bodies. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 12-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 acknowledgement the authors express their highest gratitude to the e-journal of cultural studies and the cultural studies study program, doctorate program, faculty of culture, udayana university for publishing this article. references barker, c. (2014). kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: pt. kanisius. budiman, k. (2004). jejaring tanda-tanda: strukturalisme dan semiotika dalam kritik kebudayaan. yogyakarta: indonesiatera. giddens, anthony. (2004). transformation of intimacy. jakarta: fresh book hasan, a. (2001). dua seni rupa, sepilihan tulisan sanento yuliman. jakarta: kalam. nugraha, g., adnyana, i. w., & karja, w. (2022). iconography of woman image in sri tanjung relief at candi surowono. journal of aesthetics, creativity and art management, 1(1), 1–12. https://doi.org/10.31091/jacam.v1i1.1591. prabasmoro, a. p. (2004). becaming white. yogyakarta: jalasutra. putra, f., yudarta, i. g., & mudra, i. w. (2023). everyday life of women workers in badung market (a documentary photography study). journal of aesthetics, creativity and art management, 2(1), 36–44. https://doi.org/10.31091/jacam.v2i1.2345. synnott, a. (2003). the body social, symbolism, self, and society, (tubuh sosial, simbolisme, diri, dan masyarakat). yogyakarta: jalasutra. saidi, a. i. (2008). narasi simbolik seni rupa kontemporer indonesia. yogyakarta: isacbook. sugiharto, b. (2015). untuk apa seni? bandung: pustaka matahari. sukra, i w., & utami, v. (2006). the painting of ni nyoman sani. singapadu: t.p. trisnadewi, a. a. s. i., ratna c.s, t. i., & remawa, a. a. g. r. (2022). swakaryaloka: naturalist based street chic creation. journal of aesthetics, creativity and art management, 1(2), 81–94. https://doi.org/10.31091/jacam.v1i2.1833. winarno, i. a. (2007). “persoalan kesetaraan gender dalam karya seni rupa kontemporer indonesia” jurnal visual art itb, (1(2), 211223. zellya, g. r. a., wirawan, i. k. a., & darmawan, i. d. m. (2022). artistic arrangement as semiotics of criminal messages in the film “marlina si pembunuh dalam empat babak”. journal of aesthetics, creativity and art management, 1(1), 13-21. https://doi.org/10.31091/jacam.v1i1.1592. microsoft word suroyo 5 e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 24-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 marginalization of bedekeh ritual performed by akit ethnic group in rupat island, bengkalis regency, riau province in the era of globalizaton suroyo anak agung ngurah anom kumbara i nyoman suarka pudentia mpss email: roy_pj2003@yahoo.com abstract this present study is intended to explore, identify, comprehend and describe the phenomenon of the bedekeh ritual performed by the akit ethnic group in riau island, bengkalis regency, riau province in the era of globalization. the oang akit (those who belong to the akit ethnic group) believe that all diseases are believed to result from the interference of invisible spirits or what is locally referred to as antu (hantu=ghost), their ancestors, the treatment of other people or what is referred to as disantet (black magic practice), and curses. the bedekeh ritual is a cultural important element; it is not only performed to stimulate emotion but it is also performed to make the relationship among people and between people and the cosmos in harmony. globalization has developed human life and changed the people’s way of life, including the akit ethnic group. the data in the present study were collected using the techniques of observation, in-depth interview, library research, and documentation. based on what was explored and the method used to analyze the data, it was found that the bedekeh tradition is still performed by the akit ethnic group; however, its existence is getting marginalized by the internal and external factors. the modern epistemology (modernwestern) in which rationality is considered more important than other things has caused the therapy performed by the akit ethnic group to shift. hegemony resulting from the penetration of the culture belonging to the non akit ethnic groups has also caused the bedekeh ritual to be marginalized. keywords: marginalization, bedekeh, akit ethnic group, globalization introduction according to the oang akit (the akit ethnic people) all diseases result from the interference of invisible spirits or what is locally referred to as antu (hantu=ghosts), their ancestors, the treatment of other people or what is locally referred to as disantet (black magic practice) and curses. this is supported by what is stated by foster and anderson (1986:63) that the agents of illnesses can be supernatural creatures (invisible creatures or gods), none-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 24-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 human creatures (ghosts, the ancestors’ souls or wicked spirits, and human beings (magicians). however, based on the naturalistic system, an illness can be explained using impersonal systemic terms, and being healthy results from the balanced physical elements. the akit ethnic people and their supporting societies have also ready had local knowledge and local wisdom which can be used to overcome the health-related problems. they also use the local knowledge and wisdom they have to treat the health-related disturbances. apart from being used as a therapy, the bedekeh ritual is also the sociocultural institution of the akit ethnic group which cannot be separated from their socio-cultural structure. it is one of the akit ethnic group’s identities and a specific heritage which cannot be found in the other regions. this is in line with what is stated by giddens (2003: 48-50) that a custom or habit constitutes a personal and collective identity. the globalized culture has cleaned up every type of social and traditional challenges and local cultures. in addition, it also leads people to the cultural homogeneity which disagrees with the group’s identity and value. according to giddens (2003: 67), globalization brings with it the principle of modern culture leading to different social and civilization problems. when the bedekeh ritual is performed, it has its own specifications in terms of the time and place when and where it is performed, the actors who are involved, the language used and the media needed. the contents of the message expressed in the ritual are related to one another. second, the ritual also contains the ideology used as a model by the akit ethnic people. the ideology is divided into two; they are the cosmological ideology and religious ideology. the cosmological ideology is related to their conception of the process of how the macro cosmos (the universe) and micro cosmos (people) are created, and the religious ideology is related to their conception of the relationship between people and their ancestors and god. research method this present study is a qualitative one in which the researcher is the instrument supported with a guide of interview. the qualitative method, which is designed based on the paradigm of cultural studies, is used. the data were analyzed through three stages; they are (1) data collection; the data were obtained through in-depth interview, observation, and library research; (2) analysis and interpretation; (3) the result of data analysis was presented in a narrative way completed with tables and pictures (straus and corbin, 2003:9—10). e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 24-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 discussion the bedekeh ritual has been performed from one generation to another generation. it is still performed as a therapy. bedekeh means ‘mendikir’ (repeatedly chanting part of the confession of faith as a form of worship) and ‘berpikir’ thinking of the way of curing the illnesses which the akit ethic people suffer from. the objectives of performing the ritual are: first, curing the illnesses which the villagers suffer from such as cold and the others; second, feeding the wild animals that run amuck; third, as a compensation by those who have violated the tradition; fourth, keeping bad lucks away from the village as someone has made something wrong or cleaning up the village; fifth, appointing a new ‘batin’ or ‘bomoh’ (leader); sixth, cleaning up the place where a family whose one of its members is dead and that violates what it mustn’t do. the earliest time for performing the ritual performed for the last objective should be 40 days after he/she is buried. djamari (1993: 36) states that a ritual can be viewed from two points of view; they are the objective of performing the ritual and the way of performing it. from the objective point of view, it is performed in order to be protected, blessed and apologized by god. nowadays the bedekeh ritual has been marginalized resulting from the internal and external factors. the hegemony implemented by the state through regulations has made the akit ethnic group’s survival difficult. in addition, hegemony has also caused people to be culturally homogenous, meaning that the group’s identity and value should be avoided. the majority’s different hegemonic reasons have caused the akit ethnic people, as a minority, not to be able to enjoy their religious freedom. one of the reasons is that they do not adhere to one of the official religions. they are the followers of the local religion; therefore, they are considered ‘not belonging to any religion’. the malay people have massively converted their religion. moreover, islam has been used as their identity. they state that malay is identical with islam. the islamic group uses the mainstream islamic ideology as their single truth; they disagree with the local bedekeh ritual, which, according to them, contains animism, polytheism, and leads one up the wrong path. such a condition shows that the mainstream islamic ideology and modernization have dominated the local traditional bedekeh ritual performed by the akit ethnic group. on the one hand, there is a high-level consensus using the great national stability as a measurement; on the other hand, the lower class actively supports and accepts the cultural value, idea, objective and meaning which bind and unify them in the existing structure of power (storey, 2003: 172-173). e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 24-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 the akit ethnic people are frequently stereotyped as being in the outside area (periferi) and the lowest social level in the hierarchy of the “malay world’. they are not considered part of what is referred to as the malay aristocrat or ‘umat’, namely those who belong to what is stated as ‘the nation of islam’; therefore, the nation of malay is not ‘homogenous’. they are not considered ‘umat’ as they do not implement the malay tradition, they are not muslims, they do not speak malay and they look like most malay people. such a social structure still affects the malay society until now. actually, this degrades the dignity used as the most important symbol in the malay people’s image of life. the relation between the intellectual and subaltern groups is like the relation between “the slave and his master” (graves, 1998). the modern medicine was introduced to indonesia at the same time as when the western countries expanded their power to indonesia in general and the akit ethnic group in particular. the rational modern medical world reduces the existence of what is referred to as bomohs (the indigenous medical practitioners) who are not rational. according to gramsci (in tilaar, 2003: 77), the intellectual plays an important role in society. apart from that, education and technological knowledge, information and modernity have also caused the bedekeh ritual to be marginalized. formal education can also cause the way they treat mystical things and supernatural power to shift. the development of knowledge and the modern technology which put forward the economic value, logic and rationality have caused the existence of the oral tradition in society to shift as well. according to gramsci (in baker, 2005: 373), hegemony involves education and consensus instead of coercive and brutal strength. the regional autonomy with the village government system has also affected the akit traditional society; the position of what is referred to as batin has been taken over by the village’s head and his/her staff at hutan panjang village, rupat district, bengkalis regency, riau province. simon (2004: 19-20) states that hegemony does not mean the relationship of domination using power, but the relationship of consensus using political and ideological leadership. the shifts mentioned above have caused the bedekeh ritual to be marginalized and have been responsible for the cultural gap. in fact, the ritual can relevantly strengthen religion, identity, togetherness, solidarity and human resources who are superior in traditional things. in addition, the income earned by a bomoh is too low. he is inspired by an innermost desire, although what he does is not in accordance with what the young generation wants. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 24-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 this is in accordance with what is stated by kaplan and manner (2000) that the cultural system strongly allows any ritual to be maintained as long as it is functional. the bedekeh ritual is an important cultural gist; it does not only stimulate emotion but also maintains the harmonious relationship among people and between people and the cosmos. as far as the relationship among people is concerned, people are reminded of the essence of humanity that there are external strengths which cannot be reached by the human mind. conclusion and suggestion the impact of globalization is not only related to technology and economy, but it also affects different aspects of life. on the one hand, globalization contributes to different aspects of life; on the other hand, it also significantly negatively affects cultural aspects. it does not only degrade the local cultural values but also causes different cultural aspects, such as the bedekeh ritual which has been inherited from generation to generation to get extinct. it is a cultural heritage from the previous generation. acknowledgement in this opportunity i would like to thank anak agung ngurah anom kumbara, i nyoman suarka and pudentia, mpss, as my supervisors for their cooperation and support during the completion of this article. bibliography barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies : teori dan praktik. yogyakarta : krasi wacana. djamari. 1993. agama dalam perspektif sosiologi. jakarta :depdikbud. foster,g.m. & b.g. anderson. 1986. antropologi kesehatan. jakarta :ui press. giddens, anthony. 2003. masyarakat post tradisional. cetakan pertama. diterjemahkan oleh : ali noer zaman. yogyakarta : ircisod. graves, robert graves and the white goddes. 1998.”london paperback end”. kaplan, david dan manner a.a. 2000. teori budaya. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. simon, a. herbert. 2004. administrative behavior, perilaku administrasi : suatu studi tentang proses pengambilan keputusan dalam organisasi adminstrasi, edisi ketiga, cetakan keempat, alih bahasa st. dianjung, jakarta : bumi aksara. storey, john. 2003. teori budaya dan budaya pop memetakan lanskap konseptual cultural studies. yogyakarta : qalam. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 24-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 strauss dan corbin. 2003. penelitian kualitatif : tata langkah dan teknik-teknik teoritisasi data. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. tilaar, h.a.r. 2003. kekuasaan & pendidikan. magelang : indonesia tera. politics of power in marginalization of sasak gandrung performing art in lombok ida ayu trisnawati i nyoman suarka i gde parimartha i gede arya sugiartha study program of dancing art indonesia institute of the arts denpasar e-mail: dayutrisna@gmail.com abstract a change is occurring to the sasak gandrung performing art performed at dasan tereng village, narmada district, west lombok district, west nuasa tenggara. the development of the understanding of islam among the sasak ethnic people has widely affected the development of such a performing art. the marginalization of the sasak gandrung performing art cannot be separated from the limited protection given by the government, the strengthening of the religious fundamentalism, and the decrease in the supporting community’s self-confidence. this present study is intended to identify one of the three phenomena of the marginalization of the gandrung sasak performing art, especially the strengthening of the religious fundamentalism of the waktu lima islam. the data were collected through observation, interview, and documents which are related to the gandrung sasak. the data were analyzed qualitatively using the theory of social practice proposed by pierre bourdieu. the results of the study show that the strengthening of the religious fundamentalism of waktu lima islam caused the wetu telu muslims to convert into waktu lima muslims. the consequence is that the gandrung sasak performing art, inherited from generation to generation, has gradually become marginalized. it has not been included in the list of the performing art in west lombok regency. the strengthening of the religious fundalism cannot be separated from the wetu telu islamic teaching which is not in accordance with the waktu lima islamic teaching, which is based on al-quran and hadist. such a gandrung performing art is believed to be not in accordance with al-quran and hadist which are believed by the waktu lima muslims. keywords: politics of power, marginalization, performing art, gandrung sasak introduction gandrung performing art is the name of an indonesian traditional performing art which is performed in a number of regions such as banyuwati (east java), bali, lombok (west nusa tenggara). the uniqueness of the gandrung performing art performed in banyuwangi is different from that of the one performed in the other area. historically, it was a performing art which was performed as part of the ritual of change. the era development, the change in the way of thinking, and the pressure from many parties especially the waktu lima muslims has caused it to be marginalized, as it is a wetu telu islamic performing art. the gandrung sasak performing art has currently been performed not for traditional purposes; it has also been performed as part of the popular music. such a situation can be stated as a shift from being sacred into being propane. as the essence of the arts, as part of the culture, such a performing art always changes, following the human development. the arts and society affect each other; this has caused the people’s way of thinking and various phenomena, including the performing art, to develop. kdoiran (1998: 541) stated that the arts change following the people’s way of thinking. it is highly interesting to explore such a phenomenon from the perspective of critical cultural studies. the social reality in the wetu telu islamic community, as the supporting community of the sasak gandrung performing art, contrasts with the vision and mission of the government of west nusa tenggara barat, which has committed to developing the society into the one which is civilized, has good characters and cultured, and appreciates plurality and equality in gender (martono, 2011: 4). however, the fact shows that the existence of the sasak gandrung performing art, which has been the cultural heritage of the wetu telu islamic tradition, has been marginalized; moreover, it has been excluded from the list of the arts in west lombok regency since 1992. the less protection from the government, the strengthening of the religious fundamentalism and the fall in the supporting community’s self-confidence have been responsible for such a marginalization. the focus of the present study is the strengthening of the religious fundamentalism in the sasak society which has caused the sasak gandrung performing art to be marginalized. research method this present study is a qualitative one which is within the area of the cultural studies. the data were collected through direct observation. the interviewees were the artists, the observers of the arts, and the experts in the arts. in this case, the artists were the ones who were involved in the sasak gandrung performing art, including the male dancers, and the wetu telu islamic traditional artists who have developed and supported the dance. the common people who are familiar with the dance were also interviewed. in this way, the dance can be more compressively understood. the data were also collected through the documentary method, and were analyzed qualitatively. discussion it is predicted that the sasak gandrung performing art has been performed since between 1907 and 1910. in 1920s, it was a popular performing art among the performing arts which were performed in lombok. what is initially known by the lombok society in general and the wetu telu islamic community in particular is that the gandrung performing art was performed by a male dancer who dressed as a female. the dance was accompanied by a set of gamelan instruments called cungklik (the sasak people refer to it as sabarungan), and two sasak songs known as lelakaq and sandaran (larasati, 1996: 16). it used to be alternately performed by a male dancer and a female one. however, in 1930s, it was more frequently performed by a female dancer. since then the dance has spread to every part of lombok island. the sasak gandrung performing art is a sasak wetu telu islamic tradition. historically, the wetu telu islamic community is an acculturation of the hindu culture and islamic culture. hinduism, which was initially introduced to lombok, gave the ideological foundation which was strong enough. it is this which featured the existence of the gandrung performing art, which was then stated to be identical with the wetu telu islamic culture. historically, the lombok inhabitants, before becoming muslims, had believed in animism-dynamism before hinduism was introduced to them. islam was firstly introduced through the javanese ‘wali’ (the leaders who spread islam). in the beginning, they did not have the opportunity to complete what they should have taught; as a result, the local people were trapped in the transitional period. the leaners whom they left behind were not brave enough to change what they practiced in the transitional era into the complete islamic practices. that is one of the factors which has been contributed to the existence of the wetu telu islamic community in the modern era. in accordance with some people, the wetu telu islamic community is assumed to be the combination of the bargaining processes between two types of values, namely, the local traditional values and universal islamic values. the existence of the wetu telu islamic community and the existence of the gandrung performing art were viewed not to threaten the local traditional values inherited by their ancestors which also have spiritual elements and are assumed to be the strong impact of hinduism and buddhism as the religious teachings which had been introduced before islam was introduced to lombok. the local values which the wetu telu islamic community adheres to have caused the local people not to be brave enough to deconstruct what they had learned before into the waktu lima islamic teaching. derrida (1992: 24) stated that such a decision should be made through what is called apria from the undecidable thing (something which cannot be decided). in reality, the wetu telu islam which the sasak community adhered to at that time contrasted with what is taught in al-qur’an and hadist. the traditional practice performed by the wetu telu islamic community contrasts with what is performed by the waktu lima islamic community. the wetu telu islamic community is aware that a number of traditional practices such as respecting and worshipping the souls of their ancestors clearly contrast with the waktu lima islamic law. in accordance with what is stated by budiwati (2000: 7-8), the local tradition, on which the wetu telu islamic followers give emphasis, plays a highly dominant role among them. they still maintain the wete telu islamic teaching as part of their religious tradition which cannot be deleted. the local traditional value more dominates them than the islamic teaching that they adhere to. they tried to find a solution through acculturation; however, such a phenomenon is prohibited within the islamic context. what is believed by the wetu telu islamic community is that places, books, human beings, specific objects, rites of change such as birth, marriage, moving from one house to another or death are sacred. in addition, according to them, the rice planting cycle is also sacred. such rites of change are performed by holding the gandrung performing art as the wetu telu islamic tradition. without holding the gandrung performing art, such rites of change are incomplete. the wetu telu islam has been purified so that religious misunderstanding can be avoided. the wetu telu muslims still like gambling, getting drunk, and scarcely perform ritual prayers ‘shalat’. in addition, there is still an impression that the gandrung dancer may be ordered to sleep with ‘beterus’. in accordance with bourdieu (1990: 131), habitus includes every type of cultural activity such as production, perception, and evaluation of the practices of daily life. the waktu lima muslims strongly adhere to the islamic teachings which refer to al-quran and hadist. they are more committed to the islamic syari’ah than the wetu telu islamic community. the former’s fidelity to the five pillars of islam ‘lima rukun islam’ is so strong. the latter are the sasak people; they admit that they are muslims but they also worship the souls of their ancestors, many gods, and perform the gandrung dance. the religious fundamentalism has been getting stronger since the current governor was appointed the governor; he is a waktu lima muslim and his wife is from middle east who strongly adheres to the waktu lima islam. the waktu lima islamic community is getting stronger and the wetu telu one is getting marginalized. they are marginalized from their faith and native arts, especially the gandrung dance. the religious fundamentalism in every part of lombok has been made to be stronger; therefore, it is not surprising to see that there is a small traditional group of people who relate the concept of wetu telu islam to the hindu-buddha tradition in their customs and traditions. the elders in particular still maintain their old faith. the wetu telu followers do not recognize that what they believe in is equal to hinduism and buddhism. however, those who have been modernly educated through ‘pondok pesantren’ (traditional islamic school) have caused the influence of the wetu telu to be getting weaker. as the era and the way of thinking develop and the religious fundamentalism is getting stronger, the traditional performing arts in lombok in general, and the gandrung performing art at dasan tereng village, west lombok in particular, which is supported by the wetu telu islamic community, are getting marginalized. the wetu telu muslims used to be static; however, they are getting dynamic. the wetu telu islam has been purified into the waktu lima islam. the shift in religious faith at dasan tereng village, west lombok district, as the village which supports the sasak gandrung performing art, from performing the wetu telu islamic teaching to the waktu lima islamic teaching has contributed to the marginalization of the sasak gandrung performing art in lombok. conclusion and suggestion it can be concluded that the introduction of the waktu lima islam to the wetu telu islamic environment has caused the local people’s faith to shift. as a consequence, the performing art which is related to the wetu telu islam, especially the sasak gandrung performing art as the art product of the wetu telu islamic community, has gradually disappeared. it is suggested that (1) the government should motivate and facilitate the creativity of the sasak gandrung artists morally and materially; (2) the art institution should make attempts to maintain the traditional arts qualitatively and quantitatively; and (3) the art observers, artists, and intellectuals should importantly contribute to the growth and development of the existing traditional arts. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i nyonan suarka, m.hum., as the supervisor, prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., as co-supervisor i and dr. i gede arya sugiartha, sskar., m.hum, as co-supervisor ii, for their guidance and supervision during the completion of this study. the writer would also like to thank the e-journal of cultural studies, doctorate program in cultural studies, udayana university for publishing this e-journal. bibliography bourdieu, pierre. 1990. in other word: essays toward a reflexsive sociology. cambridge uk: polity press. derrida, jacques. 1992. acts of literature. diedit oleh derek attridge. new york: routledge, kodiran. 1998. “kesenian dan perubahan masyarakat “dalam kebudayaan rakyat dalam perubahan sosial. yogjakarta: makalah disampaikan pada simposium internasional ilmu-ilmu humaniora ke-5 fakultas sastra universitas gadjah mada, tanggal 8-9 desember 1998. larasati, r. diyah. 1996. jurnal masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia. th.vii. “gandrung di lombok barat (sebuah ekspresi simbolis komunitas sasak)”. masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia surakarta: yayasan bentang budaya. martono, nanang. 2011. sosiologi perubahan sosial perspektif klasik, modern, posmodern dan postkolonial. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. microsoft word i gst aryana 2 e-journal of cultural studies augst 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 6-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 power behind harmony: critical ethnography of relation between chinese ethnic group and balinese ethnic group at pupuan village, tabanan, bali i gusti made aryana aa bagus wirawan nengah bawa atmadja email: gustimadearyana@ymail.com abstract the harmonious relation between the ethnic groups living at pupuan village can be evidenced by the inter-ethnic marriages. the problems of the present study can be formulated in three questions. they are why the chinese ethnic people can live harmoniously with the balinese ethnic people, how is the dynamics of the power behind the harmonious relation between the chinese ethnic people and balinese ethnic people at pupuan village, and how the educational model implemented by the chinese ethnic people and balinese ethnic people is developed to contribute to the harmonious relation between the two ethnic groups from the ethno pedagogic perspective. the descriptive and qualitative method was used in the present study. the data were collected through in-depth interview, observation, and documentary study. the data were analyzed using the interactive analysis method. the theories used include the theory of practice proposed by bourdieu, the theory of discourse of power/knowledge proposed by foucault, theory of habernas education, and so forth. the result of the study shows that there are several reasons why the relation between the balinese ethnic people and chinese ethnic people has become harmonious. they use power and capital. the balinese ethnic people use the spiritual capital (the capital of cultural power) through the values of the local genius. the chinese ethnic people use the socioeconomic capital they have to make the domination of the balinese people balanced. the dynamics of the power behind harmony shows that the relation between the two ethnic people at pupuan village is made to be diluted resulting from the power of the internal (local) people and the external (national) people which can be seen from the religious aspect, political aspect, socio-cultural aspect, and socio-economic aspect. the ethnopedagogic educational model is developed using different media such as the societal organization, the social activity in the forms of ngayah (doing voluntary religious things) and ngoupin (helping other people living in the neighborhood prepare and perform their traditional and religious activities). keywords: power, harmony, critical ethnography, ethnical relation between the chinese ethnic group and balinese ethnic group, ethnopedagogic introduction pupuan village is one of the old villages in pupuan district, tabanan regency, bali province, where 113 chinese families and 738 balinese families live (monography of pupuan e-journal of cultural studies augst 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 6-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 village, 2015). there is a harmonious relation between the two ethnic groups, although they are different with respect to many aspects. the harmonious relation can be seen from the marriages between the two ethnic groups which are usually less common (vasanty, 1987). the chinese ethnic people also become the members of the traditional village ‘desa parakaman’ and this is welcome by the balinese ethnic people. in addition, the chinese ethnic people also have family temples referred to as sanggah kemulan, pelinggih jro gede and taksu as the balinese ethnic people do. they also perform religious rituals referred to as odalan using what is called banten (offering) similar to what is used by the balinese ethnic people when they perform religious festivals. in the other areas of the country this behavior is seldom shown by the chinese ethnic people. they are often discriminatively treated leading to physical coercion (coppel, 1994: purdey, 2013). such a scarce social phenomenon is interesting to be explored (habib, 2004). apart from that, as far as the writer’s view is concerned, this phenomenon is getting more important and interesting to be explored as indonesia, as a nation, is getting disintegrated and less unified. the matter pertaining to the integration among the ethnic groups in indonesia has been a national issue. therefore, this phenomenon is explored from the perspective of cultural studies. based on the reason described above, the scope of the present study includes (1) why the chinese ethnic group and balinese ethnic group at pupuan village, tabanan regency, bali province, can live harmoniously? (2) what is the dynamics of power behind the harmonious relation between the chinese ethnic people and balinese ethnic people at pupuan village, tabanan regency, bali province like? (3) how is the educational model implemented by the chinese ethnic people and balinese ethnic people at pupuan village, tabanan regency, bali province can lead to the harmonious relation from the ethnographic perspective? this present study is intended to deconstruct the social phenomenon described above so that the reasons causing the chinese ethnic people and balinese ethnic people to be able to live harmoniously can be understood. research method the descriptive and qualitative method with the critical ethnographic approach within the perspective of cultural studies was used in the present study (spradly, 2006). the data were collected through in-depth interview, observation and documentary study. the data e-journal of cultural studies augst 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 6-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 were analyzed using the interactive analysis model proposed by miles and huberman (1992). the critical social theory was also employed so that the result would be a critical ethnography. result and discussion the result of the study shows that (1) power capital contributes to the harmonious relation between the chinese ethnic people and balinese ethnic people at pupuan village. the balinese ethnic people use power as the capital through the local genius they have such as tri hita karana (the harmonious relation between man and god, the harmonious relation between man and his fellow beings, the harmonious relation between man and his environment), tat twam asi (everybody is equal), penyamabrayaan (brotherhood), and so forth. the chinese ethnic people use the socio-economical capital to compensate for the domination of the balinese ethnic group so that the relation between them has become harmonious. the balinese ethnic people use the power they have to dominate the chinese ethnic group using the ideology of tri hita karana which is poured in the local law binding all members of pupuan traditional village. a sanction is imposed upon those who break the law. the sanction functions as a social control leading to the social order and the harmonious life at pupuan village. the chinese ethnic people use their socio-economic capital to compensate for the domination (hegemony) of the balinese ethnic group. the value of the local genius menyama braya (brotherhood) developed by the balinese ethnic people through the teaching of tat twam asi and the teachings of khonghucu, taoism and buddhism support and develop the attitude of brotherhood (penyamabrayaan) among the two ethnic groups of people with different cultural backgrounds. they all form the pillars of the sense of belonging, respecting one another and the attitude of tolerance. they all lead to the harmonious relation among the people living at pupuan village and between the two ethnic groups. this is strengthened by the marriages between the two ethnic groups (amalgamation). the friendship between the two ethnic groups is also getting closer. the capital the chinese ethnic people have has also led to the harmonious relation between the two ethnic groups at pupuan village. the chinese ethnic people are economically and socially established. their socio-economic role is getting greater and more important. they are also the donators of the social and physical development at the village. the balinese ethnic people also use the power capital they have for dominating the chinese e-journal of cultural studies augst 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 6-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 ethnic people with an expectation that they can maintain the superordinate position through the local law ‘awig-awig, dresta, pararem’ they have produced. in this way, the chinese ethnic people, as the new comers and minority will always show fidelity and support the security within their families and the village. the historical experience also contributes to the harmonious life at pupuan village. that is reasonable enough as the chinese ethnic people who came to pupuan village in 1820s have considered that pupuan is the village where they are born, although they have experienced independence era and reformation era. the sense of belonging has caused the two ethnic groups living at pupuan village to live harmoniously and keep brotherhood as a big family leading them to peacefulness. finally, the roles played by the central government and local government have also contributed to the harmonious life at pupuan village. the central government through the village government as its representative applies the nationally-prevailing law to regulate the life of every citizen, including every chinese living at pupuan village, regardless of the ethnic groups they belong to. similarly, the local government which synergizes with the traditional village ‘desa pakraman’, expects for a social order through the local regulation number 3 of 2001 concerning traditional village ‘desa pakraman’ (surpha, 2012). the traditional village produces the local law referred to as awig-awig, dresta and pararem to maintain the harmonious life among the local people. the power behind the harmonious life between the two different ethnics living at pupuan village is dynamic and diluted resulting from the power which the local and national people have with their positive (constructive) and negative (descriptive) effects. such dynamism can be viewed from (a) religious and belief aspect, (b) the dynamics of power in the political aspect, and (c) the dynamics in the socio-cultural aspect, and (d) the dynamics of power in the socio-economic aspect. the educational model implemented by the chinese ethnic group and balinese ethnic group at pupuan village has contributed to the harmonious life from the ethno pedagogic perspective (alwasilah, 2008). it can be implemented through different media; they are (1) the social organizational media such as the youth ‘truna-truni’ and ‘karang taruna’ organization; (2) social activities such as doing spirituality-related activities voluntarily ‘ngayah’ and helping the others living in the neighborhood ‘ngoupin’; (3) traditional games; (4) story telling tradition; and (5) cultural-ritual media in the public space, which can be used e-journal of cultural studies augst 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 6-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 to implant the local genius values such as togetherness, helping one another, and brotherhood. conclusions and suggestion based on the result of analysis several conclusions and novelties can be drawn from the present study. first, the interests, powers and capitals that the chinese ethnic group and balinese ethnic group have, tolerance, respecting one another and equality in diversity have contributed to the harmonious relation between them, meaning that the pupuan society have been able to actualize the motto unity in diversity ‘bhinneka tunggal ika’ and the doctrine multiculturalism in its social life. thus, the harmonious life between the chinese ethnic group and balinese ethnic group at pupuan village, tabanan, bali has resulted from the positive or productive power as stated in the theory of discourse of power/knowledge proposed by foucault. second, the diluted dynamics in the relation between the two ethnic groups, as the local and national ethnic groups, at pupuan village has resulted from the powers they have. that has led to the desired situation and condition, causing the stable and harmonious life to be able to be maintained. they have always struggled for their resources and positions to win the contestation taking place in the same arena and to maintain their stable harmonious social lives as stated by bourdieu in his theory. the local genius which the two ethnic groups have requires them to negotiate and communicate through their agencies as proposed by habermas in his theory in order to keep the condition at pupuan village harmonious and conducive. thus, as far as the context of the dynamics of power is concerned, it can be stated that the hegemony between the balinese ethnic group and chinese ethnic group has not only taken place in one way but in two ways as stated by gramsci in his theory that the majority will always dominate the minority. the balinese ethnic group has dominated the chinese ethnic group in several aspects and the chinese ethnic group dominates the balinese ethnic people. thus, there is balance of power between the two ethnic groups in how they manage their existence to keep the situation harmonious. third, the ethnographic educational model implemented to maintain the harmonious relation between the two ethnic groups at pupuan village is considered the effective media for implanting the local genius values locally. the media include the social organizational media such as the youth ‘taruna teruni’ and ‘karang taruna’ groups; the ngayah and ngoupin activities; traditional games, traditional storytelling, and cultural ritual performed in the public e-journal of cultural studies augst 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 6-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 space. they are all the media which can be employed by all the parties to be aware that togetherness, brotherhood ‘menyama braya’, full tolerance and appreciating one another are the key to the harmonious life. based on the novelties described above, it is suggested that (1) it is still necessary to conduct further research in order to enrich the studies of ethnicity in cultural studies; (2) the stakeholders should continuously nurture pluralism and multiculturalism so that unity can always be maintained. acknowledgement in this opportunity the writer would like to thank dr. i gede mudaha, m.si for editing this article so it can be published in the e-journal of cultural studies. it is hoped that the article may be useful to us all. bibliography agger, ben. 2009. teori sosial kritis: kritik, penerapan dan implikasinya. yogyakarta : kreasi wacana. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: bentang. basrowi dan sukidin. 2003. teori-teori perlawanan dan kekerasan kolektif. surabaya: insan cendekia. bourdieu, pierre. 2015. arena produksi kultural: sebuah kajian sosiologi budaya. bantul: kreasi wacana. foucault, michel. 2002. pengetahuan dan metode: karya-karya penting michel foucault. yogyakarta: jalasutra. gramsci, antonio. 2013. prison notebooks (catatan-catatan dari penjara). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. hammerle, p. johannes m. 2013. pasukan belanda di kampung para penjagal. gunung sitoli: yayasan pusaka nias. harefa, firman. 2009. pariwisata nias: peluang, ilusi atau petaka? (serial online), 19 april 2009. [cited 2011 dec.18] available from url: http://www.niaspost.com/2009/04/19/pariwisata-nias-peluang-ilusi-ataupetaka/. diakses, tanggal 29 juli 2015. horton, paul b. dan chester l. hunt. 1999. sosiologi. jakarta: erlangga. jenks, chris. 2013. culture (studi kebudayaan). yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar. mahar, c., dkk. 2009. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik: pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. parchiano, novella. 2015. sejarah pengetahuan michel foucault. dalam: listiyono santoso dan abd. qodir saleh (ed.). epistemologi kiri. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media. e-journal of cultural studies augst 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 6-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 peraturan desa nomor 3 tahun 2015. desa bawomataluo, kabupaten nias selatan. peraturan pemerintah nomor 50 tahun 2011 tentang rencana induk pembangunan kepariwisataan nasional tahun 2010 – 2025. pitana, i gde dan i putu g. gayatri. 2005. sosiologi pariwisata. yogyakarta: andi. undang-undang ri nomor 10 tahun 2009. kepariwisataan. bandung: citra umbara. zebua, manahati. 2014. inspirasi pengembangan pariwisata di daerah. yogyakarta: valemba. ritual as politics: raju cultural practice in plural society of mbawa, west nusa tenggara abdul wahid i wayan ardika aron meko mbete emiliana mariyah state institute of islam mataram email: dipifanda@yahoo.com abstract since the new order government the religious politics has obliged residents to adhere to one of the five official religions, causing the mbawa society to be a plural one. they have welcome christianity and islam, but they still maintain their old belief, that is, parafu. movements have appeared in the society. the people were between peace and conflict. the last movements led to violence, taking place in 1969, 1972, and 2000. the raju cultural practice is maintained within the context of islamic and christian contestations, and has been used as the arena of cultural fight. this present study discusses how the raju ritual frees itself and its supporting people from the conflict, and how it is transformed into a means of supervising peace. the perspective of the critical theory was used in the present study to explore the texts of the mbawa society. the discourse analysis was used to guide the discussion. based on the fieldwork done at mbawa from 2011 to 2014, several constructions of the raju cultural practices were found. first, the raju practice refers to the maintenance of identity and supremacy of the mbawa society as conserver of the ancestor’s tradition; second, the raju cultural practice functions as a mechanism of internal solidarity, so horizontal conflict can be avoided; and third, the raju cultural practice plays a role as a means of revealing the “resistance” to as well as “acceptance” of the other people’s cultural domination. the finding of the study gives better understanding of the tradition-based management of conflict. it is such a character which, to some extent, has caused the raju cultural practice to be the practice of management conflict. the significant cultural position of the mbawa plural society could be identified from the discursive space and its potential as means of communication. keywords: plurality, resistance, accommodation, hegemony, and conflict management. introduction this present study focuses on the mbawa people, a small ethnic group of people with a great issue, who live in the bima mountainous area, west nusa tenggara. they are a plural society and live in contestation of islam and christianity. their fully dynamic life had taken place since the indonesian modern era, especially the new order government. such dynamic lives had changed their cultural structure. the mbawa people (dou mbawa) who used to adhere to their local belief parafu had converted into muslims and christians; some had converted from christians into muslims and some others had also converted from muslims into christians. at that time their faith, parafu, did not die out; even it seemed to be revitalized as an identity. in this case, the lives of the dou mbawa people became culturally ambiguous and problematic. their ‘pleasantry’ lives had changed into a cultural tumult. religious conflict with violence took place in 1969, 1972, and 2000. so far the mbawa has been used as the arena of cultural fight among the local people (insiders), between the local people (insiders) and outsiders, and among the outsiders. as a tradition-based society, the dou mbawa people have found a communal morality-based natural solution (just, 2001) which is performed through socio-cultural practices (kadri et al, 2009). the raju cultural practice, for example, was inherited and transformed in a situation and context in which the cultural fight took place. in the raju practice, the planting time which has involved muslims and christians and has been rooted from what is believed in parafu, has been the hegemonic locus and contestation of various segments of society. this present study reveals the meaning of the raju cultural practice and its aspects for the dou mbawa (mbawa people) from the multicultural context and the relation of power in which they exist. the raju cultural practice is an accumulation of knowledge and is an access to the exploration of the relation and fight of cultural entities (which are transformed into the local religion) versus religion (the universal religion), causing one to be marginalized and the other to be dominating. research method this present study eclectically used the perspective of critical theories to reveal the political action behind the raju cultural practice, and to describe the implicit actors in it. the data were obtained through fieldwork from 2011 to 2014 using the techniques of observation, interview, and documentation. three texts were obtained; they are the social “text”, the physical “text”, and the text (without any quotation mark) of the kasaro prayers recited at the peak of the raju celebration. the study was guided by the discourse analysis which allowed the writer to find the ‘referential code’ which could lead to the cultural meaning of such a cultural practice. result and discussion based on the result of the fieldwork, the writer proposed two arguments. first, the raju cultural practice is an accumulation of knowledge and structural representation and social relation in the mbawa community, as it contains social vision and interest. second, the raju cultural practice has been transformed into the strategy of communication, conflict management, and the way of overcoming hegemony. this argument contradicts the socio-religious map of the fully dynamic mbawa community. the society which occupies the area which is located in the western part of the mountainous area of bima city has been the locus of cultural contestations since the arrival of outsiders especially through the spreading practice of islam and christianity. such two religious strengths entered through self image and the construction of the identity of the mbawa people who are different in regard to their locality, religion and intensity (hitchcock, 1996), as they live in a mountainous area and adhere to what is referred to as parafu. in addition, their color is different from others’. they are stated to be underdeveloped, ‘kafir’ (infidel) or ‘muryrik’ (polytheist), and “the others” in the social relation. based on that, intervention was introduced to them by the state using the ideology of development in various fields and by the universal religious groups, namely, muslims and christians. if the government (the state) intervenes using the modus of physical and spiritual development, then muslims and christians, as the civil societies, strengthens the religious aspect through proselytizing and zending. initially, the attempt made by the christian group was more welcome, although christianization had taken place after islamization, starting from the sultanate era (rahman,, 2011). as a consequence, the mbawa people were better known as a christian community than as the community of the parafu followers. furthermore, mbawa was better known as the only center of christians in the bima territory which is mostly occupied by muslims. recently, reislamization has been more seriously activated to compensate the religious proselytizing and the ‘defeat’ against christianity in the past. it is this which has figured the mbawa society where various cultures, ideologies, and interests have fought against one another; therefore, it has been used as the locus of life. the hegemony in the form of moral and intellectual leadership (imam, 2010) has taken place in the mbawa society through the new morality which is in the form of the universal religious teaching to replace the parafu-based morality. how the mbawa society has given response to such a new morality contains the ’art of secretly refusing’ and the ‘art of adapting. the ‘text’ or the hidden transcript implies the art of refuting domination (scott,, 199) as illustrated by the deconstruction of “pohon wangi’ (indicating the muslim location) so that a church could be constructed; however, a mosque was constructed under the shelter of ‘pohon bau’ (the location of non-muslims). the unification of the muslim cemetery and christian cemetery without any partition can be read as the refusal to the spatial separation of the mbawa community based on the religious separation. there are still many other practices indicating refusal. the art of accepting can be semiotically read from the appearance of the physical environment of uma ncuhi, the traditional house which represents the mbawa people’s local culture and identity (keane, 1995). the introduction of what is locally referred to sarange (terrace) as a new element of the uma ncuhi structure indicates the introduction of the modern element in the mbawa tradition. the upright position of the house of the bima urban style which is exactly constructed next to the uma ncuhi and the many christian instruments it contains also indicate the interference of modernity. as far as the raju cultural practice is concerned, there is a dance which is locally referred to as the kalero dance, which is assumed to adopt the position and movement made by muslims when they perform their ritual prayers. in the practice of dewa, the therapy which is performed through magic formula (mantra) also looks like what is in islam referred to as the tradition of itikaf , that is, not moving while reciting the words from al-quran until a certain atmosphere. what is the most visible is the structure of the kasaro prayers recited at the peak of the raju celebration. the traditional prayers are mixed with the expressions adopted from the islamic and christian traditions. from what was described above, it can be stated that the mbawa society has a structural strategy as a response to the external challenge, which operates between the bank in which resistance is shown and the bank in which adoption is made. as a cultural flexibility, they make use of the raju cultural practice for managing the interest in the resistance to hegemony and the interest in the agreement with being dominated. in turn, the raju cultural practice surpasses its basic function as a religious natural expression in order to enter the cultural phase of the public space and communication. as far as its last function is concerned, the raju cultural practice functions as a place where various elements of the society get unified again after being trapped in the religious private spaces. they hold a discursive space in the form of “paresa rawi rasa’ as a place where and a time when they sit together to solve social problems without any hierarchy. that is the public space according to the mbawa people; it is place where ideas, aspirations, and communal commitments are shared to form a communicative condition for the society as illustrated by habermas (hardiman, 2009). the prayers and magic formula of kasaro which are recited at the peak of such a meeting are more than simply religious texts or ritual languages. kasaro is an ‘instrument’ for communicating with god and ancestors. it is also advice and reminder to the community and an instrument for speaking out with outsiders. in the kasaro reading, there is a hierarchical aspect of knowledge which reflects the relation of power and distribution of power. in the kasaro verses, there is a self identification which shows identity, consolidation of internal strength and ’sign’ for outsiders who show politics. thus, the kasaro text, which is, in accordance with the mbawa people, an instrument of political communication, is a communicative act. the raju discourse also produces the ontological knowledge as the basis of the doctrine of the relation among religions. such ontological knowledge can be seen from the paresa tua practice, that is, the philosophical discussion among the elders concerning the essence of god, the creation of human beings, religious rituals, and even the origins of religions and their histories. it is this doctrine which serves as the basis of harmonious social relation, and contributes to morality and the norm of social life in mbawa society. such a doctrine, the expression of ‘refusing’, and the expression of ‘adopting’, as far as the mbawa people are concerned, are related to one another. it is this which has led to the accumulation of communal genius whose elements form an instrument used to supervise peace or the internal mechanism of avoiding conflicts among the mbawa people. to outsiders, such wisdom has contributed to a social relation style with outsiders which gives emphasis on equality, how minor a group of people is. conclusion and suggestion from what was briefly discussed and the reading of the texts above, it can be inferred that there is a connotation in the form of hidden hegemonic relation in the dou mbawa culture. in such a full relation of domination the raju cultural practice shows its flexibility in playing a role in avoiding the local identity from being marginalized by the dominant culture. in the cultural adaptation process, the islamic elements and christian elements form the unique configuration of the raju cultural practice which is highly colorful and dynamic. with such a character the raju cultural practice, to some extent, has become the practice of conflict management. such a significant cultural position for the mbawa plural society can be identified from the discursive space made available and its potential to be used as a means of communication. from what was inferred above, the writer would like to reflectively recommend two suggestions. first, the state interference and the legitimacy of official religions should not marginalize the local tradition and identity; they should orient towards the local cultural strengthening, as it is the way in which any cultural opposition will not lead to disintegration. second, the conflict management should not be structural as wisdom does not only belong to the state with its governmental bureaucracy. a society has knowledge which can be used to open its cultural mechanism to overcome its internal problems. acknowledgement this article could not have been completed without the involvement of many parties such as the supervisor and co-supervisors, prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., prof. dr. aron meko mbete, and dr. i gede mudana, m.si. the last, in particular, provided the writer with the framework of what cultural studies are. bibliography hardiman, f.b. 2009. menuju masyarakat komunikatif: ilmu, masyarakat, politik dan postmodernisme menurut jurgen habermas. yogyakarta: kanisius. hitchcock, m. 1996. islam and identity in eastern indonesia. hull: the university of hull press. imam, r.h. 2010. “’masyarakat warga’ dalam pemikiran antonio gramsci,” dalam f. budi hardiman (ed.). ruang publik: melacak ‘partisipasi demokratis’ dari polis sampai cyberspace. yogyakarta: kanisius. just, p. 2001. dou donggo justice: conflict and morality in an indonesian society. new york: rowman & littlefield. kadri dkk. 2009. “satu leluhur dua agama: dinamika komunikasi komunitas islam-kristen di mbawa, bima.” laporan penelitian. mataram: lembaga penelitian iain mataram. keane, w. 1995. “the spoken house: text, act, and object in eastern indonesia,” american ethnologist 22 (1): 102-124, american anthropological association. rahman, m.f. 2011. islam di bima: kajian historis islamisasi era kesultanan. mataram: alamtara institute. scott, j.c. 1990. domination and the art of resistance. new haven london: yale university press. microsoft word nurita 3 e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 the background of market ideology in the development of beladiri aikido in bali wayan nurita i nyoman suarka aa bagus wirawan i nyoman dhana sekolah tinggi ilmu bahasa asing saraswati, denpasar email: nuritabali@yahoo.com abstract quite a lot of balinese people nowadays are pursuing different martial arts coming from other nations, among others is aikido. aikido as one of the martial arts of japan can be accepted and is growing well in bali which has the background of market ideology as one of the impacts of globalization. the development process of aikidoin bali both in addition to the number of training venues (dojo) and improving the quality of the participants’ techniques (aikidoka) under the supervisionof bali aikido master organization (bari aikikai) which has been established since 1997. by questioning what kind of ideology is working in the development of aikido martial arts in bali, this research is a qualitative research which applies the hypereality theory of jean baudrillard. result of the research shows that the development of aikido martial arts in bali both in the development of the dojo and the aikidokaare in the process to reach certain levels. in order to reach both, the allocation of time and funds are required. bari aikikai is a japan subordinate of aikidomartial arts organization (nihon aikikai). everything related to the development of aikido martial art in bali is done through bari aikikai. the japanese as the cultural owner and discourse producer play an important role in relation to the market ideology in it. this condition and realitycan be seen in the development process of aikido martial art in bali. both the dojo and aikidoka managers spend a lot of money in terms of training in the form of compulsory dues and other dues payment. this research also found a new paradigm that behind the acceptance and development of aikidomartial artsas the globalization of culture, there is market ideology behind the discourse. keywords: ideology, market, development, martial arts, aikido. introduction the existence of globalization on the one hand and the development of global tourism business on the other hand, one of japan aikidomartial arts was born, accepted, grow and develop in bali. the intensity of entry and development of aikido in bali cannot be separated e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 from the issue of globalization, the power and domination of japan in the world constellation, both politically, economically, and culturally. in order to maintain and clarify its identity, indonesian people with the balinese among others should still preserve their traditional martial arts because it can also be used as instruments or tools to develop identity for both local and national societies (koentjaraningrat, 1985: 115). meanwhile, many balinese now receive and develop severalof martial arts that come from other nations including one of the martial arts of japan named aikido. aikido martial arts established in bali since 1995 and up to this time (2017) has spread in badung andgianyarregencies also in the city of denpasar and has had the number of members as many as 348 people. in the reality, all activities in developingaikido martial arts in bali including the involvement of the mass media, under the supervision of japanaikido martial arts organization (nihon aikikai), will eventually contribute benefit in the form of material to the main dojo in tokyo-japan either for the coaches assigned to bali as well as the main organization of aikido martial arts in japan (nihon aikaki) in the form of member dues around the world including bali. actually the fact is interesting to be studied more deeply because the discourse ofaikido martial development in bali as one of japanese cultures, brings market ideology in it. based on the explanation and information mentioned before, the problem formulated in this research is why there is a market ideology in the development of aikido martial arts in bali. research method this study applied qualitative method which give emphasize to cultural meaning with ethnographic approach, including among others (1) entering the life of balinese aikidoka both individually and in group; (2) seeing the process of aikido martial arts development in bali both from organizational establishment, dojomanagement, process of level experienced by aikidoka, the competing of meaning to clarify the identity and play with ideology, image, power which ultimately compete for the fiscal capital. this research uses four locationsof dojoaikidomartial arts in bali such as: (1) dojo samurai at tukadganggarenon, (2) dojo in the village of sumerta denpasar, (3) dojo aura at sunset road-kuta, and (4) ) dojo kami at south jimbaran-kuta. the type of data used in this research is qualitative and quantitative data. the data sources used include primary and secondary data sources. the research instrument is the e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 researcher himself. the technique of determining the informant is using purposive sampling. data collection techniques consist of observation, in-depth interviews, documentation, and literarystudy. data analysis techniques are using descriptive-qualitative and interpretative analysis techniques. the theory used is the hypereality theory of jean baudrillad. discussion aikido martial arts as one of the japanese cultures that has spread and cultivated by aikidokain some dojos in bali. in the process of development it requires dojo for the training place in order to improve the quality of technique of aikidoka. the establishment of dojos by the managers (aikidoka) that has met the standard according to bariaikikaki shows the successful of development of aikido martial arts in bali. with this success is actually the successful of the japanese. the japanese, in this case dojo aikido martial arts center (honbu dojo) has succeeded in developing aikido martial arts through hand stands (bali aikikai) in bali. the development of dojo in order to develop aikido martial arts in bali, means that it requires a lot of cost for baliaikidoka. a number of dojo managers in bali do not have their own land which means that they rent the land. it means that the dojo managers also have to spend money for buildings, additional funds for other means such as: matrass, exercise equipment such as stick (jo), sword (bokutou), and wooden knife (tantou). there is also fee for promotional purposes. the emergence of several dojos as a proof of the successful development of aikido martial arts in bali. it shows that bali aikidoka also gets benefit especially for managers and coach assistant because with the establishment of new dojos means that the managers and coach assistant will get income in the form of material. the material income earned by dojomanagers are the rest of expenditure on building leases, training facilities, and expenses for other instructors. this reality shows that in the management of the dojo raises the market ideology because the development of aikido martial arts in the establishment of dojo its ultimate goal is material income. aikido martial arts as a product of japanese culture and baliaikidoka as a consumer. in this case baliaikidokadoes not only consume the products (aikidomartial arts) but also consumes symbols that determine the image to form their identity. this reality shows that consumerism is not merely related to the role model of symbolic value, but relates also to the question of identity. consumption is not merely the matters of expenditure or acquisition of e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 objects to be self-owned on the basis of use value, but also the purchase of identity. through aikidomartial training, baliaikidoka as japanese cultural consumers form their own identity and have authority to compete for the capital in the form of material obtained from other aikidokawho are practicing in the dojo he leads. to improve the quality of technique and the increase of level, baliaikidokaneeds a long and sustainable time and also a lot of budget. the costs ranging from routine training costs in the form of time tuition, seminar fees, training costs outside the camp dojo (training camp) members of bariaikikai, and fees for the exam. other costs such as participating in outdoor activities or seminars and examinations in japan, all individuals are responsible for this in accordance with their needs of the costs concerned. to follow the training activities in japan, in addition to transportation, accommodation, and consumption costs are also required to attend the seminar. and if there is bali aikidoka who take the test for the higher level will be charged according to the level. realizing this fact can be said that it is impossible without sum of material and much time to be able to achieve a higher level in aikido martial arts because there are several conditions specified by the dojo center of aikido martial arts in tokyo-japan. the main requirement of aikidoka to have a black belt (and) is to take the test for the dan higher level that is tested by the japanese. in the test the bali aikidokacan invite teachers from japan to come to bali by facilitating transportation, accommodation, fee to test, donation to the central dojo in tokyo, and transportation or the bali aikidokaare required to come to tokyo for the test and certainly requires sum of money. from this fact it can be said that for bali aikidoka who wants to improve the quality have to prepare time and sum of japan currency. all expenses of baliaikidoka paid to honbudojo in tokyo in the form of japanese currency. thus it can be said that the development of aikido martial arts in bali, both the development of the dojo and the improvement of the quality of his aikidoka ultimately provide material benefits to the japanese as the owner of the culture. conclusion and suggestion based on the description on the discussion there are several things can be concluded as follows. firstly, the market ideology for the development of aikido martial arts in bali can be seen in terms of the establishment and management of dojo. secondly, for the baliaikidoka in order to improve the quality and the level requires a long and continuous time along with the budget to practice, attend seminars, and other expenses. with the level and the identity e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 belong to bali aikidokaultimately they also can get the material income by the profession as a trainer in the dojo. the amount of budget spent by bali aikidoka in relation to training and rating of higher level, became the income for the japanese as a real form of market ideology. by looking at the reality with regard to market ideology in the development of aikido martial arts in bali, can be put forward to the government in this case the education department of youth and sport of bali province to see or adopt the superiority of the management system in aikido martial arts so that it can be applied to native indonesia martial arts management in bali. acknowledgement first of all i would like to praise the almighty god, ida sang hyangwidhiwasa, because of his blessing a research entitled the background of market ideology in the development of beladiri aikido in balican be completedas it is expected. on this occasion i would like to express my gratitude tothe team of the research respectively: prof. dr. i nyomansuarka, m.hum., prof. dr. anakagungbaguswirawan, s.u., and dr. i nyomandhana, m.si.,and also to the management of e journal of cultural studies of udayanauniversity.last but not least hopefullythis research will be useful especially in the field of cultural studies which will be able to manifests human emancipation in the sphere of martial arts in bali. bibliography adlin, alfatri. 2006. menggeledah hasrat: sebuah pendekatan multi perspektif. yogyakarta: jalasutra. atmadja, nengah bawa. 2010. ajeg bali: gerakan, identitas kultural, dan globalisasi. yogyakarta: lkis. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies, teori dan praktik (terj. nurhadi). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana bungin, m. burhan. 2008. penelitian kualitatif: komunikasi, ekonomi, kebijakan publik, dan ilmu sosial lainnya. jakarta: kencana. featherstone, mike. 2005. posmodernisme dan budaya konsumen. (terj. misbah / ulfa elizabeth). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. koentjaraningrat. 2015. kebudayaan mentalitas dan pembangunan. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. cetakan kedua puluh satu 2015. nippon budokan foundation. 2009. budo: the martial ways of japan. edited and translated by alexander bennett. tokyo: shuusansha. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 piliang, yasraf amir. 2009. posrealitas. realitas kebudayaan dalam era posmetafisika. yogyakarata: jalasutra. saito, morihiro. 1995. traditional aikido: sword. stick body arts. tokyo: sugarawa martial art institute, inc. microsoft word i nyoman sila 2 e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 the role played by the stakeholders in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali i nyoman sila i wayan ardika nengah bawa atmadja i nyoman dhana department of fine arts education, faculty of languages and arts, ganesha university of education email: nyoman.sila99@gmail.com abstract the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali results from the technological, economic and cultural development and leads to the production of different types of products of the art of craft. the industrialization of the art of craft cannot be separated from the role played by the stakeholders in order to obtain benefit. the problems of the study are as follows (a) what stakeholders play roles in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali? (2) how the stakeholders play their roles in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali? this present study is a qualitative one in which the critical theory of social practice proposed by bourdieu and the ethnographic approach are used. the result of the study shows that the stakeholders playing roles in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali include the parents, the traditional village, the administrative village, the local government, the provincial government, craftsmen, the raw material supplier, the formal and informal financial institution, and foreign consumers. the stakeholders play their roles using different capitals such as the cultural capital, social capital, and economical capital. those who have big capitals will dominate those who have fewer capitals and organize what products should be produced. keywords: stakeholders, industrialization, the art of craft introduction the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali results from globalization. the globalized era is marked by the technological, economic system and cultural development which then leads to the production of different types of products of the art of craft. the art of craft, as the people’s culture, which used to be manually produced by the traditional society in order to make both ends meet, has been currently industrialized using the technology which can support the massive production with exchange value. e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 at tegallalang, gianyar, bali, the stakeholders play roles in the industrialization of the art of craft in order to obtain benefit. in such a process, each stakeholder has relation of power. they use the capitals they have in order to obtain power which then affect the products’ value. based on the background above, the problems of the study can be formulated as follows. (1) what stakeholders play roles in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali?; (2) how the stakeholders play their roles in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali? the objectives of this present study are to describe (1) the stakeholders that are involved in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali; (2) how the stakeholders play their roles in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali. it is expected that this present study can give scientific contribution in terms of the roles played by the stakeholders in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali from the perspective of cultural studies. it is also expected that this present study can reveal the ideology hidden in the social practice of the globalized capitalism at tegallalang, gianyar, bali. research method this present study is a qualitative one using the theory of social practice proposed by bourdieu and the ethnographic approach. the study was conducted at tegallalang, gianyar, bali. the informants included the craftsmen, head of tegallalang district, head of tegallalang traditional village, head of the department of industrial and trading affairs of gianyar regency. the informants were purposively determined using the snowball technique. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, and documentation. the data were analyzed descriptively and qualitatively. discussion stakeholders refer to groups or individuals that can affect or be affected by what is done to achieve an objective. those who play roles in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang, gianyar, bali are the parents, the traditional village, the administrative village, the local government, the provincial government, the craftsmen, the suppliers of raw materials, the formal and informal financial institutions and foreign customers. each performs their practices of power using the capitals they have in order to obtain benefit. e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 from the social domain point of view, there are four types of capitals; they are (1) the economic capital which includes the production equipment, materials (earnings and objects) and money which can be easily used to achieve objectives; (2) the cultural capital which includes all the intellectual qualifications which can be produced through formal education and family heritage, including the ownership of cultural objects with high values, knowledge and expertise acquired through education; (3) the social capital which includes the social network which an individual or a group of people have in their relation to the other parties that have power, and (4) the symbolic capital which includes all the forms of prestige, status, authority and legitimacy accumulated in the form of the symbolic capital (fashri, 2007: 98— 99). the parents (the fathers), as the craftsmen and the art shops owners, play their roles in producing, distributing, and marketing the products of the art of craft. in the production process, they use the resources they have in their families such as the cultural resource, the social resource, the economic resource, the physical resource, and the personality resource (plummer, 2013: 229). they obtain power through the patriarchal ideology of bequeathing the cultural and economic capitals to their sons as the generation that inherits what their families have. they inherit the cultural capital in the form of the skill needed to produce the products of the art of craft, and the economic capital in the form of the art ships ownership. the traditional village ‘desa pakraman’ refers to a unity of customary law community which has a unity of traditions, manners of life, adheres to hinduism and is bound to tri khayangan (the three main temples). as an institution, the traditional village has social, political, cultural, economic, and religious dimensions (pitana, 1994: 139). from the economic dimension, as far as the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang is concerned, the traditional village opens the ceking tourist destination to attract tourists. from the social dimension, the traditional village has the power of making use of the rice fields which it has around ceking. the rice fields are used as a tourist destination to attract tourists for the sake of the village’s interest. the rice field where paddy is planted has the exchange value as well as the economic value as it is used as a tourist destination. the role played by tegallalang administrative village is representing the government. it was once used as the village where the asean cultural youth exchange was held, as the village has the potential for producing and marketing the products of the art of craft in gianyar regency. the social capital which the administrative village has is used for determining the craftsmen who were involved in the cultural youth exchange. e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 the government/state has the right to protect and develop the culture related to the art cultural products which the indonesian citizens have (the 1945 constitution, article 32 clause 1). the regency government and provincial government play their roles in developing arts and culture especially the art of craft through the department of industrial and trading affairs by supervising and involving the products of the art of craft in exhibitions such as inacraft, bali arts festival, and dekranas. in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang the government has the power for determining who are involved in the exhibition. in every exhibition, the creative and unique products of the art of craft and the local creativity are exhibited. in this case, the government has the authority to choose the craftsmen who will be involved in the exhibition. in this arena, the craftsmen play their roles in competing for and winning the capitals they have in order to get access to the hierarchy of power (fashri, 2007; 95). the craftsmen are a special group of people who can create the products of the art of craft (ardika, 2015: 45); they can show their creative and innovative ideas in the art of craft (gustmia, 2004: 10). they actively produce the products of the art of craft by using the cultural capital they inherit from their parents, and learning. they use different types of raw materials. the suppliers supply the raw materials needed by the craftsmen. in this arena the craftsmen use the capitals they have and the suppliers supply the raw materials needed in order to have power. the more raw materials needed by the craftsmen the more power the suppliers have as they will obtain more economic values. in the industrialization of the products of the art of craft, the formal and informal financial institutions help the craftsmen, as the producers of the art of craft, undertake their business, and the art shops owners sell their produces. at tegallalang most craftsmen have art shops and, therefore, they can directly sell their products. in addition, many also buy products from the others to complete the products they sell at their art shops. the formal institutions which help the craftsmen are bank rakyat indonesia and bank pembangunan daerah bali. they have power for financially supporting the craftsmen; however, certificate of land ownership is required as the collateral. in addition, they should pay for the loan principal and interest determined by the bank. the role played by foreign consumers is important enough in the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang as they consume the products produced by the craftsmen. they massively order the products and it is this which has mainly caused the industrialization of the products of the art of craft to take place, making the products the industrial ones. the art e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 of craft as traditional hand-made work has been marginalized by the machine-massively made ones. the foreign consumers as a group of capitalists have power to massively order the products of the art of craft. they also have the power to organize the craftsmen that the products should be made based on what they want. the craftsmen produce what is ordered by the foreign consumers in order to obtain the economic value. conclusion and suggestion based on the result and discussion above, it can be concluded that the roles played by the stakeholders with their different types of capitals such as the economic capital, social capital, and cultural capital have caused the industrialization of the art of craft at tegallalang to take place. the consequence is that the products produced are not the authentic products showing the balinese culture. they have become the massive products in which the economic value or the exchange value is more important than the other values. in the process of industrialization many products are influenced by the globalized culture; therefore, it is suggested to the stakeholders that the cultural capital, namely the balinese culture should not be degraded by the globalized culture. acknowledgement the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as the supervisor, prof. dr. i nengah bawa atmadja, m.a. and dr. i nyoman dhana, m.a., as co-supervisor i and co-supervisor ii for their guidance and motivation to the writer so this dissertation could be completed in time. thanks are also expressed to all the informants and other parties for giving the data needed in this present study. bibliography atmadja, nengah bawa. 2010. ajeg bali: gerakan, identitas kultural, dan globalisasi. yogyakarta: lkis. barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies: teori dan praktik (terjemahan). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. fashri, fausi. 2007. penyingkapan kuasa simbol apropnasi reflektif pemikian pirre bourdieu. yogyakarta: juxtapose the sumradewi office house. harker, richard, dkk., 1990. 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(terjemahan). yogyakarta: jalasutra. e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 haryatmoko. 2003. “landasan teoritis gerakan sosial menurut pierre boudieu: menyingkap kepalsuan budaya penguasa”. basis. no. 11-12 tahun ke-52, november-desember 2003. -------. 2010. dominasi penuh muslihat akar kekerasan dan diskriminasi. jakarta: pt. gramedia pustaka utama. kusnadi. 1983. “peranan seni kerajinan (tradisional dan baru) dalam pembangunan” majalah analisis kebudayaan. jakarta: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. ismail, nawari. 2012. relasi kuasa dalam pengubahan budaya komunitas negara, muslim, wong sikep. bandung: karya pustaka darwati bandung. patilima, hamid. 2013. metode penelitian kualitatif. bandung: alfabeta. ritzer, george. 2012. teori sosiologi: dari sosiologi klasik sampai perkembangan terakhir postmodern. (terjemahan). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. microsoft word e_journal_sukeni.doc hegemoni negara dan resistensi perempuan dalam pelaksanaan program keluarga berencana di kecamatan tejakula kabupaten buleleng bali oleh: ni nyoman sukeni, sh. msi. program pascasarjana program doktor kajian budaya universitas udayana, bali abstrak program keluarga berencana dicanangkan berwawasan gender, namun dalam pelaksanannya terjadi ketimpangan. jumlah akseptor perempuan lebih banyak dibandingkan akseptor laki-laki. oleh sebab itu lebih banyak pula perempuan yang menderita efek samping menarik untuk diteliti dengan merumuskan masalah sebagai berikut. bagaimanakah bentuk, faktor pendorong dan dampak hegemoni negara serta resistensi perempuan dalam pelaksanaan program keluarga berencana? penelitian ini bertujuan mewujudkan kesetaraan gender dalam pelaksanaan program keluarga berencana dan meminimalkan efek samping bagi akseptor. data digali dengan wawancara mendalam dan studi dokumen. analisis data secara kualitatif. data terdiri atas data kualitatif didukung data kuantitatif yang bersumber dari informan dan kepustakaan. teori yang diaplikasikan yakni : teori hegemoni gramsci, feminisme radikal dworkin, teori feminisme gandhi, dan teori perlawanan de witt. hasil penelitian menggambarkan 1) hegemoni negara diwujudkan dalam bentuk penyosialisasian dan anjuran penggunaan alat kontrasepsi yang lebih banyak untuk perempuan, melalui sistem banjar dan klinik. 2) faktor-faktor pendorong terjadinya hegemoni adalah faktor ideologi, ekonomi, penyediaan alat kontrasepsi, lokasi sosialisasi, dan kebijakan pemerintah. 3) dampak positif hegemoni terhadap negara dapat menurunkan jumlah penduduk secara bertahap. hegemoni negara juga berdampak positif terhadap pasangan usia subur dalam membentuk keluarga kecil. hegemoni negara selain berdampak positif terhadap perempuan secara fisik, psikhis, aktivitas, dan ekonomi. 4) resistensi perempuan terhadap hegemoni negara berbentuk: tidak mau menggunakan alat kontrasepsi, berhenti menggunakan alat kontrasepsi, dan mengganti alat kontrasepsi dengan sistem kalender. berdasarkan temuan di atas disarankan agar dilakukan penelitian lanjutan yang sejenis dengan lingkup yang lebih luas yang berkaitan dengan penyebab terjadinya efek samping. kata kunci, hegemoni negara, perempuan, dan program keluarga berencana pendahuluan program keluarga berencana di indonesia sudah dilaksanakan sejak tahun 1970 dengan dibentuknya badan koordinator keluarga berencana nasional (bkkbn). program keluarga berencana dirancang berwawasan gender, artinya alat kontrasepsi disediakan untuk perempuan maupun laki-laki. namun dalam pelaksanaannya pada tahun 1994 partisipasi perempuan secara nasional jumlahnya lebih banyak daripada laki-laki yakni sebesar 52,1% dengan segala metode, sedangkan laki-laki sebesar 0,9 % dengan metode kondom dan 0,7 % vasektomi. pada tahun 2000, partisipasi perempuan di bali dalam menggunakan alat kontrasepsi sebesar 82 % dengan segala metode dan partisipasi laki-laki sebesar 18 % dengan metode kondom.tingginya partisipasi perempuan dalam menggunakan alat kontrasepsi berbanding lurus dengan penderitaan yang dialami yang disebabkan oleh efek samping alat tersebut. hal ini tercermin dari data kanwil bali tahun 2000 tentang efek samping alat kontrasepsi yang dialami perempuan dan laki-laki. efek samping yang dialami perempuan sebanyak 161 kasus pengguna iud, 43 kasus pengguna inplant, 1406 kasus pengguna suntikan, 333 kasus pengguna pil. efek samping yang dialami laki-laki 15 kasus dari pengguna kondom. berdasarkan data di atas terdapat ketimpangan dan ketidakadilan gender dalam pelaksanaan program kb yang dapat diasumsikan bahwa ada upaya program keluarga berencana untuk mengiring perempuan dalam menggunakan alat kontrasepsi. untuk mengetahui hal tersebut perlu diadakan penelitian dengan merumuskan masalah dan menetapkan topik. sebelum menetapkan topik sudah dikaji beberapa hasil penelitian yang berkaitan dengan program keluarga berencana. adapun hasil penelitian yang dikaji antara lain: (1), mariyah (1989) menemukan bahwa faktor penyebab diterimanya program keluarga berencana di desa belong karangasem melalui sistem banjar bukan satu-satunya, tetapi juga dibebabkan oleh tranprotasi, mata pencaharian, dan sikap masyarakat terhadap program, (2) astiti (1994) menemukan bahwa program keluarga berencana di terima di desa baturiti tabanan disebabkan masyarakat di sana telah mengenal konsep keluarga kecil sebelumnya dan lebih mengutamakan kualitas anak yang dikenal dengan suputra, (3) m.e khan & bella patel (1997) menemukan di agra distrik india bahwa suami dominan dalam pengambilan keputusan mengenai proses reproduksi, jumlah anak, kapan hamil, pemakaian dan pemilihan alat kontrasepsi, serta pengguguran kehamilan yang tidak diinginkan, (4) ida ayu sriudiyani (2003) menemukan di jawa timur, nusa tenggara barat, dan bengkulu, bahwa pengambilan keputusan untuk ber kb didominasi oleh suami walaupun istri bekerja juga,(5) eka martiningsih dan i wayan wana (2004) menemukan di bali bahwa faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi ikutnya lakilaki dalam keluarga berencana terdiri atas delapan dan secara bersama-sama, (6) endah winarni (2005) menemukan di jakarta bahwa hampir semua laki-laki yang menikah mengetahui sedikitnya satu jenis alat kontrasepsi yang didapat dari puskesmas, bidan, apotik, tv, dan koran. dari sumber-sumber di atas ternyata belum ada yang mengkaji masalah yang dibahas dalam penelitian ini. dalam menganalisis data dipergunakan tiga teori sebagai pijakan teoritis untuk mempertajam analisis. pertama teori hegemoni gramsci (2001) dipergunakan untuk menganalisis bentuk, foktor-faktor pendorong terjadinya hegemoni negara, dan dampaknya karena teori tersebut mengatakan bahwa hegemoni adalah sebuah rantai kemenangan yang diperoleh melalui mekanisme konsensus dengan menggunakan instansi yang ada dalam masyarakat yang didorong oleh faktor ideologi dan politik serta berdampak terhadap kehidupan sosial dan individu mereka yang terhegemoni. kedua teori feminisme radikal dworkin (2003) dipergunakan untuk menganalisis hubungan perempuan dan laki-laki karena teori tersebut mengatakan bahwa kepemimpinan yang hegemonik menempatkan perempuan subordinat laki-laki. ketiga adalah teori perlawanan de witt ( 1979) dipergunakan dalam menganalisis resistensi perempuan. teori tersebut mengatakan bahwa dalam suatu komunitas, konsensus tidak pernah tercapai seratus persen dan mereka yang tidak setuju pada suatu saat akan mengadakan perlawanan yang dilakukan secara nyata dan diam-diam. penelitian ini bersifat studi kasus dan menggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. penggalian data dilakukan dengan wawancara secara mendalam dengan bantuan pedoman wawancara dan studi dokumen. pengambilan informan dilakukan secara acak, karena informan bersifat homogen yakni akseptor keluarga berencana yang menderita efek samping. informan diambil dari elit pemerintah dan tradisional yang dianggap dapat memberikan data yang diperlukan. jenis data terdiri atas data kualitatif yang didukung oleh data kuantitatif. data bersumber dari informan dan kepustakaan. analisis data dilakukan secara kualitatif dan interpretatif. hasil analisis data kualitatif disajikan dalam bentuk narasi dan hasil analisis data kuantitatif disajikan dalam bentuk tabel. pembahasan berdasarkan analisis data, ditemukan bahwa bentuk hegemoni negara dalam pelaksanaan program keluarga berencana di kecamatan tejakula, kabupaten buleleng, bali dapat digolongkan menjadi dua bentuk. pertama berbentuk sosialisasi melalui sistem banjar yang dilakukan oleh elit pemerintah seperti pelaksana lapangan program keluarga berencana (plkb), dokter, dan bidan dalam mensosialisasikan program pada saat ada rapat banjar untuk mencapai konsensus yang dihadiri oleh anggota dan pengurus. kedua sosialisasi program keluarga berencana melalui sistem klinik dilakukan oleh bidan dan dokter pada saat calon akseptor memeriksakan kehamilan dan saat melahirkan di puskesmas, bidan, dan posyandu saat penimbangan balita. hegemoni negara berfungsi untuk mensukseskan program, melanggengkan kekuasaan, mempererat hubungan sosial dan menumbuhkan disiplin para petugas dan akseptor. hegemoni negara selain berfungsi juga bermakna politik yang tercermin dari program bantuan alat kontrasepsi dan beras kepada akseptor yang miskin dengan tujuan program tetap jalan. bermakna ekonomi, anjuran membentuk keluarga kecil dalam upaya mengurangi jumlah penduduk secara bertahap yang sekaligus dapat mengurangi anggaran belanja negara, bermakna pengejaran prestasi, adanya perlombaan untuk menjadi juara memberikan perstise pada masyarakat bersangkutan, pengejaran prestasi menjadi dambaan setiap karyawan untuk menunjang karier. makna lainnya yakni bermakna penyeragaman nilai budaya, program slogan dua anak cukup, laki-laki atau perempuan sama saja dan berlaku di seluruh indonesia yang masih mengikuti beberapa sistem kekeluargaan yang memberikan nilai dan jumlah anak yang ideal dalam keluarga secara bervariasi. hegemoni negara terjadi didorong oleh beberapa faktor yaitu : faktor ideologi yakni keluarga kecil dianggap ideal dan dapat meningkatkan pendidikan anak, faktor ekonomi sebagai penyebab perempuan menggunakan alat kontrasepsi karena tidak mampu membiayai banyak anak, faktor penyediaan alat kontrasepsi yang lebih banyak jenisnya untuk perempuan dibandingkan untuk laki-laki, secara tidak langsung perempuanlah yang menggunakannya, faktor lokasi sosialisasi program dilakukan di banjar tanpa mengikutkan perempuan sehingga mereka tidak menerima informasi secara utuh dan di puskesmas, bidan desa serta posyandu yang umumnya dihadiri oleh perempuan sehingga tergiring untuk menggunakannya, dan kebijakan pemerintah sehingga perempuan menggunakannya karena ingin mendukung program pemerintah. hegemoni negara berdampak positif yakni mengurangi jumlah penduduk secara bertahap dan membantu masyarakat membentuk keluarga kecil, meringankan ekonomi dan waktu mengasuh anak. dampak yang bersifat negatif secara fisik seperti infeksi pada alat reproduksi, sakit perut bagian bawah, kegemukan, perdarahan, menstruasi tidak normal, keputihan, sukar dibuka, rabun mata, dan keputihan. dampak psikis seperti kegemukan, sehingga merasa tidak nyaman berpakaian dan beraktifitas. dampak secara ekonomi karena tidak dapat beraktifitas secara normal dan mengeluarkan biaya untuk efek samping berdampak terhadap ekonomi keluarga. dampak hegemoni negara mendapatkan resistensi dari perempuan yang berbentuk; (1) perempuan tidak mau menggunakan alat kontrasepsi, berhenti menggunakan alat kontrasepsi dan menggantinya dengan sistem kalender. resistensi didorong oleh: faktor tradisi, adanya tradisi hanya anak laki-laki yang dapat melanjutkan keturunan sehingga perempuan hamil beberapa kali dan jumlah anaknya melebihi anjuran progran; kepercayaan, masyarakat percaya bahwa roh leluhur hanya bisa reinkarnasi pada anak laki-laki, sehingga perempuan berusaha hamil sampai mempunyai anak laki-laki; ekonomi, perempuan tidak menggunakan alat kontrasepsi karena tidak membelinya, takut terhadap efek samping, dan tidak adanya izin suami. resistensi tersebut direspon oleh pemerintah dengan memberikan bantuan alat kontrasepsi dan beras, meningkatkan penyuluhan alat kontrasepsi untuk laki-laki, mengaktifkan sistem banjar, dan memberikan kebebasan kepada pasangan usia subur untuk mempunyai anak lebih dari anjuran program dengan syarat dapat memberikan kesejahteraan. simpulan secara umum hegemoni negara telah mengantarkan program keluarga berencana mencapai kesuksesan dalam upaya mengurangi jumlah penduduk secara bertahap dan telah berhasil mengubah pandangan, sikap dan tindakan masyarakat, dari banyak anak banyak rezeki, menjadi kelaurga kecil yang berorientasi kepada sumberdaya yang berkualitas. orientasi tersebut menyebabkan program berlangsung secara berkesinambungan. secara khusus program masih perlu mengadakan perbaikan terutama dalam upaya meminimalkan efek samping demi terwujudnya kesejahteraan dan kesehatan keluarga dan masyarakat, serta kesetaraan gender. daftar pustaka mariyah, emiliana. 1989. faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi penerimaan kontrasepsi pada masyarakat bali. tesis program pascasarjana s2 gadjah mada. astiti, tjok istri putra. 1994. pengaruh hukum adat dan program keluarga berencana terhadap nilai anak laki-laki dan perempuan pada masyarakat yang sedang berubah. studi kasus di desa baturiti tabanan bali. disertasi program pascasarjana institut pertanian bogor. khan, m.e & patel bella c. 1997.male involvemen in family planning: india the population.council,hsph.harvard.edu/organizations/healthnet/reproductive/warde r.html.,diakses tanggal 5-9-2006 sriudayani, ida ayu. 2003. peran perempuan dalam pengambilan keputusan di dalam keluarga untuk bidang kb-kr. jakarata: lembaga puslitbang ks-pkp bkkbn. www.pikas.bkkbn.go.id/ditfor/research detail.php, diakses 15-9-2006. martiningsih, eka dan i wayan wana. 2004. inentifikasi faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi pria dalam program keluarga berencana di bali: denpasar. universitas mahasaraswati. winarni endah. 2005. partisipasi pria dalam ber-kb (sumber data :sdki 2002-2003); jakarta, lembaga puslitbang kb-kr bkkbn, www.pikas.bkkbn.go.id/ditfor/ researchdetail.php, diakses tanggal 15-9-2006. gramsci, antonio. 2001. catatan-catatan politik: surabaya. pustaka promethea. dworkin. 2003. (dalam agger) teori sosial kritis, penerapan dan implikasinya. yogyakarta. kreasi wacana. de witt,h dan parker. 1979. dasar-dasar estetik. surakarta. aski (terjemahan) ucapan terima kasih terima kasih saya ucapkan kepada promotor dan kopromotor atas segala bantuan yang telah diberikan demi terwujudnya artikel ini, kepada editor yang telah meluangkan waktu, dan kepada dikti yang telah memberikan beasiswa dalam penyelesaian studi di pasca sarjana s3 di universitas udayana. state hegemony and women resistance in the implementation of family planning at tejakula district, buleleng regency, bali by: ni nyoman sukeni, s.h., m.si. phd program of cultural study, udayana university, bali abstract the implementation of family planning program is based on women’s emancipation however in reality there is imbalance. the number of women acceptors is greater than men acceptors and that is the reason why more women suffered from its side effects. it is interesting to be in connection with the following problems: form, supporting factors, impacts of state hegemony, and women resistance. the objective of this study is to establish gender equality (in what?) and to minimize side effects (for whom?). data were collected from intensive interviews and document studies. data were analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively. they were taken from informants and libraries. the theories applied were: hegemony theory from gramsci, radical feminism theory from dworkin, and resistance theory from de witt. the result of the study shows 1) state hegemony is established through socialization and the suggestions of applying contraceptive devices by women which is done through the systems of banjar and clinic. the functions of hegemony are to promote the program, to maintain the authority, to strengthened the social relationship, and to arouse the discipline. hebemony has significance in politics, economy, prestige and achievement, and uniformity of cultural value. 2) the supporting factors of hegemony are ideology, economy, supplies of contraceptive devices, location of socialization, and government policy. 3) positive impacts of hegemony are to decrease of the number of population and they directly affect the women physically, psychologically, economically, and in their activities. 4) women resistances are not easily available but they may stop applying contraceptive devices and change it into calendar system. it was supported by factors of tradition, belief, side effect, economy, and lack of permission from husbands. government responses were to supply the devices, activate and give information of men contraceptive devices, activate the system of banjar as well. based on the findings it is suggested that similar research with a wider scope should be made specifically about the causes of side effects. key words: state hegemony, woman, and family planning program introduction the family planning program in indonesia has been implemented since the year of 1975 through the establishment of national planning program coordinator institution (nppci) or badan koordinator keluarga berencana nasional (bkkbn). this program has been planned with gender emancipation perspective. contraceptive devices should be available both to women and men. from the implementation in 1994 it is known that nationally the number of women participation is greater than that of men, frequencies are 52,1% with all methods, 0,9% by applying condom, and 0,7% through vasectomy. in the year of 2000 women’s participation in bali in applying contraceptive devices with all methods is as much as 82% and men’s participation is as much as 18% by applying condom. high participation of women in applying contraceptive devices is parallel with the suffering caused by its side effects. it was shown through the data in 2000 from the family planning program institution of bali side effects of contraceptive devices affected women and men. side effects of iud affecting women concerned as many as 161 cases, implant 43 cases, injection 1406 cases, pill 333 cases. side effect affecting men in the application of condom were concerned with as many as 15 cases. based on the above data there was imbalance and unfairness in the implementation of the program which could be assumed that there was effort to encourage women to use the device. there is a need to do a research, formulate the problems, and decide the topics as well in order to know the effort mentioned above. before the topic is decided some researches which have connection with this program have been studied. the researches are as follows: (1) mariyah (1989) found that in belong village, karangasem regency, there were some other reasons like transportation, jobs, attitudes and attention, which made the community accept the program besides banjar system, (2) astiti (1994) found that at baturiti village, tabanan regency the community accepted this program since they have acceptance of concept of small family and they give priority to the quality of the children known as suputra, (3) m.e. khan & bella patel (1997) found that at agra district, india husbands have dominant right to make decisions on reproduction process, number of children, time of pregnant, the use and choice of contraceptive devices, abortion of unexpected pregnancy, (4) ida ayu sriudiyani (2003) found that in east java, nusa tenggara barat, and bengkulu husbands dominantly take the decision to follow the program although the wives have jobs with their own income, (5) eka martiningsih and i wayan wana (2004) found that in bali there are eight factors and togetherness which influence the men getting involved in this program, (6) endah winarni (2005) found that in jakarta almost all married men know at least one type of the devices which they get from public health centre, midwives, chemist’s shops, televisions, and newspapers. from the sources above it is known there has not been research which studies the problems being discussed. there are three theories applied to deepen the analysis and to analyze data. first, hegemony theory from gramsci (2001) to analyze form, find supporting factors for the existence of state hegemony and its impacts since the theory states that hegemony is a chain of victory. it is achieved through the consensus of mechanism under some institutions available in community supported by factors of ideology and politics. it has its impacts on individual and social life of those who hold hegemony. second, radical feminism theory from dworkin (2003) which analyzes the relationship between women and men since the theory states that hegemony leadership where women are subordinate to men. third, opposition theory from de witt (1979) to analyze women resistance. the theory states that in a community the consensus has never been achieved one hundred percent and one day those who do not agree will fight either directly or silently. it is a case study which applies qualitative approach. the data were collected from intensive interviews with the help of interview guidance and document study. the informants were chosen purposively because of their homogeneous characteristic which means family planning program acceptors affecting from side effects. the informants are taken from elite and traditional governments who were supposed to be able to supply the needed data. the data consisted were qualitative supported by quantitative ones. data sources were informants and librariy. the data were analyzed qualitatively and quantitatively. the qualitative analysis of data is performed in the form of narration and the analysis of quantitative data is in the form of tables. discussion based on the analyzed data it was found that the form of state hegemony in the implementation of family planning program at tejakula district, buleleng regency, bali can be classified into two forms. first, the socialization through banjar system which is implemented by government officials such as family planning program field organizers, doctors, and midwives in socializing the program when there was a meeting in order to achieve the consensus attended by the members and management. second, the socialization through clinic system carried out by midwives and doctors when the candidates of acceptors come to public health centre or midwives to check their pregnancy or has a delivery, and to check the weight of under five year kids at integrated service unit. state hegemony has such functions as follows: to make the program successful, to maintain authority, to strengthen social relationship and to arouse the discipline of employees and acceptors. state hegemony politically has both the function and the meaning which is reflected through the contraceptive devices and rice aid program to the impoverished acceptors. economically its suggestion is to establish small family to minimize the number of population. step by step this condition can reduce state expenditure budget, achieve the prestige, to be winners at competition which directly give prestige to the community. prestige achievement is the goal of each employee to develop their career. other meanings are concerned with cultural value uniformity, the slogan two children is ideal, sons or daughters are the same and it is recommended in all parts of indonesia which still follows some family systems that provide value and ideal number of children in a family. there are some factors that made the state hegemony prevail, frequently: factor of ideology where small family is believed to be ideal and can improve children education; economic factor as the reason for the women to apply contraceptive device since they are not able to afford big number of children, the supplies of contraceptive devices for women are much more compared with those for men; factor of location to socialize the program is banjar (village hall) without women present and the effect of this condition is women do not get complete information; factors of policy, because they wanted to support government program so they applied the devices. state hegemony had positive impacts that were to reduce the number of population step by step and help the community to establish small family, to lessen economic burden and the time rearing the children. physically the negative impacts were infection in reproduction organ, stomach ache below the tummy, overweight, bleeding, irregular period, feeling unwell because of some liquid coming out of the vagina, difficult to be opened, and poor eyesight. psychological impacts were overweight which made them feel uncomfortable to get dress and do the activities. economically impacts were expenditure for side effects and they could not carry out the activities normally. forms of women resistance against state hegemony were as follows; women do not and stop applying contraceptive devices and switched to calendar system. the supporting factors of resistance were: factor of tradition where man was the only one who can continue the genealogical line of the family. it forces women to give birth several times in order to have son so the number of children is greater than it is supposed to be; factor of belief where community believe that their ancestors can only reincarnate into baby son. this condition makes the women pregnant several times; factor of economy that they can not afford the devices, worried of side effects and there is no permission from husbands. the government responses are as follows: there are contraceptive devices and rice aids, activate giving information especially to men, activate banjar system, and give freedom to fertile couple to have more children as long as they are responsible of their welfare. conclusion state hegemony generally has led the family planning program to achieve success in order to reduce size of population step by step and to change the community’s opinion, attitude, and action of more children with more fortunes to become a small qualified family. this orientation makes the sustainability of the program continues. specifically the program still needs to be improved to minimize the side effects and to achieve the welfare and health of family and community, and gender equality as well. references astiti,tjok istri putra. 1994. pengaruh hukum adat dan program keluarga berencana terhadap nilai anak laki-laki dan perempuan pada masyarakat yang sedang berubah. studi kasus di desa baturiti tabanan bali. disertasi program pascasarjana institut pertanian bogor. de witt,h dan parker. 1979. dasar-dasar estetik. surakarta.aski (terjemahan) dworkin. 2003.(dalam agger) teori social kritis, penerapan dan implikasinya. yogyakarta.kreasi wacana gandhi, l. 2001. teori poskomonial upaya meruntuhkan hegemoni barat. yogyakarta.qolam gramsci, antonio. 2001. catatan-catatan politik: surabaya.pustaka promethea khan,m.e & patel bella c. 1997. male involvemen in family planning: india the population.council,hsph.harvard.edu/organizations/healthnet/reproductiv e/warder.html.,diakses tanggal 5-9-2006 mariyah, emiliana.1989. faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi penerimaan kontrasepsi pada masyarakat bali. tesis program pascasarjana s2 gadjah mada. martiningsih,eka dan i wayan wana. 2004. inentifikasi fakto-faktor yang mempengaruhi partisipasi pria dalam program keluarga berencana di bali: denpasar.universitas mahasaraswati. sriudayani,ida ayu. 2003. peran perempuan dalam pengambilan keputusan di dalam keluarga untuk bidang kb-kr.jakarta: lembaga puslitbang ks-pkp bkkbn, www.pikas.bkkbn.go.id/ditfor/research detail.php, diakses 15-92006 winarni endah.2005. partisipasi pria dalam ber-kb ( sumber data : sdki 2002-2003); jakarta, lembaga puslitbang kb-kr bkkbn, www.pikas.bkkbn.go.id/ditfor/researchdetail.php, diakses tanggal 15-92006. acknowledgement on this occasion i wish to thank the advisor and coadvisor for their invaluable guidance for the completion this disertation. i am also indebted to the editor for editing the language, and to dikti for the scholarship to complete the study at phd program, udayana university. reproduction of kakebyaran art in mataram city, west nusa tenggara i gede yudarta nyoman weda kusuma i wayan dibia i gde parimartha study program of karawitan (gamelan music) art indonesia institute of the arts of denpasar email: yudartagede67@gmail.com abstract kakebyaran art is a performing art with the balinese identity; it is not only popular in bali but also in the other provinces in indonesia and different parts of the world. in indonesia, such a performing art is also performed in mataram city, west nusa tenggara. the policy with the jargon “maju, religious and berbudaya” (being developed, religious, and cultured), which was issued by the ruler of mataram city, affirms that the development in mataram city is oriented toward the islamic religious values, meaning that the other religious and cultural symbols are reduced. such a situation has motivated the balinese ethnic community to develop its art, tradition, and culture in general and the kekebyaran art in particular. such a phenomenon is a domain of cultural studies which is very interesting to be explored in depth. there are three problems related to such a phenomenon. they are 1) the form and function of the reproduction of the kekebyaran art, 2) the factors contributing to the reproduction of the kekebyaran , 3) the impact of the reproduction of the kekebyaran art on and its meaning to the society of mataram city, west nusa tenggara. the present study was conducted using the qualitative method, in accordance with the scientific norm and paradigm of cultural studies. three theories were used to analyze such problems; they are the theory of cultural reproduction, the theory of identity, and the theory of semiotics. they were eclectically used to discuss the substance of the topic of discussion. the results of analysis were formulated as follows: first, the form of the reproduction of the kekebyaran art is made up of musicality, the instrumental form, the way of presenting it, its function as part of a ritual and a performing art, and its function to strengthen the local culture. second, the factors contributing to the reproduction of the kakebyaran art are as follows: the culture, economy and cultural communication. third, the impact and meaning of the reproduction of the kakebyaran art are as follows: the spiritual impact, the socio-cultural impact, the economic impact, the aesthetic meaning, and the cultural meaning. keywords: reproduction, the kakebyaran art, mataram city introduction the reproduction of the kakebyaran art is one form of the cultural reproduction. from the cultural context, in accordance with abdullah (2006: 45), reproduction is a process of affirming identity made by non-native people of a region, through which they intend to affirm the existence of their native culture. from the wider discourse, cultural reproduction is an active process which affirms their existence in such a social life that they make adaptations to the other group people with different cultural backgrounds. the reproduction of the kakebyaran art in mataram city, west nusa tenggara barat is an attempt made by the balinese people in mataram city to establish and develop the kakebyaran art in order to strengthen and affirm their identity as the balinese people. mataram city, as part of west nusa tenggara province, is unique. it is a plural city as it is occupied by different ethnic groups with their own cultures and traditions. however, most of the people living in the city are the sasak ethnic people who adhere to islam; however, they have two faiths; many are the wetu lima islam followers and many others are the wetu telu islam followers. they are highly fanatical on their faiths, causing them to have the following slogans: “dengan sasak no dengan islam” , “lombok pulau seribu masjid” (lombok is an island with thousands of mosques), and the motto “maju, religious dan berbudaya” (being developed, religious, and cultured). the motto, which was issued by the ruler of mataram city, affirms that the development in mataram city is oriented towards the approach of religious values, that is, the islamic values, meaning that the other religious and cultural symbols are reduced. concretely, the islamic motivation is strengthened in mataram to replace the bali hindu heritages (suprapto, 2013: 97). as the minority group of people who live among the people who are highly fanatical on their faiths, the balinese ethnic people, as the hindu followers, are motivated to develop their arts, traditions, and cultures especially the development of the kakebyaran art. therefore, the problems of the present study are formulated as follows: 1) the form of the reproduction of the kakebyaran art, 2) the factors contributing to the reproduction of the kakebyaran art, and 3) the impact of the reproduction of the kakebyaran art on and its meaning to the art and culture of mataram city, west nusa tenggara. research method the present study entitled “the reproduction of the kakebyaran art in mataram city, west nusa tenggara” used the descriptive qualitative method with various techniques applicable to the scientific norms. the data were collected using the participatory observation method, meaning that the researcher was directly and actively involved in the art activity. this method was used in order to obtain authentic data. as the researcher was known as an artist, he was frequently requested to train the art clubs “sekaa-sekaa or sanggar seni” which were used as the object of the present study. the important data related to the art activity performed by the artists in mataram city could be explored through this method. three theories were used in the present study; they are theory of cultural reproduction, the theory of identity, and the theory of semiotics. they were eclectically used to analyze the three problems formulated above. result and discussion it was found that there are 3 (three) forms of kakebyaran art which were reproduced; they are 1) the bali style kakebyaran art, 2) the bali-lombok kakebyaran art, and 3) the pesasakan style art. the bali style kakebyaran art which was reproduced are the north bali kakebyaran art and the south bali kakebyaran art. the forms of the kakebyaran art which appeared in mataram city could not be separated from the concept proposed by bourdieu (1998) of the habitus and arena and the dialectical relationship between them. although the kakebyaran art was created in a certain arena, the habitus dispositions could be transferred from one field to another field (barker, 2014: 115). the differences in field led to several similarities and differences in regard to, and acculturative new forms of the tradition/habitus and the kakebyaran art style. such a phenomenon taking place as part of the cultural reproduction, namely, the kakebyaran reproduction, was an active, adaptive, flexible, and configurative process. the kakebyaran art, as one of the cultural works created by the balinese people, had very strong and flexible cultural characteristics and identity, and universal values. the reproduction of the kakebyaran art contained several aspects; they are musicality, form and instrument, and the way of presenting it. the kakebyaran art was reproduced in mataram city as the existence of the arts in the societal life was essential. it was reproduced to be functioned as part of a ritual and a performing art, and to strengthen the balinese and sasak cultures. the factors which contributed to the reproduction of the kakebyaran art were: the cultural factor which included the cultural maintenance, the balinese and sasak cultural representation, the cultural communication between the balinese culture and sasak culture, religions, social and economic lives. the reproduction of the kakebyaran art affected the spiritual life, the socio-cultural life, and economy. in relation to that, the reproduction of the kakebyaran art had aesthetic and educative meanings. the aesthetic meaning was that the artists were becoming more creative; they were motivated to create new creations from the aesthetic experience they underwent when they were involved in the kakebyaran art. the aesthetic meaning was that the kakebyaran art in particular and the arts in general could be used to improve the quality of life in order to be welfare materially and non-materially. apart from that, the kakebyaran art also had cultural meaning, namely, the maintenance of the cultural identity, and the strengthening of the balinese and sasak cultures. conclusion and suggestion from the results of the analysis and discussion, several conclusions can be withdrawn. they are first, the form of the reproduction of the kakebyaran art included musicality, form and instrument, and the way of presenting it. it was functioned to be part of a ritual, to be presented as a performing art, and to strengthen the local culture. second, the factors contributing to the reproduction of the kakebyaran art included the culture, and the cultural and economic communications. third, the impacts the reproduction of the kakebyaran art included the spiritual and socio-cultural impacts; and the meanings of the reproduction of the kakebyaran art included the aesthetic/artistic meaning, educative meaning, and cultural meaning. the suggestions which can be recommended in the present study are as follows. the kakebyaran art, as a cultural identity of the balinese community, has a highly important role in many aspects of life especially in the balinese community’s life. it is suggested to the society in general and the artists who are indirectly and directly involved in it that they should always maintain and develop the arts in general and the kakebyaran art in particular, and that they should improve their quality, enrich the repertoire of the arts both the gamelan music and performing arts, supervise the young generation as an attempt made to maintain and strengthen the cultural identity as the balinese ethnic people in the multicultural city of mataram. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank i nyoman weda kusuma, as the supervisor, i wayan dibia, as co-supervisor 1, and i gde parimartha, as co-supervisor 2 for their support and hard work so this present study could be completed in time. the writer would also like to thank the e-journal of cultural studies for publishing this article. bibliography discourse of quality education in public junior high schools in denpasar city i nengah narsa public junior high school 12 denpasar email: inyomannarsa@yahoo.com abstract this present study was conducted to understand the discourse of quality education in public junior high schools in denpasar city. the study focused on the discourse of quality education in the practice of enrollment of new learners, the implementation of ‘kurikulum tingkat satuan pendidikan’, and the implementation of the national final examination in public junior high schools in denpasar city. the collected data were analyzed qualitatively and interpretatively. the theory of discourse of power/knowledge, the theory of social practice, and the theory of school-based management were eclectically used in the present study. the results of the study showed that, first, the practice of the enrollment of new learners ‘praktik penerimaan peserta didik baru (ppdb)’, educational unit-based curriculum ‘kurikulum tingkat satuan pendidikan (ktsp)’, and the national final examination ‘ujian nasional (un)’ which tended to neglect the principle of school-based management (mbs) and the school autonomy had led to the discourse of quality education in public junior high schools ‘sekolah menengah pertama (smpn)’ in denpasar city; second, the ideology which was referred to in the discourse of quality education which was related to ppdb, ktsp and un in public junior high schools in denpasar city was the liberal ideology which was based on rationalism, individualism and commercialism; third, the discourse of quality education in public junior high schools in denpasar city had theoretical implication, namely, there was an expectation to reinforce the ideology of critical-cultural education and to establish the paradigm of political policy which supported the attempt made to realize quality education. keywords: discourse, quality education, ideology, school autonomy. introduction formal education is perpetually developed in order to produce intact indonesian people. the quality of education can be viewed from the educational process and the educational outcome. the educational process is considered excellent if all the educational components are involved in it. the factors which determine the educational process are various types of input such as the learning materials, methodology, school equipment, administrative support, facilities and infrastructure, and atmosphere which is conducive to the educational process. however, the educational quality within the context of the educational outcome refers to the achievement achieved by a school within a certain period of time. formal education which is provided at school seems to lead to debates. the enrollment of new learners, the curriculum implementation, and the national final examination lead to debates. on one hand, the protest expressed by the public, the polemics which is related to “the bad educational system” frequently exposed on the mass media expresses the public disappointment with the educational system which has been implemented so far. on the other hand, such polemics also positively expresses what is desired by the public and the government to have quality education. three problems are discussed in the present study. they are (1) what is the discourse of quality education like in the practice of the enrollment of new learners, the implementation of ‘kurikulum tingkat satuan pendidikan’ and the national final education in public junior high schools in denpasar city?; (2) what ideology is referred to in the discourse of quality education which is related to the practice of the enrollment of new learners, the implementation of ‘kurikulum tingkat satuan pendidikan’ and the national final education in public junior high schools in denpasar city?, (3) what is the implication of the discourse of quality education as an attempt to realize quality education in public junior high schools in denpasar city? research method this dissertation research was designed to use qualitative method with the approach of cultural studies. qualitative method is strongly relevant to the research in cultural studies which is interdisciplinary in nature. the general approaches which are applied to cultural studies are ethnographic approach, textual approach, and the approach of reception (barker, 2005: 35-45). the data were collected from 12 public junior high schools in denpasar city using the techniques of participatory observation, in depth interview involving 29 informants, and focused discussion group involving the competent stakeholders. the data which were collected were qualitatively and interpretatively analyzed. the theory of discourse of power/knowledge, the theory of social practice and the theory of school-based management theory were eclectically used in the study. result and discussion the practice of the enrollment of new learners ‘praktik penerimaan peserta didik baru (ppdb)’, the implementation of the educational unit-based curriculum ‘kurikulum tingkat satuan pendidikan (ktsp)’ and the national final examination ‘ujian nasional (un)’ which were not in accordance with the national educational standard ‘ujian nasional pendidikan (snp)’ led to the discourse of education in public junior high schools ‘sekolah menengah pertama negeri (smpn)’ in denpasar city. the policy and practice of ppdb, ktsp and un tended not to pay attention to the principle of mbs and the school autonomy. the practice of ppdb in smpn in denpasar city was not in accordance with the accommodating capacity and the preparedness of the school human resources. the principles of the enrollment of new learners ‘ppdb’ which should be objective, transparent, accountable, not discriminative and competitive have been applied; however, they were disgraced by the practice of manipulating “evidence of achievement” and the practice of illegal payment during the process of the enrollment of new learners in junior high schools in denpasar city. the policy of ktsp implemented from 2006 to 2012 was centrally developed and was not in accordance with the school autonomy and the principle of ktsp as the school-based curriculum. in practice, ktsp was identical to the competency-based curriculum ‘kurikulum berbasis kompetensi (kbk)’ previously implemented. the four pillars determined by unesco in ktsp, namely, learning to know, learning to do, learning to be, and learning to live together were not consistently implemented. the teachers in smpn in denpasar city were heavily loaded. the learning hours were relatively allocated, causing the learning process in the classroom to tend to take place in the form of monologue. the teachers only had time to present the theoretical aspect only; they did not have time to give examples and practices related to the material substance of the lessons provided. the practice of un, which was determined by the central government, could be joined by the learners in smpn in denpasar city with satisfactory outcome (academic achievement); in 2012, for example, 90.90% of the learners could pass the un. however, the outcome achieved by the learners of smpn in denpasar city was evaluated not to be able to reflect the academic achievement they achieved. in addition, it could not be used to measure the educational progress in bali. the un still caused the learners to “be sacred” and to shift their learning orientation, meaning that what they had expected was finishing their studies quickly and obtaining certificate of completion of study. based on the principle of mbs and school autonomy, the un, which was still centrally implemented, should be reviewed. it was expected that the school had the right to determine who could successfully complete their studies. the policy and practice of education was based on a particular ideology. the ideology which was referred to in the discourse of quality education, especially the ideology which was related to ppdb, ktsp and un in smpn in denpasar city, was the ideology of liberal education. in general, the liberal ideology was based on rationalism, individualism and commercialism. rationalism could produce the learners who gave priority to the rational way of thinking, individualism could contribute to the individual free competitive behavior and pragmatic nature of the learners, and commercialism could stimulate the practice of educational commercialism, marked by the appearance of outside school educational courses. the learners who came from the rich families had more opportunities than those coming from the poor families to join such courses. in this case, educational liberalism could directly and indirectly contribute to a socio-economic gap between the learners coming from the rich families and those coming from the poor families, and between the learners of smpn in denpasar city and those of the private junior high schools. such a socio-economic gap might potentially weaken social integration. education developed into a practice of business which was not in accordance with the real vision and mission of education, namely, producing the indonesian people who were highly competent and had the character which was in accordance with the state cultural values. it is necessary to develop education to produce intelligent people as intended in the preamble of the 45 constitution, namely, producing “intact people”. the educational process shifted the educational world to various forms of degradation, problems, and popularity as the basic values of commercialism (widja, 2007: 80). it was true that the liberal-capitalistic educational ideology tended to produce learners with pragmatic character, and directed learners to be the people who would be more potentially prepared to enjoy and use, rather than to create and trigger the hidden (latent) potentials the learners might have (widja, 2009: 36). the discourse of quality education in smpn in denpasar city had both theoretical and practical implications. the theoretical implication included (a) an attempt to shift the basic ideology of education which was liberal and capitalistic to the ideology of education which was critical and cultural and highly supported the principles of justice, equality, democracy, humanity and education which sharpened the mentality of the nation; (b) the establishment of the paradigm of political policy which supported the attempt made to create quality education, namely, the educational paradigm which was decentralist, populist, holistic, and integrative, and the establishment of the mission of educational culture. the practical implication included the attempt made to strengthen the school autonomy in smpn in denpasar city in order to realize quality education and to form intelligent and competitive indonesian people. conclusion and suggestion from the present study, several conclusions could be drawn. first, the discourse of quality education in smpn in denpasar city resulted from the practices of ppdb, ktsp, and un which were not in accordance with the national standard of education ‘standar nasional pendidikan (snp)’. the policy and practices of ppdb, ktsp and un tended to neglect the principles of mbs and school autonomy. second, the ideology which was referred to in the discourse of quality education which was particularly related to ppdb, ktsp and un in smpn in denpasar city was the ideology of liberal education which was based on rationalism, individualism and commercialism. rationalism could produce the personalities which gave priority to logics or the rational way of thinking; individualism could trigger the pattern of free competitive behavior and cause the learners to have pragmatic character; and commercialism could lead to the practice of educational commercialism. third, the discourse of quality education in smpn in denpasar city had theoretical implication; it shifted the foundation of educational ideology to the educational ideology which was critical and cultural and established the paradigm of political policy which supported the attempt made to create quality education. the discourse of quality education in smpn in denpasar city also had practical implication, which included the implementation of mbs as an attempt to create effective school, the maximization of the management of school facilities and infrastructure, the recruitment of teachers and improvement of their capacities, the improvement of the quality of extracurricular and intracurricular learning processes, the establishment of the public participation and the school funding. apart from that, it was necessary to strengthen the school autonomy in order to produce competitive and intelligent indonesian people. the attempt made to develop quality education in smpn in denpasar city was a complicated problem, as it could not be separated from the matters pertaining to ideology, politics, educational policy and bureaucracy, and their implementations. therefore, it is suggested that quality education should be perpetually developed in junior high school from the perspective of cultural studies. acknowledgement the writer was supported by many parties. therefore, in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank and highly appreciate prof. dr. i nyoman darma putra, m.litt. as the supervisor, prof. dr. i wayan cika, m.s., as co-supervisor 1, and dr. i gede mudana, m.si. as co-supervisor 2 for their valuable supervision and input; otherwise, this writing could not have been realized. bibliography barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. foucault, michel. 1980. power/knowledge;selected interviews and other writings. brighton: harvester. harker, r c. wilkes-cheelen kahar (eds). 2005. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik, diterjemahkan dari an introduction to the work of pierre bourdieu: the practice theory. yogyakarta: jalasutra. narsa, i nyoman. 2014. diskursus pendidikan berkualitas sekolah menengah pertama negeri di kota denpasar”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, universitas udayana. o’neil, william f. 2001. ideologi-ideologi pendidikan . yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. tilaar, h. a. r. 2003. kekuasaan dan pendidikan, suatu tinjauan dari perspektif kultural. magelang. indonesia tera. unesco. 2000. the dakar framework for action. dakar: the world education forum, unesco. widja, i gde. 2009. pendidikan sebagai ideologi budaya, suatu pengantar ke arah pendidikan kritis. denpasar: program magister (s2) dan program doktor (s3) kajian budaya universitas udayana. -----. 2007. membangun kembali jiwa pendidikan dalam sistem persekolahan kita (satu tinjauan cultural studies), jurnal pendidikan dan pengajaran, universitas pendidikan ganesha, no. 1 th. xxxx januari 2007: 74-87. undang-undang republik indonesia nomor 20 tahun 2003 tentang sistem pendidikan nasional. microsoft word udayana 4 e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 ideological deconstruction of the promotional media in bali cultural tourism aa gde bagus udayana nengah bawa atmadja i nyoman dhana e-mail: udayana1973@yahoo.co.id abstract the regional regulation issued by the provincial government number 2 of 2012 defines that tri hita karana is a hindu philosophy explaining the three things which contribute to prosperity. therefore, the promotional media of tourism should be ideally based on the ideology of tri hita karana. however, the fact shows that it has been marginalized in the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism. in relation to this, three main theories are used in the present study. they are the theory of deconstruction, the theory of practice, and the theory of social reality construction. the qualitative, descriptive, and interpretative methods were employed to analyze the data, which were collected through in-depth interview, observation and documentary study. based on the result of the study, it can be concluded that the capitalistic ideology, the ideology of cultural dualism, the ideology of consumerism, the ideology of commercialism, the ideology of totalitarianism, and the ideology of pseudo-social responsibility have been responsible for the marginalization of the ideology of tri hita karana in the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism. the system used to deconstruct the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism involves the government, private companies, and the graphic design consultants. they are oriented towards their respective ideology and interest. the ideology and interest-oriented promotional media of the bali cultural tourism affect the image of bali as a tourist destination. the implications are as follows: bali is an area of the culture of tourism; it is an area where postmodern people live; it is an area where glocalization takes place; it is an area where modern spirituality develops; it is also an area where the identity of the balinese people and culture is shown not to be in accordance with the fact. keywords: deconstruction, promotional media, ideology, social construction, globalization introduction the tourism which is developed in bali is the cultural tourism, which has been clearly defined in the regional regulation of the bali provincial government number 2 of 2012 concerning the bali culture-based tourism. based on this provision, every activity related to the development of the cultural tourism in bali, including the promotion made should have implemented the philosophy of tri hita karana. however, based on what has been observed, there are several media used to promote the balinese cultural tourism which have e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 marginalized the ideology of tri hita karana. according to piliang (2003:211), marginalization means placing elements on the margin of a picture. therefore, in this case, the marginalization of tri hita karana can be defined as the act of marginalizing or ignoring such an ideology in the visual presentation of the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism. based on the definition that a medium is a reality which has been deconstructed in the form of meaningful discourse, then it can be stated that the contents of the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism are deconstructed in the form of meaningful discourses concerning the cultural tourism in bali. althusser (2008) states that a discourse is an ideology in practice, meaning that there is no discourse without any ideology and that there is no ideology without discourse. based on this concept, then the promotional media of the balinese cultural tourism can be viewed as the discourses reflecting a particular ideology. therefore, as reflected in the title of this present study, the present study focuses on the ideology of the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism. to this end, it is necessary to deconstruct the ideology of the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism. the reason is that, as stated by barker (2005:510), “deconstruction: deconstructing which is aimed at searching out and revealing the assumptions, strategies, rhetoric, and what is hidden in a text”. based on the quotation above, it can be understood that in brief deconstruction means an effort made to reveal the implied meaning of a text or discourse. based on the facts and what is meant by a medium, an ideology and the relationship between one and another as described, several assumptions can be formulated as follows. first, the marginalization of the ideology of tri hita karana in the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism cannot be separated from the ideology which has inspired them. second, it is highly possible that such an ideology and the interests of the stakeholders involved in the process of reconstructing the promotional media have been responsible for the marginalization of the ideology of tri hita karana. third, the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism with the marginalized ideology of tri hita karana have affected the image of bali as a tourist destination of cultural tourism. based on the problems formulated above, the general objective of this present study is to deconstruct the ideology of the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism with the marginalized ideology of tri hita karana. it is expected that the result of the study may give theoretical and practical contributions. theoretically, it is expected that (1) the result of the present study can enrich the knowledge of the ideology which has inspired the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism with the marginalized ideology of tri hita karana; (2) the e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 result of the present study can reveal the system used to construct the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism with the marginalized ideology of tri hita karana; (3) the result of the present study can reveal the implication of the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism with the marginalized ideology of tri hita karana on the image of bali as an area of cultural tourism viewed from the stakeholders involved in the tourism industry. research method the qualitative method is used in the present study which gives emphasis on the excavation, explanation and the descriptive, holistic, and interpretative description of the things related to the problems of the study formulated above. the data were analyzed with reference to the procedure of the qualitative data analysis which includes data reduction, temporary data display, data interpretation and conclusion drawing. the data reduction includes data selection, data focusing, data simplification, data classification, the subjective information quoted from the interview, and data reflection. the data are presented and interpreted in the form of a narrative text showing regularity, explanation, and cause and effect plot. conclusions are drawn or verified by summarizing the result of the study already presented so what appears is related to the ideology which has inspired the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism. discussion based on the result of the deconstruction of the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism and the information provided by the informants it can be identified that the pictures/illustrations, and the sentences used in the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism contain several ideologies. it is necessary to affirm that without in-depth observation or only through exploration it seems to be difficult to identify the ideologies which have inspired the promotional media of the bali cultural media with the marginalized ideology of tri hita karana. they ideologies are as follows 1) the capitalistic ideology, the ideology of cultural dualism, the ideology of consumerism, the ideology of totalitarianism, the ideology of the pseudo-social responsibility. in this case, the definition of the capitalistic ideology refers to what is described by atmadja (2010: 75-76) that the characteristic of the capitalistic ideology or known as the market religion refers to the concept which is not only different but also contrasts the characteristic of hinduism as the source of the ideology of tri hita karana. the characteristic e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 of the capitalistic ideology, as described above, can be expressed in a goal, namely selling a product. the selling activity can be done through promotion, including the promotional media of tourism. what is presented in the media is not only presented but it also contains an expectation for selling things based on the capitalistic principle, namely obtaining benefit. if what is presented in the media is the nature, its function has also shifted to becoming a commodity, or it functions as a product with an exchange value in order to obtain benefit. based on the deconstructive observation, it can be identified that the capitalistic ideology has been much more dominantly responsible for marginalizing the ideology of tri hita karana in the promotional media of the balinese cultural tourism than the other ideologies. what is meant is that it is the capitalistic ideology which has initially motivated the stakeholders to create the promotional media in a particular manner. then the capitalistic ideology causes the other ideologies to appear. in this case, construction should be viewed as a system which leads to the marginalization of the ideology of tri hita karana. in fact, the system used to construct the promotional media of the balinese cultural tourism can be further classified based on the initiators; they are the government, the private organizations, and the graphic design consultants. it turns out that the products produced by the system applied by the government involving the graphic design consultants which are the same as those produced by the private companies such as brochures, folders, leaflets and tabloids/magazines, and billboards do not reflect the ideology of tri hita karana, and that they are all dominated by the capitalistic ideology. those with an accumulation of capitals including the economic capital and the other capitals are dominantly able to marginalize those with a smaller accumulation of capitals. based on the theory of social construction proposed by berger and luckman, an image and defection take place through the perception of the area of the bali cultural tourism with the marginalized ideology of tri hita karana in the promotional media. the reason is that, according to berger and lukmann (in hamad, 2004: 12), the process of the construction of a reality includes the meaning given through the process of the perception of an object. in other words, it can be understood that a perception is a mode for defining something or a mode for giving meaning to something. in this case, it is necessary to affirm what is meant by perception and meaning so that they can be adequately understood. according to charon, as referred to by mulyana (2006:7), a perception is guided by the perspective used by someone to view an object. in semiotics, meaning is what a sign contains as understood by the user (hoed, 2008: 3). therefore, it can be understood that e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 defining something or giving meaning to something is identical with the process of understanding something. according to barker (2005: 168), meaning is situated in what is trusted, what is true and the reason daily used by people; or, according to mulyana (2006: 21), meaning is situated in someone’s mind instead of in the object defined. based on what was described above, according to the stakeholders, the image of bali as an area of cultural tourism can be traced through how they define it through what they perceive of bali as a tourist destination. more basically, the process of defining the image of bali as a tourist destination can be viewed from what is stated to be true, what is trusted, and the reason given by the stakeholders. in relation to that, the result of the study shows that bali is an area of cultural tourism; bali is an area where postmodern people live; bali is an area of glocalization; bali is an area where modern spirituality modern develops; the bali’s identity has become a hyperreality. if observed, it seems that bali is an area of the culture of tourism instead of an area of cultural tourism. this is the very fundamental implication which then leads to the other implications. conclusion and suggestion the capitalistic ideology is the most dominant ideology which has affected the production of the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism. the reason is that it is intended to increase the number of tourists visiting the promoted tourist destination, which then causes the benefit obtained or the money earned to rise as well. in this case, the relationship of power between the government and the graphic design consultants and the private companies with their own designers takes place. it turns out that the government’s capital is weaker; it only has the economic capital, namely money for funding the production of the promotional media. therefore, the graphic design consultants with their stronger economic capital, social capital, and cultural capital have more power in the production of the promotional media. the main implication of the promotional media of the bali cultural tourism is that bali constitutes an area of the culture of tourism. based on that implication, it can be seen that the promotional media of the balinese cultural tourism are not strong enough to affirm the identity of the bali cultural tourism, namely the tri hita karana-based cultural tourism. therefore, it is suggested that the government, the graphic design consultants, and the private companies, as the shareholders, that they should refer to the regional regulation of the provincial government number 2 of 2012. in this way, the promotional media of the e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 bali cultural tourism keeps showing what is specific to the bali’s identity which still makes tourists interested in visiting bali. acknowledgement the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i nyoman dharma putra, m.litt., as the supervisor for his supervision, motivation, support and suggestion. thanks are also extended to prof. dr. nengah bawa atmadja, m.a. and dr. i nyoman dhana, m.a., their supervision, systemic and detailed input and for lending the references needed to complete this present study. bibliography althusser, louis. 2008. tentang ideologi: marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies. yogyakarta : jalasutra. atmadja, nengah bawa. 2010. ajeg bali: gerakan, identitas kultural, dan globalisasi. yogyakarta:lkis. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. hamad, ibnu. 2004. konstruksi realitas politik dalam media massa sebuah studi critical discourse analysis terhadap berita-berita politik. jakarta: granit. mulyana, deddy. 2006. metode penelitian kualitatif: paradigma baru ilmu komunikasi dan ilmu sosial lainnya. bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya. piliang, yasraf amir. 2003. hipersemiotika: tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna. yogyakarta: jalasutra. hoed, benny h. 2008. semiotik dan dinamika sosial budaya. depok: fak ilmu pengetahuan budaya (fib) ui. cartoon visualization as social representation in bog-bog bali cartoon magazine 2011/2012 edition i wayan swandi aa bagus wirawan i nyoman artayasa i gede mudana abstract: bog-bog cartoon was a mass media production which was rich in strong artistic and balinese cultural values. social changes cannot be avoided since bali became a global tourist destination. on one hand, bali cannot be avoided from being attracted by the global strength; on the other hand, attempts are perpetually made to maintain its cultural identity. the descriptive method was used in the present study, which was intended to explain how the bog-bog cartoon was visualized and what meanings were hidden in it. keywords: visualization, cartoon, bog-bog magazine, social representation introduction as far as the balinese culture is concerned, cartoon is not a strange thing as it cannot be separated from the traditional art of painting in general and the puppetry art in particular. traditionally, in bali cartoon is better known as prasi. the prasi pictures are painted on the palm leaf using a sharp knife referred to as pengerupak. in bali the prasi art has been developed in karangasem, exactly at tenganan pegeringsingan village with the themes adopted from the ramayana and mahabrata epics. klungkung has been popular for its kamasan puppet since 17th century. the technique used to paint the kamasan puppet is similar to that used to paint the modern cartoon pictures. there were several reasons why the bog-bog cartoon magazine was used as the object of the study. first, it is a magazine which uses cartoon as the medium for illustrating the messages transmitted to the readers. second, it is the only carton magazine which uses the balinese characters within the local scope and national scope. the fact that it has acquired the muri award proves this. it has attracted the cartoon observers from the other countries as the image of bali is so strong to the academicians and international cultural researchers that it has a relatively high selling value and bargaining position. this opportunity was used by the bog-bog cartoonists to work together with the global cartoonists in 2003. it has been the first cartoon magazine with the balinese cultural nuance. the other reason why the bog-bog cartoon magazine was chosen as the object of the study was that, ideologically, it activated, persuaded and informed things to people in a subtle and humorous way or using satires. in addition, the pictures it contained also represented the social phenomena in bali. every theme contained meaningful, real and complex massages. the concepts which the bog-bog cartoon contained had been well planned before. then such concepts were visually presented and read by the public. visually, the cartoon, as social representation in the bog-bog magazine, was the final result of the deconstruction of the form of the cartoon made by the cartoonists to carry the flag of the bog-bog bali cartoon magazine. the balinese traditional nuance concept consistently became the icon of the cartoon form every time the magazine was published, meaning that the attempt made to realize the image of the art work produced by the cartoonists that supported the bog-bog magazine showed the specific characteristic of the magazine. therefore, this present study was intended to reveal the concepts related to the form and meaning of cartoon through the study which explored the whole process of creation, the contextualization of creation, the internal and external impacts and so forth. method this present study which explored the bog-bog magazine is an interpretative and descriptive study. this method was used to explain the visual aspects and meanings of the bog-bog cartoon as the balinese social/cultural representation. the drawings which were published in the bog-bog magazine published in 2011/2012 were used as the data source. the data were also obtained by interviewing three cartoonists and the founder the bog-bog magazine. in addition, the data needed were also obtained by interviewing several social observers who understood the function of the bog-bog magazine as the social representation. the study was conducted in denpasar city where the magazine was circulated. the study was also conducted in the secretariat of the bog-bog magazine. the data were analyzed using the postmodern aesthetic theory and the theory of semiotics. from the analysis, it could be identified that ideologically the visual aspect played a role as a medium which could reconstruct realities. result and discussion in bali the cartoon world has been felt since 1977; it was initiated by a group of cartoonists who worked for the local newspaper “the bali post”. the themes dominantly presented social criticisms with strongly humorous nuance on the opinion page (the editorial cartoon). the bali post newspaper is the foster father of most of the current balinese cartoonists. at least it, as the biggest newspaper in bali, has created the cartoonists. in addition, it has also raised them in such a way that they, including the bog-bog ones, have become independent. the bog-bog cartoon magazine was firstly published in 2001 by a cartoonist who was born in denpasar. his full name is made gede parama artha; therefore, he is often called jango pramartha. at that time he did not work by himself; he was assisted by two co-founders named i gusti putu adi supardhia who is better known as putu ebo and cece riberu. they worked as cartoonists. since the bog-bog cartoon magazine was firstly published, the sales of the magazine have exceeded what was expected by the founder. its national and international circulation has proved this. the readers of the magazine can be grouped based on their ages, educational background, and economic status. according to jango, the magazine is published not to be consumed by children, although it can be enjoyed by every family member. it contains social, political, cultural and art issues. the magazine is also read by different layers of society, starting from the common people, academicians, politicians, those who are involved in the non-government organizations and so forth. the bog-bog cartoon is strongly characterized by the balinese cultural characteristics which include the fashion system. as an illustration, most of the male characters wear head cover ‘udeng’, sarong, and frangipani ‘bunga kamboja’, and the female ones wear blouse ‘kebaya’, cloth ‘kamben’, and hair bun ‘sanggul’, in addition, their names are also adopted from the common balinese idioms such as made bogler, ketut cenik and kapler kaplug. (see the attached pictures). the character made bogler was painted by cece ribero. the name bogler is derived from the word “bogler”, meaning ‘tengil’ or ‘pecicilan’. according to cece ribero, the character made bogler depicts the characteristics of the balinese people who are funny, talk as they like, always show their teeth, and are naïve. ketut cenik in “ketut cenik learning to dance” was painted by putu eco and represented the balinese young people who care about the traditional balinese culture in general and the traditional balinese dances in particular. the name cenik is derived from an anonymous song which was popular in the past. the content of such a song predicted the changes which would take place in bali, resulting from the arrival of the white people. kapler kaplug was painted by putu ebo depicting a specific young naughty man. kapler was painted with the make-up which was similar to the make-up worn by elvis presly. however, kaplug depicted a wise young man who was often involved in the naughtiness in which kapler was involved. they were young men who cared about the matters pertaining to the social environment where they lived. the discourse on globalization has been used as the great theme in the bog-bog cartoon. according to the informants, globalization has become the endless inspiration. it should be explored within the globalization context. foreign culture is interfering and will interfere with the balinese people’s life. in an interview jango told the social changes which were taking place in bali as a consequence of globalization as follows. [the theme and general target of the bog-bog magazine can be found in the word glo-bali-sasi which contains the word bali. basically, the theme which is understood by the common people is how we adopt the social changes taking place in bali. from such social changes we search out what is unique which is then transferred through cartoon. as an illustration, golf can destruct us as it is played by a few players but it needs a lot of land”]. it cannot be denied that globalization in bali is enthusiastically welcome by people. in picture 1 the word “globalization” was intentionally written in red, indicating a condition in which we should be on the alert. it also indicated a danger and reminded us that bali had been exploited within the discourse on globalization. under the word ‘globalization’ two people were seen to represent the local people who enthusiastically said “yes” (the dollar currency was the character). they were bringing subjugated commodities, implicitly meaning that they enthusiastically went up the economic ladder or the economic improvement. picture 1. globalization. globalization in bali was used as the theme of one of the bog-bog works exhibited at freemantle art center in perth, australia. such a great theme was used by the bog-bog cartoonists in bali to respond to the socio-cultural phenomena in bali. it was agreed by the bog-bog founders. source: film dokumenter return economic. the bog-bog bali cartoon magazine used “globalization” as its great theme as anticipation to the social changes which had taken place rapidly and massively in bali. the reason was that globalization had changed the socio-cultural landscapes in bali. according to jango, bali could not avoid the ideology of globalization, and the bog-bog cartoon should also be able to take the opportunity offered by globalization. as already known that the trap of the globalization ideology works through the changes taking place in the landscapes of the world referred to as the ethnoscapes, mediascapes, technoscapes, finanscapes, and ideoscapes (appadurai, 1990: 329-331). as anticipation to the cultural change, the balinese people welcome and adopt changes flexibly and selectively (geriya, 2000). drawing 2 showed two priests “mangku” who were reading holy books. one was reading the palm leaf manuscript and the other was using a tablet. such a phenomenon showed that the balinese people were in the transformational process; the traditional mechanical tool was being replaced by the modern mechanical tool. drawing 2 tablet vs. palm-leaf manuscript (theme globalization). a social phenomenon of how a technology interfered with a spiritual activity which is generally conservative and traditional in nature. source: the bog-bog cartoon magazine no. 5 vol. 10 of 2011. drawing 3 milk-coffee (theme globalization). tourism was the entrance to traditional crimes in bali; the black spot was the entrance to the airport. source: bog-bog cartoon magazine no. 6 vol. 10 of 2011 the globalized bali attracts and motivates tourists to come. according to the board of the center of statistics, the number of tourists coming to bali in general and to denpasar in particular has increased by four percent annually. the study undertaken by amminulah showed that there was a correlation between the increase in the number of population and the number of crimes in bali. drawing 3 showed the checkpoint at the airport. an immigration officer was exploring what is referred to as barong. within the barong two criminals were found wearing the costume with black lines as worn by prisoners. in 2013 the crimes taking place in bali totaled 8,420, in 78 of which 83 foreigners were involved. the criminals in bali are not only indonesians but also foreigners. the black spots were the gates through which they could enter and leave bali, meaning that they were trapped at the airport. one of the cases which was spotlighted by both the national and foreign mass media was the bali nine, namely the narcotic australian syndicate that was caught smuggling narcotics. the fact that there was an international syndicate that had broken into the automatic teller machines in bali for the last ten years leading to a loss totaling quintillions of rupiahs was another big case. apart from that, bali has also been the target of the international terrorism. many studies have been undertaken to explore the correlation between terrorism and globalization. it was stated in the global research that the terrorism attack at legian kuta, bali, in october 2002, was made by the international terrorism. globalization has also become the access to the international spread of crimes and narcotics. according to findlay (1999:103), social changes result from globalization. as an illustration, particular groups of people are getting marginalized and this may lead to crimes. the same thing is stated by harvey et al. (in findlay, 1999) that “globalization creates new and favorable contexts of crime”. globalization leads to the climate which can support crimes. the visual presentation of cartoon in the bog-bog bali cartoon magazine edition 2011/2012 the visual presentation of cartoon in the bog-bog bali cartoon magazine showed that the norms of the modern and classical arts had been ignored. the aesthetic elements which were offered were vulgar, resulting from the impact of the postmodern style. baudrillard (in piliang, 2011) stated that the postmodern art was vulgar and had lost its secret dimensions. in the graphic art, the visual presentation of a graphic work can be viewed from several elements such as the form, character, color, and layout. according to lester (2003), as far as the cartoon characteristics are concerned, the important signs which are importantly needed to know cartoon are the frame, background, setting, characters, motion lines, typography and balloons. such visual signs distinguish the classical art works from the modern ones. visualization is the most accurate way in which something which is abstract can be made to be clearer. the visual presentation can always attract the reader’s emotion and can help someone analyze, plan and decide a problem before comprehending it (kusmiati, 1999: 85-86). visually, the postmodern art works such as cartoon have made themselves different from the modern and classical art ones, as can be seen from the shape, color, frame, and different visual elements used in cartoon such as motionlines, typography, and word balloon. humors in cartoon can be transmitted through drawings and verbal language. although picture can present stories, the supporting factors such as the drawing panel and text cannot be ignored (hidayat, 1998: 183). from the perspective of shape, the bog-bog cartoon can be classified as the cartoon shape which imitates the original shape such as human being as can be seen in the cartoon “made bogler”, “kapler kaplug”, “salon celuluk”, “multitasking”, poleng nomor 1” and so forth. in addition, an animal was drawn in the cartoon “multiasking”, a tree in the cartoon “pohon iklan” (tree of advertisements), and inanimate objects such as cars drawn in the cartoon “kemacetan” (traffic jam). (refer to the attached drawings!). the art cartoon is stated to be the postmodern work which is characterized as the work of imitation imitating the original objects (baudrillard, 2002). according to rose (1993: 29—30), cartoon is a parody using the imitating technique. as in the other postmodern works, quality is not determined by originality, complexity, subtleness, and the formal expression which is proportional to the content (barker, 2005:57). similarly, in cartoon quality is not determined by originality, complexity and subtleness either. the drawings of the original objects are distorted in order to give humorous and parody effects. the distorted drawings visually criticize characters. according to low (1984:728), such a distortion is representative and symbolic, and shows satires, smartness, and humors. it is intentionally made especially if cartoon has political content. the imitated objects in cartoon are not only distorted but they are also completed with the line actions. motion lines are the imaginary lines which depict the traces of the physical movements made by the characters. as an illustration, the motion lines in the drawing of “salon celuluk” gave trembling effects that expressed the feeling of being frightened as can be seen in the traces of the foot movements in the cartoon “multiasking”, and so forth. such motion lines were intentionally made in cartoon in order to give the exaggerated effect: “notice how the eyes jump from the face of the character and how the body is stiff. this is an exaggerated representation of a natural reaction we have in real life” (cabral, 2013). such distorting techniques are parts of the parody elements which are not known in the fine arts such as the art of painting. the drawing “radio made bogler” with the theme “radio” was a work with asymmetric multi frames. the same thing can be seen in the drawing “multi-tasking”, and “pohon iklan” (trees of advertisements). in the classical and modern arts the single frame is the norm. the panel is used to maintain continuity and explain what is expected or what the following sequence (mccloud, 2002) is. modernism trusts regularity and rational formalism. in the postmodern art work, nothing regulates the number of frames. postmodernism neglects the social cultural construction or order which is rationally constructed by the postmodern way of thinking. the drawings of cartoon in the bog-bog cartoon magazine, except those in the “kapler kaplug”, used minimal texts with a ratio of 90 percent visual to 10 percent textual. in the fine art, a text is only an addition; the strength of an idea is in the drawing (gumelar, 2013: 72—74). the text in cartoon is written using the word balloons as can be seen from the drawings “radio made bogler” and “kapler kaplug”. such a text usually constructs a dialogue between the characters in the cartoon. however, there are several texts which are not written using the word balloons as can be seen in the images “multiasking” and “pohon iklan”. such texts are present to inform, express images or messages visually (kusrianto, 2007:191). a text is used to show a dialogue between the characters. some words are sometimes stressed or printed in bold or using specific typographic forms. the presence of a text using typographic forms causes the cartoon art to be difficult to be differentiated from the press. as already known that press is a mass cultural product. postmodernism causes the boundaries between the great art and the popular art (mass culture) to be vague. according to featherstone (1993), the permissive eclecticism and the mixture of parody, irony, the appreciation of what is seen in the surface without identifying the meaning and the decrease in originality are responsible for such vagueness. if categorized, the bog-bog cartoon can be classified as strip cartoon, namely the loose (short) cartoon which is put within one box (panel, pen). the single frame cartoon can be seen in the caricature cartoon, humorous cartoon, and editorial cartoon. and the multi frame cartoon can be seen in the strip comic work. unlike the classical art works which strongly maintain the structure, the postmodern works highly appreciate diversity, emphasize humorousness or parody. in addition, the latter is not a serious thing; it tends to present something which is broken rather than something which is neat and clean; it gives more emphasis on picturesque with slightly geometrically regularity. simple coloring technique was applied to most of the bog-bog cartoons. the cartoonist only used the technique of degrading black and white, the cover was excluded. black and white are known to be simple, causing the message which is intended to be transmitted to be clearer. in this way, the reader can easily understand the massage which the drawings contain; the heavy display is tranquilized and minimum touch is added. the principle in cartoon is that the content is more important; therefore, it has to help the readers find what they want to know. the use of black and white is intended to show that the focus is the function which is based on what is aimed at by the political, social and moral criticisms (hidayat, 1999). in this case, the aesthetic element is not a priority. therefore, according to berger, cartoon cannot be classified as a high art product (berger, 2005). the media and printing technological development has caused the aesthetic elements to be reduced; as a result, taste and imagination are determined by machines and software. one of the sociological criticisms against postmodernism is that it does not offer any solution; it offers nothing new. from the aesthetical point of view, this can be understood from the fact that there are almost no measurements; moreover, it still owes to the classical and modern art theories. in addition, technologies make it possible for the cartoon works to be massively produced. the aim of the art works using repeated technologies of production and reproduction is the economic benefit (featherstone, 1993). the parody idiom in the bog-bog cartoon edition 2011/2012 from the aspect of its presentation, the bog-bog bali cartoon magazine was more dominated by humorous drawings than the elements of words, phrases or sentences, indicating that the bog-bog magazine can be classified as verbal cartoon; however, the verbal element was not dominant, meaning that drawings were dominantly used to express messages and illicit laughter from the reader. in cartoon, the verbal elements represent speeches, and the humorous drawings serve as the extra lingual context of the speeches which usually show who the speaker is, who the addressee is (if present), the word spoken of, and the spatio-temporal setting which is related to where and when the speeches are uttered (wijana, 2003: 10). the indonesian and english words used to express messages in the bog-bog bali cartoon magazine were short and simple. as an art work, cartoon should also be assessed from the shape value and content value (sumardjo, 2000:115). although from the aspect of shape, cartoon shows a strong phenomenon of postmodernism, the content value appears more clearly than the shape value, meaning that the art of cartoon gives more emphasis on the significant shape than on the object of beauty. according to bell (in sumardjo, 2000:59), cartoon is the art of representation. the ‘shape’ in the art of representation is intended to evoke a particular emotion towards the information which is represented. according to ajidarma (2012:18), the motion which is evoked in cartoon is the sense of humor (laughter) as the response to the parody element represented. parody specifically characterizes the style of the postmodern art (rose, 1993:2). according to hutcheon (2002:2—6), parody is defined as an inter-art discourse which is imitative and contains opposition or contrast. in general, the parody art expresses dissatisfaction, unhappiness, and discomfort which are related to the intensity of the past style or work which is referred to. in the graphic art such as cartoon, parody or humor is made through distorted shape, controversial value and the meaning of humor. basically, the bog-bog cartoon relies on the parody virtue. the form of parody presented in the drawing “salon celuluk” of the theme ‘salon’ combined several humorous elements such as contradictive and emotional effects. the contradictive element was made to be present through the creature ‘celuluk’ or ‘pung’ as the salon’s customer who came for manicure and pedicure. the element of being frightened was affirmed by the motion lines expressed from the faces of the mothers as the characters in the drawing. according to freud (in ajidarma: 2012), the elements of being frightened, tendentious, innocence, hostility, and sexual drive are the sources of humor. the relationship between the astral creature and human being shown is not unsual. in the theory of superiority and degradation proposed by pluto, it is stated that the object which causes us to laugh is a funny, strange and digressing thing. the parody in the drawing “radio made bogler” was a topic of radio which emphasized the character’s aspect of innocence. this drawing was designed with a plot narrating the character’s growth (from childhood to adulthood) with a vague perception of radio and television. in this case, the plot starting from the phase of orientation, crisis and climax gave the reader’s mentality to absorb the humor. the character made bogler was drawn with wide laughter using the distorted drawing technique. the cartoon “layang-layang” (kite) in the theme “topi” (hat) was originally adopted from a habit of the balinese people, namely flying kite. according to ajidarma (2012:25), a humor will be well accepted if it emphasizes the elements of originality and simplicity or if it is deeply rooted in the community which supports it; it should implicitly rather than explicitly satires something. as far as the cartoon “layang-layang” is concerned, it was a satire on impractical education. a humor can be made to be present from the domestic areas such as daily life. in the drawing “multitasking” of the theme “waktu” (time), a humor was made to be present by presenting the habit of the balinese people who have multiple lives in their professions. the familiar domestic areas which include cow, sickle, grass, and art studio represent the current balinese culture in which the traditional life is mixed with the context of modernity. in the cartoon “poleng no. 1” of the theme “piala” the humor was made to be present in the form of a joke. the drawing connected the balinese people’s belief with the sacred symbols expressed in their daily life. the conflicts resulting from the harassment of sacred symbols by particular people often occurred. however, in this humor the cartoonist still showed appropriateness to avoid the narrator’s internal inhibition as to something which was forbidden in society. according to wijana (2003: 12), a humor is a cultural code as well as a linguistic code which is only understood and can be defined by the society which supports it. according to the non-balinese people, such a cartoon is confusing; however, the balinese people, who are familiar with the philosophy “skala niskala” (tangible and intangible), can see the sense of humor the cartoon contains. according to freud (in ajidarma, 2012:10), a humor indicates the unconscious material repression and sublimation. this cannot be separated from the mechanism of internal sensor resulting from being frightened of the reaction of the others who are surprised at hearing or viewing a joke. apart from that, every character is drawn with serious expressions leading to the atmosphere which is full of prejudices and tensions. according to kostler (in ajidarma, 2012: 14), the dramatic elements such as prejudice and tension can multiply laughers. a humor can appear from a daily thing which is very close and familiar to society. in the drawing ‘staples versus lidi (palm leaf rid) of the theme ‘globalization’ was a slight but serious joke as far as the pragmatism in bali is concerned. the humor in this drawing was the situational humor in which there was a talk quoted from an event. the activity of ‘mebanten’ (offering things to gods, ancestors and other spirits) is a daily activity of the balinese women. the comparison of the staples to the palm leaf rid ‘lidi’ was the vocal point of the message of the joke which was intended to create. in the theory of dissociation proposed by koestler, it is stated that the source of a humor the incongruity between a concept and a reality. this can be seen from the drawing ‘layangan’ (kite) of the theme ‘topi’ (hat). the parody which is adopted from the existing works is intended to make fun of things (pramayoza, 2013: 201). the social context can be developed using the value of a humor. the talk taking place at a food stall, and the gossip made by the housewives and so forth can give endless inspirations. the social context which was presented at the cartoon “kapler-kapluk” represented the people’s intimacy referred to as the ‘banjar’ environment. the humor in the cartoon “kapler kapluk” focused on the exchange for ideas among leaders. the drawing was supported by a dialogue in which hiv/aids was discussed as a serious issue. a humor can come from a conflict between what is expected and what is real (ajidarma, 2012: 31). the parody “burger babi guling” (roasted pig burger) showed a surprise; the reader felt something strange that there was a very big burger with a roasted pig in it. koestler and schopenheur (in ajidarma, 2012: 32) state that the sense of humor can appear when what is caught by the five senses is not connected with the abstract knowledge of it. an irony can lead to laughter. this can be seen from the theme ‘pohon’ (tree) in the cartoon “pohon iklan” (tree of advertisement). a tree symbolizes a fresh natural life; therefore, the advertisement which was installed on the tree was an irony. this cartoon was a real social criticism. as far as the balinese context is concerned, such an irony was a paradox. the reason is that trihitakarana, one of the balinese local wisdoms, teaches that we should maintain the harmonious relation between man and his fellow-creatures, including trees. the essence of the sense of humor which this cartoon contained was situated on the ironic side that such an advertisement was not installed by a corporation but by those who probably lived close to the tree. the reason was that it contained common domestic issues. in the events which describe tensions such as the political tensions, the cartoonist uses this material as the material for creating humors (humors which can calm tensions). according to kritchtafovitch (2005) and ajidarma (2012), the element of tensions in politics is the source of humors, as illustrated by the revelation of the conflict within oneself. the humor in the cartoon “suasana pemilu” (the atmosphere of general election) of the theme “rumah sakit” (hospital) was an attempt made to calm tensions and pressures through laughter. according to kant in his book entitled “critique of judgment” (1892), laughter can appear from the tension which is transformed into nothing: “… laughter is affection arising from the sudden transformation of a strained expectation into nothing” (ajidarma, 2012: 36). the urban problems can be the sources of actual humors and are frequently talked about. one of such problems is the traffic jam. the recent traffic jams taking place in south bali was presented as the centers of traffic jams. the parody which was presented in the drawing “kemacetan” (traffic jam) of the theme “mobil” (car) was a tragedy. a tragedy is an impulse which inspires the sense of humor. in the drawing the character was seen to show being under pressure, worried and confused. the logic was that “daripada pusing mari kita metertawakannya” (laughing at it is better than being confused). “when people feel shock, horror, or disgusted, it is difficult to laugh”. gerald coffee, a researcher, investigated the americans whom were detained in the vietnamese camps. he stated that they laughed at themselves to maintain their mental and physical health. “laughter sets the spirit free through even the most tragic circumstances. it helps us shake our heads clear, get our feet back under us and restore our sense of balance. humor is integral to our peace of mind and our ability to go beyond survival” (association for applied and therapeutic humor, 2001). the narsistic nature of the modern society was used as the parody in the cartoon “cctv” of the theme “camera”. life style and actual phenomena attract the public attention. the cartoon caught the euphoria the people’s “coquettishness” to appear on the television media and other social media. according to martin and shiota (in ajidarma, 2012:39), such a social humor is enjoyed by people as they can currently feel such a mental experience. the phenomenon of selfie, namely taking pictures of one’s self to be uploaded on the social media is a social happiness in the framework of celebrating a new era, namely the era of the media technological development. conclusions the attention paid by the bog-bog cartoon magazine to the impact of globalization on the balinese social order and culture made it a social representation. globalization was used by the bog-bog cartoonists to inspire their works. ideologically, globalization changed the balinese landscape, indicated by the spread of technologies and foreign cultures. visually, the bog-bog cartoon presented a new art style, namely the postmodern style, indicated by degradation of meaning, imitated works, emphasis on the content rather than on the structure, being vulgar and so forth. specifically, cartoon could package massages in the form of humors. the bog-bog cartoon was the work which was characterized by the balinese cultural value and express critical criticisms using parodies and satires. stereotype of madurese ethnic people made by javanese ethnic people through humors akhmad tabrani aron meko mbete i made suastika emiliana mariyah malang university of islam email: akh_tabrani@yahoo.com abstract this study was inspired by several things such as (1) there was a negative impression on the madurese ethnic people’s attitude and behavior, (2) the conflict taking place between the madurese ethnic people and the other ethnic groups which resulted from the wrong impression on the madurese ethnic people, (3) there was a close contact between the attitude and behavior of the madurese ethnic people and the attitude and behavior of the other ethnic peoples outside madura. this present study was intended to identify the form, factor, and impact of the stereotype of the madurese ethnic people made by the javanese ethnic people through humors. the data in the present study were collected through in-depth interview, observation, documentary study, and library research. there were several factors which contributed to the stereotype of the madurese ethnic people made by the javanese ethnic people through humors such as (a) education, (b) legitimacy of violence, (c) ideology, (d) the resistance of the madurese ethnic people to the javanese ethnic people, and (e) the madurese people’s attitude and behavior. the stereotype on the madurese ethnic people was created to give an inaccurate image although to some extent it was true. the ethnical humor leads to ethnical stereotype. the ethnical humor, which, in this case, was created by the dominant ethnic people, which, in this case, the javanese ethnic people, contained satire, dislike, hatred, insulting, praise, and resistance of the madurese ethnic people to the javanese ethnic people. keywords: stereotype, humor, javanese, madurese, hegemony. introduction there were three things which had inspired this present study. they are 1) there was a negative impression on the attitude and behavior of the madurese ethnic people which had resulted from the hegemony and domination of the javanese culture over the madurese culture, (2) the conflict between the madurese ethnic people and other ethnic people which had resulted from a wrong impression on the madurese ethnic people, 3) the attitude and behavior of the madurese ethnic people when making contacts with the other ethnic people outside madura who had been trapped by the impression that the madurese ethnic people were not objective: impolite, obstinate, untidy, and naïve. the impression of the other ethnic people, especially the closest ethnic people, that is, the javanese ethnic people, with whom the madurese ethnic people frequently made contact, interacted, and communicated, on the madurese ethnic people was frequently negative; the madurese ethnic people were stated to be uneducated and stupid. in addition, the madurese ethnic people could not be separated from the image of violence and impoliteness. such a stereotype was also responsible for another stereotype on the madurese ethnic people in, for example, their religious behavior, occupation, how they communicated, and the other characteristics which were attached to the madurese people. the type of stereotype on the madurese ethnic people can be classified as the ethnical stereotype, that is, the belief which was maintained and the conception of those belonging to particular ethnic groups (warnaen, 2002: 121). ironically, although indonesia is already independent and the knowledge of the madurese ethnic people has improved, such a stereotype is still maintained. rifai (2007: 86) highlighted that the negative image of the madurese people was made to be worse by a number of madurese ethnic people who were less educated and intentionally showed off the negative impression on them with an objective that other ethnic people would get frightened. this present study is relevant to the cultural studies, as it analyzes the social movement which manifests in various ethnical conflicts between the madurese ethnic people and the javanese ethnic people triggered by the wrong impression on the madurese ethnic people. in particular, this present study is intended to identify the form, factor and impact of the stereotype on the madurese ethnic people through humors made by the javanese ethnic people. it was hoped that there would be several novelties which might academically and practically lead to solutions to the inter relations among ethnic groups. research method based on the field of the study which is observed, this present study is classified as the qualitative study. the hermeneutic method was used to analyze the social phenomenon in the form of the matter pertaining to the cross culture or the relation among ethnic groups which is frequently responsible for any conflict resulting from a stereotype. the data which were used in the present study are naturalistic in nature and were obtained from the informants using the purposive sampling technique with the snowball sampling principle. the qualitative as well as quantitative data were used, obtained through in-depth interview, observation, documentary study, and library research. the data were descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively analyzed using the inductive method. then the result of the study was reported in a descriptive and narrative way. result and discussion the humors which contain stereotypes are (1) wetengi loro, (2) tidak kebagian kedudukan, (3) jubah putih, (4) radio transitor, (5) kirangan, (6) booooaaaboooo, (7) penumpang vip, (8) tinggi tiang bendera, (9) tukang becak yang goblok, (10) jaksa agung soedjiono, (11) pertanyaan kritis pak kiai, (12) juru bicara gus dur, (13) kencing terlalu jauh, (14) tukang sate madura, (15) tanda tangan, (16) burung penari, (17) nang-ning-nong, (18) ktp, (19) sim, (20) kapal singapura, (21) rangkap jabatan, (22) carok, (23) kehormatan keluarga, (24) hispanmisje, (25) salak kecut semua, (26) semangka non-biji, (27) foto wakil presiden, (28) jubah putih, (29) sholat nomer dua, (30) berkali-kali melakukan ibadah haji, (31) patuh pada ulama, (32) tidak melakukan seks pranikah, (33) libido berlebihan, (34) natural behavior wanita madura, and (35) mengaduk kopi. based on the result of the study the forms of the stereotype on the madurese ethnic people made by the javanese ethnic people through humors are as follows: the madurese ethnic people were stupid, humorist, religious, stubborn, outspoken, honest, dirty, efficient, stingy, kind, traditional, quickly getting angry, not flexible, aggressive, diligent, and sensual. the madurese people were not interested in formal education; most of them graduated from non formal education ‘pesantren’ (school of koranic studies). how they viewed education could be observed from their tendency to send their children to the religious institutions rather than to the public educational institutions. the religious leaders and ‘kiai’ had justified the principle of looking after one’s self since a long time ago. it was true that the madurese people were trapped by their point of view that they should be hard and brave, as imaged. the image of being hard and brave could not be hidden when facing problems. therefore, the madurese ethnic people with low profile were sometimes asked whether they were really the madurese people or not. the madurese people, based on the religion they adhere to, believed that how they behaved could be legally and religiously justified, although it might be possible that such a behavior was narrowly defined. in general, the ideology and way of belief could be generally considered the subjective possibility which was believed by individuals that an object or event had certain characteristics. the madurese people’s belief and ideology constitute a system of belief which contains all faiths and the human imagination of the god’s natures, the supernatural form; and every value, norm, myth, and religious teaching. such a pattern of belief was manifested by people or the social unity within the madurese ethnic people’s system of belief. the madurese people disliked being treated not in accordance with the real condition. resistance which has frequently appeared in the human civilization is a social phenomenon which takes place in the form of conflicts of collective, ethnical, economic, and political interests. it may also take place in the form of conflict of power and conflict of religious ideologies. the madurese ethnic people who lived outside madura, especially in java, became the minority ethnic group which was improperly treated. apart from being ethnically and culturally different, the madurese people living in java, especially those who were involved informal sectors, were working hard people. they often made direct contact with the javanese ethnic people in the markets where many madurese people also sold commodities. attitude is a tendency which is acquired by learning to give response to an object consistently. such a pattern of attitude is learned in a cultural context. environment forms the attitude and behavior of people, and determines how people give their response to a problem. similarly, the attitude of the madurese people is considered a behavior which is based on their belief in how to give response to life in order to make the order of their lives balanced. the attitude or behavior of the madurese people is based on (1) their belief in almighty god, (2) the system of social stratification, (3) the self-esteem which is attached to the madurese people and (4) the system of kinship. it is these bases which become the foundation of what they do. conclusion and suggestion it can be inferred from the present study that the madurese people’s character had been formed by the geographical condition. geographically, madura island is hot, dry, and less fertile. stereotype can be understood as what has been well known by most people who belong to the same ethnic group of other ethnic groups and their own ethnic group as well. in social life, the ethnical stereotype appears from a long and complex social process. the stereotype of the madurese ethnic group had been created to make an inaccurate image although, to some extent, what is stereotyped is true. an ethnical humor leads to an ethnical stereotype. the ethnical humor, which was created by the dominant ethnic group, which, in this case, is the javanese ethnic group, contains satires, dislike, hatred, praise, and insulting. it is suggested that further study should be conducted to explore various aspects of the stereotype made by the javanese ethnic group on the madurese ethnic group through humors appearing from a long relation between the two ethnic groups. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. aron meko mbete as the supervisor, prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. as co-supervisor i and prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s. as co-supervisor ii for their concepts, time, ideas, and energy during the completion of the present study. bibliography ari, d. 2012. bila kacong jadi presiden. mati ketawa ala madura. surabaya: parodi book. barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies. teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. bogardus, e.s. 1950. “strereotypes versus sosiotypes” dalam social and soc. res., hlm. 34, 286-291. bouvier, helene. 2002. lebur: seni musik dan pertunjukan dalam masyarakat madura. jakarta: forum jakarta-paris ecole francaised’extreme-orient yayasan asosiasi tradisi lisan yayasan obor indonesia. jakarta: pt gramedia. danandjaja, james. 1991. folklor indonesia: ilmu gosip, dongeng, dan lain-lain. jakarta: rajawali pers. jonge, huub de. 1995. stereotypes of the madures. dalam dijk, k. van, jonge huub de, & touwen bouwsma, e. (eds.) across madura strait: the dinamic of as insular society, proceedings kitlv 2: 7-24. kuntowijoyo. 2002. perubahan sosial dalam masyarakat agraris madura 1850 – 1940. yokyakarta: mata bangsa. liliwery,a. 2005. prasangka dan konflik. komunikasi lintas budaya masyarakat rifa’i, mien ahmad. 2007. manusia madura: pembawaan, perilaku, etos kerja, penampilan, dan pandangan hidupnya seperti dicitrakan peribahasanya. yokyakarta: pilar media. suprana, jaya. 2013. humorologi. jakarta: gramedia. tejo, h. sujiwo. 2001. kelakar madura buat gus dur. yogyakarta: lotus. wiyata, latief. 2002. carok: konflik kekerasan dan harga diri orang madura. yokyakarta: lkis. microsoft word i nyoman madiun 1 local community’s participation in developing nusa dua tourist area (in the perspective of cultural studies) i nyoman madiun1 , i wayan ardika2, i nyoman sirtha3, i made suradnya4, 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3faculty of law, udayana university 4faculty of ecomomics, udayana university e-mail: nmadiun@hotmail.com abstract that the management of various potentials has been essential in developing bali tourism has made planning one of the important elements which should be seriously and carefully done in order to be able to control various environmental and cultural effects resulting from the development of tourist sector. to make such a condition come true, the participative role of the local community as the owner of the area is very essential and cannot be bargained. in reality, however, the community’s participation cannot be easily conducted. in this study, the theories of hegemony, deconstruction, criticism, power/ knowledge, and conflict are employed. the data were obtained by observation, interview, documentation, and library research. the data were qualitatively analyzed and descriptively presented. the research findings show various forms of the community’s participation such as manipulative participation, coersive participation, induced participation, and spontaneous participation. the factors motivating the community to participate are: the availability of potential qualified resources, the appearance of tourism-oriented new paradigm in development among the local community members, the desire of obtaining economic usefulness, the influence of modernization on the local community life, the prospect of complementary businesses in the future, and the desire of establishing an autonomous community. the meaningfulness of the local community’s participation in developing nusa dua tourist area refers to the meaningfulness of adherence to rules, economy, pluralism and multiculturalism and of competition. there are two findings in this study; they are: (a) there is hegemony over the local community’s rights and (b) the local community is getting marginalized in getting access to opportunities. key word: participation, local community, development, tourist area 2 material and discussion in order to achieve what is aimed at in this study, it has been decided to choose qualitative method by which all the phenomena related to the local community’s participation which has appeared from the phase of thinking out of and planning the development to the phase of commercializing and developing nusa dua tourist area are presented. to obtain the information from the local community in order to achieve what is aimed at in this study, the important steps done related to the study are as follows: in step one the data both primary and secondary were collected. in step two the relevant theories were selected for observing the data. the theories of hegemony, deconstruction, criticism, power/knowledge, conflict were employed. in step three the selected data were analyzed and interpreted. in step four the research findings were described and presented. the local community’s partici pation can be presented in several phases. in the first phase, that is, in the phase of thinking out of and planning the development of the area, it is revealed that the local community members are prepared to shift from their old tradition to culture of tourism by submitting their land. such a submission means various resources which can be classified as potentials can be changed into actual resources. the local community’s partici pation in making use of various resour ces available for the development of nusa dua tourist area is realized with reference to the community-based tourist development concept. in the second phase, the local community and the government develop various supporting facilities such as health, security, and so on. tourism is able to create a situation which makes the local community participate in improving the values of their various resources. as a consequence, the local community is getting aware that their human resources especially in forming competence are starting to grow. the formation of the local community’s competence strongly supports their participation in serving tourists. in the third phase, that is, in the phase of commercializing and develop ping nusa dua tourist area, the local 3 community’s involvement and partici pation in tourism sector is spontaneously done by running home stays, food and beverage stalls, and other mutually complementary businesses. the phase of commercialization also makes the local community aware of preserving their local culture which has been inherited since a long time ago. however, various limitations cause the local community to participate in a small scale. as far as the importance of multiculturalism is concerned, the local community clearly participates in realizing what has been planned by the government to build holy places for the followers of different religions. it cannot be avoided that the newcomers who have been experienced and competent in tourism cause the local community to be always under pressure in business competition. this study also reveals the factors motivating the local community to participate in developing nusa dua tourist area. they are: the availability of potential qualified resources, the appearance of tourist-oriented new paradigm in development among the local community members, the desire of obtaining economic usefulness, the influence of modernization on the local community, the prospect of complement tary businesses in the future, and the desire of realizing an autonomous community. from the various forms of participation and factors motivating the local community to participate in developing nusa dua tourist area, the meaningfulness of the local commu nity’s participation refers to the meaningfulness of adherence to rules, economy, pluralism and multicultu ralism, and of competition. novelty the novelties in this study are: 1). the hegemony of power over the local community’s rights. claiming that the tourist development is based on the local community, a paradigm of deve lopment is implicitly introduced and forced to the local community. as a modern phenomenon, the tourism development is considered to be the most suitable one to be developed at nusa dua area, considering that it has the natural and cultural potentials. faced with the really new phenomenon, on one side the local community finds it very difficult to comprehend the substance of the paradigm introduced to them, and on the 4 other side the paradigm should be applied. consequently, the hegemony plays an important role in realizing the concept of the new development. the local community has no choice, whether they like or dislike, they should accept such a condition, which is, in fact, full of pressure and intimidation in applying it. 2). the local community is getting marginalized in getting access to opportunities. when the community is motivated to participate by submitting their land to the government, to build various supporting facilities, and to get involved in other participations which are induced (induced participation), they remain powerless in facing the pressures which come not only from the government but also from foreign cultures. most forms of participation done by the local community is indirect, passive, very formal and consultative. furthermore, the information and decisions come from top to down. the decisions made by the government are full of manipulations and very dirty games. the local community should adapt to claim for the substance of the new paradigm which is full of modern culture. the power is still fully held by the government. the participation given by the local government is completely false (pseudo participation). the benefit acquired by participating is not significant; furthermore, the feedback given by the local community regarding the decisions made by the government is frequently neglected. to overcome such a difficult situation in order to be able to participate as a modern community in their area, knowledge and competence in tourism which can be used as the power in participating are needed. it cannot be avoided that when the local community gets involved in tourism in their area, communication issue is becoming important. there are many obstacles encountered by the local community when they are to present themselves in the process of communication. communicating in tourist sector means that the local community should be prepared to interact with the other communities which have various cultural backgrounds. being less competent, the local community is not able to get involved in the process of business communication perfectly. being aware of this, the local community must start from the beginning how to communicate 5 culturally in order to support their businesses in their area. facing serious problems in one’s own area is a contradiction. research conclusions the findings show that the local community’s participation in the early phase of thinking out of and planning the development of the area is manipulative and coersive. in the phase of physical development, the local community’s participation is induced. in the phase of commercialization and development of nusa dua tourist area, the local community’s participation is sponta neous. the factors motivating the local community to participate in developing nusa dua tourist area are: the availability of potential qualified resour ces, the appearance of a tourism-oriented new paradigm in development among the local community members, the desire of obtaining economic usefulness, the influence of modernization on the local community, the prospect of complementary businesses in the future, and the desire of realizing an autonomous community. the meaning fulness of the local community’s participation refers to the meaningful ness of adherence to rules, economy, pluralism and multiculturalism, and of competition. acknowledgments in this opportunity the writer would like to express his indebtedness to prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. as the promotor, prof. dr. i nyoman sirta, s.h., m.s. as the first copromotor and dr. i made suradnya, s.e., m.sc., as the second promotor for their patience, full attention, motivation, and guidance starting from when the study was in the form of proposal up to when it was in the form of dissertation. the writer would also like to express his appre ciation to the rector of udayana university, the director of the postgra duate program udayana university and all his staff members, and to the head of the doctorate program (s3) school of cultural studies udayana university and his all staff members for the admission provided to be a student at the doctorate program (s3) school of cultural studies. 6 bibliography ardika, i wayan, 2007, pusaka budaya dan pariwisata, cetakan pertama, pustaka larasan, denpasar. ardika, i wayan, pariwisata budaya berkelanjutan, refleksi dan harapan di tengah perkemba ngan global, 2003, program studi magister (s2) kajian pariwisata, program pascasarjana universitas udayana, denpasar. aronsson, lars, 2004, the develop ment of sustainable tourism, thomson, the uk. bagus, i gusti ngurah, 2002, menuju terwujudnya ilmu pariwisata di indonesia, universitas uda yana denpasar. barker, chris, 2000, cultural studies, theory and practice, sage publications, london. brunt, paul, dkk, 2001, tourism: a modern synthesis, thomson, london. bungin, burhan, 2001, metodologi penelitian sosial,, formatformat kuantitaif dan kualitatif, airlangga university press, surabaya. burns and holden, 1995, tourism a new perspective, prentice hall, london. burns, peter m, 1999, an introduction to tourism and anthropology, routledge, london. conlin, michael v. and baum, tom, 1995, island tourism, manage ment principles and practice, john wiley & sons, new york. cooper, chris, dkk, 2005, tourism, principle and practice, third edition, pearson education limi ted, london. dumairy, 1996, perekonomian indone sia, penerbit : erlangga, jakarta fakih, mansour, 2003, runtuhnya teori pembangunan dan globa lisasi, insist press, yogya karata. foucault, michel, 2002, alih bahasa: arief, power/knowledge, wacana kuasa/pengetahuan, bentang budaya, yogyakarta. gee, chuck y, 1999, international tourism: a global perspective, world tourism organization, education network. giddens, anthony, 1994, masyarakat post-tradisional, ircisod, yogyakarta. habermas, jurgen, 2006, teori tindakan komunikatif i, rasio dan rasionalisasi masyarakat, kreasi wacana, yogyakarta. 7 inskeep, edward, 1991, tourismplanning, an integrated and sustainable development approach, van nostrand reinhold, new york. korntjaraningrat, 2002, kebudayaan mentalitas dan pembangunan, pt gramedia pustaka utama, yakarta. lubis, akhyar yusuf, 2006, dekonstruksi epistemologi modern: dari posmodernisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga, cultural studies, pustaka indonesia satu, jakarta. lubis, akhyar yusuf, 2004, setelah kebenaran dan kepastian dihancurkan masih adakah tempat berpijak bagi ilmuan, sebuah uraian filsafat ilmu pengetahuan kaum posmo dernis, akademia, bogor. norris, christopher, 2006, membongkar teori dekon struksi jaques derrida, arr-ruzz media, yogyakarta. tosun, cevat, 2006, expected nature of community participation in tourism development, school of tourism and hotel management, mustafa kemal university, turkey, tourism management. ardika, i wayan, 2007, pusaka budaya dan pariwisata, cetakan pertama, pustaka larasan, denpasar. ardika, i wayan, pariwisata budaya berkelanjutan, refleksi dan harapan di tengah perkemba ngan global, 2003, program studi magister (s2) kajian pariwisata, program pascasarjana universitas udayana, denpasar. aronsson, lars, 2004, the deve lopment of sustainable tou rism, thomson, the uk. bagus, i gusti ngurah, 2002, menuju terwujudnya ilmu pariwisata di indonesia, universitas udayana denpasar. barker, chris, 2000, cultural studies, theory and practice, sage publications, london. brunt, paul, dkk, 2001, tourism: a modern synthesis, thomson, london. bungin, burhan, 2001, metodologi penelitian sosial,, formatformat kuantitaif dan kualitatif, airlangga university press, surabaya. burns and holden, 1995, tourism a new perspective, prentice hall, london. burns, peter m, 1999, an introduction to tourism and anthropology, routledge, london. conlin, michael v. and baum, tom, 1995, island tourism, mana gement principles and practice, john wiley & sons, new york. 8 cooper, chris, dkk, 2005, tourism, principle and practice, third edition, pearson education limited, london. dumairy, 1996, perekonomian indonesia, penerbit : erlangga, jakarta fakih, mansour, 2003, runtuhnya teori pembangunan dan globa lisasi, insist press, yogya karata. foucault, michel, 2002, alih bahasa: arief, power/knowledge, wacana kuasa/pengetahuan, bentang budaya, yogyakarta. gee, chuck y, 1999, international tourism: a global perspective, world tourism organization, education network. giddens, anthony, 1994, masyarakat post-tradisional, ircisod, yogyakarta. habermas, jurgen, 2006, teori tindakan komunikatif i, rasio dan rasionalisasi masyarakat, kreasi wacana, yogyakarta. inskeep, edward, 1991, tourism planning, an integrated and sustainable development approach, van nostrand reinhold, new york. korntjaraningrat, 2002, kebudayaan mentalitas dan pembangunan, pt gramedia pustaka utama, yakarta. lubis, akhyar yusuf, 2006, dekonstruksi epistemologi modern: dari posmodernisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga, cultural studies, pustaka indonesia satu, jakarta. lubis, akhyar yusuf, 2004, setelah kebenaran dan kepastian dihancurkan masih adakah tempat berpijak bagi ilmuan, sebuah uraian filsafat ilmu pengetahuan kaum posmo dernis, akademia, bogor. norris, christopher, 2006, membongkar teori dekonstruksi jaques derrida, arr-ruzz media, yogyakarta. tosun, cevat, 2006, expected nature of community participation in tourism development, school of tourism and hotel management, mustafa kemal university, turkey, tourism management. rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic people in muna regency, southeast province: continuity and change la aso i nyoman weda kusuma i ketut ardhana ni made wiasti halu oleo university, kendari email: la_aso@yahoo.co.id abstract nowadays the muna ethnic people who live in muna regency, southeast sulawesi province can be divided into two groups; they are the muna ethnic people who still perform the rite of shift completely, and the muna ethnic people who perform the rite of shift partially; the letter have modified the rite of shift. the rites which are performed to show the shift in status from the time before a baby is born to the time after it is born, when someone enters childhood and adulthood, when someone is married and when someone is dead. such rites are referred to as the rites of shift. the problems of the present study can be formulated into three; they are (1) what the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic group is like; (2) the factors contributing to the continuity of the rites of shift; and (3) the factors causing the change in the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic people to take place. this study is a qualitative study with the paradigm of cultural studies. the theory of semiotics, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of deconstruction were used in the present study. the result of the study shows that there are six forms of the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic people; they are the rite of what is locally referred to as kasambu (feeding or eating with the hand), the rite of what is locally referred to as kampua (the hair cutting), the rite of what is locally referred to as kangkilo (circumcision), the rite of what is locally referred to as karia (being secluded), the rite of what is locally referred to as kagaa (marriage), and the rite of what is locally referred to as mate (death). the factors contributing to the continuity of such rites are ideology and belief. and the factors causing such rites to be changed are religion, economy, education, and science and technology. keywords: rite of shift, muna ethnic group, continuity, change introduction the rites which are performed to show that the shift from the time before a baby is born to the time after it is born, the shift from childhood to adulthood, the shift to the time when someone is married and when someone is dead are referred to as the rites of shift. van gennep (1960) (in ghazali, 2011: 62) states that every culture has a group of rituals which are performed to commemorate the shift from one social class to another social class. what is discussed in the present study is the phenomenon that the muna ethnic people who live in muna regency, southeast sulawesi province, can be divided into two; they are those who still perform the rites of shift perfectly and those who have modified them. this present study is intended to picture and understand the continuity of and change taking place in the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic group. in particular, this present study is intended to 1) describe the form of the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic people; (2) discuss the factors contributing to the continuity of the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic people; and (3) discuss the factors causing the change to take place in the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic people. research method this present study is a qualitative one. the data used in the present study are the primary data and secondary data. the primary data were obtained from observation and interview, and the secondary data were obtained from the documents related to the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic people. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, and documentary study. the data were analyzed descriptively, qualitatively, and interpretatively. discussion the result of the study shows that there are six forms of the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic group. they are the rite of what is locally referred to as kasambu (feeding with the hand), the rite of what is locally referred to as kampua/kaalano wulu (hair cutting), the rite which is locally referred to as kangkilo (circumcision), the rite of what is locally referred to as kagaa (marriage), and the rite of what is locally referred to as mate (death). the rite of kasambu is a traditional ceremony which is performed for the husband and wife and the wife is pregnant for the first child and her pregnancy is seven or eight months old. the rite of kampua is a traditional ceremony which is performed by cutting the baby’s hair when it is 44 days old so that it will always be healthy. the rite of kangkilo is a traditional ceremony performed by the muna ethnic people using a razor blade or kitchen knife to cut the head of the boy’s penis or slightly cut the right part of kabumbu (the vagina of a girl, especially the upper raising part) until it bleeds. the rite of karia is a secluding traditional ceremony which is performed for the girl who is getting grown up so that she will always be patient and brave when facing the motherhood when she is already married. the rite of kagaa is a wedding ceremony which is made up of three stages; they are the rite of kabasano dhoa salama (prayers are recited in order to keep healthy), the rite of kafosulino katulu (the bride and bridegroom are returned). the rite of mite is made up of seven stages; they are the rite of kaalingkita (common bathing), the rite of kaselino wite (the excavation of the grave), the rite of kakadiu wadhibu (obligatory bathing), the rite of kabasano haroa turuntana (the prayers are recited for someone who is dead), the rite of kakoburu (burial), the rite of kansolo-nsolo (the visit made to the cemetery), and the rite of poalo (certain nights are commemorated). in the rite of kaalingkita the corpse is bathed using clean water; the clean water is used for cleaning the dirt on the body. the rite of kaselino wite is performed when the grave is excavated. this rite starts with what is referred to as tida wite (the land is chopped). the rite of kaselino wite is led by what is locally referred to as lebe; it is performed before the corpse is caffeined. in the rite of kakadiu wadhibu the corpse is bathed using clean and holy water for which prayers have been recited by the lebe. in the rite of kansolo-nsolo a visit is made to the cemetery every morning and afternoon for one week the day after the corpse is buried. the rite of kansolo-nsolo which is performed every morning and afternoon for a week is also led by what is called the leve chosen by the family. the lebe goes to the cemetery to water the grave. after that incenses are burned and the yasin letter is read. after that prayers are recited. after the lebe recites the prayers, he then goes home to read haroa ruruntana. the rite of poala is performed at several nights after the corpse is buried; the rite of pataino itolu is performed at the second night, the rite of itolu is performed at the third night, the rite of pataino ifitu is performed at the sixth night, the rite of ifitu is performed at the seventh night, the rite of fotatofulugha is performed at the 100th night. there are still other rites which should be performed as well. such rites are similarly performed. what differentiate them from the others are the objectives. the factors which contribute to the continuity of the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic people are the ideological value and belief. the muna ethnic people who still perform the rites of shifts perfectly are those who belong to the traditional muna muslims. such rites are perfectly performed and maintained as they have been inherited from their ancestors; they are believed to have great values. the main factor which has contributed to the change taking place in the performance of the rites of shift is the belief. the muna ethnic people who have modified the rites of shift are those who belong to the reformist muna muslims. in other words, the arrival of the reformist muna muslims in muna regency has greatly changed the performance of the rites of shift. in addition, the economic factor has also caused the performance of the rites of shift to change; meaning that those who do not have enough money have had to simplify the performance of the rites of shift. apart from that, the educational factor could not be ignored, as can be seen in the performance of the rite of kangkilo. in the past, the rite of kangkilo was traditionally performed. however, nowadays, as the people are more educated and understand that the objective of the rite of kangkilo is to keep healthy and purified, doctors and nurses have been involved in the circumcision performed for children. the advance in science and technology has also caused the performance of the rites of shift to change, exemplified by the rite of kasambu. in the past, those who are involved in the rite of kasambu should wear dress which is made of the leaves of jack fruit trees. the advance in science and technology has caused them not to wear the dress which is made of the leaves of jack fruit trees any longer. the novelties of the present study are as follows. they are (1) the local genius which is related to the rites of shift performed by the muna ethnic people has been getting stronger by their strong belief; as a result, there has not been any conflict between those who main such rites and the modern society in spite of the religious speeches delivered at the local mosques; (2) those who still perform the rites of shift perfectly are those who belong to the traditional muna muslims, and those who have modified the performance of the rites of shift are those who belong to the reformist muna muslims; (3) the traditional muna muslims who still perform the rite of shifts perfectly have combined three traditions; they are the tradition of animism/dynamism, the hindu/buddhist tradition, and the islamic tradition, whereas those who have modified the performance of the rites of shift refer to what has been taught by rasulullah saw and his friends. conclusion and suggestion from the present study, it can inferred that there are six forms of the rites of shift which are performed by the muna ethnic people; they are (1) the rite of kasambu (feeding with the hand), (2) the rite of kampua (hair cutting), (3) the rite of kangkilo (circumcision), (4) the rite of karia (seclusion), (5) the rite of kagaa (marriage), and (6) the rite of mate (death). the factors which have contributed to the continuity of the rites of shift which are performed by the muna ethnic people are (1) the ideological value, and (2) the belief. the factors which have caused the performance of the rites of shift to change are (1) the religious factor, (2) the economic factor, (3) the educational factor, and (4) the advance in science and technology. it is suggested that (1) the rites of shift as the heritage from the ancestors should be maintained by the traditional muna muslims as they contain great values; (2) those who have modified the performance of the rites of shift should respect and be tolerant to those who still perform the rites perfectly; (3) those who still perform the rites of shift perfectly should also respect and be tolerant to those who have modified the rites; (4) it is suggested to mui (majelis ulama indonesia) (the association of muslim leaders) that it should supervise the two parties with different faiths so that any possible conflict can be avoided. bibliography gennep, van arnold. 1960. the rites of passage: a classic study of cultural celebrations. chicago: the university of chicago press. ghazali, adeng muchtar. 2011. antropologi agama : upaya memahami keragaman kepercayaan, keyakinan, dan agama. bandung: alfabeta. kirk. j.. and m.l. miller. 1986. reliability and valiability in qualitative research (vol. 1). beverly hills. sage publication. koentjaraningrat.1990. sejarah teori antropologi. jakarta: penerbit universitas indonesia (ui-press). pitamaha: mimicry in arts and design during the colonial era i ketut supir nengah bawa atmadja i gede mudana department of arts and design education, ganesha university of education, singaraja email: ketut_supir@yahoo.co.id abstract during the pre-colonial era the balinese arts and design were dominated by the themes of puppetry which contained the hindu religious teachings. when the dutch colonial government controlled bali, the balinese arts and design changed. this present study is intended to explore the existence of the pitamaha association and the attitude of the pitamaha painters towards the domination of the modern arts and design taught by spies and bonnet. the qualitative method and the postcolonial theory combined with various other critical supporting theories were used in the present study. the result of the study shows that pitamaha is the first modern association of arts in bali. however, pitamaha still integrated the pattern of the balinese traditional association. in this association, the royal elites were involved as the mediators between spies and bonnet and the balinese painters. spies and bonnet taught the modern arts which were different from and even contrasted with the balinese arts and design. however, the pitamaha painters welcome it. this could not be separated from the practice of teaching through hegemony and domination which contrasted with what had been desired by the balinese painters who intended to maintain the balinese arts and design. in such an ambivalent condition, they mimed the modern arts and design. the mimicry made was not intended to mime the modern arts and design; instead, the mimicry made was intended to interpret with reference to the norms of the balinese arts and design. keywords: pitamaha, mimicry, arts and design, colonial era. introduction during the pre-colonial era, the balinese arts and design were closely related to hinduism. hinduism became the source which inspired the arts and design, and the arts and design were used as the media for transmitting the values of the hindu teaching. the arts and design were created based on the principle of ngayah (sincere devotion) for god (bandem, 1995: 99). in this context, the arts and design were not used as the space where things were expressed; instead, they were used as the unifying media with siwa (the source of arts). during the dutch colonial era, the balinese arts and design changed after the pitamaha association was established. the pitamaha association, which was based at ubud, was used as the arena by spies and bonnet to implant the ideology of the modern arts and design. such a teaching of the modern arts and design gave different impressions to the balinese painters. they intended to master the technology of the modern arts and design which offered advancement, renewal, rationality, and kindness; however, their intention to main their tradition was still strong. such an ambivalent attitude occurred to the painters who belonged to the pitamaha association. research method in this present study, the qualitative method was used to reveal the hidden meaning of a visible fact. this field study was conducted at ubud and batuan, where the derived pitamaha association continued the style of pitamaha arts. the data were collected through observation and interview techniques, and library research. the data were descriptively-qualitatively analyzed using the interpretative approach combined with various critical theories. discussion the pitamaha was established as a consequence of the anxiety about the fact that the quality of the balinese arts and design was getting worse. spies and bonnet invited cokorda gede agung sukawati and i gusti nyoman lempad to establish the pitamaha association on 29th january 1936 (djelantik, 1990; couteu, 1999). the name pitahama was adopted from the old javanese language, meaning ancestor. the word ancestor, in this case, refers to lord brahma (vickers, 2011; couteau, 1999). in the hindu cosmology, lord brahma is the lord who creates everything in the world. the teaching process implemented in pitamaha referred to the modern teaching pattern. spies and bonnet taught the modern arts and design through a direct intervention as what is implemented in the formal educational institution (djelantik, 1988: 31). the modern arts and design were explained using the examples of the works created by the modern artists. actually, the examples given were not to be mimed; instead, they were only used as the media for making what was taught easily understood. this was different from the traditional teaching pattern, both in how an expertise was transmitted by a parent to his children and in the form of cantrik. in the traditional teaching pattern, a cantrik directly mimed what was done by his/her teacher. spies and bonnet also directed the painters to leave their collective identity in order to find their personal identity apart from teaching technical matters. the modern arts and design highly appreciated the personal identity and refuted the collective identity. this could not be separated from the autonomous art principle (piliang, 2006: 130). in this case, autonomy means that, as an individual, a painter was independent from his environment and became an independent subject. in the autonomous condition, an artist can express his own feeling, as an art is a medium for expressing his feeling and strengthening himself as a genius autonomous subject (wolf, 1981: 27). what was taught by spies and bonnet to pitamaha was closer to the modern arts and design. they treated the modern arts and design as the arts and design which were superior, developing, rational, developed, and good. the balinese arts and design, in contrast, were treated as the arts and design which were inferior, static, irrational, traditional and not good. the balinese arts and design should be modernized. such a difference caused the subject and object to appear, in which the subject positioned itself as something which organized the object. the subject constructed itself as “self” in order to differentiate it from the object as the “other”. it was what was understood of the “otherness” which could cause domination to appear to organize the “other”. said stated that the east which appears in the orientalism is a system of orientation which is tied together by a set of strengths which carry the east to the west, the western awareness, and then the western empire. the eastern states were viewed within a framework which was constructed by the biological determinism and the teaching of political morality. the eastern states were seldom directly viewed; they were carefully observed; they were analyzed not as states or people; instead, they were analyzed as the problems which should be solved or restricted as the colonial strengths openly desired that their territories should be taken over (said, 2001: 263-269). the modern arts and design taught by spies and bonnet offered progress and renewal and attracted tourists. bonnet suggested that the painters should paint the themes describing daily life as such themes were enjoyed by the european tourists who did not have the puppetry culture. on one hand, the pitamaha painters were surprised at the modern arts and design which presented the forms of volume, the impression of being close and far, and presenting the bright and dark parts of an object. the painting which was produced was the result of what was observed from a natural object through the eyes. on the other hand, the painters had inherited the balinese arts and design which was intended to give beauty but also to give a medium which contained the values of the religion which they adhered to. therefore, it was difficult of them to leave the balinese arts and design. on one hand, they intended to master the modern arts and design; on the other hand, they intended to maintain the balinese arts and design, meaning that the modern arts and design and the balinese arts and design attracted each other in their minds, leading to ambivalence. according to bhabha in ashcroft et al. (2001: 13), ambivalence is not only felt by the colonized group, but it was a condition which disturbs the authority of the colonial domination and the relation between the colonized and the colonizer. therefore, the colonizer hated the discourse of ambivalence. the ambivalent condition encouraged the painters to mime the modern art and design. the mimicry made indicated that the modern arts and design and the balinese arts and design were in a position which was not balanced. they mimed to occupy a position which was equal to the position of the western painters. although mimicry led to equality, the pitamaha painters were not able to equalize the western painters. this was in line with what was stated by fanon that the colonial subject was aware that it would never obtain the nature of being white although it was taught to obtain it (loomba, 2003: 228). the painters mimed the perspective, anatomy, and brightness of the modern arts and design through the imaginative procedure; as a result, the result which was achieved was not in accordance with what was applicable in the west. they did not draw the object based on the mathematical calculation and scientific-analytic, as what was done by the western painters. they employed estimated calculation; as a result, the “estimated” perspective and anatomy appeared (couteau, 2003: 126). they mimed in order not to be the same as the mimed; instead, they mimed in order to mock. gandhi in budiawan (2010: vi) affirmed that miming does not fully mean following. mimicry frequently contains the element of mockery. when drawing a human being, the painters did not fully follow the realistic art norm; instead, they followed the puppetry pattern. the face was drawn to appear a three quarter, and the feet were drawn to appear from the front (djelantik, 1990: 120). the anatomy was implemented on particular parts based on estimated calculation. the light made for the object was not based on the fact; in fact, it was based on imagination, making the object not to be perfectly seen. such imperfectness resulted from the fact that they did not use to observe the object. they drew human beings based on what they could memorize and stereotype. the human figure which was presented did not fully show “individual” as what was presented by the western painters; instead, the human figure still showed the nature of “my being collective” (couteau, 2003: 115). the pitamaha painters mimed the modern arts and design inaccurately as they were technically weak; they were not dependent on the modern arts and design; instead, they would like to be ambivalent through the process of imitation. their being unfaithful to the modern arts and design norms could also be their way of mocking the western domination. however, they did not show it openly; they showed it by perpetually presenting the unreal colonial identity (aschcroft et al., 2007: 118). the way in which the pitamaha painters mimed and mocked was intended to obtain recognition from the colonial; or it could be a satire addressed to the western painters that they could not fully control the local arts and design. it could also mean that the pitamaha painters constructed the third space, through which they eliminated the hierarchy between the western painters and the balinese painters (ascroft, et al., 2007: 118). they could combine freely the modern arts and design and the balinese arts and design through the third space in order to produce new forms. conclusion and suggestion fraction, tension, and negotiation took place between the dominating class and the dominated class in the process of the modernization of the balinese arts and design. the pitamaha painters mimed the modern arts and design inaccurately. such an inaccuracy was used as the medium for showing themselves before the dominating class. mimicry and mockery were used to show that the modern arts and design could not fully control the balinese arts and design. although being affected by the western painters, the pitamaha painters could show their identity. the studies in the balinese arts and design from the perspective of cultural studies, including those using the postcolonial theory, are scarce. therefore, it is necessary to conduct research on the balinese arts and design using the critical theories. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i nyoman darma putra, m.litt., prof. dr. i nengah bawa atmadja, ma., and dr. i gede mudana, m.si. for their highly meaningful input and suggestions during the completion of this present study. bibliography ashcroft, dkk., 2001. postcolonial transformation. london and new york: routledge tyalor & francis. ashcroft, bill, dkk. 2007. post-colonial studies: the key concepts. new york: routledge. bandem, i made. 1995. “jati diri orang bali dalam perspektif kesenian”, dalam wiryatnaya dan jean couteau, bali di persimpangan jalan i: sebuah bunga rampai. denpasar: nusa data indo budaya. budiawan. 2010. “ketika ambivalensi menjadi kata kunci: sebuah pengantar”, dalam budiawan, editor. ambivalensi: post-kolonialisme membedah musik sampai agama di indonesia. yogyakrata: jalasutra. couteau, jean. 1999. museum puri lukisan. ubud: yayasan rathna warta. couteau, jean. 2003. “wacana seni rupa bali modern”, dalam aspek-aspek seni visual indonesia. yogyakarta: yayasan seni cemeti. djelantik, a.a.m. 1990. balinese paintings. singapore: oxford university press. loomba, ania. 2003. kolonialisme/pascakolonialisme. yogyakarta: bentang budaya. piliang, amir yasraf. 2006. “antara homogenitas dan heterogenitas: estetika dalam “cultural studies”, dalam jurnal kajian budaya, volume 3 nomor juli 2006. denpasar: program s2 dan s3 kajian budaya universitas udayana. said, edward w. 2001. orientalism. (asep hikmat, penterjemah.). bandung: penerbit pustaka. vickers, adrian. 2011. “ubud: becoming bali’s centre of the arts 1920-1970, dalam indrio m, bembi dwi dan soemantri widagdo, ubud: a short history of art and cultural centre in bali. ubud: museum puri lukisan ubud. wolf, janet. 1981. the social production of art. new york: new york university press. 3 microsoft word i made mardika 4 e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 the deconstruction of the mass cultural industrial power relation of the wooden statue artisans at kemenuh village, sukawati, bali i made mardika warmadewa university email: mardikaimade17@yahoo.com abstract it is important to deconstruct the development of the mass wooden statue industry at kemenuh, sukawati district, gianyar, bali. the reason is that the artisans are presumed to have been marginalized by capital strength. this present study is intended to answer the ideology which has inspired the mass wooden statue industry, the power practice performed by the agencies, and its implication on the life of the artisans. the study used the approach of cultural studies and the critical social theories. the data were analyzed qualitatively. the result of the study shows that, first, the ideology which has inspired the artisans to develop the mass wooden statue industry is the ‘great’ capitalistic ideology which is mixed with the balinese ideology, causing the synthetic and pluralistic ideology to be formed. second, the hierarchical and symmetrical power practice performed by the agencies. the capital owners, distributors and consumers dominate and exploit the artisans. third, the mass cultural industry has economically, socially and culturally affected the life of the artisans. however, their economy has been better but they are getting marginalized; their gender equality is getting stronger but their traditional social structure is getting instable; and their art creativity has improved but the connotation of their mass culture is getting lower. keywords: deconstruction, ideology, mass cultural industry, power practice. introduction history shows that the fast development of tourism in bali has been followed the fast development of the centers of statue industry. kemenuh village is one of the centers of the statue industry. economically, the statue industry plays a strategic role; therefore, statues have been used as the superior exported commodity and a cultural tourist attraction. however, the development of the mass statue industry at kemenuh village has faced a number of problems. the change from the traditional statue industry into the mass statue industry cannot be separated from the capitalistic system of economy. the artisans cannot feely create statues as they have to create the statues determined by the market. they e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 become the paid artisans; they only produce statues in order to fulfill what is ordered by the capital owners. however, the artisans are not aware of such unbalanced power relation. furthermore, they still perform their profession comfortably to make both ends meet. based on the background described above, this present study is intended to answer three main problems of the study. they are (1) what ideology has inspired the artisans at kemenuh village to produce mass statues. (2) how is the power practice between the artisans and capital owners/entrepreneurs, distributors and consumers? (3) what is the implication of the mass cultural industry on the life of the artisans? in general, this present study is intended to understand and criticize the mass cultural industry developing in bali in general and at kemenuh village in particular. in particular, this present study is intended to (1) identify the ideology which has inspired the wooden statue artisans at kemenuh village, (2) identify the discourse on the power practice performed by the capital owners, distributors, and consumers, and (3) identify things related to the implication of the mass cultural industry on the life of the artisans at kemenuh village. in theory, it is expected that the result of the present study may enrich the treasure of cultural studies in general and the treasure of the mass cultural industry in particular, and the teaching material of the humanities. in practice, it is expected that the result of the present study can be used as guidance for formulating the policies related to the existence of the mass statue industry and make the artisans appreciate and critically aware of the products they produce. it is also expected that the result of the present study can be used as a reference referred to when discussing related matters. this present study is based on the eclectically applied critical social theories. four main theories which were used are the theory of commodification proposed by marx (mulyanto, 2012; 20—27; suyanto, 2013: 174—175); the theory of power relation and knowledge proposed by foucault (1980: 88-99), the theory of the arena of cultural production proposed by bourdieu (2010), and the theory of deconstruction proposed by derrida (ritzer, 2003: 203—207). research method the study was conducted at kemenuh village, sukawati district, gianyar regency, bali. the village is well-known as the center of wooden statue industry where modern and traditional statues are produced. the village has developed into the one where statutes are e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 produced, the arena where products are distributed and the transaction between the producers and consumers takes place. the study was designed based on the qualitative method using the perspective of cultural studies. the main informants were the artisans determined using the snow ball technique. the data were collected using the techniques of participatory observation, in-depth interview, and documentation. the data were inductively, descriptively and qualitatively analyzed using the method of cultural studies including the genealogic, deconstruction, and semiotic methods. the result of data analysis is presented formally and informally. result and discussion the people living at kemenuh village had worked as farmers and traditional artisans until 1960s. in 1970 when bali tourism developed, statues were produced and needed as souvenirs, causing the traditional artisans to become commercial ones. they became paid artisans and produced the statutes ordered by the capital owners. they did not produce statues selectively anymore; they produced statues massively, based on what was desired by the market, distributors and exporters. since then they have been trapped within the capitalistic economic system. hokheimer and ardono remind that the mass cultural industry has appeared as a capitalistic company, causing the cultural forms to be standardized and rationalized. the cultural products are produced in order to collect capital and obtain benefit (in thompson, 2006: 151). the logical consequence of this phenomenon is that the impacts of the ‘great’ capitalistic ideology cannot be avoided, meaning that the mass statue industry cannot be avoided either. at least there are six ideological forms which are adhered to by the mass statue artisans at kemenuh village; they are the market ideology, the money ideology, the gender ideology, the patriarchal ideology, the ideology of cultural tourism and the ideology of tourism culture. the fact that the artisans idolize the market can be seen from the commodities they produce, the forms of the statues produced are adjusted to what is desired by the market, and how the statues they produce are distributed is determined by the market (atmadja, 2010: 136). the moneytheism in which money is idolized is indicated by the fact that the artisans work as the paid ones, meaning that they are paid for the statues they produce in order to make both ends meet. the belief which differentiates the role played by men and that played by women can be observed from the fact that the mass statue industry is a mass culture which is identical with women, and the difference between the jobs done by men and those e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 done by women (murani, 2004: 62; strinati, 292—293). the belief that men are superior over women is indicated by the evaluation that the wooden statue industry cannot be separated from the low quality products, and that the wages received by women are lower than those received by men (fakih, 2008: 104—105). the belief that cultural tourism positively improves economy can be seen from the statute industrial products, daily life, and the environment where the artisans work becomes an object of cultural tourism (picard, 2006: 194). the mental attitude of the artisans which attempt to adjust themselves to tourism and what it requires can be seen from the attempt made to give excessive appreciation and services to tourists. the forms of the statues they produce are also adjusted to what is desired by tourists (picard, 2006: 247—249). the six ideologies easily affect the artisans as, substantially, they have had their roots in the balinese culture. the market and money ideologies can be observed from the fact that they believe in the existence of bethari melanting (goddess of the market) and bethara rambut sedana (god of rambut sedana) (atmadja, 2010: 136). similarly, the basis of the patriarchal and gender ideologies can be observed from the belief in what is called purusaprakerti, and the patrilineal tradition which is so strong in the life of the balinese society. the elements of the local culture are mixed with the dominant capitalistic ideology leading to the syncretic and pluralistic ideologies. the power practice in the mass cultural industry involves three relations; they are the relation between the artisans and capital owners, the relation between the distributors and artisans, and the relation between the consumers and artisans. they all show the hierarchical and asymmetrical power relation. the capital owners, distributors, and consumers are in the position of dominating the artisans. the strong financial capital the capital owners have enables them to control, determine, and oppress the artisans. the capital owners dominate the artisans as the process of producing and distributing the statutes are determined by them. the capital owners exploit the artisans through low wages, physical disciplining practice, and modernization of tools which benefit the capital owners. the capital owners dominate the artisans by spreading knowledge of the process of production and distribution, making use of new technologies, and interrelation with media (mulyanto, 2012: 263). the power practice between the distributors including the mediating agencies, government, mass media, and financial institutions with the artisans also shows dominative and exploitative power. the collectors determine the forms, motives, number and prices of the products produced. the mediating agencies with their social capital can dominate the e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 artisans; they determine the forms of the statues which have to be produced and new creations. they also supervise the production process. similarly, the non-class statue agencies such as the government, mass media and financial institutions are on the capital owners’ side through the power practice over the artisans (fakih, 2008: 55-56). the power practice shown by the consumers to the artisans takes place in dominative and exploitative manners. the consumers cooperate directly with tourists, tour and travel agencies and art shops. they can dictate the artisans, as can be seen from when the artisans are supposed to demonstrate their skill to satisfy the perspective consumers and as a form of the services they can give to tourists. the consumers indirectly control the artisans by determining the number of products and how often orders are made by the importers for the exporters. the power practice is proved by the artisans’ attitude to follow what is desired by the consumers (the market) when they produce and distribute the products. the development of the mass cultural industry at kemenuh village has affected the economic, social and cultural aspects of the life of the artisans. from 1970 to 2000s, the development of the mass cultural industry could improve the society’s economy; however, after that they have become marginalized. the economic improvement can be seen from the fact that their income improved, the industry was used as the income generating source, and the availability of new job opportunities. the low wages and no guaranteed jobs have caused the artisans to be marginalized. the artisans have become alienated due to the limited economic accessibility, job opportunities, and economic capital ownership. socially, the development of mass cultural industry has caused the economy-based new middle class to appear which has destabilized the traditional social structure. the newly-born social class is based on the criterion of the economic aspect (for example, the success in becoming an entrepreneur undertaking statue industry). the destabilized traditional social structure includes the gender discrimination, the pattern of patron-client relation, and the system of solidarity value. culturally, the mass cultural industry has affected the ethic and emic struggle for the discourse of arts, and art creativity is determined by what is desired by the market. ethically, the internal struggle for the discourse of arts can be observed from the categorization of the canonic art, and the external struggle for the discourse of arts is affected by the pro-capital capitalistic penetration that oppresses the artisans. emically, there has been a struggle for the discourse of arts such as fine art, mass culture, and the art of wooden painting. e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 conclusions and suggestion based on what was described above, several conclusions can be drawn as follows. first, the form of the ideology which has been adhered to by the mass statue artisans at kemenuh village is dominated by the ‘great’ ideology mixed with the balinese local ideology leading to the syncretic and pluralistic ideologies. second, the power practice in the mass cultural industry involving three relations such as the relation between the capital owners and the artisans, the relation between the distributors and artisans, and the relation between the consumers and artisans shows hierarchical and asymmetric power relation. the capital owners (the capitalists) occupy the hierarchical peak in the power relation between them and artisans through hegemonic, dominative, and exploitative practices of power relation. third, the implication of the mass cultural industry at kemenuh village on the life of the artisans is ambivalent economically, socially and culturally. on the one hand, the mass cultural industry can improve the society’s economy, causing the economy-based new middle class to appear; on the other hand, it has marginalized the artisans, destabilized the traditional social structure, and caused the struggle for the discourse of mass statue art to appear. four suggestions are recommended in the present study to anticipate the artisans from being marginalized. first, it is necessary to transform knowledge to the artisans that they should be innovative and creative, strengthen their social capital and market line. second, it is necessary for the government to become their partner, train them, promote their products, and give them capitals. third, it is necessary to establish the center of the kemenuh’s statue industry as the creative cultural industry. fourth, further research in, for example, the mass cultural industry from the perspective of consumerism, political culture, and critical archeology, needs to be conducted acknowledgement this article could be completed due to the assistance, supervision, editing and critical discussion given by a number of parties. therefore, in this opportunity the writer would like to appreciate and thank prof. dr. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u., prof. dr. a.a.n. anom kumbara, m.s., dr. i nyoman dhana, m.a., and dr. i gede mudana, m.si. e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 bibliography atmadja, i nengah bawa. 2010. komodifikasi tubuh perempuan joged “ngebor” bali. denpasar: program studi magister & doktor kajian budaya universitas udayana bekerja sama dengan pustaka larasan. bourdeu, pierre. 2010. arena produksi kultural: sebuah kajian sosiologi budaya. (yudi sabtoso pentj.) yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. daniel, c.m. 2006. the power of religion: pemikiran luar biasa yang menjadi kekuatan inti dari berbagai agama. yogyakarta: pinguin books. fakih, mansour. 2008. analisis gender & transformasi sosial. yogyakarta: insistpress. foucault, michel. 1980. power and knowledge: selected interviews other writing 1972— 1977 (ed. collin gordon). new york: pantheon books. mulyanto, dede. 2012. genealogi kapital: antropologi dan ekonomi politik pranata eksploitasi kapitalistik. yogyakarta: resist book. murniati, n.p. 2004. getar gender buku pertama (perempuan indonesia dalam perspektif sosial, politik, ekonomi, hukum dan ham). magelang: indonesiatera. picard, michel. 2006. bali: pariwisata budaya dan budaya pariwisata. (jean couteau dan warih wisatsana pentj.) jakarta: kepustakaan populer gramedia forum jakarta-paris ecole francaise d’extreme –orient. ritzer, george. 2003. teori sosial postmodern. cetakan ke-2. yogyakarta: juxtapose bekerja sama dengan tiara wacana. suyanto, bagung. 2013. sosiologi ekonomi: kapitalisme dan konsumsi di era masyarakat post-modernisme. jakarta: kencana. strinati, dominic. 2009. populer culture: pengantar menuju teori budaya populer. (abdul muchid penerjemah). jogyakarta: ar-ruzz media. thompson, john b. 2006. kritik ideologi global: teori sosial kritis tentang relasi ideologi dan komunikasi massa. (haqqul yaqin penerjemah). yogyakarta: ircisod. 7 life style of rented land owners in ubud subdistrict a.a. gde putra pemayun faculty of economics national university of education, denpasar email: putra.pemayun@gmail.com abstract this present study was intended to analyze the life style of the rented land owners at ubud subdistrict. the problems of the study are formulated as follows: (1) what is the characteristic of the rented land owners at ubud subdistrict like? (2) how has the process of life style of the rented land owners at ubud subdistrict taken place? and (3) what is the implication of the life style of the rented land owners on their lives? qualitative method was employed in the study. the data were processed using observation, interview and documentary techniques. the workability of the law regulating the demand for land at ubud subdistrict motivated the land owners to rent out their land to investors. apart from that, the internal dimension, which is made up of the economical capital, was the most important element as it could activate small, medium and big enterprises. another aspect was image which was reflected through perception, cognition, motivation, and attitude of individuals as consumers. as an illustration, they built luxurious houses and showed off luxurious cars to show the image that they were new wealthy people. on the other hand, there was external dimension, namely, the highly rapid development of tourism, which could positively and negatively contribute to the life style of the people living at ubud subdistrict. such an implication could not be avoided. the other aspect was consumerism; the consumers were around the symbol and sign. mass media were the miracles of the object liturgy; pleasure was defined as the realization of freedom, and the human body was the main object of consumers. the last aspect was the government’s policy which determined that ubud subdistrict was a tourist destination. as a result, the local people had the opportunity to rent out their land which was used to expand the industry of tourism and to activate the other economic enterprises. keywords: life style, hedonist, consumerism, image. introduction the rapid spread of the globalized culture to ubud area has caused the capitalistic ideological practices within the framework of the industry of tourism such as cultural industry, popular culture, life style and the culture of consumerism to appear. land, as a production factor, has been commercialized and touristified as an adaptive form in order to follow what is desired by tourists. such an adaptation represents capitalism and globalized tourism which contributes to new meaning and color. the conversion of the land function as a consequence of globalization and expansion of tourism cannot be avoided. the workability of the law regulating the demand for land at ubud subdistrict has motivated the land owners to rent out their land to investors. as they do not intend to run any business, the rent they receive is only spent on their daily needs. by renting out their land which is relatively wide enough, they receive money which is supposed to be able to change their life style. this present study was intended to understand the characteristic of the rented land owners at ubud subdistrict, the factors causing their life style to change, and to identify the implication of their life style on their lives. it was expected that the results of the present study could be used as a reference when issuing policies regulating life style. in addition, it was also expected that the results of the study would give contribution in the form of ideas to the rented land owners at ubud subdistrict that their life style would change following the era development. research method interpretative and qualitative method was employed in the present study. interpretative and qualitative method produces descriptive data in the forms of written and oral words and expressions and behavior of those that are explored (moleong, 2002). the data were collected through observation guided with an interview guide, library research and supporting documents. in this study, the data were verified and analyzed using a number of theories such as the theory of hierarchy of needs proposed by maslow, the theory of life style, and the theory of social practice proposed by bourdieu. they are all classified as the social critical theory. discussion the results of the study showed several things as follows. if viewed from the ownership point of view, as far as the function of land which cannot be separated from the temple system is concerned, land importantly functions to maintain the social and religious binding which has taken place since a very long time ago (bagus, 1996). however, after the local people rented out their land, they competitively followed the modern life, meaning that after they rented out their land, their life style changed. their families became individual families that considered that materialism was a series of the main belief that ownership of land was important in their lives. materialism was measured by how much wealth was obtained (goode, william, 2006). on the other hand, the communal families were still controlled by the old costumes and traditions. the relations within the families and communities owning the rented land were highly strong at ubud subdistrict. the reason was that they were bound to the social organization which was formed based on the costumes and traditions. another important aspect was education. education is investment. it had rapidly developed and was believed by every family that the development in educational sector highly determined the growth of the other developmental sectors. after they received the rent of the land, they continued their studies to the institutions of higher education in bali and outside bali as they had a lot of money. viewed from the aspect of income, income is the total earning received by every individual in a family owning the rented land at ubud sub district for his/her daily, weekly, monthly and yearly performance for a certain period of time (sukirno, 2006). after renting out the land, they received the rent and salaries as they also worked as employees. their social statuses varied and this could lead to conflicts. after they rented out their land, they could spend the money they received to enhance their social statuses. finally, money played an important role in making modernization interfere with the family life, meaning that money was used to guarantee that they could perform their social and spiritual activities. viewed from the internal aspect, the process of change in life style included three aspects as follows. the economic capital aspect; capital was an economic source outside human resources. capital, including land, in this case, was viewed as the non human economic source. the economic capital was the most important element as it activated the small, medium and big business activities. capital should always be available in every domain. the value which was provided with capital was connected to various characteristics of social and cultural habitus (hardyatmo, 2003). in this case, capital was considered the dominating basis which could be exchanged for with the other types of capitals. the other aspect was competition; competition took place if several parties desired that something would be the center of the public attention. the competition of reinvestment which took place among the rented land owners; they competitively constructed villas. the competition in life style among the rented land owners could be seen from the fact that there were more and more luxurious cars parked in the front yards of their respective houses. the other aspect was image; image was the picture which was constructed through perception, cognition, motivation and attitude taking place in every individual consumer. for example, building luxurious houses and showing off luxurious cars constituted the image of new wealthy people. power was the context of social life, meaning that what was reflected from the image through the process of simulation could be directed to the constituent to trust what was being imaged before him/her as a reality. actually, image is part or one of the models of simulation (baudrilland, 1998). another aspect which was also important was tourism; ubud village is a unique tourist destination which has to be visited by the tourists visiting bali. they feel that there is something missing if they do not have the opportunity to visit ubud village. globalization was also an important aspect. the discourse of globalization, as a process, was marked by the so rapid development of technology and sciences that they had been able to change the world fundamentally. international communication and transportation caused the cultural boundaries of every nation to disappear (warsono, 2007). the culture of every nation tended to be globalized and the world’s culture; as a result, all human beings were involved. consumerism was another aspect; the consumer community was around the symbol and sign. the mass media became miracles of the object liturgy; leisure was defined as the realization of freedom, and the human body was the main consumer object. actually, consuming was a common activity. however, when the present study was conducted, it was recognized that the families owning the rented land did not only consume but they were also caught in the culture of consumerism (pilliang, 2011). the government’s policy could not be neglected; the act issued by the bali province no. 16 of 2009 concerning the space layout of the bali province, determined that the tourist areas could be divided into three; they were nusa dua, kuta and ubud, where tens of star and non star hotels and other forms of accommodation were constructed. the implications of the life style of the rented land owners seemed to vary if viewed from five aspects and from the aspect of the pattern of their inter relations and intra relations. before their land was rented out, their relations were very close. however, after their land was rented out, their involvement and interaction with their social environment tended to be loose, even in every type of family relation. the development of pragmatism in their families was another aspect. in pragmatism it is taught that a thought follows an action. the education of pragmatism is always temporary in nature; the objective is the medium of acting. pragmatism only acknowledges the truth if it can be evidenced scientifically. if one objective is already achieved, the result which is achieved is used as a means of achieving the next objective, and so forth. the reason is that pragmatism does not have any final objective; what is available is the objective which is in between. the formation of a new identity was another aspect; the developments of life style are related to one another through institutional reflectivity. after their land was rented out, the wealthy families owning the land held what is called ‘arisan’ (regular social gathering whose members contribute to and take turns at winning an aggregate sum of money) to form a new identity. in addition, a socialite community, as what has happened in big cities, was established. spontaneously, the socialites established a new cultural identity. economic rationalism was another important aspect. rationalism is a view which views that mind is the source of knowledge and justification. it is a teaching that refers to the principle that mind should be provided with a main role in giving clarification. the rational economic action was an action which was performed by the rented land owners at ubud subdistrict to fulfill what they needed based on their rational attitude and economic principle. in relation to the equality of gender, it was identified that the ladies had recognized that they had equal rights and obligations within and outside their families. the empirical evidence showed that the role played by the ladies in leadership was getting wider. however, attempts are necessarily made to make the ladies more powerful in the development of education in the future so that their involvement in the public affairs would be getting more evident. without any special treatment, the ladies would not have the access to the protection and differentiation in the structure of the patriarchal community. conclusion and suggestion the interference of the capitalistic strength in the companies available at ubud subdistrict caused the families owning the rented land to change their life style, from the traditional life style into the modern life style. having adequate amount of money, they changed the function of their money. initially, money was intended to be a means of exchange, but then it was also used as a means of creating image in various forms featuring modernity. they had interacted in depth with the modern life resulting from the development of tourism. however, many families owning the rented land still maintained the traditional life style, meaning that modernization and globalization did not fully caused the pattern of traditional life to disappear in the families owning the rented land at ubud subdistrict. as a suggestion, the figures or those who are considered being culturally exemplified by the ubud community should be aware that their life style is rapidly imitated by the people living around them. the ubud royal figures and the apparatus of the government of ubud sub district should be aware that the families owning the rented land at ubud sub district was searching for a model to follow in their daily lives. they were searching for new values and norms resulting from the shift in life style, from the traditional life style to the modern life style and even postmodern life style. it should be recognized that such a shift greatly affected the life condition of the families owning the rented land. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like thank head of ubud sub district, heads of all the banjars at ubud sub district, the informants, the library of the cultural studies of udayana university, and everybody who has contributed to the completion of this study. bibliography bagus. i gusti ngurah. 1996. “masalah tanah dalam prubahan sosial”, makalah pada seminar fenomena permasalahan tanah adat, dan budaya (bali), diselenggarakan oleh ylbh-blh. 27 januari 1996 di denpasar. baudrillard, jean.1998. the consumer society: myth and structures. london: sage publisher. hal, 69. goode, william j. 2006. sosiologi keluarga. jakarta: bumi aksara. hardyatmoko. 2003. membaca pikiran boerdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. cetakan ketiga. moleong, lexy j. 2002. metode penelitian kualitatif. bandung: remaja rosdakaya. pemayun, a.a. gde putra. 2014. ”gaya hidup masyarakat pemilik tanah sewa di kelurahan ubud”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, universitas udayana. piliang, yasraf amir. 2011. dunia yang dilipat, tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta: jalasutra edisi ketiga. sukirno, sadono. 2006. makro ekonomi teori pengantar. jakarta: rajawali. warsono. 2007. “globalisasi dan perubahan budaya”, jurnal. microsoft word gede suardana 3 e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 commodification of characters in the bali agung performing arts “the legend of balinese goddesses” gede suardana general election commision of buleleng regency email: gedesuardana@yahoo.com abstract bali tourism has developed in recent decades. its development is marked by increasing tourist arrivals, increasing tourist accommodations, attractions, and diverse tourist attractions. the development of tourism causes more and more performing arts that are commercial and profit oriented. one of the commercial performances is the art of touristic performances titled bali agung the legend of balinese goddesses that is a mythological story of jayapangus marriage with kang cing wei. this research uses qualitative method. the data were collected by observation techniques, interviews, and document studies. the analysis uses commodification theory. the results of this study indicate that the art of bali agung performances is the result of commodification seen in the production, distribution, and consumption. in the production process there are modifications to three main characters, namely jayapangus, kang cing wei, and dewi danu from sacred to profane. in the process of the performing there are negotiable ideas between balinese and western artists. keywords: jayapangus wedding myth and kang cing wei, commodification, tourism introduction bali tourism has developed in recent decades. tourism began to enter bali in the 1970s then developed more rapidly in the 1990s. the development is marked by an increase in the number of foreign tourists visiting as many as 4,927,937 and the number of domestic tourists visiting reached as many as 7,147,100 people in 2016. the development of tourism resulted in a shift in the utilization of balinese art and cultural traditions that were previously for traditional and religious ceremonies then developed into a tourist attraction. the balinese use art and cultural traditions as a means of ritual and preserve their cultural values. the government makes it as a part of tourism, and the tourism industry makes it as a tourist attraction. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 in its current development, balinese art and traditions are used as a tourism commodity. the tourism industry, in this case the bali safari and marine park zoo utilize the art and traditions of balinese culture as a commodity in the form of performing arts to fulfill the desire of tourists. balinese art and traditions that are used as a tourism commodity are jayapangus and kang cing wei marriage myths. this myth is used as the core of the art of tourism performances titled bali agung the legend of balinese goddesses, the story of the marriage of jayapangus and kang cing wei. but the marriage ended tragically. they were cursed by dewi danu into barong landung. artists modified the three main characters in the bali agung show, they are jayapangus, kang cing wei, and dewi danu to provide aesthetic services in the show. research method this study examines the commodification process of bali agung touristic performances that is how the commodification process of the main character in the art of bali agung tourism performances is. the research location is at bali safari and marine park zoo, gianyar regency, bali. data collection is divided into four steps, namely interview, observation, documentation, and literature study. this study uses qualitative data types, primary and secondary data sources. primary data sources are artists, producers, owners of bali safari and marine park, dancers, and audiences (tourists). while the secondary data source is the related data obtained from newspaper clippings or the internet. the data collected in the study were analyzed by qualitative, descriptive, and interpretative. the presentation of the results of data analysis is done by narration, description of words, and phrases (nawawi and martini, 1992: 67). the results of data analysis are presented in a holistic-integrative manners so as to generate a conclusion about a problem based on various data and information. this research uses commodification theory to examine and analyze the process of modification of main characters of the bali agung show. discussion the development of tourism has an impact on the utilization of balinese art and traditions. the community utilizes its cultural art and traditions as a means of ritual while the tourism industry uses balinese art and traditions as a commodity. balinese art and cultural traditions serve as tourism products to meet the needs of tourists. the resulting tourism products are part of the capitalist system in bali tourism industry. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 in a modern industrial society where we are today is a one-dimensional society. its characteristic is all aspects of life are directed at one goal only, namely the continuity and improvement of existing systems, namely the system of capitalism. while habermas (in magnis-suseno, 2005) calls it an advanced capitalism. whatever the label, the basic principle remains the same, that is, people are free to do economic activities with the goal of getting profit as much as possible (magnis-suseno, 2005 and atmaja, 2010: 135). in the structure of balinese society that the capitalist system is related to the life of tourism. the expansion of the capitalist economic system in balinese society has broadly influenced the ideological superstructure element including the tourism sector. balinese art and culture is processed in such a way that it becomes a tourism product that provides economic benefits for its people. as part of the balinese community structure, bali safari and marine park zoo packs the balinese art and cultural traditions of jayapangus and kang cing wei marriage myths into commodities as an exchange rate for the sake of profit. the art of bali agung touristic performances is a touristic performing arts that is the result of a commodification of the mariage myths of jayapangus and kang cing wei. the commodity of balinese art and culture is in accordance with the theory of adorno (1991) that commodification not only refers to consumer goods but has propagated to the arts and culture in general. commodification is the process by which domains and social institutions whose concern not only produces commodities but how they are organized and conceptualized in terms of commodity production, distribution and consumption (fairclough 1995: 207). the goods sold in the market hide the origin of the creation of the goods which must pass through the process of exploitation at its production level (barker, 2014: 40). artists strive to provide aesthetic service to the audience in the production process. artists commodify the three main characters in the art of bali agung performances, namely jayapangus, kang cing wei, and dewi danu to make the show more interesting. the characters in bali agung performances are: (1) jayapangus (source: jro gede), the figure of a balinese ruler who is charismatic, firm, being loved very much by the people. (2) kang cing wei (source: jro luh), the daughter of a wealthy chinese merchant. she has a spoiled, meek, selfish nature. she symbolizes the marriage of two cultures, namely bali and china. (3) dewi danu (source: dewi danu) goddess of batur lake lord, seducer, sensual, firm, angry. (source: constructed by suardana, 2015). e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 in the modification of the main charactesr, there is a process of collaboration and negotiation of ideas between balinese artist made sidia and western artist peter j wilson. the result of the modification of the three main characters of traditional figures into modern figures with international taste shows that the struggle for the meaning of the show is dominated by western artists. made sidia uses characters of jayapangus from balinese tradition and culture, namely barong landung. he believes that jayapangus as the embodiment of barong landung. sidia believes in a version of the myth developed by academicia named i made bandem. bandem mentioned that jayapangus and kang cing wei were condemned by batari batur to barong landung. character of jayapangus in the bali agung show is based on inspiration from barong landung (male) called jro gede. he is a balinese aga with black skin, sharp fangs, and a grim-faced face. made sidia also uses spiritual instinct to determine the character of jayapangus in the modern performance. sidia come to pray (tangkil) to pura dalem balingkang to get a revelation in presenting the character jayapangus in the show. on the other hand, artist peter j wilson seeks to realize the character of jayapangus from the modern side. he describes the character of jayapangus using his imagination. based on the collaboration of the spiritual side and modernity of these two artists then formed a strong character and inspiration to the character of jayapangus, an authoritative king figure, who is charismatic, loved by the people, and has a glory. artist who plays the character of jayapangus is wayan sira. he has the conviction that taksu (religious, supranatural inner power) of jayapangus descended to him. the reason is, although he himself does not have a good dancing quality compared with others, he can play the character jayapangus very well. character of kang cing wei is a central figure in jayapangus and kang cing wei's marriage myths. the marriage of these two is believed to result in acculturation of balinese-chinese culture. kang cing wei's character is inspired by barong landung (female), a white skin figure, narrow eyes as a chinese princess called jro luh. barong landung (female) or jro luh become inspiration figure of kang cing wei as a daughter who come from china. according to made sidia, the character of kang cing wei refers to the daughter of a wealthy chinese merchant who is meek, spoiled, and selfish. kang cing wei was inspired by pura ratu ayu subandar at pura dalem balingkang. the temple building is located in the middle area (jaba tengah) of pura dalem balingkang consisting of a natural stone which is in e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 the middle of it there is a split into two parts (like vagina) which becomes the symbol of a woman. this temple is filled with chinese ornaments such as the engraving of uang kepeng, the dominant color of the glowing red, and the chinese style (patra). sidia made efforts to represent the figure of kang cing wei as a symbol of acculturation of two cultures, namely bali and china. he depicts the character of kang cing wei from pura ratu subandar who describes the blend of balinese and chinese culture. meanwhile, artist peter j wilson seeks to perform representations for kang cing wei to perform with an international flavor. kang cing wei’s dress is decorated with yellow, gold, red, and headdresses in the form of a ring instead of traditional balinese clothes but using. this is meant to reinforce the character that kang cing wei is a symbol of bali and china with international flavors. in the production of bali agung show there are meaningful practices of representation, that is how the world is constructed and presented socially to and by us. according to barker (2005: 12), cultural studies examine ways in which meanings are produced in multiple contexts. cultural representations and meanings have material properties, they are embedded in sounds, writings, objects, images, books, magazines, and television programs. according to stuart hall, (1997), representation is one of the important practices that produce culture. culture is a very broad concept and culture concerning 'sharing experience'. the artist produces the figure of kang cing wei as a symbol of bali, china, and the west. the goal is to attract international audiences or travelers (tourists) from china and europe. viewers of chinese tourists feel the connection or attachment to the figure of kang cing wei and the western tourists enjoy the show because it is packed with a high aesthetic so that it has an international flavor. in the myth mentioned above, dewi danu is the ruler of lake batur. he is believed by balinese people as one of the great goddess, beautiful, magical, and the source of fertility. when determining the character of dewi danu for the first show, it occurred pro and contra between the two directors (peter j wilson and made sidia) because they have different pictures about the character. peter j wilson describes dewi danu as a powerful goddess who has water strength, sexy, and sensual charm, a very beautiful goddess, sexy body, smooth skin, and seductive. while made sidia has a picture of dewi danu figure as a character that appears according to the character of the general tradition in bali. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 they also have different ideas about the costume that will be worn by dewi danu. made sidia wants dewi danu to wear traditional costume in the form of a bundle (crown) like a typical god clothes. while peter j wilson wants to show the costume of a modern dress of blue and white attached tightly to the body of dewi danu. dewi danu is portrayed as a sexy, beautiful goddess, and sexual allure. the sexy body of dewi danu is wrapped in a tight blue and white dress. her smile that broke and a gaze from her eyeballs able to melt the hearts of men. dewi danu's sexual fascination is manifested in way she shake her body while dancing and walking, graceful hand movements, and a charming smile. in fact, this shows that peter j wilson dominated ideas in the process of commodification. dewi danu is described as having a beautiful body and possessing sensuality and giving rise to excitement for men. her sexy body is portrayed to captivate the king whose wife is kang cing wei. however character of dewi danu like that is displayed in this show gets protests from the audience and even from the cast. one of the actress who act as dewi danu ni ketut suharti reject the figure of dewi danu as a sexy woman and teaser. according to suharti, dewi danu is a revered goddess who should not be characterized as a beautiful tease woman who disturbs jayapangus hermitage. in the bali agung show, the commodification process towards the character of dewi danu is done in such a way that dewi danu becomes a profane figure. the goal is the show can be enjoyed (consumed) easily by the audience. dewi danu is believed by balinese people as the ruler of lake batur and goddess of fertility for the land of bali. but in the show she is depicted as a beautiful, sexy, seductive goddess, and seize another woman's husband. in this case there has been a deviation and decline in the value of the sacredness of dewi danu. conclusion and suggestion the art of bali agung tourism performances is the result of commodification of jayapangus and kang cing wei wedding myths. the commodification includes the production, distribution, and consumption processes. in the production process, it occurs commodification on the three main characters of the show from the sacred to the profane. here, the commodification is an effort section to enrich the aesthetics of the show so as it can attract tourists to see it. the modern character causes the performance of bali agung to have a higher economic value so it can be sold at an expensive price to make a profit. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 19-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 so artists are suggested to create tourism products not based on sacred art and cultural traditions of bali. they had better not eliminate the authenticity and create a pseudoart and culture. the tourism industry is not always concerned with pleasure for tourists. it eliminates the sacredness of balinese art and traditions. acknowledgement the involvement of many parties helped improve this scientific paper. for that expression of gratitude we convey to the promoters, managers of this journal and its reviewer team, as well as publishers. bibliography adorno, theodor. 1991. the culture industry: selected essays on mass culture. london: routledeg. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies, teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: pt bentang pustaka. ___________. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: kanisius. fairclough, norman. 1995. discourse and social change. cambride: polity press. magnis-suseno. f. 1999. pemikiran karl marx dari sosialisme utopis ke perselisihan revisionisme. jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. factors contributing to the women’s struggle for the position as legislators in bali province i nyoman sukiada study program of history faculty of arts, udayana university e-mail: nyomansukiada@yahoo.com abstract since the reformation era competition for the position as legislators has been getting open to women. different acts have been issued to increase the women’s representation in the legislature. although the women’s representation in the legislature in bali province has not achieved the 30% target, the attempts made by women to be legislators should be appreciated. the reason is that such attempts can accelerate the gender equality in politics. this present study is intended to understand and describe the factors contributing to the women’s struggle for the position as legislators. the study used the critical theory and the descriptive qualitative theory. the data were obtained through observation and in-depth interview. the result of the study shows that women had competed for the position as legislators; however, the legislature was still dominated by men. this cannot be separated from the women’s collective habitus which has been formed through their interaction with the balinese society’s objective structure as can be seen from the social, political, cultural,socio-economic and globalization realities. keywords: balinese women, reformation era, collective habitus, globalization introduction one of the measurements which are frequently used to measure the participation of women and men in formulating public policies is their involvement in the legislature. although there has not been any publication presenting the quantitative data on their participation in the selection and candidacy of legislators in bali province, the result of such a political process can be identified from the proportion of the membership of the regional people’s representative assembly at the provincial, regency and municipal levels. the women’s representation in the regional people’s representative assembly as the outcome of the three general elections conducted during the reformation era (1999, 2004, and 2009) in bali province showed that men dominated the legislature. in 1999, in bali, as whole, among 359 legislators, only 6 were women. furthermore, in jembrana, tabanan, denpasar, gianyar and bangli, no legislators were women; none legislators in the regional people’s representative assembly at the provincial level were women either. in the general election which was conducted in 2004 the number of women who became legislators rose; however, inequality in gender could be sharply seen. among 385 legislators at the provincial, regency, and municipal levels, only 19 were women. the outcome of the general election conducted in 2009 also showed an increase in regard to the number of women who were in the legislature, but the 30% target had not been achieved. among 400 chairs in bali, as a whole, only 28 were occupied by women (bali dalamangka, 2003: kpu provinsi bali, 2004, 2009). based on the background described above, the present study was intended to explain the factors contributing to the women’s struggle for the position as legislators. research method methodologically, this present study was designed to be a descriptive qualitative study using the approach of cultural studies. it is a tradition which is developed in the socio-cultural sciences which are fundamentally dependent on what man observes in his environment (neliong, 2003: 3). the data were collected through observation, interview and documentation. the observation was made at the office of the bali provincial people’s representative assembly and denpasar municipal people’s representative assembly. those who were interviewed were the female legislators, the political leaders and female figures. the data were also collected from the related documents such as books, newspapers and journals. in the qualitative study, the most important sampling procedure is how to determine the key informant. the key informant is chosen using the purposive sampling technique. when the information needed is found not to vary any longer, no new information is needed, meaning that the data collection ends. in this present study, the snowball sampling technique was used to choose the sample (burhanbungin, 2008: 53-54). in this present study, the main instrument was the researcher. he was completed with a tape recorder and other note taking equipment. such a model of analysis is proposed by huberman and miles (1984: 15-21), and is referred to as the interactive model, and includes three processes; they are (1) data reduction, (2) data display, and conclusion drawing through description and verification. discussion the question raised by aniwidyanisoetjipto (2005:22), namely, what role is played by women in the indonesian political sphere is the question which frequently appears when the women’s participation in politics is discussed. in general, the indonesian women’s participation in politics is still low in general and in the decision-making levels in particular. in other words, not many women occupy the executive, legislative, judicative positions. in addition, not many women are involved in the governmental bureaucracy, political parties, and other public life. quantitatively, the women’s representation in politics is still low. as well, the quality of the women who have participated in the political sphere needs to be questioned. there is an assumption that the role played by women in the legislature is insignificant. the state policy does not side with women; therefore, they are always marginalized and the participation played by women, especially those who understand the problems which the indonesian women face, is highly needed. the fact that not many women are interested in participating in the practical political sphere relatively results from the balinese people’s collective habitus role, namely women are born to establish families, accompany their husbands and raise their children (harker, 2008). the fact that men dominate women in practical politics is referred to as the symbolic or intangible coercion by pierre bourdieu. however, the women are the victims of such a symbolic coercion never see and feel it; they consider it a natural thing (haryatmoko, 2003: 12). the perspective of the patriarchal ideological culture is one of the factors which contributes to the women’s participation in practical politics. the patriarchal ideology highly dominantly differentiates men from women, causing them to be differently treated. the essence of the patriarchal ideology is that men are more important than women in every aspect of life (mosse, 1996, shiva and mies, 2005. atmadja, 2008). the practices showing that men are more important than women can be seen in every aspect of the balinese community’s life. in a marriage, for example, there is a general requirement that the husband should be older than the wife; the former’s education should be higher than the latter’s. this means that men should be better than women in every aspect of life (atmadja, 2008). apart from that, the ideology of gender and the ideology that women are born to bear children cause them to be marginalized. the ideology of gender emphasizes the role of gender, namely women are responsible for managing the domestic sectors and men are responsible for managing the public sectors. the ideology that women are born to produce offspring through birth can be seen from the fact that the word wanita‘women’ is derived from the sanskrit word ‘swanita’, meaning ‘female egg’. the two ideologies do not only make women in the lower level of the social structure but also contribute to the distribution of power in household. that men have power over women/wives can be seen from the fact that men are family heads. such a position is related to the attribute attached to men, namely they are active/creative, rational and cultural beings. on the other hand, women are passive, emotional, and natural beings. the idea that women are weak and emotional are reflected from the fact that they are labeled ‘luh’, ‘belengih’, ‘cengeng’ or emotional. therefore, they cannot be referred to as leaders. men are active, creative, and rational; therefore, it is feasible that they are referred to as leaders (atmadja, 2008). based on the information obtained by interviewing the candidates who were elected and not elected as legislators, it was identified that they had spent hundreds of million rupiahs on billboards, t-shirts, stickers, transportation, the costs needed to introduce themselves and their programs to voters ‘mesimakrama/madharmaswaka’, and on the contribution to their political parties for their candidacy. it is this which has obstructed the balinese women from being involved in the sphere of practical politics. they are aware that being involved in the practical politics needs economic independence. however, the fact shows that the married balinese women are economically dependent on their husbands, and the single ones are economically dependent on their parents. as a result, the balinese women cannot freely participate in the political sphere; they should obtain approval from their parents (atmadja, 2009). globalization with its different impacts such as the impacts of sciences and technologies in general and the impacts of the body management technology and domestic technology in particular contributes to the women’s economic condition in bali. such technologies strongly affect the women’s life. the use of different types of beauty technological products is intended to improve the women’s value of self-performance and image so that they will look elegant both in the domestic and public arenas. such a fact causes women to be treated as the object of the men’s libido and power. this also means that the desire of looking beautiful does not only reflect that women do not onlyobjectivize but also reduce themselves, meaning that they are only beings of need (atmadja, 2008: 14). conclusion and suggestion the limited women’s representation in the regional people’s representative assembly at the provincial, regency and municipal levels in bali results from different factors. the factors were identified in the balinese women’s collective habitus established through their interaction with the balinese society’s objective structure which can be seen from the socio-political, cultural, socio-economic and globalization realities. from such realities it can be concluded that the balinese women’s collective habitus is one of the things which obstructs the balinese women from struggling for the position as legislators. to this end, it is suggested to the political parties that political education should be gradually provided to society in general and women in particular. opportunities for being involved in the political party leadership should also be made to be more open to women. acknowledgements through this writing the writer would like to express his thanks to prof. a.a. baguswirawan, s.u., as supervisor, prof. dr. i wayanardika, m.a. as co-supervisor i, and dr. putusukardja, m.si., as co-supervisor ii for their criticisms, suggestions and supervisions during the completion of the study. a word of appreciation should also go to the e-journal of cultural studies, doctorate study program of cultural studies, udayana university, for publishing this article. it is hoped that it will be useful. references bungin, burhan. 2003. analisis data penelitian kualitatif pemahaman filosofis dan metodologis ke arah penguasaan model aplikasi. jakarta: pt raja grafindo persada. bawa atmadja, nengah, “gender dalam perspektif budaya bali”, makalah dalam seminar gender dalam perspektif budaya bali” kerja sama psw unudbiro bkpp setda provinsi bali, denpasar 30 april 2008. adian, donny gahral, 2006. “gaya hidup, resistensi, dan hasrat menjadi”, dalam alfathri adlin (ed.), resistensi gaya hidup: teori dan realitas. yogyakarta: jalasutra. ______________, 2009. “masimakrama sebagai kekerasan simbolik dan ekonomi pada pesta demokrasi di bali”, makalah disampaikan dalam symposium internasional symposium on cultural studies implementing emancipations, program magister dan doktor kajian budaya universitas udayana, 27-28 agustus 2009. harker, richard dkk. (ed.). 2008. (habitus x ranah) + modal = praktik pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra haryatmoko. 2003. ”landasan teoritis gerakan sosial menurut pierre bourdieu: mengungkap kepalsuan budaya penguasa”, dalam basis no. 11-12 tahun ke 52 nopember-desember. jenkins, richard. 2004. membaca pikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. meleong, lexy j. 2002. metode penelitian kualitatif. bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya. mosse, j. c. 1996. gender dan pembangunan. terjemahan hartian silawati. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. shiva, v. dan m. mies. 2005. ecofeminism perspektif gerakan perempuan dan lingkungan. terjemahan kelik ismunanto dan lilik. yogyakarta: ire press. soetjipto, ani widyani. 2005. politik perempuan bukan gerhana. jakarta: penerbit buku kompas. transformation of tradition of barong ngelawang in tourism area of ubud, gianyar, bali i nyoman sukerna anak agung bagus wirawan anak agung ngurah anom kumbara pande made sukerta indonesia institute of the arts surakarta email: nyomansukerna@yahoo.com abstract globalization carries new values and touches all aspects of life, one of which is the tradition of barong ngelawang. this present study is intended to discuss the pattern of transformation, ideology and meaning of the tradition of barong ngelawang in the tourism area of ubud, gianyar, bali. the study views the tradition of barong ngelawang as a text of which the context, why and how it is performed should be understood. the theory of social practice, the theory of ideology, and the theory of semiotics were used to analyze the data. the descriptive and interpretative method was employed. the result of the study shows that the tradition of barong ngelawang in ubud was transformed from being a scared performance into a secular performance, and from a secular performance into a sacred performance. the transformation also took place in the space dimension. the ideologies which led to the activity of barong ngelawang were the religious ideology and solidarity ideology. the secular activity of barong ngelawang was dominated by the ideology of creativity and the economic ideology. from the ideological context, the meanings which could be revealed from the activity of barong ngelawang were the religious meaning and artistic meaning. from the superstructure context, the meanings that could be revealed were the social stratification meaning, the job description meaning, and the educational meaning. from the infrastructure context, the meaning which could be revealed was the economic meaning. keywords: transformation, tradition of barong ngelawang, ideology, and socio-cultural introduction the balinese people are well known for their unique, religious and cultural traditions. one of the traditions which is still performed until now is the barong dance. it is performed around the village (ngelawang) on special days such as the feast days of galungan and kuningan to ward off misfortune. the word ngelawang in the expression barong ngelawang is derived from the base word ‘lawang’, meaning door. the prefix ‘nge’ means going to. thus, the expression barong ngelawang means going from door to door, from house to house, and from village to village to perform the barong dance. the barong which is used in this activity is what is referred to as barong sungsungan, meaning the barong which has already been purified through the process of purification (covarrubias, 1972: 286). in this case, the barong dance is performed without expecting for any fee. such an activity is locally referred to as ngayah (doing something without expecting for any payment). the barong dance is sincerely performed as a devotion to god. those who are involved in it voluntarily sacrifice their energy and time for the sake of ngayah which functions as a rite performed with an expectation that people and the environment where they live will be safe and prosperous, and that no danger will happen to them. globalization carries new values which are referred to as capitalism, comodification, reproduction, and secularization which touch all aspects of life, meaning that every institution, including the religious institution, cannot avoid capitalism (hoed, 2011: 127-128). one aspect which is affected is the tradition of barong ngelawang, that is, the barong dance which is performed from place to place by the balinese people. the change in the tradition of barong ngelawang which is performed in the tourism area of ubud, gianyar, bali is the focus of the present study. in this area the sacred barong dance has been performed every time the feast days of galungan and kuningan are celebrated. however, in its development the barong dance has also been performed by the children as an entertainment from which they can generate money. it is expected that the result of the present study can enrich the scientific treasury related to ideologies and the struggle for the meaning which is perceived by people of the existence and development of the tradition of barong ngelawang in the tourism area of ubud, gianyar, bali. research method this present study is a qualitative one. three theories such as the theory of social practice, the theory of ideology, and the theory of semiotics were used to analyze the data as the answer to the questions formulated in the present study. the qualitative data, which were obtained from the library and the field, were used. the primary data in the form of documents and audio visual recording were obtained from the library. apart from that, the secondary data were also used; they were obtained from books, journals, and research reports related to the object of the present study. the field data sources are classified as the primary data sources. in this case, the data were obtained through direct observation and interview in which the interviewees were the informants who were knowledgeable of the activity of barong ngelawang. the data were collected through observation, interview and documentary study. the data were classified based on their patterns, categories, themes and subject matters. they were analyzed using the descriptive-qualitative and interpretative techniques. the components which were included in the data analysis included data reduction, data categorization, and synthesis. as a whole, the result of data analysis was focused on to what extent they were relevant to the main problems of the study. in this way, conclusions, which serve as the result and finding of the study, could be drawn. discussion ubud district is one of the seven districts in gianyar regency, bali province. it is made up of 7 villages and one sub district. administratively, there are 32 traditional villages ‘desa pekraman’ and 80 traditional banjars (a banjar is a neighborhood under a traditional village) (bps kabupaten gianyar, 2013). the accumulation of all the orders of the values applicable in an area or village can contribute to the characteristic of the area. therefore, culturally, the people living in ubud have their own cultural life pattern. in ubud there are five types of barong; they are barong ket, barong macan, barong bangkal, barong landung, and barong kedingkling. they are all sacred barongs which are performed every time the feast days of galungan and kuningan are celebrated. they are performed from place to place ‘ngelawang’. those living at padangtegal traditional village, ubud district, refer to the barong which is performed around the village every time when the feast days of galungan and kuningan are celebrated as melancaran. it is usually performed every saturday kliwon kuningan. however, those living at singakerta traditional village refer to such an activity as lunga mececingak, and those living at mawang traditional village, londtunduh, refer to it as memenjor; this is usually performed every wednesday kliwon dungulan. furthermore, the people living at petulu traditional village refer to it as ngelawang. it is usually performed every wednesday kliwon dungulan and every saturday kliwon kuningan. in ubud, such a barong dance is also performed in what is locally called sasih kenem (the sixth month of the balinese calendar). it is also called ngunya and is intended to ward off epidemics. in its development, a change has taken place, that is, the barong ngelawang which is performed as a sacred performance from place to place when the feast days of galungan and kuningan are celebrated, has also been performed by groups of children. however, the barong they perform is the replica, which is not sacred any longer. it is performed as an entertainment from which they can generate money. such an activity of ngelawang started from the children’s play instinct. then it has featured the celebration of the feast days of galungan and kuningan in bali in general and in ubud in particular. groups of people carry the barong completed with the gamelan instruments from place to place in the village and even from village to village. it is performed in front of the houses with dwellers. after the performance is finished, the dwellers give them fees as the reward. the activity of barong ngelawang in ubud has been transformed from being sacred into being secular. every time the feast days of galungan and kuningan are celebrated, the barong dance is performed around the village. now the barong dance has also been performed by the children as an entertainment. in addition, the barong dance has also been transformed from being propane to being sacred. the activity of barong ngelawang which is performed by groups of people every time the feast days of galungan and kuningan are celebrated will possibly change from being propane into being sacred. apart from being transformed from being propane into being sacred and vice versa, the pattern of transformation cannot be separated from the space dimension. the barong dance used to be performed as a sacred activity from village to village with a much wider scope. however, nowadays it is only performed in one traditional village. organizational matters have possibly been responsible for this, or it has been possible that each traditional village has one barong. it appears that more and more groups of children have been involved in this activity and that its space dimension has been getting wider. what they intend to offer is amusement from which they expect to earn money. therefore, they need more space in which they can perform this activity. the tradition of barong ngelawang, as part of the cultured life in ubud represents a system of values and belief which has been strongly implanted. it is expected that such a system of values can give the understanding of the ideological scope why the tradition of barong ngelawang grows and develops in ubud area. the system of cultural values-based ideology can inspire the idea to develop individual and collective awareness which can cause the forms of life behavior to be constructed in the human mind. such forms of life behavior can be in the forms of objects and local culture. the tradition of barong ngelawang is implicitly dominated by different ideological backgrounds. if the activity of barong ngelawang is sacred, then the strong ideologies which will dominate it are the religious ideology and the ideology of solidarity. if the activity of barong ngelawang is secular, then the strong ideologies which will dominate it are the ideology of activity and the economic ideology. the rationality of the barong dance which is performed for sacred objectives is the rationality of values, while the rationality of the barong dance which is performed by children is the objective-based rationality. the tradition of barong ngelawang which is performed to express the artistic and cultural life implies a meaning of socio-cultural life which is based on the ideology implanted in the system of cultural values of the group of people who own it. the era in which it is performed requires it to change and grow, causing the meaning it contains to shift automatically in order to suit what is motivated by the era. meaning is closely related to the system of values which is good and meaningful to life. a value is the faith and deep feeling which is owned by the society’s members and frequently determines what they do and how they behave. the value and symbol-related complexity of the socio-cultural life contains the cultural patterns and individual personalities which are dependent on one another in a cultural environment and during a certain period of time. the conception of a value can be explicitly and implicitly revealed and can show the characteristic of an individual or a group of individuals as to what is desired. this affects the process of selection and the final outcome of an activity. the transformation which has taken place in the tradition of barong ngelawang in ubud area is a cultural phenomenon which is viewed as a system of sign which should be defined by the people living in ubud. the values which can be revealed from the socio-cultural activity actualized in the tradition of barong ngelawang, as far as the ideological context is concerned, are religious and artistic values. from the superstructural context, the activity of barong ngelawang contains the socio-stratification meaning, the job description meaning, and the educational meaning. from the infrastructural context, it contains the economic value. conclusion and suggestion the tradition of barong ngelawang performed in ubud was transformed from being sacred into being secular, and from being propane into being sacred. apart from that, the transformation also took place in the space dimension. the ideologies which led to the activity of barong ngelawang were the religious ideology and the solidarity ideology. the secular barong ngelawang was dominated by the ideology of creativity and the economic ideology. the values which could be revealed in relation to the meaning given to the socio-cultural activity actualized in the tradition of barong ngelawang in ubud, as far as the ideological context is concerned, are the religious and artistic values. from the superstructural context, it contained the social stratification meaning, the job description meaning, and the educational meaning, and from the infrastructure context, it contained the economic meaning. considering that the tradition of barong ngelawang is a sacred activity which has been inherited from the ancestors, it is hoped that the balinese people in general and those living in ubud in particular should not change and ignore it. it is highly expected that the artistic and cultural values which serve as the people’s self identity should be conserved and developed as an attempt to prevent the impact of the developing globalized culture. acknowledgement in this opportunity the writer would like to thank prof. dr. a.a. bagus wirawan, su as the supervisor, prof. dr. a.a. ngr. anom kumbara, ma as co-supervisor i, and prof. dr. pande made sukerta, s.kar., m.si. as co-supervisor ii. bibliography althusser, louis. 2004. tentang ideologi: marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies. (olsy vinoli arnof, pentj). yogyakarta: jalasura. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. (tim kunci cultural studies center, pentj). yogyakarta: bentang. covarrubias, miguel. 1972. island of bali. kuala lumpur: oxford university press. geriya, i wayan. 2008. transformasi kebudayaan bali memasuki abad xxi. surabaya: paramita. hoed, benny h. 2011. semiotik & dinamika sosial budaya. edisi kedua. jakarta: komunitas bambu. piliang, yasraf amir. 2012. semiotika dan hipersemiotika: kode, gaya & matinya makna. bandung: matahari. 3 microsoft word e_journal_harti_e_i sdh edit 1 tourism as reflected in travelling women: a comparative cultural study on the novels of daisy miller, a passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal sri hartiningsih 1 , i wayan ardika2, i nyoman kutha ratna2, i gde paramartha2 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: malangharti2001@yahoo.com abstract travelling has occurred since a long time ago. travelling is not only done by men but also by women. in relation to travelling, travelling done by women is examined, especially the landlady’s environment, as there is a relationship between the host and the guest. the research problems are (1) how is reflection of tourism in the travelling women portrayed on the novels of daisy miller, a passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal?. (2) how are motivating and attracting factors related to tourism as reflected in the travelling women articulated on the novels of daisy miller, a passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal?. (3) how do cultural barriers occur in tourism as reflected in the travelling women on daisy miller, a passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal novel? in general, this research is to find out the comparison of travelling done by women. specifically, it is to discover the reflection of tourism, how the motivating and attracting factors and cultural barriers occur in tourism as reflected in the travelling done by women. this research is conducted on three novels, daisy miller written by henry james, a passage to india by e.m. forster, and pada sebuah kapal by nh. dini called comparative literature showing the continents of america, europe and asia. discussing the three continents, this research is called global literature. hermeneutic method was used to interpret the content of those three novels by employing deconstruction, postcolonial and feminism theories. the main data were taken from those novels and the location of the research was both at private libraries and state libraries or institutions and websites. to support the main data, secondary data were also needed, which in this case, were obtained by interviewing the women who have travelled abroad. then the results were formally and informally presented. the findings show that the reflection of tourism in travelling done by women is represented by family companion, and that the means of transportation to their destinations are indigenous means of transportation and that the tourist objects visited are art metamorphosis, travel hyperreality, sacred places and natural and human recreational places. the factors motive ting the women to travel are inter personal, cultural, status and prestige. the things making them interested in travelling are: the castle of chillon in switzerland and the regions’s history, the evening party in italy as a tradition to welcome new people, the architectures of caesars’ palaces, the coliseum and chandrapore club as a tradition to welcome new people, the bridge 2 party to know the language spoken and dress worn – traditional costumes of india, koyasan as buddhist religion and paris as the centre of dress model. cultural barriers refer to different etiquettes, ideologies and moral values resulting in different ways of travelling and their solutions. knowing the culture of the destination that is going to be visited is really needed, at least in order not to know nothing at all about such a destination; furthermore, it reduces cultural barriers. that is why cross cultural understanding is really necessarily given not only to the doers of tourism but also to all institutions in order to reduce misunderstanding and increase appreciation towards each other. key word: reflection, travelling women, motivating and attracting factors, cultural barriers introduction this study discusses “tourism as reflected in travelling women: a comparative cultural study on the novels of daisy miller, a passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal”. it was conducted because tourism is an industry that gives less negative effects on the environment if compared to other big industries such as mining, manu facturing, textile, automotive and pharmacy, making it well known an industry without any chimney and it has become a global industry that has employed 10.6% of the world’s work force (john naisbit in asrama, 2006). in fact, tourism receives less attention (crick, 2002:18-19). travelling is part of tourism. travelling takes place as one could not deny interaction with others. human interaction refers to seeing, hearing, touching, smelling, tasting and interacting with real things. that is why travelling causes a great wish to see other people individually. it is such an interaction that inspires tourism. however, travelling creates a new problem, as one will misperceive others (y. reisinger, 1997:129130). related to travelling, that done by women is observed as it is related to the relationship between the host and the guest in tourism and usually the landlady’s environment is observed. this research is done with three novels as the data sources. they are daisy miller (1878) written by henry james, a passage to india (1924) by e.m. forster, and pada sebuah kapal (1972) by nh. dini. this is called a comparative literature showing the continents of america, europe and asia; and therefore, it is termed as global literature. daisy miller is a female 3 character on the novel of daisy miller , and adela quested on the novel of a passage to india is too and so is sri or mrs. vincent on the novel of pada sebuah kapal . all of them are the main characters and they are faced with different conflicts and things in their new places. there are three research problems in this study. first, how the reflection of tourism in the travelling women is portrayed on the novels of a daisy miller, passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal. second, how motivating and attracting factors are related to tourism as it is reflected in the travelling women on the novels of daisy miller, a passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal. and third, how cultural barriers occur in tourism as reflected in the travelling women on the novels of daisy miller, a passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal . generally, the aims of this study are to observe american, european and asian women when travelling and to understand post-modern or contem porary topics, and to observe social and historical background of travelling women. specifically, this study aims at describing how the reflection of tourism in the travelling women is portrayed on the novels of a daisy miller, passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal. next it aims at finding out how motivating and attracting factors related to tourism are reflected in the travelling women on the novels of daisy miller, a passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal. and finally, it discovers how cultural barriers occur in tourism as reflected in the travelling women on the novels of daisy miller, a passage to india, and pada sebuah kapal . academically, this research has some benefits: first, it contributes to adding knowledge about the travelling women seen from political, cultural and moral point of view in literary works. second, it gives significance as one model to motivating researches on literature that are always intrinsically and structurally focused. and third, it gives significance for further researches on both indonesian and foreign literature. furthermore, practically, this study is beneficial to the indonesian government when making policies corcerning travelling. it can also serve as the guidance for women who are going abroad. literary works are also able to form the society’s personality. the society members are expected to read both indonesian and foreign literary works. by reading literary works, one is going to know cultural differences. by knowing 4 cultural differences, differences will be understood and appreciated. in addition, this will be useful to the doers of tourism. they will recognize who will come as the tourists and where they come from. apart from this, they will have the guidance that can give them information about the tourists’ attitudes. material and discussion this research applied qualitative method illustrating the travelling done by women. reflection of tourism, motivating and attracting factors, and cultural barriers were investigated. first, primary and secondary data were collected, and then the appropriate theories were chosen for analyzing the data. after that, the selected data were selected and interpreted, and finally, the process of report writing and constructing all the results was done. in order to achieve the goal, various theories were applied such as the theories of deconstruction, postcolonial and feminism. in order to know the results of this study, the explanation is as follows: first, the analysis on reflection of tourism in the travelling done by women is focused on companion, transportation, and visited objects. the travelling women intended are daisy miller on the novel of daisy miller, adela quested on the novel of a passage to india, and sri on the novel pada sebuah kapal. they use companions for travelling. their companions, who are reflected in different ways, are their family members such as mother, future mother-in-law, and daughter. related to their ways of travelling, they used local means of transportation, and the destinations visited depend on the women’s interests and the destinations available. second, the analysis shows that the motivating and attracting factors reflected in the travelling women on the novels of daisy miller, a passage to india and pada sebuah kapal are their motives, types and behaviours. moreover, dealing with the motives of travelling, the women have interpersonal motivations. related to the cultural aspects, daisy miller is made to visit the castle of chillon in switzerland by the history of the region, the evening party in italy as the tradition to welcome new people, and the architecture in the palace of caesars and the colosseum. it is greatly different from daisy miller; adela quested is interested in visiting chandrapore club as it has the tradition of welcoming new 5 people, the bridge party as the place to know the language and dress – the traditional costumes of india, while sri is interested in koyasan as buddhist religion. furthermore, related to the type of travelling, daisy miller in the novel of daisy miller written by henry james, travels as she likes (indulger), whereas adela quested on the novel of a passage to india by e.m. forster, travels as an adventurer, and sri on the novel of pada sebiah kapal written by n.h. dini, travels as economizer traveller. referring to the patterns of behaviour, daisy miller is an unculturalzed and rich tourist; in addition, she is also considered an exploiting tourist. the other travelling woman, adela quested is an alternative tourist, while the last travelling woman, sri, is considered an exploiting tourist. third, cultural barriers, related to tourism as reflected in the travelling women in daisy miller, refer to ethical values, in a passage to india refer to being a colonial, and in pada sebuah kapal refer to moral values. ethical values occur between the european (the host) and the american (the guest). they refer to the host’s view and create ethnocentrism shown by the european who feels more superior than the outsider of her or his group. consequently, what the guest does is inappropriate with the host’s view. moreover, the guest or traveller gets a cold welcome and a cynical behaviour from the european. related to colonialism, the indian society (the native), as colonized people, is considered irrational, easily controlled and manipulated by the colonist (british). those views toward the indians or natives have something to do with legimitation of being bad or weak making the british easily manage or control them. these views are going to be repeated and spread to the indians who believe and admit them. in fact, india has two sides, good and bad ones but only their badness is explored and the aim is to show to them that they are inferior to the colonialist. another thing to think is that the indian’s characteristic shows indigenous things in it. related to the moral values, something occurs between the indonesian and western views. sri, the main character in pada sebuah kapal, represents orietalism that is challenged by charles vincent, her husband who represents western culture. the moral values appearing dominantly in their marriage are purity and loyalty. the husband is superior over his wife. consequently, he can do everything over his wife making the wife subordinate. being subordinate is suffering. it is not in 6 line with the spirit of equality in feminism. the relation between the east and the west should be in equal position. if it does not happen, it makes unbalance as happening in the family. to get equality, the wife should not just keep silent and remaining obedient but she should act by arguing. those are cultural barriers. however, nowadays they are no such cultural barriers anymore because the difference is appreciated, whereas before it was only frightening. improved knowledge of other countries through cinema and television has made such a shift, that is, from being frightened to being appreciated. . this is called multiculturalism. research novelty 1. the deconstruction has been applicable in the beginning of nineteenth century as long as the spirit of feminism. it was employed by henry james in creating the novel of daisy miller in 1878 to deconstruct the companion in travelling with the spirit of feminism. 2. the three travelling women, daisy miller, adela quested, and sri have different patterns of behaviour. it does not matter they have different behaviours because tourism celebrates cultural difference (culler, 1988:167) between the host and the guest and among the guests. in other words, one should learn and receive others as what she or he is as mangunwijaya (1993:25) states “kita harus belajar menerima orang lain seperti apa adanya”. 3. different etiquettes, ideologies and moral values could result in conflicts but not all of the conflicts are negative if considered as natural. moreover, difference is not always bad, and one could not force others to do the same thing as she or he does. in other words, cultural barriers still exist but they depend on how one faces it. research conclusion the conclusion of this research is that there is a change in companion, transportation as well as visited objects. previously, the companion is for protection but nowadays it is for pleasure; the means of transportation used is indigenous means of transportation available; and natural objects visited change to cultural ones. another change is that previously the difference is frightening but now it is sought for in 7 tourism and it is an attractive thing for travellers to visit. acknowledgement i would like to take this opportunity to express my great thanks to prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as my promoter, prof. dr.i wayan kutha ratna, s.u. as copromoter i and., prof. dr. i gde parimartha, ma.as co-promoter ii who have attentively given me support, encouragement and guidance starting from the proposal writing to the last process of completing this dissertation report. i would also like to deliver my deep appreciation to the rector of muhammadiyah university of malang for giving chance and funds to study, the rector of udayana university, the director of postgraduate program udayana university and staff, and the head of cultural studies doctorate program of udayana university and staff. bibliography abdullah, irwn. 1997. sangkan paran gender.yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. adian, donny gahral. 2005. perempuan multicultural, negoisasi dan representasi: feminisme yang bersuara jamak. jakarta: desantara. anderson, luella f and mary ann littrell. 1995. annals of tourism research: souvenir – purchase behavior of women tourist. usa: pergamon anwar, khaidir. 1995. beberapa aspek sosio-kultural, masalah bahasa: filsafat dan sastra. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. ardana putra, i made. 2005. representation of cultural values in language and literature: tourism english and culture shock in tourism industry. semarang: soegija pranata chatolic university. ardika, i wayan. 2007. pusaka budaya & pariwisata. denpasar: pustaka larasan. _______. 2003. pariwisata budaya berkelanjutan: komponen buda ya bali segabai daya tarik wisata. denpasar: universitas udayana. ashcroft, bill, gareth griffiths and helen tiffin. 2003. menelanjangi kuasa bahasa: teori dan praktik sastra poskolonial. yogyakarta: qalam. asrama, b. 2006. merekam pariwisata bali dalam 35 tahun, narasi mencemaskan bagi sustainable tourism makalah seminar dan lokakarya nasional bali tourism sustainable develop ment and law inforcement, inna grand bali beach sanur 25 februari 2006. barker, christ. 2000. cultural studies .london: sage publications. 8 barrett, terry. 2000. criticizing art: understanding the contem porary. california: mayfield publishing company. baso, ahmad. 2005. perempuan multicultural, negoisasi dan representasi:ke arah feminisme postradisional. jakarta: desan tara. budianta, melani. 2002. sastra and kajian budaya.publict lecture and workshop asian studying asia: cultural studies for asia context. yoggyakarta:may 14 –17. budiman, kris. 1999. feminografi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. burn, peter m. & andrew holden. 1995. tourism: a new perspective. uk: prentice hall. butler, kathleen l. 1995. annals of tourism research: independence for western women through tourism. usa: pergamon. byrne swain, margaret. 1995. annal of tourism research:gender in tourism.usa: pergamon. c. bogdan, robert and knopp bliklen, sari. 1998. qualitative research for education: introduction to theory and methods. boston: allyn and bacon crick, malcolm. 2002. the sociology of tourism: representations of international tourism in social sciences; 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practice of kanuragan is identical to the stigma of violence, the practice of inner power and pangleakan associated with black magic, so this study aims to analyze and answer the formulation of the problems on the existence of social practices of sandhi murti in the field of kanuragan in bali. this study is constructed as a cultural studies. the results of study showed the existence of sandhi murti in the field of kanuragan in bali for 24 years (1990-2004) is characterized by the development of forms of activity in sports as well as in the arts, mysticism, economy and politics. sandhi murti social practices are also undergoing expansion area of activity in the branch organization in tabanan bali and sandhi murti bulgaria in europe, as well as developed personally by members overseas such as australia, america, russia and others. sandhi murti practices in the field of kanuragan is based on the teachings of siwa tantra (tantric), or siwa bhairawa, kandapat and dasaksara. functions of kanuragan practiced by sandhi murti, such as : psychosomatic and psycho-kinetics therapy; commodity and recreational; magical function, social and cultural functions.the significance of social practices of sandhi murti develop social capital through group of solidarity. significance of cultural transformation sandhi murti kanuragan practices reflected the cultural inheritance of tantric into organizational habitus. keywords: social practice, organization, sandhi murti, kanuragan, transformation mystical culture of bali. introduction this study examines the existence of perguruan kebatinan sandhi murti indonesia in the field of kanuragan in bali. this organization (hereinafter referred to sandhi murti) establised by i gusti ngurah harta on 27th april 1990 in denpasar city bali. practice of kanuragan is identical to the stigma of violence, the practice of inner power and pangleakan associated with black magic, so this study aims to analyze: 1) the existence of social practices of sandhi murti in the field of kanuragan in bali; 2) the form and function of sandhi murti's teaching of kanuragan in bali; 3) the meaning and impact of the existence of sandhi murti in the field of kanuragan in bali. the benefits of this research is to understand the socio-cultural dynamics, as well as to appreciate the various strategies and the creative process in maintaining the balinese community and developing values ​​that are considered to be valuable for life. this study uses some theoretical approaches, namely: 1) the theory of pierre bourdieu's generative structuralism (harker et al, 1990: xiii-25) which examines the relation of capital (cultural, socio-economic, and symbolic capital) and habitus in which relevant to assess the position and disposition of members of sandhi murti through the production and exchange (reconvention) strategy within the organization; 2) the modus operandi of the ideology theory of john b. thompson (thompson, 2006: 95-105) is used to analyze the strategy of sandhi murti in maintaining social relationships to gain sympathy, legitimacy and organizational hegemony which is extending through modes such as legitimacy, unification and fragmentation. 3) the myth of roland barthes' theory (barthes, 2007: 292-345) is used to study the dynamics of organization through forma (identity) transformation that has a variety of political significance; 4) the theory of discipline and punish of foucault (suyono, 2002: 397-418) is used to analyze relationship disciplinary of the body with power through modus operandi of discipline such as: through the selection and disposition of members in distribution of space, tabulation (time table exercise and rituals), registration of members in cumulative administrative mode; composition and configuration through the command of sandhi murti’s grand master; 5 ) deconstruction of jacques derrida's theory (piliang, 2003: 137-278) provides a method of text interpretation namely retrospective and prospective interpretation which is important for understanding the perceptions or interpretations related to a variety of text and the use of research literature including mantras which belong to sandhi murti. research method this study is designed using ethnographic approach of cultural studies by using empirical and theoretical approaches based on intensive field work (barker, 2004: 29). location of the research conducted in sandhi murti in denpasar-bali and additional studies conducted based on the invitation of sandhi murti bulgaria in southeastern europe. the primary data sources are: a key informant and informants supporters. secondary data sources are: the records of observations results, newspaper articles and other literatures. qualitative data is the form of descriptions or results of information (interviews) in writing about sandhi murti and quantitative data such as the number of members and informants as well as the information presented in the form of tables or figures. the informants were selected by purposive sampling method selected on the basis of personal judgment (judgment sampling) and also based on the principle of snowball sampling in which key informants recommend other informants who are considered to have the capacity and authority. discussion the results showed that the existence of sandhi murti in the field of kanuragan in bali for 24 years (1990-2004) were characterized by the dynamics of transformation of identity, meaning, and values. this organization has a wide range of identities, namely: yayasan perguruan sandhi murti, seni bela diri tenaga dalam sandhi murti (harta,1997: xv), padepokan karang kedangkan teledu nginyah and perguruan kebatinan sandhi murti indonesian. the existence of social practices of sandhi murti has developed form of activities other than in the field of sports also in the arts, mysticism, economics, and politics. sandhi murti’ social practices are also undergoing expansion area of ​​activities by developing branch organization in tabanan bali and in sandhi murti bulgaria, and also developed personally by its members abroad such australia, america russia, and others. teachings of sandhi murti in the field of kanuragan is sourced from tantric teachings or siva bhairava, kandapat and dasaksara (putra, 2005; eka, 2011). the function of teaching and social practices of sandhi murti are: psychosomatic and psycho-kinetic therapy (physical and mental health), (antonelli, 1995: 77-82); commodity and recreational; magical function; social and cultural functions (as the manner and lifestyle). the social significance of social practices of sandhi murti is to build group solidarity, and the cultural meanings associated with the transformation in which the cultural inheritance of shiva tantra became organization habitus. impacts of sandhi murti’s kanuragan teachings are: (1) personal impacts associated with the changed of food consumption patterns, a more positive self-image and ecstacy; (2) the social impact of the practice of self-discipline esoteric or “nuraga” transformed into “beraga” activity, that is associated with a show of force ; (3) the emergence of symptoms of culture shock due to differences in the perception of running a practice kanuragan, as ritual practice sacred and profane (in sports); (4) kanuragan became a way of life, a kind of fashion or aesthetic lifestyle to indicate prestige identity and social status that reflects spirituality. the practice of sandhi murti’s kanuragan is a cultural inheritance and a transformation of shiva bhairava teachings became organization habitus of sandhi murti. the practice of sandhi murti’s kanuragan is a inheritance practices that took place genealogically in the past 24 years from turah to his son and the same thing happened to the members who invited children and other family as members of sandhi murti. the kanuragan doctrine based on formula of kandapat was found to have similarities with the mantra owned by pan putu budihartini from darma murti. by using a prospective interpretation, the main mantra of sandhi murti called “mantra masuk desa” had had similarities formulas and functions with mantra in the book “tattwa kandapat sari” (budihartini, 2008: 24) belong to darma murti. thus, the teachings kandapat used by both organizations are simulacrum in which the origin and authentic are difficult to prove. using formula of dasaksara in the teaching and practice asserted that practice of sandhi murti’s kanuragan characterized by shiva or tantric. dasaksara, a mantra formula is considered as a source of strength and mystical powers used to glorify god as a manifestation of shiva (nala, 2006: 115; yudhiantara: 2003). in practice of sandhi murti’s kanuragan, dasaksara is not only found in the mantra but also transformed into a kind of hypnotherapy, through the breathing techniques as kundalini yoga by focusing concentration between navel and sexual organs to generate chakra svadistanna (bhima padma) (pott, 1966: 8) and in sandhi murti called as kuncian. rituals in mysticism practice of sandhi murti’s kanuragan is not intended as a religious practice but rather a means to maintain social capital organization including: as an adhesive solidarity, build trust, altruism, co-operation and social virtues. ritual sandhi murti also a distribution space to separate members of sandhi murti in the position and disposition in the group. ritual sandhi murti is a mode of unification used as a strategy to create a unified reducing internal differentiation or differences in the organization and suppress disagreement or even conflict that sourced from a variety of cultural differences in perceptions. the role of the teacher became the center of power in magical rituals and determine the success of the members to go through the process of rituals. the rituals which is held in bali tend to conducted behind closed doors and in a special room that involves a personal relationship between the master (teacher, guru) and his members. while abroad, especially in bulgaria a ritual was held in the open space as a mystical cultural performances and it can be recorded and the whole process can be seen by members who come together with the friends, family or relatives and even come along with the press. this open rituals in addition to attract people who come also to gain public legitimacy through the rationalization and universalizing of the teachings and practice in the field of kanuragan. the study also found differences perception of sandhi murti’s members in the country and abroad in implementing practice of kanuragan sandhi murti. teachings and practices of kanuragan implemented by members sandhi murti in bali tend to be passively accepted as doxa which is believed to have a close relationship with the sacred hindu religious practice. the ability to have the inner power tend to be associated as a "kesaktian,magic power" or superhuman given-abilities that related to the mystical power of the transcendental (god). the practice of kanuragan both as a sports as well as practice of spirituality are believed to affirm religious beliefs of some members. in sandhi murti members abroad, practice of kanuragan understood as a martial sport activity like any others. goal orientation of kanuragan practice tend to directed at the development of science in the field of sports and psychology and it is not limited in religious practice such as the orientation of sandhi murti’s members in bali. kanuragan and pencak silat have similarity in principles and practices. according to ipsi, pencak silat has four aspects includes: sports, fighting, arts and spiritual activities (de groot, 2006). in sandhi murti, the invulnerability has been given to the members since the beginning of the initiation or accepted as a new member. while the other martial arts institutions (pencak silat), the invulnerability is generally given when a member or student has been deemed as proficient fighter, has seniority and it is given as the final stages of teaching, example: to achieve a degree or status as guru or a warrior (pendekar). in this final stage is understood as an aspect of spirituality in martial arts education (pendidikan pencak silat) in indonesia. practice of kanuragan of sandhi murti has no competition aspect through fighting with other organization as common practiced by martial arts organization ipsi members. kanuragan as invulnerability tend to be shown as magic attraction by the organization to the community. other differences were also found in the jurus or stance of sandhi murti’s kanuragan which did not reveal any pattern of kicking, boxing or punching attacks. the stance of sandhi murti more intended as a gesture of defense in the form covered up (belaan) and parry (tangkisan). practice of sandhi murti’s kanuragan has transformed the value in which at the beginning were practicing by restricted group among balinese and now become mixed and opened group that giving opportunity for overseas people as members. conclusion and suggestion the conclusion from the study about the social practices of sandhi murti is functional particularly in maintaining cultural values ​​and practices in the field of kanuragan and mystic in bali. practice of kanuragan of sandhi murti as a commodity has a significant economic value and used to operate the organization. sandhi murti’s social practices in the last 24 years (1990-2014) has successfully developed capitals and the domains through the production and exchanged strategy as well as through the mode of ideological: legitimacy, unification and fragmentation. hegemony of sandhi murti showed that the teachings and practices of kanuragan has functioned and positive value in addition to support members and also to gain legitimacy of the ruling elites and the government. sandhi murti’s kanuragan is not only as a martial practice but also a commodity for organizations in which the existence is preserved through the promotion and dissemination both within and outside the country. suggestions for sandhi murti is need to strengthen the capacity of members with leadership of the cadre primarily to overcome the scarcity of the gurus (penginisiasi). the participation of women members in the perguruan sandhi murti bali needs to be strengthened by improving the tabulation exercise time. acknowledgement i thank to the god for the existence of this study. bibliography antonelli,f.1995. ilmu jiwa dan olah raga. dalam pengobatan dan olah raga, bunga rampai penulis terkemuka. hal 77-82 disadur dari basic book of sport medicine. barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies, teori & praktik.yogyakarta: kreasi wacana yogyakarta. barthes, roland. 2007. membedah mitos-mitos budaya massa: semiotika atau sosiologi tanda, simbol dan representasi. halaman 293-345.yogyakarta: jalasutra. budihartini. 2000. tatwa kanda empat sari: nilai-nilai luhur budaya spiritual bangsa daerah bali yang universal. denpasar: pustaka bali post 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(habitus x modal)+ ranah=praktik, pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bordieu. halaman 1-25. yogyakarta: jalasutra. harta, ngurah. 1997. mengenal alam gaib. denpasar: bali post. lubis, johansyah. 2004. pencak silat: panduan praktis. jakarta: rajagrafindo persada. nala, ngurah. 2006.aksara bali dalam usada. surabaya: paramita. pott,p.h.1966.yoga and yantra, their interrelation and their significance for indian archaelogy. the hague: martinus nijhoff. piliang, yasraf amir. 2003. dekonstruksi, dalam: hipersemiotika, tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna.halaman 137-142. bandung: jalasutra. putra. 2005.”bila sastra mistik didiskusikan di ubud writer festival”. radar bali, 9 oktober 2005. suyono, seno joko. 2002. tubuh yang rasis. hal.398. jakarta: pustaka pelajar. yudhiantara, kadek. 2003. dasaksara saiwa siddhanta dan kanda pat. surabaya: paramita. 1 microsoft word artikel a.n. ni luh suartini2 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 factors that affecting women's struggle in aching echelon positions in the local government offices of north sulawesi province dwianita conny palar1, i ketut ardhana2, ni made wiasti3, i nyoman sukiada4 1sam ratulangi university, manado, 2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1dwianitapalar@gmail.com, 2phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com, 3made_wiasti@unud.ac.id, 4nyoman_sukiada@unud.ac.id received date : 19-01-2023 accepted date : 26-05-2023 published date : 31-05-2023 abstract every civil servant has the same opportunity to get a position to improve their career, including employees in the north sulawesi provincial government office. the structural position is a very strategic position for anyone who can reach the position. however, it is not uncommon to find gender inequality in a community group that can affect every employee in reaching the position. as for this study, it can be understood that there are several factors that cause an imbalance in occupying echelon positions. the existing factors are divided into internal factors that come from within the employee, and external factors that come from outside the employee and influence them to develop themselves, especially for female employees. all of these factors are expected to create gender equality in the regional government of north sulawesi. keywords: women's struggle, minahasa culture, local government. introduction the existence of women in the government environment is an opportunity for the realization of a strong bureaucracy because the involvement of women can help issue a policy that supports women. however, struggles in life cannot be avoided, this must occur as a form of one's self-defense in his environment. currently, women's struggles occur because of competition between men and women from the point of view of competence, professional, organizational managerial, and leadership. with advances in technology, information, openness, equal rights, women are not underestimated because women are also able to do the work done by men. this situation leads to see what factors influence e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 women's struggles in occupying echelon positions in the north sulawesi provincial government office? the position of women in minahasa culture seeing the cultural history in minahasa, religion is the priority above all else, god is called "si empung", they do not worship statues but make an altar from bamboo without using a roof so that prayers go straight to the sky. the community leader is called "tu'ah umbanua" who is determined by holding a public election to become king in his own territory, and his wife becomes queen as well as religious leader. when it comes to work, men cultivate the land for farming, and women are close to the coast to make salt, raise pigs and dogs, pound rice and make clothes for bark from certain trees. in community organizations, the minahasa community leaders consist of two groups, namely walian, from the word wali, which means to deliver like a mother hen and protect her chicks. second, tona'as from the word ta'as which means hard. in the walian position, the walian tu'ah group if held by an old woman will be called walian mengorai or the leader of the fertility dance, because walian tu'ah also leads religious and traditional ceremonies, this can also be called walian peposanan. furthermore, mapalus, the mutual assistance organization underwent changes, namely work was carried out by men and women with several working time requirements and the provision of consumption food and food provided by the garden owner (wenas, 2007). the occurrence of the creation of the minahasa earth, serves as a medium for the identity of the minahasa tribe which was received by the ancestors in the myths of toar and lumimuut. the role of women from young to old can always mix with men inside and outside the house, in the fields, or during parties in every effort and result. therefore, education and development as a woman is completely free. she is not timid, and clumsy; and women also do not show a secretive attitude, as is generally found in women experiencing an isolated life. if you look at the existing culture, it can be seen that from the beginning, men and women in minahasa have not experienced discrimination, because all can participate in work, in the organizational system, or in the existing arts. minahasa women are not the type to be strongly restrained by custom and resistance to foreign elements. even the traditional minahasa customs are basically not placed at a subordinate level. since the pre-colonial era, minahasa women have been in a dominant position, and have realized the need for men as part of a unity. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 motivation of women in achieving echelon positions motivation is one of the important factors for someone in achieving a position. the formation of women's motivation to struggle is also assisted by the existence of a struggle arena that supports women to perform and success. the obstacles faced will affect the level of one's motivation to achieve and have a career (partini, 2013; alexander aur, 2005). the motivation of women in facing the struggle to achieve a position plays a role in helping women to carry out their duties and responsibilities without having to be influenced by external pressures that can become an obstacle in competing in the work environment. when looking at the work tradition of civil servants in north sulawesi province, men and women do not experience too many obstacles in motivating themselves to carry out a given job task. this can be attributed to the existence of a mutual aasistance culture, where men and women help each other to complete work. this proves that gender equality is very much needed in building women's motivation to work productively and make a contribution that can support the bureaucracy to be more effective because of the involvement of women in efforts to build government performance in public services. the government of north sulawesi province has implemented a merit system in accordance with law no. 5 of 2014 so that in competence every civil servant has the opportunity to improve his competence. but under certain conditions there are also female civil servants who do not have the desire or motivation to increase their career path, this can be influenced by the personality of the woman herself. they will find it difficult to work if they have to be away from their families if the female civil servant is married. this situation also often makes women's performances look less prominent. another condition that causes a decrease in women's motivation in reaching positions is being afraid of the public's view that women who work find it difficult to pay attention to their husbands and children. women's achievement motivation in work is determined by their self-confidence, knowledge, work environment and supportive family to achieve success. haryatmoko 2003: 17 said that the realm of struggle cannot be separated from the habitus and strong capital possessed by minahasa women. civil servants must have logical ambition and motivation, not slack when faced with obstacles and be able to give their husband an understanding of his position. all family planning must involve the husband as the head of the family and the wife when making decisions with the children in mind. especially those who are married, women are faced with a choice of roles starting from taking care of school children, making family meals, handling sick children, and so on. for those who are single who are just starting e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 their careers, they can be passionately motivated to reach high positions, but when they are married and have children their motivation begins to decrease because the focus on work has been divided. the motivation of female employees in achieving echelon positions in the regional government office of north sulawesi province, becomes a driving force for them in doing their work as a form of self-satisfaction with the results of the tasks and work carried out. this satisfaction is related to the basic needs of humans for their form, which are physiological needs, to have a sense of security and comfort, to feel accepted in the environment or in a group, to have social status, and to increase work capacity. human capital human resources have an important role in an organization. human resources who have good morals, discipline, loyalty and productivity will assist the implementation of these government programs. these human resources are required to be responsive to new innovations so that they can be productive to have a commitment to self-actualization. employees must be developed as much as possible to be able to carry out their duties and responsibilities properly in accordance with the development of science and technology. human resource management for an organization, including in government, must be considered, to assist in the process of increasing employee competence (sedarmayanti, 2017: 4-5). competencies that must be possessed by civil servants are very supportive in pursuing a career which consists of: first, technical competence, which has knowledge, skills and attitudes/behaviors that can be observed, measured, developed specifically related to the technical field of office. second, managerial competence, having knowledge, skills, and attitudes/behaviors that can be observed, measured, developed to lead and/or manage organizational units. third, socio-cultural competence is knowledge, skills, and attitudes/behaviors that can be observed, measured and developed related to the experience of interacting with a pluralistic society in terms of religion, ethnicity and culture, behavior, national insight, ethics, values, morals, emotions. and principles, which must be fulfilled by every position holder to obtain work results in accordance with their roles, functions and positions (source, government regulation of the republic of indonesia number 11 of 2017). all civil servants who are within the scope of the regional government of north sulawesi province have the same opportunity to develop themselves within the local government environment. this opportunity must be utilized as well as possible by all e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 employees without exception, because the current government supports the establishment of a merit system government. in existing positions, it should be noted that the placement of employees needs to pay attention to their qualifications and competencies in order to achieve the desired goals. for this reason, every employee needs to improve their quality to meet the requirements in order to achieve the desired position. bureaucratic development currently focuses on the performance that is required for professionals in public services, then leaders are also selected based on the ability of their achievements. race, religion, gender, marital status, age and disability. human capital has an important role in determining employee performance, this is related to the abilities possessed by each individual starting from his way of thinking, knowledge, skills, experience in work, all of which are related to the formation of one's ability to order selfqualification. family support female civil servants desperately need family support, especially from their husbands and children. if there is no support from the family, then a career to reach a good position may not be achieved. helping each other, dividing tasks in the household is a shared responsibility. then also have to build good communication thus that they can concentrate or get calm in doing work in the office. family support is an important element in helping someone in dealing with a problem. female employees who are supported by their families will help build trust and increase motivation. this family support can be given starting from the support of parents, in-laws, husbands and children. an interview with an echelon iii civil servant in the field of women's empowerment said “inequality will be reduced, so to occupy a position there must be strong encouragement from the family. roles and responsibilities in the household are shared tasks. if people know that cooking, washing, and caring for the household are women in the household, why can't it be done by men? guiding and educating children is the duty of husband and wife. when i'm at home, my husband can cook, and boys are taught to practice gender understanding starting at a young age. everything has to work together.” in the above expression it is noted that women must have an open and critical mind and must be able to work together with their husbands for household work. cooperation between husband and wife can make homework easier and in raising and educating children as well. in other words, women also have the right to have space to develop themselves, including in developing a career. and the family does not have to be e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 a weakness but must be a positive strength for women to progress and develop. another study conducted at the lamandau district government showed that women have the same opportunities to occupy structural positions as men. normatively, if there is a vacant position, all employees are intervened in accordance with the existing assessment requirements. but in reality, inequality occurs because there are requirements that have not been met. one of the inhibiting factors for women is from the family, because women have the nature and obligation to reproduce which is often protested by children if they are too busy working outside the home. and there are husbands who have the characteristics of not giving their wife permission to pursue a career outside the home for household reasons or other reasons. (ummah, et al. 2014). the cultural and social system that is formed in the family also forms a pattern of power, where the husband is considered the ruler because he is the breadwinner and also the head of the household. this condition of power in the family dominates women, because men place women as second-class humans in the family. the patriarchal culture that is formed in the family does not stop there, it becomes a culture also in society and the state, the problems experienced by women are considered to have been completed because of the representation of their husbands or men. (bakti foundation, 2020:3-4). the cultural system that is formed in the family is not only influenced by social life, but the level of education obtained from an educational environment can also influence the pattern of thinking in family life. the learning process currently taking place in educational institutions at school and outside of school is still not gender-oriented, if there is discriminatory behavior in the learning process it will last a long time because it has been built which assumes that women are inferior to men. the low level of education of women in the family causes women to often experience domestic violence. culture in the community he community environment of north sulawesi is of course not only influenced by one culture, but minahasa culture is the most dominant culture that can be known, because the majority of people in north sulawesi are from minahasa land and the majority are christians. therefore, the teachings that exist in minahasa culture and christianity are often found in the community. it has been known previously that minahasa culture shows an egalitarian culture, namely in that culture all are in the same position, including between men and women. thus the positive impact of the influence of minahasa culture helps women to be able to escape from thoughts that feel they are hegemonized by existing parties, or can even help women escape the patriarchal culture that forces women to only e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 do domestic work. the culture created in the community can also affect a person's behavior. research conducted by palar (2015) that the community environment can affect a person's attitude as in a positive attitude will form fresh thoughts, like to help, and also help each other. but the environment can also influence and shape a person's negative attitudes, such as only talking a lot and lacking in action, having a negative view of the environment, and not forming new competencies. the influence of religion and culture in the minahasa community is quite strong, therefore it will dilute the patriarchal culture. strong self-confidence from women is needed in their abilities because they are given equal opportunities for women and men. everything is regulated in laws that support the life of the state and society. traditions that influence a person's habit of thinking that labeling women can only work in the domestic sector, must be changed by positioning women and men on the same rights thus they have equality as human beings. the existence of the influence of minahasa culture and history from the involvement of women in collaborating with men from the past in doing domestic work, as well as in working to improve the family economy, which makes women who work in the north sulawesi regional government office have a work ethic to struggle in carrying out their duties and responsibilities. the involvement of women in working who not only do household chores, but also in working to produce well -being for themselves in improving their self -economy can also help them avoid violence and can also make them empowered. although in the work environment can also be found the influence of patriarchal culture where the culture prioritizes the existence of men more than women, so that in some cases in the work environment makes women hegemonic by men. however, not all women in the work environment of the regional government of north sulawesi province are affected by patriarchal culture, this can be seen from the existence of women who still have a fighting spirit in contesting for positions even though they compete with men, because they know that both historically , culture, and the constitution give them the opportunity to have the same position as men, namely the existence of gender equality in all spheres that exist both in the social environment and in the work environment. gender equality in minahasa has existed for a long time, which can be seen with the establishment of the association of mothers to hereditary children (pikat) by maria walanda maramis. women are seen from the perspective of minahasa culture and christianity are in a high position, have influence and respect, women in the family also take part in deciding something that is negotiated together. the province of north e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 sulawesi is famous for various slogans such as, "torang samua basudara" which means we are all brothers/sisters. there is also "torang samua ciptaan tuhan" which means that we are all god's creation. the last slogan that has been passed down from generation to generation comes from mr. sam ratulangi with the minahasa regional language "si tou timou tumou tou" which means humans live to humanize other humans. the slogan is a reflection of the attitude of the people of north sulawesi who live side by side with a sense of love for each other regardless of differences in religion, race, and so on. work environment to achieve echelon positions related to bureaucratic life, women need to show their existence in accordance with the description above. relation theory states that knowledge of power has a reciprocal relationship. the administration of continuous power will create knowledge entities, and vice versa, the administration of knowledge will cause the effect of power (eriyanto, 2003: 65). seeing the efforts made by the central government which seeks to establish a conducive work environment and uphold equality, the bureaucratic order in the north sulawesi provincial government office is made effectively and efficiently and has good governance quality as a prerequisite for achieving regional development targets in the long term. in the mid-term development plan of north sulawesi province page 65, chapter 4 describes that the implementation of good governance is consistently marked by the development of aspects of openness, accountability, effectiveness, efficiency, rule of law, justice, and community participation. in terms of strengthening government capacity (bureaucracy), the local government of north sulawesi continues to strive to strengthen the quality of the implementation of national bureaucratic reform (rbn) in all areas of targeted change, be it policies, institutions, human resources of the apparatus, as well as changes to the mindset and culture set. bureaucratic reform is expected to create a bureaucracy with a high-performing service mentality so that the quality of public services will increase so as to contribute to increasing competitiveness and successful development in various fields. an effective and efficient bureaucracy must have good governance quality as a prerequisite for achieving long-term regional development targets. in terms of strengthening government capacity (bureaucracy), the local government of north sulawesi continues to strive to strengthen the quality of the implementation of national bureaucratic reform (rbn) in all areas of targeted change, be it policies, institutions, human resources of the apparatus, as well as changes to the e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 mindset and culture set. bureaucratic reform is expected to create a bureaucracy with a high-performing service mentality so that the quality of public services will increase so as to contribute to increasing competitiveness and successful development in various fields. to achieve echelon positions related to bureaucratic life, women need to show their existence in accordance with the description above. relation theory states that knowledge of power has a reciprocal relationship. the administration of continuous power will create knowledge entities, and vice versa, the administration of knowledge will cause the effect of power (eriyanto, 2003: 65). currently, the government wants to form a clean and authoritative government with bureaucratic reform as an effort to fundamentally reform the system. especially regarding the institutional aspects, management and personnel resources, with a focus on efforts to improve the performance of the bureaucracy to meet the needs of the community, improve the quality of service roles, reduce the level of abuse of authority within the government, internal and external supervision and community supervision, and accelerated follow-up. from the results of supervision and inspection the quality is improved. in the current era of bureaucratic reform, implementation is carried out using a meritocratic system, namely leaders are selected based on the abilities and achievements of each individual, which is closely related to professionalism. conclusion all civil servants have the same opportunity to improve their respective positions, including the desire to achieve echelon positions in local government, this is also in accordance with the mandate in law number 5 of 2014. this situation forms a sphere for all employees, including female employees, therefore that all vying to compete in reaching a position in the government. looking at the customs, traditions, and lifestyle of the people in north sulawesi, it can be found that both men and women have the same position in society because they are supported by an egalitarian culture. north sulawesi, which is dominated by minahasa culture which adheres to an egalitarian culture, causes a great influence in social life in north sulawesi province. however, the existence of an egalitarian culture that is formed does not rule out the possibility of a struggle for women who work in the realm of the north sulawesi provincial government. from this study, it can be seen that the factors that influence the occurrence of women's struggles in reaching echelon positions are internal factors, that are women's motivation and well managed of human capital, then external factors that are family support, culture in the community, and culture in the work environment. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 22-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 references wenas, j. 2007. sejarah dan kebudayaan minahasa. institut seni budaya sulawesi utara. manado. partini. 2013. bias gender dalam birokrasi. yogyakarta : tiara wacana. aur, alexander. 2005. “pascastrukturalisme michael foucault dan gerbang menuju dialog antarperadaban,” dalam mudji sutrisno dan hendar putranto, ed. teoriteori kebiudayaan. yogyakarta: kanisius. haryatmoko. 2003. etika politik dan kekuasaan edisi 1. jakarta . buk kompas sedarmayanti. 2017. perencanaan dan pengembangan sdm untuk meningkatkan kompetensi, kinerja, dan produktivitas kerja. pt refika aditama. bandung. ummah, b., astuti, p., astrika, l. 2014. jurnal of politic and government studies. volume 3 nomor 4 tahun 2014 palar, d c. 2015. makna budaya dalam ungkapan melayu manado pada transaksi jual beli di pasar tradisional karombasan manado. tesisi, manado universitas sam ratulangi eriyanto. 2003. analisis wacana : pengantar analisis teks media. yogyakarta: lkis printing cemerlang. rencana pembangunan jangka menengah daerah provinsi sulawesi utara. peraturan pemerintah nomor 11 tahun 2017 tentang manajemen pegawai negeri sipil microsoft word artikel a.n. kumiko5 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 national anthem singing at international sport competitions: does the discourse against kimi ga yo affect the japanese youths? kumiko shishido1, i nyoman suarka2, i nyoman dhana3 1mahasaraswati university, denpasar, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1kumikoshishido@gmail.com, 2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 3nyomandhana@ymail.com received date : 14-01-2023 accepted date : 26-03-2023 published date : 31-05-2023 abstract this paper aims to discuss the view of japanese youths on the discourse against kimi ga yo, especially in the setting of international sport competitions. it is a qualitative-research that uses the open model survey technique to obtain the primary data from the japanese youths aged 20 to 22. the result of this paper shows that the discourse against kimi ga yo does not implicate towards the youths’ view in the present days of japan. it also highlights the youths’ ignorance on the literal meaning of the lyrics and their emphasis on the function of kimi ga yo as a national anthem. keywords: kimi ga yo, critical discourse analysis, japanese youths introduction national anthem (japanese terms: ‘kokka’) refers to the song that represents a country –or the people of such country– being played in occasions such as in national ceremony or international event (matsumura, 1995: 976). kimi ga yo, japanese national anthem which also happens to be the shortest national anthem (takiguchi, 2020), was formalized by the japanese government through the 1999 law on the national flag and national anthem (japangov, 2021). despite the absence of information on the ‘waka’ or traditional japanese poetry from which the lyrics of kimi ga yo were originally derived (ministry of foreign affairs of japan, 2020: 2), it can be known that this anthem sparked bitter controversies among the japanese society. the refusal against kimi ga yo was e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 rooted in a discourse that this anthem represents both militarism and imperialism during the world war era with the lyrics praising the long reign of the emperor (hirata, 2009). it was particularly centered in the academic field, i.e., among japanese teachers who refused to sing kimi ga yo at school ceremonies such as on graduation day (marshall, 2012). in the contemporary era, one of many occasions where national anthem is played or sang is at international sport competitions (slater, et.al, 2018: 1). in such setting, there is a universal practice where each of the competing teams will be given the chance to sing their national anthem before a match. according to hoberman (in aji, et.al., 2018: 39), sport became a mass psychology phenomenon related to nationalism; particularly as the characteristic of one’s nation is defined through the raising of its national flag and the singing of its national anthem. this statement is consistent with the notion that national anthem produces the national identity of a country (rudiyanto, 2016: 8). as there was no any kind of written agreement between nations on such practice at international sport competitions, historians tend to refer its commencement to one particular event: the singing of “the star-spangled banner” in the baseball match between boston red sox and chicago cubs at the 1918 world series (bologna, 2018). just as other countries, japan who actively participates in international sport competition also complies to the practice by singing kimi ga yo before team match. however, it can be found that the singing of kimi ga yo at international sport competition portrays a different situation unlike among academics. this is mainly shown by the absence of controversial reports or protest –neither from the athletes nor the audience– against the kokka. as an example, the recognition and respect towards kimi ga yo at international sport competition can be seen in the below clips picturing the emotional singing of kimi ga yo at the 2019 rugby world cup. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 (source: world rugby official youtube account, 2019) the refusal against kimi ga yo in academic setting can accordingly be linked to the variative contexts surrounding the discourse. despite the absence of information on the concrete form of such discourse – whether it was spoken or written– its impact among the japanese can be considered alarming at the time. one of the most fatal impacts was the suicide of toshihiro ishikawa, the principal of sera highschool in hiroshima who was unable to handle the teachers’ refusal to sing kimi ga yo at the graduation day, as for them it was equal to praising the emperor who let the atomic bomb dropped in hiroshima (newsweek, 1999). although the controversy surrounding kimi ga yo was peaking around the era of its formalization, the refusal can still be found afterwards, including in the case of a parent who refused to sing the anthem at his daughter’s school ceremony and a teacher who spread the words on her refusal against the anthem, as shown in the clips below. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 (france 24 english official youtube account, 2008) in the view of critical discourse analysis, language is not only analyzed from its linguistic elements, rather it is strongly linked to the context relating to the certain aim and practice of the discourse itself (badara, 2012: 26 & 28). according to van dijk, fairclough and wodak (in badara, 2012: 29-35), critical discourse analysis highlights five elements as its characteristics, one of which is context. as the core point of discourse analysis is to portray how text and context co-exist in a communication process, context encompasses all situations outside the text which affect the use of language, including the social setting surrounding it (badara, 2012: 30-31). this paper aims to discuss the view of japanese youths on the discourse against kimi ga yo in the present days of japan, particularly by underlining the contrast impact between the two different settings. moreover, the analysis in this paper will be focused on how the youths see the discourse in their-era-ofjapan, both as the japanese who were recently engaged in academic fields and the millennials who are familiar with international sport competitions. additionally, this paper will also highlight whether the youths prefer to criticize the lyrics of kimi ga yo to fully comprehend the meaning behind the anthem or to focus on its function without putting much attention to the lyrics and its meaning. method as a qualitative-research, the method used in this paper tends to be descriptive and naturalistic, where the findings would be casuistic and would not be aimed to be generalized into the other context (irawan, 2006: 52). this paper uses the primary data derived from japanese youths (age 20 to 22) who are spread all across japan. the technic used to obtain the data is survey technic which is commonly used to comprehend the behavior and opinion of a certain group of people (maryaeni, 2008: 67). in particular, it uses the open-model survey to highlight each opinion and perspective of the youths qualitatively. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 result and discussions factors underlying the different view of “national anthem singing” at school and at international sport competitions from the question raised to find out the underlying factors on the different views resulted from the same song, this paper presents the below data analysis. data 1 「スポーツの現場では国の代表という側面があるが学校ではそれが感じられないからだと思います。 」 “supōtsu no genba de wa kuni no daihyō to iu sokumen ga aru ga gakkōde wa sore ga kanji rarenai kara da to omoimasu.” “i think it’s because in sports setting, there is an aspect of ‘country’s representation’ which cannot be felt in school.” the above data shows a youth’s view which emphasizes on the aspect of ‘country’s representation’, as both the athletes and the audience in international sport competitions are competing against another country. in this sense, such aspect would only occur when another country or another external party is involved in the setting. the singing of kimi ga yo before sports competition can also be seen as a platform to channel expressions, emotions and hopes towards the country representative team. whereas at school, the singing of kimi ga yo which is done internally does not involve any sense of representing japan. this view can be linked to the notion of haryatmoko (2019: 5) that discourse is a social practice in the form of symbolic interactions and how the language is used to aim particular social objectives, including to generate social changes. in this sense, the aim to generate social changes iniciated by the teachers who refused to sing kimi ga yo appear to be inapplicabe in the setting of international sport competitions, as representing the country and competing for its glory is seen as a bigger aim of the surrounding social setting. consequently, the involvement of another country affects the sense of belonging towards one’s own country, while its absence also affects the sense of belonging in a reverse way. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 data 2 「 背 負 っ て い る も の の 大 き さ 。 ( 学校現場の教員や児童生 徒に比べ、 アスリートは よ り 「代表として国を背負っている」という部分が強調されやすいように感じる)」 “shotte irumonono ōki-sa. (gakkō genba no kyōin ya jidō seito ni kurabe, asurīto wa yori ‘daihyō to shite kuni o shotte iru' to iu bubun ga kyōchō sa re yasui yō ni kanjiru)” “it is the size of what they carry. (i feel like the sense that they carry their own country on their shoulder as representatives is more emphasized for athletes at sports field than teachers and students at school)” the emphasis of the above data is on the size or scale of the responsibility carried at each event. in international sports competitions, the athletes particularly carry the professional responsibility to perform their best to win against another country. similar with the previous data, this view shows how the aspect of being the country’s representative affects the invalidity of the discourse. the particular view that academics carry less responsibility as country representative compared to athletes, however, cannot be generalized into a notion, but can be linked to the notion of widja (2012: 152) that education reflects the praxis of cultural life to disclose the cultural ideological traps of contemporary cultural practices rooted in the past. hence, there is a clear difference on the focus and aims of the teachers through the education and the athlethes through the competition. data 3 「その時々の心情や環境（場所）」 “sonotokidoki no shinjō ya kankyō (basho)” “it depends on the atmosphere and the environment (the place) at that time” unlike the first and the second data, this data presents a more general view which essentially states how context takes part in the influence of critical discourse analysis. this is consistent with the notion that a text or a written discourse depends on the readers or audience as a crucial part who makes the text itself works (ida, 2014: 8), while its meaning is also inseparable from the situational context (lubis, 2014: 103). as the ‘context’ encompasses all situations outside the text (badara, 2012: 30-31), it can be underlined that the atmosphere and environment at the venue of international sport competitions affects the invalidity of the discourse. in this sense, international sport competitions are commonly held in a festive atmosphere while the academic and formal atmosphere at school ceremonies tends to trigger the discourse. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 data 4 「スポーツは国の代表という象徴的なもの。それに対し学校での国家斉唱は形式的なもの。」 “supōtsu wa kuni no daihyō to iu shōchō-tekina mono. sore ni taishi gakkō de no kokka seishō wa keishiki-tekina mono.” “sport is a symbolic thing that represents a country. on the other hand, the national anthem sang at school is a formality.” the above data shows a youth’s view which re-emphasizes the symbolic aspect of kimi ga yo at international sports competitions. in this sense, ‘symbol’ can be equalized to identity, whereas the singing of kimi ga yo at school is seen as a formal gesture that is not or less emotionally attached to the audience. as it is stated earlier that national anthem produces the national identity of a country (rudiyanto, 2016: 8), this view may reflect that the teachers who refused to sing of kimi ga yo at school did not see the anthem as their identity. the discourse against kimi ga yo, then, was spread as part of the hegemony where the dominant group (discourse producers –in this context, the teachers–) imposes the consent of the dominated groups (discourse audience) by articulating a political and ideological vision which claims to speak for all (gramsci in edkins and williams, 2010: 234). japanese youths’ view on the urge to criticize the lyrics and meaning of kimi ga yo as their national anthem may your reign continue for a thousand, eight thousand generations, until the tiny pebbles grow into massive boulders lush with moss (english translation by hood, 2001: 166.) subsequently, from the question raised to find out whether the youths prefer to criticize e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 the lyrics of kimi ga yo or not, this paper presents the below data analysis. data 5 「機能 国歌という大義は意味以上に大きい」 “kinō – kokka to iu taigi wa imi ijō ni ōkī” “the fuction – the meaning behind the existence of national anthem itself is bigger than the meaning of its lyrics.” the above view shows that the function of kimi ga yo as national anthem is more important than the meaning of its lyrics. in this sense, the respondent sees how the representation of japan’s national identity through its kokka carries a bigger meaning compared to the discourse against the kokka that its lyrics are problematic. such view particularly sees the nationalism value through the kokka, where nationalism itself refers to an ideology with the sense of belonging and sense of serving a national community as its affective driving force (eatwell and wright, 2004: 212). data 6 「国歌としての機能に重点を置いて考える 理由： 歌詞に興味がないから 」 “kokka to shite no kinō ni jūten o oite kangaeru. riyū: kashi ni kyōmi ga naikara” “to sing it by focusing on its function, because i do not care of the literal meaning of the lyrics.” this view shows a particular apathy on the meaning of kimi ga yo’s lyrics, as the respondent does not care nor have any interest towards the lyrics meaning. this view can be attributed to the notion that the japanese tend not to attach themselves into a strict and particular ideology, where they then prefer to have a flexible ethics (benedict, 1946 in hasegawa, 2005: 373). ideology itself can no longer be seen to exist vertically as in the supra-structure and sub-structure relation –for example, a nation and its people–, it can rather grow unconsciously in a human-to-human relationship on a daily basis (althuser in takwin, 2009: 85). hence, it can be seen that a particular discourse and ideology against kimi ga yo that was once peaking in japan does not implicate to the respondent’s view, as the respondent may not want to be attached to a strict ideology and/or has a personal ideology towards the issue in question. data 7 「自分は国歌としての機能を重視するべきだと思います。理由は今の日本の若者は恐らく「 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 君が代」に 対して関心が無く歌詞の意味も良く知らずに歌っている人が大半で、少なからず 歌詞の意味にその人が 左右される事はないと思ったからです。」 “jibun wa kokka to shite no kinō o jūshi suru beki da to omoimasu. riyū wa ima no nihon no wakamono wa osoraku `kimigayo' ni taishite kanshin ga naku kashi no imi mo yoku shirazu ni utatte iru hito ga taihan de, sukunakarazu kashi no imi ni sono hito ga sayū sa reru koto wa nai to omottakaradesu.” “to me, we should rather emphasize on its function as the national anthem, since the majority of japanese youths do not have an interest in kimi ga yo nowadays. they tend to sing it without comprehending the lyrics so no one is affected by the meaning of its lyrics.” similar to the previous two, this view also stresses on the apathy of the majority of japanese youths nowadays. moreover, the particular view stating that “no one is affected by the meaning of its lyrics” shows how the youths prioritize the avoidance of conflict by choosing not to comprehend the actual meaning behind the lyrics or involving themselves in the discourse. this view can also be linked to the flexible ethics of the japanese (benedict, 1946 in hasegawa, 2005: 373) where they may not see the existence of kimi ga yo as something worth criticizing. data 8 「国歌の機能を重視すべき 理由: 君が代の歌詞は現代日本語とは異なり、私自身歌詞の意味をよく理解していないから。」 “kokka no kinō o jūshi subeki. riyū: kimigayo no kashi wa gendai nihongo to wa kotonari, watakushi jishin kashi no imi o yoku rikai shite inai kara.” “we should prioritize its function as the national anthem. reason: the language used in the lyrics of kimiga yo is an ancient language and is different from the present japanese, thus i do not really comprehend the lyrics myself.” lastly, this view also emphasizes on the function of kimi ga yo as japan’s kokka. however, it tends to underline the linguistic aspect where the waka from which the lyrics were derived is an ancient language which does not meet the present days use of the japanese language. thus, this view sees that the ancient lyrics should not be subject to debate or discourse as the youths would not comprehend the lyrics either. in this sense, the discourse against the lyrics of kimi ga yo itself may raise a question as the translation of the ancient waka can be subject to multiple interpretations. thus, it can further be linked e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 62 to the notion that the rules created by the power holders (or the discourse producers) are “the truth games” (foucault in lubis, 2014: 22); meaning that while the true meaning of kimi ga yo’s ancient lyrics is still subject to multiple interpretations, the discourse was spread heavily among the academics in the era of its formalization. conclusion from the first question, it can be inferred that the underlying factors that distinguish the view towards kimi ga yo are mainly centered in the aspect of ‘country’s representation’ which includes certain duties and responsibilities, as well as whether the anthem is seen as the japanese identity or not. moreover, nowadays japanese youths tend to emphasize on the importance of kimi ga yo as their kokka without the urgency to criticize the meaning of its ancient lyrics. such views can mainly be attributed to the flexible ethics of the japanese and their apathy on the meaning of the lyrics. these findings eventually show that the discourse against the problematic lyrics of kimi ga yo that was once peaking among the academics no longer shows a relevancy in the view of the nowadays youths, as it does not implicate on their views as the discourse audience. references aji, r. n. b., et.al. (2018). national anthem and nationalism in football. advances in social science, education and humanities research, 226: 39-42. badara, aris. 2012. analisis wacana: teori, metode, dan penerapannya pada wacana media. jakarta: kencana. bologna, caroline. 2019. the history of the national anthem in sports (online), https://www.huffpost.com/entry/history-national-anthemsports_n_5afc9bcfe4b06a3fb50d5056, accessed on 20 april 2021. eatwell, roger and wright, anthony (ed.). 2004. ideologi politik kontemporer. yogyakarta: penerbit jendela. france 24 english. 2008. patriotism in japanese schools breeds controversy (online), https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=pmcanyt4aaa, accessed on 3 march 2021. haryatmoko. 2019. critical discourse analysis (analisis wacana kritis): landasan teori, metodologi dan penerapan. jakarta: rajawali pers. hasegawa, matsuji. 2005. kiku to katana: nihon bunka no kata (japanese translation of benedict, ruth. 1946. the chrysanthemum and the sword—patterns of japanese cuture). tokyo: kodansha. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 63 hirata, keiko. 2009. japanese anthem controversy reflects broader cultural battle over nation’s past (online), https://www.jurist.org/commentary/2009/04/japaneseanthem-controversy reflects/#:~:text=kimigayo%20and%20hinomaru%20have%20long,honor%20th e%20emperor's %20long%20rein., accessed on 3 march 2021. hood, christopher. 2001. japanese education reform: nakasone's legacy. united kingdom: routledge. ida, rachmah. 2014. metode penelitian studi media dan kajian budaya. jakarta: kencana. irawan, prasetya. 2006. penelitian kualitatif & kuantitatif untuk ilmu-ilmu sosial. jakarta: department of administrative science. faculty of social and political sciences. university of indonesia. lubis, a. y. 2014. teori dan metodologi ilmu pengetahuan sosial budaya kontemporer. jakarta: pt rajagrafindo persada. marshall, alex. 2012. why should japan's teachers have to sing the national anthem? 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(2018). singing it for “us”: team passion displayed during national anthems is associated with subsequent success. european journal of sport science, 1-9. takiguchi, takahiro. 2020. did you know?: japan’s national anthem kimigayo (online), https://japan.stripes.com/node/40487, accessed on 3 march 2021. takwin, bagus. 2009. akar-akar ideologi: “pengantar kajian konsep ideologi dari plato hingga bourdieu”. yogyakarta & bandung: jalasutra. the government of japan. national flag and anthem (online), https://www.japan.go.jp/japan/flagandanthem/, accessed on 3 march 2021. utomo, t. w. 2010. teori-teori kritis: menentang paradigma utama studi politik internasional (indonesian translation of edkins, jenny and williams, n. v. 2009. critical theorists and international relations). yogyakarta-surabaya: pustaka baca. widja, i. g. 2012. pendidikan sebagai ideologi budaya: mengamati permasalahan e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 52-64 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 64 pendidikan melalui pendekatan kajian budaya. denpasar: master and doctoral programme of cultural studies of udayana university, in association with sari kahyangan indonesia. world rugby. 2019. passionate japanese anthem v scotland (online), https://www.youtube.com/watch?app=desktop&v=p0xjv_jtfyc, accessed on 3 march 2021. microsoft word i ketut suda_e-journal mercantilsm of knowledge in education: a case study at melati sukma elementary school denpasar i ketut suda1, i nengah bawa atmaja2, i wayan ardika2, i gde parimartha2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university email: sudaketut@yahoo.com abstract this study discusses”mercantilism of knowledge in education: a case study at melati sukma elementary school denpasar”. the matter observed is a shift of educational paradigm, from enlightenment paradigm into instrumental paradigm. when the system of market economy influenced the indonesian economic system in 1960s or in the beginning of 1970s, which is now getting more materialistic-capitalistic, social organizations such as educational organizations (read: schools) have found it difficult to avoid it. this study aims at exploring why the management of melati sukma elementary school denpasar has implemented “mercantilism of knowledge” in education, and why the consumers have accepted it. this study also aims at identifying the mechanism of how “mercantilism of knowledge” has occurred at melati sukma elementary school denpasar, and its implications on the pupils, the school, the learning-teaching process, and on the community. qualitative method was employed for conducting the research. in this context, various types of information related to why the school management has implemented the mercantilism of knowledge, the mechanism of how it has occurred, and its implications on the pupils, the school, the process of learning and teaching process in the classrooms, and the community were obtained. firstly, problems were identified, then theories for examining the data were selected, later the primary and secondary data were collected, next the selected data were analyzed and interpreted. finally, the report writing and the results of the research were constructed. the theories employed are comodification theory, hegemony theory, and deconstruction theory. the results are as follows: firstly, those which have been responsible for the mercantilism of knowledge are the fact that the teachers have been getting marginalized from the process of national development, the system of market economy and the consumptive attitude of the community including the teachers have been getting stronger. the parents’ motivation to send their children to that school has also been in included in the first result. secondly, the mercantilism of knowledge at melati sukma elementary school has also been implemented through the domination, hegemony, and power of the school management over the pupils’ parents in the forms of sales of various industrial products, provision for additional lessons, and other types of payments. thirdly, the mercantilism of knowledge has also resulted from the attempts made by the school management to make the school look more glorious. the learning process has not been oriented towards the attempts made to increase the pupils’ intelligence but towards the economic advantages. where the parents will send their children does not depend on the quality of education but on the prestige instead. key words: mercantilism of knowledge, education, system of market economy, marginalization of teachers in the developmental process introduction this dissertation discusses “mercantilism of knowledge in education: a case study at melati suksma elementary school denpasar”. what is observed is the learning mechanism at the school because of the influence of the system of market economy in the indonesian economy that has gradually taken place since 1970s or in the end of 1960s. such a system has unintentionally made state schools and private schools have different positions. the private schools have found it easy to follow the flow of the market economy (being caught in the mercantilism of knowledge), while state schools have found it difficult to follow the flow of the market economy. consequently, private schools have appeared to be commercial educational institutions. related to what has been described above, several problems have appeared in the implementation of education especially at some favorite elementary schools or those that are considered superior. there has been a gap between what is ideally expected (das sein) that schools should serve to develop and form the civilization of the nation and the fact (das sollen) that many educational institutions (read: schools) have been made arena for obtaining economic advantages. the particular problem observed is the occurrence of the mercantilism of knowledge in education that has made the poor find it more difficult to acquire education of good quality. on the other hand, it is stated in the applicable rules and regulations that every citizen reserves the right to acquire education of good quality. there are three main problems discussed in this study. first, why has the school management implemented the mercantilism of education and the consumers have accepted it. second, how has the mercantilism of knowledge occurred in education? third, what are its implications on the pupils, the school institution, the learning process in the classrooms, and on the community. in general, this study aims at describing the factors leading to the appearance of the mercantilism of knowledge in education at melati sukma elementary school denpasar; explaining the mechanism of how the mercantilism of knowledge in education at melati sukma elementary school denpasar has taken place; and deconstructing the ideology and truth hiding behind the high cost of education at the basic education level, particularly at melati sukma elementary school denpasar. in particular, this study aims at: firstly, exploring why the school management has implemented the mercantilism of knowledge in education and the consumers have accepted it; secondly, explaining the mechanism of why the mercantilism of knowledge in education has taken place; and thirdly, analyzing the implications of the mercantilism of knowledge in education on the pupils, the school institution, the learning process in the class rooms, and on the community. the academic benefits of this study are: first, the wider framework of thinking as to why the mercantilism of knowledge in education has occurred at the school can be revealed; second, the way of thinking concerning the extension of the global capitalistic ideology influencing the educational world can be contributed ; and third, the starting point for further studies concerning the mercantilism of knowledge in education applying approaches of cultural studies or paradigm of critical theory can be established. in addition, practically, this study is useful to the governmental elements, educational doers, and all the related parties (stakeholders) such as headmasters, teachers, school committee, foundations running private schools, and the pupils’ parents. this study will enable them to understand the responsibility and function of the school as an educational institution better. it is responsible for developing and forming the ability and civilization of the nation. it is responsible for sharpening the nation’s life. alternatives will be recommended for both the central government and the regional government for formulating the public policy (the applicable rules and regional regulations) related to how to strengthen and establish the educational implementtation especially at the basic level. material and discussion qualitative method was employed to conduct the research presenting the mercantilism of knowledge in education especially at the basic level. in this research the causing factors, various forms of mercantilism of knowledge occurring at melati sukma elementary school denpasar, its implications on the pupils, the school institution, the learning process in the classrooms, and on the community were identified. in the first stage, the data both primary and secondary were collected. in the second stage, the theories were selected for examining the data. in the third data, the selected data were analyzed and interpreted. in the fourth stage, the results of the research were written and constructed. to achieve those objectives, the theory of comodification, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of deconstruction were employed. the results of the study can be described as follows. firstly, with regard to the factors responsible for the appearance of the mercantilism of knowledge in education especially at elementary schools, the following can be reported. the marginalization of teachers from the national development, the culture of reputation and the motivation of the parents to send their children to such a school, and the educational politics of the government have caused the mercantilism of knowledge in education to take place. secondly, viewed from the analysis of the mechanism of how the mercantilism of knowledge in education has taken place can be reported as follows. in fact, the mercantilism of knowledge in education at the school, where the research was conducted, has been created through such refined and systematic relations of domination, hegemony, and power between the school management and the pupils’ parents that the latter are less aware that the mercantilism of knowledge keeps going on. the mechanism of how the mercantilism of knowledge has taken place especially at elementary school level is through the sales of various industrial products, printed products, clothing industry, banking industry (insurance company), and even food products such as the fast food products produced by mcdonald. thirdly, from the analysis of the implications of the mercantilism of knowledge in education, it has been revealed that the dominant structure of power has been becoming stronger, because in the process of implementing education, among those who are involved such as the teachers, the headmaster, the school committee, and the foundation, as far as private schools are concerned, there has been an interaction through the process of decision making. there is always a chance to do something, especially among the teachers, the headmaster, the foundation, and the school committee as the dominant parties. in this context, the school can serve as the arena to play in. then, in such a play, there is an attempt to compete to get and pawn economic, social and intellectual capitals. therefore, an educational board has been established to control how education is implemented in a regency or municipality. in this case, with reference to the decision letter of the minister of national education number 44/u/2002, a regent or a major is appointed. such a condition will also influence the election of the school committee. this means that those who have social, intellectual and economic capitals will be elected the school committee. therefore, there will also be a structure at school, which then makes the process of decision-making elite–based instead of mass-based. thus, the school can function as the arena, where economic capital, social capital and intellectual capital can be exchanged. this will probably take place through the process of domination and hegemony when decisions are made by the foundation, the headmaster, and the teachers, which are then legalized by the school committee. novelty there are several novelties in this study. the first novelty is that the mercantilism of knowledge in education at elementary school has taken place through a mechanism which is so refined and systematic that the pupils’ parents are less aware of this. the mercantilism of knowledge in education has been being more developed, because the community has the ideology that what is expensive is good in quality, and that what is cheap is not good in quality. the fact is that this is not to be taken for granted. such a mentality is made use of by the school management to arrange the funds for educational compensation, as it likes. in other words, it has done what is called the mercantilism of knowledge in education. secondly, the mercantilism of knowledge in education at the school where the research was conducted has been made to appear by dominating and hegemonizing the community’s way of thinking with various nice jargons such as ‘a school of democracy’, ‘in this era which schools are cheap?”, “high cost is needed for purchasing books to widen the pupils’ insight, and many more jargons. thirdly, the mercantilism of knowledge in education at the school where the research was conducted has also been made to appear by making use of the power among the foundation, the headmaster, the teachers, and the school committee. this has taken place through the process of seizing and pawning the economic, social, and intellectual capitals. then, the position of the dominating parties such as the foundation, the headmaster, the teachers and the school committee is getting stronger, because the school committee is headed by head of the foundation, the secretary to the committee is the secretary to the foundation, and even the school committee members are the pupils’ parents who are still related to the foundation structure. in this way, the position of the school committee as the controlling board at the school is weak. fourthly, high cost should be matched with excellent service such as availability of adequate facilities, preparation of professional human resources (teaching staff) and effective and efficient learning process. however, what has happened at the school where the research was conducted is that the teaching facilities such as ohp, lcd and laptop have been available for reputation instead of for betterment of learning quality. the reason is that only one unit of each teaching facility of ohp, lcd, and laptop is available, whereas the classes needing such facilities are 22. furthermore, with regard to the academic and competence qualification of the teaching staff referring to the ministerial regulations number 16 of year 2007, it should be at least either s-1 or d-4 in education (sd/mi/pgsd/pgmi). however, at the school where the research was conducted, no teaching staff has the qualification of either s-1 or d-4 in education (sd/mi/pgsd/pgmi). fifthly, viewed from the learning process at the school where the research was conducted, it has not referred to the national education standard (snp) as stated in the regulations number 19 number 2005. on the other hand, the school frequently refers to quality as the label for motivating the parents to send their children there. consequently, they do not mind spending more money on educational compensation with an expectation that they will get a good quality of education for their children. conclusion the conclusion of the research is that the mercantilism of knowledge in education taking place at the school where the research was conducted has resulted from several factors, such as (1) the marginalization of the teachers from the process of the national development; (2) the culture of reputation and the motivation of the parents to send their children to that school; (3) the educational politics of the government. the evidence that the mercantilism of knowledge in education has taken place is that on one hand the pupils make many types of payment to the school, but on the other hand, the eight national education standards (snp) as stated in the regulations number 10 of year 2005 have not been achieved yet. the mercantilism of knowledge in education has been made to appear through the process of domination, the process of hegemony, and the process of playing with power among the teachers, the headmaster, the foundation, and the school committee when decisions are made. the process of domination, the process of hegemony, and the process of playing with power have been so refined and systematic that the parents as the consumers are less aware of this. therefore, the mercantilism of knowledge in education has kept going on without any meaningful obstacles. bibliography adorno, theodor & max horkheimer ,1979. dialectic of enlightenment. london: verso. althusser, louis ,1984. tentang idologi. marxisme strutualis, psikoanalitis, culture studies. yogyakarta: jalasutra. awandi, 2003. ‘proses pembodohan di sekolah’. pontianak post, 25 januari 2003. atmadja, nengah bawa, 2006. ‘peningkatan kuantitas dan kualitas bidang pendidikan dan kebudayaan melalui perseling kuhan lintas-disiplin’. makalah dibawakan dalam seminar peningkatan kuantitas dan kualitas penelitian bidang kepen-didikan dan kebudayaan universitas pendidikan ganesha 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(and so what). fpregn policy: spring. lie, anita. 2005. ‘pendidikan kritis dan transformasi masyarakat kwargaan’, dalam rahmanto, catur rismiati, praptomo baryadi, ari subagio, rohandi dan sunardi (tim penyunting). pendidikan nasional dalam reformasi politik dan kemasya rakatan. yogyakarta: universitas sanata dharma. hal. 3 – 30. acknowledgement in this opportunity, i would like to thank prof. dr. i nengah bawa atmadja, m.a., as the promoter; prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as the first co-promoter; and prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., as the second copromoter , who have attentively and patiently given me support, encoura gement and guidance from the proposal writing to the last process of completing this dissertation report. i would also like to deliver my deep appreciation to the directorate of higher education, department of national education through team of the doctorate program management, which has given me funds in the form of bpps, the university of hindu indonesia, the rector of udaya na university, the director of post graduate program udayana univesity and its staff members, and head of the doctorate program of cultural studies udayana university and its staff members. abstrak pemberdayaan dan kesejahteraan keluarga (pkk) di kota malang: dalam perspektif kajian budaya trisakti handayani (trisakti@umm.ac.id) prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a. (promotor) prof. dr. ir. hj. keppi sukesi, m.s. (kopromotor i) prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. (kopromotor ii) abstrak keputusan pemerintah untuk merevitalisasi dan mengelompokkan organisasi perempuan di bawah departemen dalam federasi mengakibatkan lahirnya pemberdayaan dan kesejahteraan keluarga (pkk), yaitu organisasi yang mewadahi perempuan yang tidak berada di bawah departemen. kehadiran pkk selain diharapkan mampu membawa keluarga pada kondisi sejahtera dan mandiri, juga mampu membebaskan perempuan dari belenggu budaya patriarkhi. namun, kenyataannya pkk belum sepenuhnya mampu mengubah kondisi keluarga dan perempuan, sehingga belum terwujud kesetaraan dan keadilan gender. adanya kesenjangan ini menyebabkan perlunya melakukan penelitian terhadap pkk, khususnya di kota malang. penelitian ini bertujuan mengkaji: (1) faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi munculnya pkk; (2) paradigma kelembagaan yang dikembangkan pkk; dan (3) makna pkk dikaitkan dengan kesetaraan dan keadilan gender. penelitian ini mengambil lokasi di kota malang, dengan subjek: pkk kota malang, kecamatan lowokwaru dan kelurahan lowokwaru. pendekatan kualitatif digunakan dalam penelitian ini. penentuan informan dilakukan secara purposive. teknik pengumpulan data melalui: observasi partisipasi, wawancara dan, pemanfaatan dokumen. analisis data dilakukan secara deskriptif kualitatif dan interpretatif. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa: (1) faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi munculnya pkk adalah: politik, ekonomi, sosial dan budaya. faktor ekonomi merupakan faktor paling berpengaruh pada awal kemunculan pkk, namun dalam perkembangannya faktor politik menjadi dominan karena terjadinya politisasi gerakan perempuan; (2) paradigma kelembagaan yang dikembangkan pkk adalah paradigma dari atas ke bawah (top down) dan bergerak dari konsep pendidikan, pembinaan, dan pemberdayaan; (3) makna pkk dikaitkan dengan kesetaraan dan keadilan gender, yaitu makna keharmonisan, makna solidaritas, makna keadilan, makna keselarasan, dan makna keseimbangan. kata kunci: kemandirian perempuan, paradigma kesetaraan dan keadilan gender, pemberdayaan perempuan pendahuluan keputusan pemerintah untuk merevitalisasi dan mengelompokkan organisasi perempuan di bawah departemen dalam federasi mengakibatkan lahirnya pemberdayaan dan kesejahteraan keluarga (pkk), yaitu organisasi yang mewadahi perempuan yang tidak berada di bawah departemen. organisasi ini bermula dari pendidikan kesejahteraan keluarga yang berupaya melibatkan partisipasi dan merupakan program pendidikan perempuan. selanjutnya organisasi ini berubah menjadi pembinaan kesejahteraan keluarga yang berupaya tidak hanya mendidik perempuan, melainkan membina dan membangun keluarga di bidang mental spiritul dan fisik material serta peningkatan mutu pangan, sandang, papan, kesehatan, dan lingkungan hidup. bergulirnya reformasi dan disyahkannya gbhn 1999 oleh mpr serta adanya paradigma baru pembangunan dan semangat otonomi daerah, maka kepanjangan pkk berubah menjadi pemberdayaan dan kesejahteraan keluarga, yaitu sebuah organisasi yang melibatkan partisipasi perempuan dan laki-laki dalam upaya mewujudkan keluarga sejahtera. pkk yang merekrut anggota sampai lapisan bawah masyarakat diharapkan mampu membawa pada kondisi keluarga yang sejahtera, yaitu keluarga yang mampu memenuhi kebutuhan dasar manusia baik secara material, sosial, mental dan spiritual serta keluarga yang berdaya yaitu keluarga yang hidup sejahtera, maju dan mandiri. selain itu, pkk diharapkan mampu membebaskan perempuan dari belenggu budaya patriarkhi, sehingga memiliki kemandirian. melalui pkk diharapkan harkat dan martabat perempuan sebagai bagian dari keluarga dapat ditingkatkan. namun, pada kenyataannya pkk belum sepenuhnya mampu merubah kondisi keluarga dan perempuan, sehingga belum terwujud kesetaraan dan keadilan gender. adanya kesenjangan ini menyebabkan perlunya melakukan penelitian terhadap pkk, khususnya di kota malang. secara umum penelitian ini bertujuan mengkaji eksistensi pemberdayaan dan kesejahteraan keluarga di kota malang dari perspektif kajian budaya dalam upaya mewujudkan pkk yang profesional, mandiri, berkesetaraan dan berkeadilan gender. sedangkan secara khusus penelitian ini bertujuan: (1) menjelaskan faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi munculnya pkk; (2) menjelaskan 2 paradigma kelembagaan yang dikembangkan pkk; dan (3) menjelaskan makna pkk dikaitkan dengan kesetaraan dan keadilan gender secara akademik penelitian ini bermanfaat untuk: (1) menambah khasanah ilmu pengetahuan, khususnya dalam permasalahan sosial secara kritis, sehubungan dengan eksistensi pkk, yang membawa perubahan pada perilaku budaya perempuan; (2) membangun dasar-dasar pijakan untuk mengembangkan penelitian di masa mendatang, khususnya dalam perspektif kajian budaya, sehingga dapat memahami pkk dalam konteks yang lebih luas serta menunjang kemajuan penelitian tentang organisasi perempuan indonesia. secara praktis penelitian ini bermanfaat bagi: (1) pkk, sebagai bahan pertimbangan dalam upaya menata kembali paradigma kelembagaan, sehingga mampu meningkatkan peran dan kemandiriannya, serta mampu menghadapi tantangan jaman; (2) pemerintah dan atau semua pihak (stake holder), yang kompeten dalam merumuskan kebijakan dan menyusun program, khususnya dalam mewujudkan pemberdayaan organisasi perempuan, sehingga terwujud kebijakan dan program yang berperspektif kesetaraan dan keadilan gender. materi dan diskusi pendekatan yang digunakan dalam penelitian ini adalah pendekatan kualitatif. metode kualitatif yang digunakan meliputi: observasi partisipasi, wawancara, dan pemanfaatan dokumen. jenis penelitian ini adalah deskriptif analitis. penelitian ini mengambil lokasi di kota malang. subjek penelitian adalah pkk kota malang, kecamatan lowokwaru dan kelurahan lowokwaru. data primer bersumber dari informan yang meliputi: ketua tp-pkk, ketua dewan penyantun tp-pkk, dan anggota pkk baik yang ada di kota malang, kecamatan lowokwaru maupun kelurahan lowokwaru, pimpinan organisasi perempuan (aisyiyah, muslimat nu, gow) kota malang dan dr. effendi kadarisman seorang ahli naskah jawa. data sekunder diperoleh dari dokumen-dokumen yang berkaitan dengan pkk dan hasil penelitian terdahulu. teknik pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan cara: wawancara mendalam, observasi partisipasi, catatan lapangan, dan dokumen. analisis dalam penelitian ini berupa deskriptif kualitatif 3 dan interpretatif. hasil analisis data disajikan dalam bentuk formal maupun informal. bentuk formal meliputi: tabel berupa angka maupun kata-kata atau phrase verbal. sedangkan bentuk informal berupa narasi. untuk menjawab permasalahan penelitian digunakan pendekatan kajian budaya (cultural studies) yang berusaha melihat problematika secara lebih luas dan komprehensip. teori yang digunakan adalah teori hegemoni, dekonstruksi dan feminis posmodern. ketiga teori ini sangat diperlukan, karena mampu mengungkap permasalahan tersembunyi dalam pkk, yang menyebabkan pkk kehilangan kekuatan dan pengaruhnya dalam memperjuangkan perubahan yang berkaitan dengan kehidupan keluarga, khususnya perempuan. faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi munculnya pkk adalah: politik, ekonomi, sosial dan budaya. eksistensi pkk tidak dapat dilepaskan dari persaingan dua aliran politik dalam kekuasaan, yaitu golongan komunis dan nonkomunis pada akhir pemerintahan orde lama, di samping faktor politik makro, yaitu berhubungan dengan politik gender yang mengarahkan perempuan berperan sebagai ibu dan istri, maupun faktor politik mikro yang mendefinisikan masalah perempuan dalam kerangka kebutuhan dasar keluarga. dari aspek ekonomi, terjadinya kemiskinan yang melanda sebagian masyarakat indonesia dan transformasi dari sistem agraris menjadi industrial mengakibatkan timbulnya pembagian kerja, laki-laki di sektor publik dan perempuan di sektor domestik, sehingga perempuan kembali dalam kehidupan rumah tangga dan menyebabkan terjadinya domestikasi yang tercermin pada pembentukan organisasi perempuan pada masa orde baru, dalam bentuk pkk. secara sosial eksistensi pkk tidak dapat dilepaskan dari gerakan sosial yang bertujuan mengadakan perubahan dan tuntutan feminisme dalam mewujudkan emanspasi perempuan dan kesetaraan gender, meskipun tuntutan ini tidak ditonjolkan karena emansipasi perempuan dan kesetaraan gender dianggap akan tercapai bersamaan dengan kesejahteraan keluarga dan masyarakat. sementara itu, munculnya pkk didasarkan pada nilainilai budaya jawa yang menekankan pada budaya patriarki yang tercermin dalam 10 program pokok pkk. aspek ekonomi merupakan aspek yang berpengaruh dominan pada awal kemunculan pkk, karena adanya kemiskinan. namun dalam 4 perkembangannya aspek politik menjadi sangat berpengaruh karena terjadinya politisasi gerakan perempuan dengan mendirikan organisasi isteri termasuk pkk. hegemoni kekuasaan berperan penting dalam pembentukan pkk, hal ini ditunjukkan dengan terbitnya surat kawat mendagri nomor: sus/3/6/12 tertanggal 27 desember 1972. paradigma kelembagaan yang dikembangkan pkk adalah paradigma dari atas ke bawah (top down) dan berdasarkan struktur hirarki kedinasan dari tingkat pusat sampai daerah yang direpresentasikan dengan adanya dewan penyantun, sehingga narasi besar tetap berpeluang untuk mendominasi kebijakan dan melakukan kontrol terhadap program-program yang dilakukan pkk. paradigma ini bergerak dari konsep pendidikan, pembinaan, dan pemberdayaan. paradigma pendidikan mengarahkan pkk bertanggung jawab pada sektor domestik, sementara paradigma pembinaan menyebabkan beban pkk semakin besar karena bertanggung jawab terhadap keluarga. selanjutnya, dikembangkan paradigma pemberdayaan agar pkk mampu melakukan upaya pemberdayaan keluarga meskipun pada kenyataannya kekuasaan tetap melakukan kontrol. pada paradigma pendidikan dan pembinaan, kekuasaan secara langsung melakukan hegemoni, sementara pada paradigma pemberdayaan, muncul kesadaran dari kekuasaan untuk melakukan pemberdayaan meskipun kenyataannya hanya sebatas slogan, sehingga pkk tetap menjadi gerakan statis. dekonstruksi atas kelembagaan pkk perlu dilakukan agar pkk dapat menjadi organisasi yang mandiri dan berdaya. makna pkk dikaitkan dengan perspektif kesetaraan dan keadilan gender adalah keharmonisan, solidaritas, keadilan, keselarasan, dan keseimbangan. makna keharmonisan menunjukkan bahwa pkk merupakam: (1) organisasi yang bertujuan membangun keharmonisan keluarga; dan (2) organisasi yang mengarahkan perempuan untuk menciptakan keluarga yang harmonis, yaitu keluarga yang berada dalam kondisi damai, tentram, dan nyaman. makna solidaritas menunjukkan bahwa pkk merupakan: (1) organisasi yang tumbuh sebagai bentuk solidaritas terhadap gerakan perempuan; (2) organisasi yang berusaha meningkatkan harkat dan martabat perempuan. makna keadilan menunjukkan bahwa pkk merupakan: (1) organisasi yang berupaya mewujudkan 5 keadilan dalam keluarga dan masyarakat; (2) organisasi yang berupaya mewujudkan keadilan gender, sehingga laki-laki dan perempuan memiliki kedudukan dan peran yang sama dalam kehidupan, karena selama ini perempuan dianggap sebagai other (liyan) sedangkan laki-laki adalah self (diri). makna keselarasan menunjukkan bahwa pkk merupakan: (1) organisasi yang berupaya menuju terciptanya suasana yang tertib, teratur, aman, dan damai, sehingga timbul ketentraman lahir batin dalam keluarga; (2) organisasi yang berusaha menuju pada terwujudnya perilaku yang baik, sopan berdasarkan tata tertib masyarakat yang penuh rasa tanggung jawab, sehingga tidak terjadi hegemoni, dominasi, subordinasi dan marginalisasi perempuan. makna keseimbangan menunjukkan bahwa pkk merupakan: (1) organisasi yang berupaya menuju terciptanya kesetaraan dalam keluarga dan masyarakat; (2) organisasi yang berupaya mewujudkan kesetaraan gender antara laki-laki dan perempuan, agar memiliki kedudukan dan peran yang sama dalam kehidupan. temuan baru penelitian temuan baru dalam penelitian ini adalah: (1) paradigma pemberdayaan yang dikembangkan pkk mengisyaratkan terjadinya perubahan organisasi menuju pada kemandirian, meskipun belum dilakukan secara optimal, karena kekuasaaan tetap melakukan pengontrolan, sehingga hubungan yang terjalin antara kekuasaan dengan pkk adalah hegemoni; (2) eksistensi pkk memberi wadah kepada perempuan untuk beraktivitas dalam kecenderungan koridor kekuasaan (laki-laki); (3) pkk di kota malang telah melakukan upaya menuju kesetaraan dan keadilan gender, yang diperlihatkan dengan keterlibatan laki-laki dalam kepengurusan, meskipun eksistensinya belum berpengaruh secara signifikan terhadap perencanaan, pelaksanaan dan pengendalian program organisasi, karena pkk masih berorentasi pada kebijakan dari atas (top down). kesimpulan kesimpulan yang dapat dikemukakan adalah: (1) faktor-faktor yang mempengaruhi munculnya pkk adalah: faktor politik, ekonomi, sosial dan 6 budaya; (2) paradigma kelembagaan yang dikembangkan pkk adalah paradigma dari atas ke bawah (top down) dan bergerak dari konsep pendidikan, pembinaan, dan pemberdayaan; (3) makna pkk dikaitkan dengan perspektif kesetaraan dan keadilan gender, yaitu makna keharmonisan, makna solidaritas, makna keadilan, makna keselarasan, dan makna keseimbangan. daftar pustaka barker, c. 2004. cultural studies, teori dan praktik. terjemahan. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. direktorat jenderal pemberdayaan masyarakat dan desa (pmd) departemen dalam negeri. 2005. hasil rapat kerja nasional vi pkk. jakarta. hadiz, l. 2004. perempuan dalam wacana politik orde baru. jakarta: penerbit pustaka lp3es. lubis, a.y. 2006. dekonstruksi epistemologi modern: dari posmodernisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga cultural studies. jakarta: pustaka indonesia satu. murniati, a.n.p. 2004. getar gender: perempuan indonesia dalam perspektif agama, budaya dan keluarga. buku kedua. magelang: indonesiatera. simon, r. 2000. gagasan-gagasan politik gramsci. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. tong, r.p. 1999. feminist thought. aquarini priyatna prabasmoro, terjemahan. yogyakarta: jalasutra. wieringa, s. 1998. kuntilanak wangi: organisasi-organisasi perempuan indonesia sesudah 1950. terjemahan. jakarta: kalyanamitra. ucapan terimakasih puji syukur penulis panjatkan kehadirat allah swt atas limpahan rahmat dan hidayah-nya, sehingga disertasi ini dapat diselesaikan. ucapan tarima kasih penulis sampaikan kepada yang terhormat prof. dr. i gde parimartha m.a., selaku promotor, prof. dr. hj. keppi sukesi, m.s., selaku ko poromotor i, dan prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., selaku ko promotor ii, yang dengan penuh perhatian, kesabaran, ketelatenan, dan ketelitian telah mendorong dan memotivasi penulis mulai dari penyusunan proposal hingga selesainya disertasi ini. tak lupa, penulis juga mengucapkan terima kasih kepada instansi yang telah memberikan bantuan beasiswa melalui bpps (p2t) univesitas udayana serta kepada rektor, direktur pascasarjana beserta staf, ketua program pendidikan doktor kajian budaya beserta staf. 7 family empowerment and prosperity (pkk) in malang city: a cultural studies perspective trisakti handayani (trisakti@umm.ac.id) prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a. (promotor) prof. dr. ir. hj. keppi sukesi, m.s. (co-propromotor i) prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. (co-promotor ii) the government decision to revitalize and to group woman organization under a department into a federation results in the establishment of pemberdayaan dan kesejahteraan keluarga, ‘family empowerment and welfare’ (pkk), an organization that accommodates womanwho don’t belong to any department. in addition to being able to bring family into independent and prosperous conditions, the introduction of pkk is also expected to free womanfrom patriarchal cultural bond. however, the reality is that pkk hasn’t fully been able to change the conditions of family and womanto realize gender equality and justice. based on these conditions it is considered necessary to make a study on pkk especially in malang city. the research is aimed at studying (1) factors influencing the establishment of pkk; (2) institutional paradigm developed by pkk; and (3) the significance of pkk in relation to gender equality and justice. the location of research is malang city using pkk of malang city, lowokwaru district and lowokwaru village as the subject of study. in the process of study a qualitative approach was applied. the informants were purposively determined. the data were collected through participatory observation, interviews, and the use of documents. the analysis was done descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively. the result of analysis indicates that (1) factors influencing the establishment of pkk are: political, economical, social and cultural. economic factor became the most influencing factor for the emergence of pkk, but later in its development, political factor became dominant due to the politicization of woman movement; (2) the institutional paradigm developed by pkk is top-down paradigm and departs from the concept of education, maintenance, and empowerment; (3) the values of pkk are related to gender equality and justice, including values of harmony, solidarity, justice, compatibility, and equilibrium. keywords: independence, gender equality and justice, woman empowerment. 8 introduction the government decision to revitalize and to group woman organization under a department into a federation results in the establishment of pemberdayaan dan kesejahteraan keluarga, ‘family empowerment and welfare’ (pkk), an organization that accommodates womanwho don’t belong to any department. the organization originated from pendidikan kesejahteraan keluarga (family welfare education) that tried to involve womanand became woman education program. later the organization changed into pembinaan kesejahteraan keluarga (family welfare maintenance) that endeavored not only to educate woman, but to build and develop families physically and spiritually as well as to improve the quality of their food, clothes, shelter, health, and living environment. the introduction of reformation and the approval of gbhn 1999 by mpr and the new development paradigm supported by the spirit of regional autonomy, pkk later stood for pemberdayaan dan kesejahteraan keluarga, (family empowerment and welfare), an organization that involves womanand men participation to create prosperous family. pkk that recruits members up to the lowest level of society is expected to bring about a more prosperous family condition, a family being able to satisfy basic human material, social, mental, and spiritual needs, that is to say, an empowered, prosperous, developed and independent family. besides, pkk is expected to be able to free womanfrom patriarchal cultural bond in order to become independent. through pkk it is hoped that woman dignity and pride as part of family could be improved. however, pkk, so far, hasn’t been able to fully change the family and womancondition so that gender equality and justice could not be realized. this gap necessitates a research on pkk, especially in malang city. in general, the research is aimed at studying the existence of pkk in malang city from cultural studies perspective in order to realize a professional and independent pkk with gender equality and justice. specifically the research is aimed at (1) describing the factors that influence the establishment of pkk; (2) 9 explaining the institutional paradigm developed by pkk, and (3) describing the significance of pkk in relation to gender equality and justice. academically, this research is beneficial to (1) increasing science heritage, particularly related to social phenomenon resulting from the introduction of pkk that brings about changes to womancultural behavior; (2) building up a stepping stone to develop further fundamental research in the future, especially from cultural studies perspective in order to comprehend pkk in its wider contexts and to support researches on indonesian woman organization. practically this study is beneficial to (1) pkk as a feedback to consider a reformulation of the institutional paradigm so as to make it possible to improve its role and independence as well as to be able to cope with current challenges; (2) the government and or all stakeholders competent in formulating policy and program designing particularly in the realization of womanorganization empowerment in order to actualize a policy and paradigm reflecting gender equality and justice perspective. materials and discussion the research applies a qualitative approach. the qualitative method used includes participatory observation, interviews, and the use of document. the research is descriptive analytic in nature carried out in malang city. the subject of research is pkk malang, lowokwaru district and lowokwaru village. the primary data were taken from informants including: head of tp-pkk, patrons of tp-pkk and pkk members found in malang city, lowokwaru district and lowokwaru village, heads of womanorganization (aisyiyah, muslimat nu, gow) of malang city and dr. effendi kadarisman, an expert of javanese manuscripts. the secondary data were taken from some documents related to pkk and reports of previous studies. the method of collecting data includes depth interview, participatory observation, field note-taking, and documentation. the analysis was done descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively. the result of analysis is presented in both formal and non formal ways. the formal way takes the form of tables of figures and words or verbal phrases while the non formal takes the form of narration 10 to answer the research questions, a cultural studies approach was applied to consider the problems more widely and comprehensively. the theory used includes hegemony, deconstruction and postmodern feminism. the three theories are considered appropriate to unveil the hidden problem of pkk, that caused pkk to loose its strength and influence in its endeavor to struggle for changes related to family life especially women. various factors influencing the introduction of pkk are political, economical, social and cultural. the existence of pkk could not be separated from the competition of two political schools in power, i.e. communist and noncommunist parties by the end of the old order reign in addition to macro political factor related to politics of gender that led woman role as a mother and wife and micro politics that defined the problem of women part of family basic necessity frame of thought. from the economic aspect, poverty suffered by most indonesian society and the transformation from agrarian system into industrial one resulted in work division, in which men were in public sector while womanin domestic sector so that womanremained in the routine of household life causing a domestication reflected in the foundation of womanorganization during the new order era named pkk. socially, the existence of kk could not be separated from the social movement aiming at making changes and feminism movement to actualize woman liberation/emancipation and gender equality although the demand was not emphasized since women emancipation and gender equality were considered achievable simultaneously through both family and social prosperity. meanwhile, the establishment of pkk was based on the javanese cultural values that emphasized on patriarchal culture reflected in the 10 basic programs of pkk. the economic aspect is a dominant influencing aspect of pkk due to poverty. in its development the political aspect became more influential resulted from the politicization of woman organization by setting up organization of wives including pkk. power hegemony played important role in the formation of pkk. this was indicated by the decree issued by the minister of home affair, mendagri no. sus/3/6/12 dated december 27, 1972. 11 the institutional paradigm developed by pkk was top-down paradigm based upon formal hierarchical structure from central level down regional level represented by the existence of patrons so that the main narration remained to have had the opportunity to dominate policies and to exercise control on the programs undertaken by the pkk. the educational paradigm led pkk to be responsible for domestic sector, while maintenance paradigm made pkk’s burden heavier due to its responsibility to the family. later a paradigm of empowerment was developed in order that pkk would be able to empower families although in reality the power remained in control. in the level of education and maintenance paradigm, the power directly exercises hegemony, while on the empowerment paradigm a consciousness of the power to apply empowerment appears although in reality it is only limited to slogan that makes pkk remain as a static movement. deconstruction on pkk institution needs to be carried out in order that pkk could become an independent and empowered organization. the values of pkk related to gender equality and justice include harmony, solidarity, justice, compatibility and equilibrium. the value of harmony indicates that pkk becomes (1) an organization aiming at building a family harmony; and (2) an organization that leads womanto create harmonious family, that is, a peaceful and comfortable family. solidarity reflects that pkk becomes (1) an organization that grows as a manifestation of solidarity to woman movement; (2) an organization that tries to improve woman pride and dignity. the value of justice indicates that pkk is (1) an organization the endeavors to realize justice within families and society; (2) an organization that tries to actualize gender equality, so that men and womanassume the same status and role in life since womanhave been so far considered as the other (lyan) while men are self. the value of compatibility reflects that pkk becomes (1) an organization aiming at creating ordered and peaceful condition in order to achieve spiritual and physical peace in the family; (2) an organization that is directed to the realization of good, polite and responsible attitude and behavior, obedient to social regulation and finally free from hegemony, domination, subordination and marginalization of women. the value of equilibrium indicates that pkk is (1) an organization 12 striving for equality in the family and society; (2) an organization that tries to realize gender equality between men and womanin order to share the same status and role in life. research novelty the research novelty includes (1) that the paradigm of empowerment developed by pkk indicates a change of organization toward an independent one although it is not optimal since the ruling power remains in control resulting in a hegemonic relationship between the power and pkk; (2) that existence of pkk provides womanwith a forum for creativities within the corridor of ruling power (men); pkk in malang has made efforts to achieve gender equality and justice which is reflected in the involvement of men in the organization management although their existence is not significantly influential on planning, actuating and controlling the organization programs since pkk is still oriented to top-down policy. conclusion it could be concluded that (1) the factors that influence the establishment are political, economical, social and cultural, (2) the institutional paradigm developed by pkk is top-down paradigm and moves from the concepts of education, maintenance and empowerment; (3) the value of pkk the related to the perspective of equality and justice, including solidarity, justice, compatibility and equilibrium. bibliography barker, c. 2004. cultural studies, teori dan praktik. terjemahan. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. direktorat jenderal pemberdayaan masyarakat dan desa (pmd) departemen dalam negeri. 2005. hasil rapat kerja nasional vi pkk. jakarta. hadiz, l. 2004. perempuan dalam wacana politik orde baru. jakarta: penerbit pustaka lp3es. lubis, a.y. 2006. dekonstruksi epistemologi modern: dari posmodernisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga cultural studies. jakarta: pustaka indonesia satu. 13 murniati, a.n.p. 2004. getar gender: perempuan indonesia dalam perspektif agama, budaya dan keluarga. buku kedua. magelang: indonesiatera. simon, r. 2000. gagasan-gagasan politik gramsci. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. tong, r.p. 1999. feminist thought. aquarini priyatna prabasmoro, terjemahan. yogyakarta: jalasutra. wieringa, s. 1998. kuntilanak wangi: organisasi-organisasi perempuan indonesia sesudah 1950. terjemahan. jakarta: kalyanamitra. acknowledgement i would like to thank god for his blessing that has made me possible to complete my dissertation. my sincere thank also goes to prof. dr. i gde parimartha m.a., as my promotor, prof. dr. hj. keppi sukesi, m.s., as my copromotor for their attention, patience and persistence to support and motivate me starting from the period of proposal designing up to the completion of this dissertation. i would like to extend my thanks to various institutions that have given me scholarship through bpps (p2t) of udayana university and to the rector, director of postgraduate program and staffs, the head of cultural studies program and staffs. 14 dayak lawangan balian bawo in central dusun, east barito, central kalimantan ervanta restulita liber sigai anak agung ngurah anom kumbara i wayan cika i gusti ketut gde arsana state institute of hindu tampung penyang, palangkaraya email: restulita@gmail.com abstract globalization with all its implications has affected the life of dayak lawangan living in central dusun. modernization has caused balian bawo to be getting scarce. the number of the speakers of balian bawo is decreasing, and it seems that no young generation is interested in it, although its existence still functions in various aspects of the dayak lawangan community’s life. in addition, the young generation is less interested in becoming balian bawo. this will affect the process of the regeneration of balian bawo. the result of the present study shows that the practice of balian waho is obtained through the myth and process of becoming balian bawo. this causes balian bawo to be the central position in the practice of balian bawo ritual. balian waho plays an important role in the healing and purifying processes. it functions to prevent both manifest and latent misfortunes. it is the socio-cultural supporting life regulation for dayak lawangan. it is made up of religiosity, culture conservation, social life, and aesthetics. the formal education, the discontinuity of the internationalization process in families, the low income earned by those who work as balian bawo, their risky responsibility, the spiritual and physical abilities they need, and their religious and psychological ideologies have caused those who are interested in becoming balian bawo to decrease. the impacts are that the dimensions of time and magic formula as part of the ritual practice will change. in addition, the ideological struggle for the ritual practice of balian bawo, and the change in the population of balian waho will also result from the scarcity of the population of balian waho. as well, the social and solidarity ties will be getting weaker and the funds needed for the ritual will be high enough. keywords: balian bawo, dayak lawangan ethnic group, and balian bawo ritual. introduction according to giddens (2003: 67), globalization carries the principle of modern culture which is responsible for the social problems in the human life. this threats the local culture; even it will damage the local culture and cause it to become extinct (strey in alkausar, 2011: 54). at the moment less and less young people who are interested in becoming the speakers of balian bawo. based on the information which was obtained through an interview, from 1980 to 1990 there were twelve balian bawos; from 1991 to 2008 there were eight balian bawos; from 2009 to 2010 there were five and from 2011 to now there are five, two of whom are old and physically weak; the other three are still healthy. malinowski (1939: 938) stated that every cultural element was functional to life, and that if it was not functional, such a culture would become extinct. however, the fact shows that the reality of balian waho in central dusun is slightly different. the number of people who are interested in becoming balian waho is decreasing, although it still functions in every aspect of life in the dayak lawangan community. on the other hand, as far as the young people of the dayak lawangan community in central dusun are concerned, they are permissive to what has been inherited from their ancestors; even they are less interested in becoming balian bawo. the oral tradition, as the point of departure in this present study, is an attempt made to revitalize, develop, and make use of it. balian waho, as a form of culture, needs to be avoided from becoming extinct for the sake of the sustainability of the tradition of the dayak lawangan ethnical community. research method this present study is a qualitative study with the paradigm of cultural studies. the data were collected through observation, interview, and documentary study. the data were analyzed through data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing (huberman and miles, 2009: 592). discussion the practice of balian bawo is a whole institution of the dayak lawangan community. it contains religious value, cultural value, and social value which are used by those who support it, and guidance to taking actions, behaving and strengthening their self identity. the practice of balian waho is performed when the dayak lawangan community will undergo a life crisis. as legitimacy, the practice of balian bawo is based on the myths of kilip and nalau. the learning process of becoming balian bawo includes what are referred to as ngawit nginte, sampan mayang, and jong banawa. the learning process needs from five to 10 years. learning from the balian tuha is the learning method. the knowledge of practice is also stated in the physical symbols. the physical characteristics constitute the symbols which clarify the meaning of “kewahyuan” (the extraordinary strength and talented ability). such physical symbols can be found on the chest, hands, feet, and mouth. a degree is provided to a balian bawo which strengthens his ability as the mediator between the microcosmos and macrocosmos. the practice of balian baho keeps the dayak lawangan community’s life and the universe and jo’us tuha allah tala balanced. he has the authority to connect the macrocosmos and microcosmos. the rituals which are performed by the healing balian waho are balian palas bidan, balian ngasih ngado pengantin, balian nyapu ipar, balian ngansak, and balian mantan low. the balian bawo is the central agent in the ritual practice performed by the dayak lawangan community. therefore, he inspires the dayak lawangan community to be faithful to and believe in the meaning he produces. such symbolic strength is not attained as he likes; instead, it is formed from the authority he has which is attained through the personal capacity. it is this which is referred to as the symbolic capital. the symbolic power as the “magical strength” is used to make the dayak lawangan community to be faithful through the mobilization of how things are symbolized (fashri, 2014: 122-123). in practice, balian bawo plays a very important and dominant role in the dayak lawangan community especially in the healing and purification aspects; he functions to ward off the manifest misfortune, and avoid the latent misfortune. from the socio-cultural aspect, he also functions to maintain religiosity, conserve the socio-culture and aesthetics. the dayak lawangan community is dependent on balian bawo in regard to the performance of their binding obligations in the system of the life cycle of the dayak lawangan ethnic people. furthermore, rigoli stated that “power is an actor’s ability to induce or influence actor to carry out his directives or any other norms that he supports” (1974: 158). the balian bawo ritual is a cultural product which was constructed in the past. such a construction was derived from individual positions which had the power over the knowledge of balian waho. however, the change in era affects the continuity of a tradition. the practice of balian bawo ritual will still exist if it is supported by the cultural transmission and the people who support it. balian bawo is absolutely needed to be inherited as a repetition, reproduction, or the continuity of the past to the present (pudentia 1998). the scarcity of balian baho has affected the dimensions of the ideological superstructure, the social structure, and the material infrastructure. in addition, it has also affected the dimension of time, magic formula as well as the population of balian bawo. many agree and the others disagree with the practice of balian bawo; the globalized ideology is accepted, the social and solidarity ties are becoming weaker, and the ritual is getting more costly. the regeneration process is a dialectical process among balian bawo, the young generation, and the dayak lawangan community. it is recognized that the impact of the globalization current is strong in a high tension. there is no effective communication between the young generation and the old generation, causing the traditional ties to be getting weaker and the socio culture to be uncontrolled. the formal education give the knowledge of intellectuality and rationality, causing the young people not to recognize that they are the heirs of the tradition. in addition, there has been a discontinuity of the internationalization process in families. the material and consumptive world has affected the young people; balian bawo has not been an interesting profession any longer as it does not promise anything for a better life; the income earned is low; working as a balian bawo means having a lot of responsibilities; he should have a high commitment; he should be ready to receive the traditional sanction possibly imposed on him; he may not do what he likes; he is required to have both spiritual and physical ability; religious and psychological conversions, as a minority, cannot be avoided in the religious pluralism. they are the factors which have been responsible for the scarcity of balian bawo. the practice of balian bawo contains the hidden resistance (hidden transcript) to globalization and the change in era. it reflects the traditional resistance to the power of globalization. the theological ideology is the encounter of balian bawo to resist globalization. conclusion and suggestion it can be concluded that the ritual practice of balian bawo is the guidance which is oriented towards the dayak lawangan community’s life. it has been inherited from generation to generation and has been a cultural reconstruction of the faith which the dayak lawangan people adhere to. the practice of balian bawo has taken place through the mythological process, causing it to have the central position. in practice, the generative power of balian baho is highly important and dominant to the dayak lawangan community in the healing and purification (memelas) aspects, functioning to ward off both manifest and latent misfortunes. such roles give legitimacy, authority, and power of knowledge over the dayak lawangan community. the implication that the population of balian bawo is getting scarce cannot be avoided by the dayak lawangan community. such an implication has touched the ideological superstructure dimension, the social structure, and the material infrastructure, meaning that such an implication has also changed the dimensions of time and magic formula, the population of balian bawo, the ideological struggle for the ritual practice of balian bawo; the social and solidarity ties are getting weaker, and the ritual is getting more costly. it is suggested that (1) the traditional leaders, the community leaders, the balian bawo, and the intellectuals that they should sit together to formulate the inheriting strategies which will be implemented to conserve balian bawo, (2) the local government should actively make attempts to conserve and support balian bawo through regional regulations, (3) the dayak lawangan community should conserve and transmit the tradition of balian bawo intensively in families, (4) the academicians should further conduct comprehensive research. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. aa ngurah anom kumbara, m.a. as the supervisor, prof. dr. i wayan cika, m.s. as co-supervisor i, and dr. i gusti ketut gde arsana, m.si. as co-supervisor ii for their supervisions, directions, and suggestions during the completion of this study. thanks are also expressed to the e-journal of cultural studies, doctorate program of cultural studies of udayana university for the space and opportunity prepared to publish this article. a word of appreciation should also go to all the parties for the assistance provided to the writer during the completion of the study. bibliography alkausar, muhamad. 2011. “keterancaman ritual mappandesasi dalam masyarakat nelayan etnik mandar kelurahan bungkutoko sulawesi tenggara” (tesis). denpasar: universitas udayana. fashri, fausi. 2014. pierre bourdieu: menyingkap kuasa simbol. yogyakarta: jalasutra. giddens, antony. 2003. masyarakat post tradisonal (terjemahan). yogyakarta: ircisod. hubermen, a. michael., mattew b. miles. 2009. “manajemen data dan metode analisis”. dalam: denzin, norman k., & lincoln, yvonna s., (ed). handbook of qualitative research (dariyatno, dkk, pentj). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar, hal. 591-612. malinowski, bronislaw. 1939. “the group and the individual in functional analysis”, in american journal of sociology, vol. 44. chicago: the university of chicago press, p.p. 938-964. pudentia-mpss., (ed). 1998. metodologi kajian tradisi lisan. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia dan asosiasi tradisi lisan. rigoli, robert michael. 1974. “the conception of power: reconsidered”, kansas journal of sociology, volume 10, no. 2. p. 157-169. 5 microsoft word ardhi wirawan_e-journal 1    identity reproduction and image of mahagotra pasek sanak sapta rsi toward hindu community in mataram city, west nusa tenggara i wayan ardhi wirawan1, i wayan ardika2, i made suastika2, emiliana mariyah2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university email: s2kjbdyunud@yahoo.com abstract identity reproduction and image which actualized by soroh (clan) of pasek organized in paguyuban (group) of mahagotra pasek sanak sapta rsi (mpssr) toward hindu community in mataram city, west nusa tenggara has closely relation with social religious movement which has the effort to restructure permanent hindu practices. this movement has the effort to represent their ancestor practice contemporarily in term of social religious space in which monolithic one it is accumulated to restructure the priest symbols. this phenomenon is indicated by the struggle in appointing pandita mpu as priest symbol from mpssr. bhisama (spiritual message) deriving from their ancestor soroh pasek is based on operational basis of social religious movement actualized by mpssr which is explicitly narrated that the ancestor of soroh pasek has previlese to be religious priests. bhisama also says that the generation of soroh pasek can unite their family binding in term of indigenous relations. this phenomenon implies reunification among soroh pasek for disposition to restructure permanent sidhikara system since the history of hindu community in mataram city. this social religious of mpssr is legitimated through the image for the effort to establish positive image to be distributed toward hindu community in mataram city. the image creation is conducted by applying investment strategy of any capitals such a economy, culture, social and symbolic one in accordance with capital concept proposed by pierre bourdieu to explain power relations. identity reproduction and image of mpssr toward hindu community in mataram city though the appointment of pandita mpu and reunification of indigenous basis where it is closely related with the struggle in reaching symbolic power in hindu practices. key words: reproduction, identity, image, mpssr, hindu community 2    i. introduction the identity becomes the matter taken place in this globalization era. identity as considered by barker (2004:170) expressed through any form of representation applied as media to recognize self and other person identity. identity in term of cultural study domain has closely relationship with the meaning through preferences, belief, attitude and life style. identity is not a permanent entity, but as self description filling by emotion. concerning this phenomenon, the identity and identification matter enter the fields of social, political, cultural life and also in religious practice. identity in religious practice arises in social religious movement of mahagotra pasek sanak sapta rsi which is further abbreviated as mpssr thorugh identity reproduction and followed by image creation. this phenomenon has closely relations with the effort to restructure social religious practice toward hindu community in mataram city, west nusa tenggara for being synergy with the civilization development of humans. identity reproduction is indicated by reconfirmation of identity produced by their ancestor in the past contemporarily in globalization era. the greatness of identity produced by their ancestor in the past is represented in social religious space which is accumulated monolithically in restructuring of mantra (song of god) of priest symbol. in accordance with this phenomenon, this writing analyze three problems related with identity reproduction and image conducted by mpssr in relations with the effort to restructure priest symbol toward hindu community in mataram city. the analysis focus is formulated into three aspects in term of form, cause factors, and the effect as well as the meaning of identity reproduction and image of mpssr toward hindu community in mataram city, west nusa tenggara. this writing is based on the field research using qualitative interpretative method. the data collection is conducted through observation, interview, and document study. to support the data validity, it is used triangulation technique. the data collected in this research is mostly qualitative data in term of words, expressions, and narrative text. the data is analyzed using descriptive interpretative method through classification, reduction and interpretation steps. 3    the research applies three theory to analyze data namely practical theory, social identity theory, and representation theory. these three theories are applied eclectically for the sake of understanding holistically about the three problems focus proposed. ii. discussion the research output shows that the form of identity reproduction of mpssr is patterned through self identification genealogically and reconfirmation of their ancestor identity contemporarily. the self identification process in genealogic one to understand self identity in inscriptive one which is closely relationship with primordial binding of soroh (clan). in empiric one, this movement is conducted through a number of ways both rational and metaphysic ones. first, self identification by tracing lelintihan (family clan) based on their kawitan (source of ancestor) available in their land of bali in term of dadia (genealogic relations) binding. second, tracing the usage of name in family especially the names related with pasek and sang sapta rsi (seven priests). third, learning their family clan through story. the identification using metaphysic one is conducted by more scoring of belief aspect which actualized through tow ways. first, by mepinton (natural sign). this is done by requesting from supernatural thorugh ritual to obtain their ancestor identity in the past. second, conducting ngengengan (natural sign via smart person). this style is similar with mapinton, it is just different in ritual implementation to make sense the expression said by smar person in trance condition as a truth. identification in genealogic that has been confirmed their ancestor identity as pasek or sang sapta rsi opens the opportunity to reconfirm their ancestor in the past in social religious practice. reconfirmation of their ancestor identity in the past contemporarily is indicated by the movement which has the effort to represent the greatness of ancestor identity in social religious practice such as establishing solidarity among mpssr. pasek babad (story) is a manuscript describing about the origin of soroh pasek and bhisama (spiritual message) derived from their ancestor as symbolic power to unite soroh pasek to establish social binding to substitute sidhikara system. the accumulation of social religious movement among mpssr ends to ngadegang (appointment) of pandita mpu as priest symbol toward hindu community in mataram city. tracing 4    genealogic identity especially toward hindu community of balinese ethnic observing by suryawan (2005:48-49) as the appearance of genealogic romantic symptom using identity as powerful sword. within the context of appointment priest symbol as if suryawan verifies that genealogic identity as the powerful sword as tool to reach symbolic power. reconfirmation of ancestor identity contemporarily of mpssr toward hindu community in mataram city is supplied with self image both individual and collective one through economic investment strategy, culture, social and symbolic one. this phenomenon is the effort to establish positive image distributed into public memory space to reconstruct positive opinion toward hindu community in mataram city. investment strategy as capital makes synergy for the effort to accumulate economic capital, cultural capital, social capital, and symbolic capital as it is proposed by pierre bourdieu (1990). these investment strategies verify capital mobilization to give description about power relationship operated in social religious practice toward hindu community in mataram city. the image related to the struggle of accumulation of symbolic power in religious practices. identity representation has the implication for the effort to appoint pandita mpu in genealogic one as priest symbol from mpssr. priest symbol toward hindu community in mataram city in term of historic perspective applies maciwa-buddha concept, namely giving authority as pedanda ciwa and pedanda buddha to conduct ngeloka pala sraya (as guidance for hindu in religious activity). the two priest symbols above are determined in inscriptive one a expressed by wiana (2002:18) that pedanda ciwa in genealogic one for ancestor of dang hyang dwijendra and pedanda buddha deriving from the ancestor of dang hyang astapaka. identity reproduction and image of mpssr toward hindu community in mataram city ends to appointment of pandita mpu in monolithic one a priest symbol to indicate the appearance of movement to restructure permanent priest symbol since the historic period. construction of priest symbol within historic line thorugh expansion of power of karangasem kingdom in lombok. the exclusive priest symbol having palace center aims to arrange social religious of balinese ethnic of hindu in new settlement in lombok. the appointment of pandita mpu as priest symbol from mpssr by representing their ancestor identity contemporarily by referring to bhisama prposed by bourdieu as an implementation of cultural symbol construction. the cause factors of identity reproduction and image among members of mpssr is categorized into a number of aspect. first, the growth of critical idea among mpssr. this phenomenon is actualized in critical attitude for the effort to have critic of permanent practice of hindu. second, the effort to establish reunification in indigenous basis namely the effort to unite hindu having similar 5    clan especially soroh pasek. third, to anticipate symbolic violence operated by hindu practice. a number of violence which is not seen from eyes has been dominated by soroh pasek that must be eliminated by mpssr. fourth, there is an effort to deconstruct in term of “traditional truth” in religious practice supporting status quo who tend to marginalize other group especially those having previlise to be appointed as religious priests. mpssr struggles to open space for interpretation toward hindu principle in contextual one. the fifth cause factor appears movement to resistant of social discipline in accordance with concept proposed by michel foucault (in dwipayana, 2004:66) related to the refusal toward constructions of social harmony by pressing individual in strict social structure. sixth, the struggling of symbolic power through ideological apparatus. this phenomenon is in accordance with the concept of ideology state apparatus proposed by louis althusser (2004). symbolic power struggled by mpssr through the soft tool in which it is accepted operationally as a scientific one. they make legitimacy for social religious movement by showing texts from veda as well as its explanation of smrti. seventh, the effort to construct discursive practice with identity tool in socioreligious practice indicated by movement which has a tendency to construct knowledge in social religious practice closely related with power. eighth, the appearance of effort to reduce exclusive practice for hindu. this phenomenon is indicated by the effort movement to eliminate exclusive condition concerning previlese accepted by brahmanas wangsa as status quo group for holding authority to appoint religious priests. the effect of identity reproduction and image is categorized into four, namely, social effect, cultural effect, political effect and economic effect. social effect is indicated establishment of reunification on indigenous basis, strengthening militant for the primordial binding, polarization of followers to minority member and conflict in religious practice. reunification on basis of indigenous is indicated through unity of existing hindu in mataram city for the sake of similarity of soroh (clan). strengthening militant condition on primordial binding to be indicated through strengthening f struggle establishes social system for the effort to substitute sidhikara system that has been permanent for hundred years. polarization of hindu namely the occurrence of grouping among supporter of reformation and the supporter of status quo. conflict in religious practice is indicated by the existence of acceptance and on the other side the refusal toward restructuring in religious practice that has been preserved. cultural effect is indicated by ratification of genealogic identity, critical power development, deconstruction of permanent religious practice, religious practice othopractice, and enforcement of followers internally. ratification of genealogic identity refers to lukack (in takwin, 2009:133-1340 as an ideology t 6    represent a temporary condition to be permanent and natural one. in accordance with this phenomenon, social movement of mpssr has the effort to establish sustainability of identity in the past and referred for the occurrence of critical idea implemented into critical attitude and further actualized to make synergy of religious practice in this civilized development. deconstruction refers to derrida (in barker, 2004:20) involves the vulgar critic from opponent view of hierarchy concept. deconstruction toward religious practice varies toward hindu community in mataram city is place in delayed aspect toward the meaning produced by social religious that has been permanent by supporters of status quo. the delayed meaning in distortive one at the same time by mpssr is followed by meaning production for the effort of civilization development. practice of orthopractice refers to andang (1998:71) as the effort to make religion as the effort for emancipative, the effort to appreciate any form of life in complexity one and needs to keep on maintaining for searching humans transcendental without ignoring the practice source. in accordance with this phenomenon, social movement of mpssr has the effort to make this religion familiar by first placing emancipator aspect. the enforcement of followers internally, namely through quality improvement of heterogeneous followers by conducting activities related to gradation of followers understanding for religious values. political effect involves the entrance of politic and power in religious practice, transformation of priest status and open the opportunity of symbolic power reproduction. the entrance of political and power within religious practice especially in the domain of priest symbol becomes the parameter that in implementing religion will refer to interest and domination aspects. transformation of priest status is the effort to struggle all priests admitted to have similar position and unlimited from kewangsaan (profession). opening the opportunity of symbolic power reproduction if genealogic identity among mpssr is ratified and considered as historic and natural phenomenon. in the meanwhile, economic effect is namely the struggle for strategy of production factor investment. the explicit meaning in identity reproduction and image is categorized into five. first, political meaning is indicated by struggle in political identity in which it is operated an ideology for the effort to establish power relation. second, adaptive meaning is indicated by the effort of mpssr in establishing synergy between hindu practice and acceleration of human civilization development. third, solidarity meaning is namely to establish social relationship through a number of tools such as the formation of basic binding of semi-mythology binding, worship binding, symbolic binding and name (title) binding. fourth, educational meaning is the meaning in the effort to improve religious quality 7    through gradation of sraddha and bhakti. in other dimension, it appears tendency of rethinking religious practice entering this globalization era. fifth, religious meaning has closely relationship with the achievement of religion objective through implementation of bhisama as symbolic power in the effort to implement perfect life. sixth, cultural meaning is namely construction of cultural symbols in the domain of religious practice. iii. conclusion based on above explanation related to identity reproduction and image of mpssr toward hindu community in mataram city, west nusa tenggara, it is obtained three novelties. first, social religious movement of mpssr represent genealogic identity contemporarily in the effort to establish reunification in indigenous basis toward minority group having closely relations with the effort to permanent social religious practice. second, social religious of mpssr is monolithically accumulated in restructuring of song of god as priest symbol. third, mpssr has the effort to deconstruct exclusively in religious practice in historic perspective to construct palace center and the effort to construct inclusiveness having center community. acknowledgemnt the writer expresses his gratitude to director of postgraduate prof. dr. ir. i dewa ngurah suprapta, m. sc., assistant director i prof. dr. ni luh sutjiati bharata, m.a., assistant director ii dr. i putu gede sukaatmaja, s.e., m.p., for any assistance, facilities and motivation assigned to the completion of this writing. a deep gratitude also goes to prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u and prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u as the head and secretary program of doctoral degree of cultural study for their guidance, motivation and attention. in this good occasion, the writer also express his thanks to prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a, as promoter, prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u as copromotor i and prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s as copromotor ii for their guidance and motivation assigned in full patience from beginning to the completion of this dissertation. expression of thank also goes to all parties that have assisted in completion of this dissertation. microsoft word i ketut tanu 1 implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school in the perspective of cultural studies i ketut tanu 1 , i made suastika2, i gde parimartha.2, i wayan subagia 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university abstract religious education was firstly implemented based on the act of number 4 year 1950, concerning education and teaching. in one of its articles, it is stated that indonesia is a religion-based country. the govern ment has the right and is obliged to arrange religious education starting from kindergarten to university and the time allocated for this is 2 (two) hours per week. however, an imbalance has occurred as far as hindu religion education is concerned, that is, the students at particular educational institutions are not provided with hindu religion education as intended by the act. in article 30 of the act of number 20 year 2003 concerning national education system, on the other hand, it is stated that: any religious education can be carried out by the government and or a community’s group belonging to a particular religion in accordance with the applicable regulations. it is also stated that religious education is functioned to prepare the students to be able to comprehend and apply their religious teaching values and or to be experts in religions. in addition, it is also stated that religious education can be formally and informally conducted in the forms of diniyah, pesantren, pesraman, phabaja, smnera, and the like. how hindu religion educa tion is implemented at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school depasar cannot be separated from the infrastructure, facilities, curri culum and teachers available, and the government’s policy. therefore, this study is focused on 1) the existence of the components needed for implementing hindu religion education, 2) the factors influencing the implementation of hindu religion education, and 3) the meaningfulness and attempts done to implement hindu religion education if related to the inventory of balinese culture. this study is conducted to explain, describe, criticize, and analyze the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school denpasar. the benefit that is intended to be achieved in this study is to contribute to the inventory of hinduism and to serve as something to be taken into account when any decision related to hindu religion education is made. researches on hinduism have been conducted by some researchers. however, only a few have been carried out related to hindu religion education. further matters related to hindu religion education provided at elementary school need to be done. the concepts made available in this study are very essential. the reason is that such concepts serve as the guidelines in this study. the concepts employed are those related to the implementation of education, general education, hindu religion education, elementary school, and cultural studies. the theories employed to answer the matters related to the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary 2 school depasar are: 1) the derida’s theory of deconstruction, 2) gramsci’s theory of hegemony, and 3) piaget’s constructivistic theory. in addition, a research model is also employed in this study. the reason is that it serves as the researcher’s thinking flow in describing and reporting the research. the methods employed in this study include the research planning, the research location, the types and sources of data, the informant determination, the research instruments, the data collecting technique, the data analysis, and how the results are presented. the purpose is to obtain objective data concerning the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school. the objective research method is able to describe totally and objectively how hindu religion education is implemented at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendara elementary school denpasar. the novelty in this study is that the learning infrastructure and facilities needed to carry out hindu religion education both at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school depasar have not been in accordance with the minimum standard of service , that the curriculum has not been totally oriented towards the schools’ potentials and students, that the teachers have not been innovated in the learning process, and that the government’s policy has not been made for multicultural education. in the process of learning hindu religion, the schools have attempted to increase the quality of hindu religion education, to develop school-based management, and to apply multidisciplinary approach. key word: implementation of hindu religion education. introduction this study is concerned with “the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school viewed from the perspective of cultural studies”. to make matters pertain to meaning, some social realities or problems occurring in the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school are referred to. empirically, however, the implementation of hindu religion education cannot be separated from the components available in hinduism learning, the factors influencing the implementation of hindu religion education, the attempts developed and the meaningfulness obtained in the implementation of hindu religion education. the implementation of hindu religion at elementary school is more dominated by the government’s centralistic bureaucrat tic system. consequently, the educational institutions and their supporting environment are less able to realize the schools’ culture in accordance with the vision and mission of the national education. the educational system, as a strong and prestigious social institution, is able to make all the citizens qualified and proactive in giving response to the changeable challenges of the era. the imbalance occurring in the implementation of education, including hindu religion education at elementary school, results from the dichotomy between religious education and other general educations. this is caused by the fact that the government’s policy in implementing national education including hindu religion education has employed 4 (four) strategies such as : 1) equality in obtaining education, 2) educational relevance, 3) increase in the quality of 3 education, and 4) efficiency in education (sanaky, 2003: 145). material and discussion the availability of the components of the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school seems to affect the learning process conducted by the teachers and the students greatly. the act of number 20 year 2003, on the other hand, implies that the learning infrastructure and facilities should absolutely be met to make the learning process carried out in accordance with what is needed by the students. in addition to the infrastructure and facilities, the availability of curriculum plays an important role in implementing hindu religion education at elementary school. the standard of curriculum of hindu religion education at elementary school determined by the government can increase the quality of hindu religion education for the students. what is intended is that the better quality can increase the students’ morality and faith in accordance with what is intended by religions education. in relation to this, fuchan (2005:5) states that curriculum as a learning means can give meaningfulness to the educational process followed by the students. the availability of hindu religion teachers at elementary school plays an important role in implementing hindu religion education. in other words, if they are not available, then the learning process cannot be optimally carried out. the hindu religion teachers’ qualification is far from being adequate. most of them are diploma ii and diploma iii graduates. the government’s regulations of number 19 year 2005 implies that the teachers should be at least diploma iv graduates or strata one (s1) ones. the government’s policy greatly contributes to the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school. the implementation of hindu religion education refers to: 1) the central government’s policy, 2) the provincial government’s policy, and 3) the regencial/town government’s policy. the matters that are covered in this study are: 1) what components of hindu religion education are available at elemen tary school; 2) what factors affecting the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school; 3) what attempts can be developed and what meaningfulness can be obtained from the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school if related to the inventory of balinese culture. generally, this study aims at discussing and describing the process of hindu religion education implementation at elementary school viewed from the perspective of cultural studies. specifically, this study aims at identifying, describing, and understanding the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school depasar. the theoretical benefit of the results of this study is that a more valid and clearer conceptual framework for the implementation system of hindu religion education at elementary school can be provided especially if viewed from the perspective of cultural studies. the practical benefit of the results of this study is that contribution in the form of ideas can be provided to those who make policies and new strategies for implementing hindu religion education at elementary school. the researchers who have conducted researches on hindu religion education at elementary school are: 1) tanu (2004) with his research entitled attempts to understand model learning of 4 hinduism at school; 2) tanu (2005) with his study entitled strategy for developing hindu religion education at elementary schools; 3) subagia (2006) who revealed the concept of tri guru in educational development in bali; 4) mudiarta (2006) with his study entitled the learning patterns of hindu religion at sekolah tinggi agama hindu negeri tampung penyang palangka raya kalimantan tenga; 5) nanduq (2006) with his research entitled hinduism learning at sma negeri 1 denpasar in the multicultural perspective ; (6) suardana (2007) with his research entitled the hindusim learning model at orphanage of darma jati klung kung; and sari (2007) with her study entitled the learning patterns and attempts to increase the quality of hindu religion education at elementary schools. the concepts employed in this study are: 1) education imple mentation; 2) national education; 3) hindu religion education; 4) elementary school; 5) the perspec tive cultural studies. the theories applied in this study are: 1) derrida’s theory of deconstruction; 2) gramci’s theory of hegemony, and 3) piaget’s theory of construc tivistic. the approach applied in this study is descriptive qualitative approach. in addition, the approach of cultural studies is also applied in understanding various social realities that are referred to when understanding the attempts to be developed and the meaningfulness obtained when implementing hindu religion education. this type of study is not intended to produce a generalization or a general conclu sion, but to explain the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school systematically, factually and accurately. the types of data employed in this study are qualitative and quantitative data. the data sources in this study include the primary data which were obtained from the headmasters, the hindu religion teachers, the supervisors supervising hindu religion teaching, the committee members, and the observers paying attention to hindu religion education at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school denpasar , and secondary data including the research results, journals and literature which are relevant. the informants were purposively determined, that is, the informants were chosen based on the strata and objective intended to achieve (arikunto, 1983: 98). those who were chosen as the informants were those who know and understand the problems occurring in the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school. the research instruments employed to conduct the research activities starting from the beginning to the end of the research were the interview guideline and tape recorder. the data were collected by observation, interview, and document and library research. the data were analyzed by: 1) describing the data, 2) reducing the data, and 3) interpreting the data. the data analysis was formally presented. the results of the data analysis was descriptively presented in the form of a scientific report or dissertation. the infrastructure and facilities available for hindu reli gion education at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school depasar up to academic year 2007/2008 are: 1) padmasana (a type of shrine), 2) textbooks of hinduism, and 3) the picture of dewata nawa sanga . the school has attempted to meet the infrastructure and facilities needed by the students in the learning process. the curriculum of hindu religion education applicable at elementary school follows the learning process applicable for the curriculums of general subjects. the curriculum of hindu religion education is developed in 5 accordance with the standard of curriculum of the level of educational unit at elementary school. the availability of hindu religion teachers at elementary school plays an important role in forming the students’ morality. the requirements of teachers are arranged in the act of number 14 year 2005 concerning teachers and lecturers. one of the policies in education determined by the government is that the issue of the government’s regulations of number 19 year 2005 concerning the standard of national education (snp). elementary school number 17 dauh puri depasar is different from dwijendra elementary school depasar concerning their regulations, learning hours, and other supporting facilities, adjusted to their respective schools. the national education politics in implementing hindu religion education at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school denpa sar determines the direction and the policy made for hindu religion education. this is in accordance with what is stated by tilaar (2003) that the political power in education is transformative, that is, the process describing the occurrence of relationship between power and education. the environmental influen ce in implementing hindu religion education at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school denpasar greatly contributes to the formation of the students’ morality. the reason is that the good environmental influence can increase the students’ interest in learning hinduism. the changes in social and cultural values made by the students at elementary school dauh puri number 17 and dwijendra elemen tary school denpasar in carrying out hindu religion education has not fully involved the community’s components yet. as a result, the social and cultural changes appearing in the process of hindu religion learning are not in accordance with what is expected by the students and community. the multicultural infra structure and facilities for hindu religion learning at school are continuously made available and developed in every learning process by the students and teachers. the objective is that the students are able to discover hindu religion education values available in their families, schools, and community totally. quality-based education at elementary school constitutes the government’s further policy in increasing the quality of national education, including hindu religion education. the quality transfor mation of hindu religion education at school is initiated by adopting new paradigms concerning hindu religion educational values available at the students’ families, schools and community. the attempt to increase the quality of hindu religion education at elementary school is made through the activities that can touch the students’ learning experience. the meaningfulness developed in increasing the quality of hindu religion education at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school depasar is done by totally involving the teachers, the students, the supervisors, the headmasters, and the committee members that they are aware of their respective respon sibilities and functions. the application of school-based management is the attempt developed in realizing hindu religion education at elementary school. the obstacles faced in implementing hindu religion education are as follows: 1) the students’ administration is not valid; 2) the teachers’ administration; and 3) the staff’s administration which is very bureaucratic. the development of school-based 6 management at elementary school is intended to provide the students with maximum service in the learning process. the multidisciplinary appro ach serves as the attempt developed by the schools in the learning process. the objective is that the students understand that the learning materials given in the religion learning process are not independent. novelty the novelties in this study are: 1) the components available for implementing hindu religion education such as: infrastructure and facilities, curriculum, teachers and the government’s policy are adjusted to what is really needed by the teachers, and the school’s potentials. the learning infrastructure and facilities made available which are adjusted to what is needed by the students and the implementation of hindu religion education are oriented towards the learning activities. unlike before, the infrastructure and facilities were made homogenously available without considering the students’ background. 2) the political, economic, environmental, social and cultural influence on the implementation of hindu religion education is adjusted to the respective school condition. the authority in the implementation of hindu religion education has started to pay attention to the students’ diversity and abilities. unlike before, the authority dominated the implementation of hindu religion education. 3) the materials of multicultural education, the increase in the quality of hindu religion education, school-based manage ment, and multidisciplinary approach are the attempts developed by the schools in implementing hindu religion education. unlike before, the implementation of hindu religion education was only oriented towards general objectives. conclusion and suggestion the conclusions which can be withdrawn in this study are: 1) the components of the implementation of hindu religion education at elementary school number 17 dauh puri and dwijendra elementary school denpasar are adjusted to what is needed by the students and the real school’s potentials; 2) national education, economic, environmental, social and cultural politics greatly contributes to the elementary school students’ under standing of diversity; 3) availability of multicultural infrastructure and facilities, increase in the quality of hindu religion education, develop ment of school-based management, and multidisciplinary approach are the attempts developed by the schools in implementing hindu religion education. the suggestions and recommendations that can be made are: 1) the related parties, that is, the department of religion affairs and the department of national education should behave fairly in implementing hindu religion educa tion; 2) the decision makers should pay attention to how the infras tructure and facilities are made available for hindu religion learning at elementary school; 3) all parties, that is, the teachers, the students and the parents should also directly control the implementation of hindu religion education at schools. bibliography abdullan, amin, 2005. pendidikan agama multicultural multi religius. malang: pusat studi agama mohamadiyah. adriono, 2006. melejitkan potensi anak didik. bandung: mizan media utama. 7 agus salim, 2001. teori dan paradigma penelitian sosial. yogyakarta: pt tiara wacana. agus salim, 2002. perubahan sosial. yogyakarta: pt. tiara wacana. ahmadi. abu, 2001. ilmu pendidi kan. yogyakarta: pt. rineka cipta. alwasilah, chaedar, a. 2007. contextual teaching and learning. jakarta: mlc. ali, mohamad,1984. pengembangan kurikulum di sekolah dasar. bandung: offset. ali, mohamad. 2002. guru dalam proses belajar mengajar. bandung: sinar baru algensido. andi haris, 2000. paradigma pengembangan kurikulum pendidikan tinggi tahun 2000. surakarta: univdersitas mohamadiyah. andrean harefa. 2002. menjadi manusia pembelajar. yogya karta: pustaka pelajar. microsoft word i wayan dana 1 barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple baturiti tabanan regency: in the perspective of cultural studies i wayan dana1 , i wayan dibia2, a.a. gde putra agung3, i made suastika3 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2institute of art indonesia, bali 3faculty of letters, udayana university abstact this dissertation contains research findings on the barong meeting, a multidimentional cultural event performed at pucak padang dawa temple, baturiti tabanan regency. such a meeting is attended by more than sixty various barongs and rangdas of various types coming from various areas in central bali, and is the biggest in bali. the research on such a cultural phenomenon is intended to reveal holistically the existence of the barong meeting while the process of modernization is taking place in bali nowadays. such a cultural phenomenon was investigated based on the problems formulated in several research questions. (1) how is the barong meeting performed at pucak padang dawa temple, baturiti, tabanan regency?; (2) what ideology is referred to by the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, baturiti, tabanan regency?; (3) what does the barong meeting mean viewed from the socio cultural system of the balinese society? by applying qualitative method and regarding the barong meeting as a multilayer entity, this study is intended to understand and analyze the ideology and meaning contained in the barong meeting, which is believed to have centralistic strength making the cultures from various areas of central bali meet. the problems were solved by applying some relevant theories such as the theory of power relationship, the theory of religions, the theory of esthetics, and the theory of semiotics. five important findings of this study are; firstly, the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple is a cultural event with religious, social and theatrical dimensions. secondly, the barong meeting is an old religious ritual viewed from what is stated in purana of the luhur pucak padang dawa temple. such a barong meeting is still carried out by the society members at bangli village. thirdly, the barong meeting is a cultural event covering the areas of central bali such as tabanan regency, negara regency, badung regency, gianyar regency and bangli regency. fourthly, the barong meeting is not an event which is habitually carried out but a ritual ceremony which is dynamically repeated by absorbing innovations which still refer to the philosophy and ethics of hinduism, making it able to develop collective awareness respecting diversity featuring the era’s life. fifthly, the barong meeting is a religious event realizing concrete, real and direct actions based on hindusm. such a ritual ceremony densely containing artistic values emphasizes the dynamic relationship and integratedness of performance of arts and art performance in the cultural activities performed in bali hindu. 2 what can be concluded in this study shows that the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, baturiti, tabanan regency, serves as an inviting and attending procession covering the initial, the essence, and the end which is both centripetal and centrifugal. the ideology referred to is worshipping, power, and performance. the integration of these three basic ideas present ritual ceremony dimension, social activity, and art performance, making the barong meeting a multidimensional event. the barong meeting contains multilayer senses such as magic religious, socio unifier, politics of authority, economics and esthetics. key word: cultural event, barong meeting, pucak padang dawa temple introduction this dissertation investigates the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, baturiti, tabanan in the perspective of cultural studies. such a barong meeting involves barongs and rangdas which are related to each other and can be classified into four types of relationships. they are (1) the barongs which are made of the same types of wood; (2) the barongs which are made by the same sangging/undagi (artist); (3) the barongs which acquire magic power from holy places called pasupati; and (4) the barongs which are related to the temples where they are worshipped. the barong meeting at pucak padang dewa temple almost covers the four types of relationship. the meeting is continually done and is generally oriented towards and is based on the aspects of philosophy, ceremonies, and esthetics, and is enriched with the local genius culture, that is, the superiority of local culture as the worshippers of siwa pasupati. the society groups in bali still believe that pucak padang dawa temple is able to unify the social differences and the diversity between central bali and south bali by carrying out the barong meeting. actually, the temple is believed by the balinese society to be a holy place where god in his manifestation as siva pasupati is worshipped. it is the holy place, where the gods occupying the barongs emit energy to all aspects of life (sudarsana, 2002:8-12 and sudiksa, 2007:27-28). the ritual ceremonies, which are splendidly carried out in bali and the establishment of various physical projects such as buildings and star hotels should have led the balinese society to mokshartham jagatithaya. the fact is that they are getting more emotional and many serious fights among traditional villages and probably among families have taken place. this has made the societies get farther from being honest and straightforward in carrying out religious ceremonies, and less interested in carrying out religious rituals. demand for materials, prestige, honor, fame and power has been responsible for such a situation. to keep glorifying the spirit of carrying out religious ceremonies (beryadnya) and ritual values should be mused over, the religious teachings should be applied, and so should the attitude of life and the way of life. carrying out the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple is one of the ways in which such things can be realized. this is interesting to investigate. the reasons are that it is still unique and still constitutes one strong socio cultural 2 constellation in the balinese society up to now. the barong meeting has been one of the ritual ceremonies functioning as the fortress for maintaining culture from globalization. the barong meeting carried out contains dimensions of art rituals and ritual arts, leading the community life to a state of well-being. what is contained is interesting to investigate and to reveal in this study. material and discussion the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, baturiti village is a cultural event, which is based on three principle ideologies such as worshipping, power and performance. this is performed by employing various forms of offerings and rituals, involving sacred items, and reciting holy mantras. the barong meeting has been done as a worshiping ritual in order to get in spiritual touch with god. in the performance, the society members attending the barong meeting tend to exhibit or show prestige, attraction, and beauty of the barongs or rangdas they belong to. there has been a vertical or horizontal relationship of power between the families in charge of the temple and the local palace members. such a power is used as a political power oriented toward humanity (siswanta, 2006: 21-23). to support the worshipping activity during the barong meeting various art performances are performed starting from gamelan (traditional music) art, dancing performances, carving to artistic skill that are integrated in the ceremony. this has made barong meeting an art ritual, that is to say, a ritual ceremony which is full of art values, or an art ritual, that is to say, an art performance which is full of rituals. whether barong meeting is a ritual event or an art event can be explained by the theory of rituals and performances offered by richard schehner, an american theatre expert. in his theory, shechner (1976: 207) states that both rituals and theatres give priority to efficacy and entertainment respectively. however, both worshiping rituals and performances cannot be separated from power. based on this theory, schehner states that ritual ceremonies give more priority to condition in which the doers get possessed by a spirit and or strength from outside. the onlookers believe in such strength and play a role. on the other hand, performances give more priority to amusement, in which the onlookers are generally aware; in other words, they function as another element and the target, and they watch and appreciate. if this theory is applied in the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, it will be clear that all the ritual ceremonies, despite full of arts, are performed to produce efficacy. although such an efficacy frequently appears, our physical eyes cannot view them. behind the worshipping rituals and performances, without being recognized, there is an ideology of power. productive power exists in every community level (barker, 2005: 516). the community members involved are convinced that efficacy will immediately appear from the ritual ceremonies conducted for the barong meeting. the problems to be solved in this study are: 1) how is the barong meeting conducted at pucak padang dawa, bangli village, baturity district, tabanan regency; 2) what ideology is referred to by the implementation of the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, bangli village, baturity distraict, tabanan regency; 3) what is the meaningfulness of the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa 3 temple, bangli village, baturity district, tabanan regency? the general objective of this study is to understand that the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, bangli village, baturity district, tabanan regency is a particular cultural event if viewed from art and cultural point of view. in addition, the other objective of this study is to understand the ideology which is referred to by or which is hidden behind why the barong meeting is carried out. it is understood as a centralistic power which can hegomonize the local worshippers’ culture and various types of other barongs in central/south bali. it is also to understand the senses expressed by the symbols employed in the barong meeting at padang dawa temple, bangli village, baturity district, tabanan regency and its relationship with the barongs available at every village in central and south bali. the barongs available at pucak padang dawa temple functions as the centre of centralistic power where pasupati is gifted. the concepts used in this study, in accordance with the title of the study, are: 1) barong meeting; 2) pucak padang dawa temple, baturity district, tabanan regency, and 3) perspective of cultural studies. in answering the problems stated above, some relevant theories are employed. they are: 1) foucault’s theory of power relationship; 2) sanderson’s theory of religions; 3) lyotard’s theory of esthetics; 4) theory of semiotics given by marco dmarinis and palmer. this study on the implementation of the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple is planned to be a qualitative research with some different approaches. in this study, the barong meeting is viewed as a text that should be understood from its context, what belief is referred to, why and how all those things are done. as expressed by the title of this study, it is conducted within the perspective of cultural studies, which in accordance with parimartha (2005: 3) should be understood as the study of critics concerning human life that follows the surrounding cultural values. the main data employed are qualitative data supported by quantitative data. the data sources of this study were the primary data derived from the implementation of the barong meeting at pucak pdang dawa temple, baturiti district, tabanan regency. what is covered are: the ritual implementation, the pemangkus (those who are in charge of ceremonies at a temple); the penyungsung of the barong (those who are responsible for the maintenance and performance of the barongs) and those who payed attention to religious rituals at pucak padang dawa tempele. the secondary data were also employed to support the primary data. the secondary data were taken from research findings, journals and literature relevant to the title. the informants were purposively selected, that is to say, the informants were chosen depending on the interests, the ability and objectives that were intended to achieve. the informants selected were those who were considered to know and understand deeply the matters related to the implementation of the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, baturiti district and tabanan regency. the instruments employed in this study were: interview guidance and tape-recorder. the data collection was done by: 1) observation; 2) interview; library research; and 4) documentation research. the data were analyzed employing the following techniques: 1) data interpretation; and 2) 4 qualitative correlation. the results are descriptively and qualitatively presented. the implementation of the barong meeting, as a multidimentional cultural event with a multilayer sense, will be continually maintained and keep developing. like a theatrical perfor mance, the barong meeting employs different materials with a number of symbols and codes (demarinis, 1993:1 -12). although not exactly the same as what has been described previously, the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, baturity district, tabanan regency, keeps developing. the reason is that such an event has been able to unify and accommodate social diversity among the people who are responsible for the maintenance and performance of the barong meeting in central/south bali. such an event has been able to be one of the fortresses for preventing the balinese culture from being damaged by globalization, which has disturbed the life of the balinese society. in this way, the spiritual greatness can be maintained. there are at least three theoretical implications contributed by the findings of this study to the development of knowledge. these implications highlight the view that the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple is a multidimentional cultural event. the three implications are: firstly, there is a power relationship between pucak padang dawa temple, as the holy place where pasupati is gifted and the barongs available over central/south bali. there is no knowledge without power and vice versa. this is basically similar to the power relationship stated by (foucauld in atmaja, 2006: 131). in fact, power is available everywhere expressing plurality or diversity in power. the barongs acquiring pasupati from pucak padang dawa temple spread all over central/south bali. it is recognized as a power which is religious-magic in nature. plurality in culture is also recognized to be organized in every village where barongs are available with their people who are responsible for their maintenance and performances. secondly, it is undergone, felt and understood that human beings are bound to god who can give them physical and spiritual welfare. every religion is believed by its followers to accept that they are bound to god through various ways of taught, especially the implementation of rituals (dojosantoso, 1986: 2-3) and sanderson, 1993: 553-555). in relation to this, bellah also states that religious ritual practices have been conducted by primitive, old, premodern and modern religions (bellah in ardika: 24-28). the religious strength in the context of the implementation of the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple has slightly shifted, that is to say, previously the ideology referred to was the ideology of worshipping as the basis of the ritual implementation. now, apart from that, the ideology of power and performance is also referred to. however, the power expressed has something to do with the attitude of showing off that still exists in the corridor of the ethics and philosophy of hinduism. thirdly, the barong meeting, as a cultural event, which is full of the attitude of showing off, cannot be separated from theatrical dimension (esthetics). esthetics is understood to reveal beautiful, true and useful things and morality (paramita, 200: 105-122 and read, 2000: 2-5). in relation to this, lyotard also states that esthetics does not only refer to what is seen and heard, but also to things which cannot be presented in a presentation, revitalizing the differences (lyotard in yulianto, 2005: 127-144). this 5 seems to be in line with the implementation of the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, in which the esthetics is integrated in the worshipping ideology, power and performances expressed behind both the art rituals and ritual arts, making the participants of the barong meeting, who come from cultural areas in central bali and south bali, hegomonized. such awareness develops acknowledgment and celebrates social differences among the penyungsung (people who are responsible for the performance and maintenance of the barongs). novelties the research novelties concerning the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple, baturity district, tabanan regency are: 1) pucak padang dawa temple, where the barong meeting is carried out, has a magic religious position functioning as the ritual center for barong pasupati. the temple functions as the place where the barong meeting is carried out. it involves and influences the spirituality degree of the barongs in bali through the centralistic, centripetal and decentralized centrifugal process. the implementation of the meeting strengthens the collective agricultural society’s awareness in bali which respects cultural diversity and has high solidarity among the penyungsung (the people who are responsible for the barong maintenance and performance. 2) the barong meeting at pucak padang dewa temple is an old hindu religious ritual event. based on the purana of luhur pucak padang dawa temple, such a meeting appeared during shri jaya sakti’s reign in bali and was inherited by puri gede marga tabanan (a palace) and has been maintained up to now. then after indonesia was independent, the barong meeting was continued by the government of bangli village, baturiti district, tabanan regency and was carried out once in 210 days, that is, every budha kliwon pahang based on the dresta (norm) and the calculation of balinese calendar. while the ritual is performed at pucak padang dawa temple, bangli village, baturiti district and tabanan regency, various symbols in the form of ritual ceremonies are carried out. such activities are integrated in the barong meeting. such a barong meeting is the biggest barong ritual procession in bali involving between 50 and 60 barongs and each barong is accompanied by 2 (two) rangdas. such a barong meeting, which is multidimentional in nature, will be the object of the comparative study done by the researchers on barong meetings in bali. it is hoped that this study will enrich the knowledge treasury in cultural studies. 3). such a religious ritual event covers such a wide cultural area that it includes various areas and people who are responsible for the maintenance and performance of the barongs (penyungsung) in central bali and south bali, making it the biggest ritual procession in bali. the people who are involved in the implementation of the barong meeting make use of this opportunity to maintain vertical and horizontal communication. vertical communication means the commu nication between the people and god and horizontal communication means the communication among the people and fellow beings in the universe. it appears that the tapakan barong at pucak padang dawa temple synergies with the tapakan barong at natar sari apuan temple and that at pucak kembar pacung temple, building a social relationship in the form of a gold triangle of the communities functioning as the center of the strength of penyungsung tapakan. 6 (penyungsung means the people who are responsible for the maintenance and performance of the barong and tapakan refers to the barong itself). such a social relationship has been a means for unifying the people in central and south bali who similarly have the strength of siva pasupati. 4) the implementation of the barong meeting is always adjusted to changes of the era. it is clear that such a ritual is not only a repetition which is regularly done, no matter how big the ritual is. it can be small, medium and big. it is a religious ritual event that keeps growing dynamically by absorbing new things that are always based on the ethics and philosophy of hinduism in bali. 5). the barong meeting is a cultural phenomenon expressing concrete, real and direct realization of hinduism. in this ritual the community members who are responsible for the maintenance and performance of the barong) perform a number of symbols such as prayers, puja mantra (mantra recital), positions of the body, hands and feet, and music. such symbols are supported by various types of offerings that highlight their forms as art performances and performance arts. 6). the villagers at bangli village, baturity district and tabanan regency believe that the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple has spiritual power coming from siva pasupati. such a power is able to move and unify he social differences among the penyungsung of the barongs from all over central/south bali. it is clear that this activity strengthens the dialogic meeting among the penyungsung and also functions as a holy offering to the universe. conclusion and suggestion based on the purana of pucak padang dawa temple, the barong meeting is a worshipping ritual ceremony purifying the universe. such a universe purification ceremony is integrated through the strength of the gold triangle: the three temples includes pucak padang dawa temple, pucak kembar pacung temple, and natar sari apuan temple. they all glorify the tapakan barong nawa sanggha in the form of barong kedingkling describing the leaders at the ramayana epos. the meeting procession includes three parts; initial procession, the essence, and the end or the closing. all the three parts contain the processions forwarding religious rituals such as centripetal movements which move to the center, and centrifugal movements which spread and get far from the center, that is, pucak padang dawa temple. the main ideologies referred to the barong meeting include: worship ping idea, power and performances. the worshipping idea is expressed through the prayers, offerings and worshipping of the strength of siva pasupati. the idea of power is viewed from the power of the people who are in charge of the temple in mobilizing and organizing both formal and informal institutions in some areas of central bali and south bali in order to centralize the implementation of the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple. the idea of performances is realized by exhibiting or showing off the prestige, attraction, and beauty of the barongs and rangdas performed by the community members around pucak padang dawa temple to “show off” the strength of siva pasupati. the integration of the three ideologies has made the barong meeting as an art ritual, that is, to say, an art ritual that is full of art values, or an art ritual with various art attractions related to hinduism in bali. the barong meeting at pucak padang dawa temple has a multilayer 7 sense, that is to say, it has magic religious, social, political, esthetic, and economic sense. in the magic religious level, the barong meeting will still be the center of spiritual activities that highlights that hindu bali followers still believe in the strength of siva pasupati. in the social level, it is shown that the barong meeting will still always be an event in which social interaction takes place among the community members coming from various areas in central/south bali. at the same time, it will be able to strengthen high solidarity and to appreciate diversity celebrating differences. in the theatrical level, the barong meeting will be a colossal theatrical attraction. nothing can compete with it in functioning as the fortress for maintaining the balinese culture now and in the future. in the political level, the barong meeting integrates the power of traditional institutions such as banjar, penyungsung of the barongs (penyung sung means a group of people who is responsible for the maintenance and performance of a barong), pengemong pura (a group of families who are responsible for the maintenance of a temple and the ceremonies conducted in it), and the power of the local government. in the economic level, the barong meeting can create a market that supports and makes what is needed available for the implementation of the rituals both performed as worshipping activities and as performances at various areas or centralized at pucak padang dawa temple. the suggestions provided are as follows : 1) to the community which carries out the barong meeting it is suggested that they should avoid everything that can change the barong meeting into a riot that can degrade spiritual values of the meeting itself. it is also suggested that such an activity is continually carried out as a religious ritual event, making it function as a means for realizing collective awareness, spirituality and unifying hindu bali followers that live in diversity. 2) to the government of tabanan regency and bali province, it is suggested that the people who are involved in performing this event should be morally and materially supported, considering that this ritual involves the communities in central bali and south bali. this highlights that the maintenance of the temple is the responsibility of all hindu bali followers. acknowledgments in this opportunity i would like to express my great thanks and appreciation to prof. dr. i wayan dibia, s.s.t., ma, as my promoter, prof. dr. a.a. gde putra agung, su., as my first co-promoter, and prof. dr. i made suastika, su as my second copromoter, who have thoroughly and patiently given me guidance starting from proposal writing until the last process of completing this dissertation report. i would also like to deliver my appreciation to the dissertation examination board, all the lecturers at the post-graduate program of cultural studies udayana university denpasar, who have given me great ideas, great knowledge, perception, and wide area of the cultural studies. my great thanks also go to the head of postgraduate program of cultural studies udayana university, who has given me a chance to persue my study and to complete this dissertation. i would also like to extend my sincere thanks to the rector of isi yogyakarta for his permit that i can attend the doctorate program in cultural studies at udayana university. i would also like to deliver my high appreciation to all those who have motivated, supported and prayed 8 for me, making this dissertation well completed. bibliography althusser, lowis. 2004. tentang ideologi: marxsisme struktu ralis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies. yogykarta: jalasutra. ardika, i wayan. 2006. “membangun budaya rohani pada suatu peradaban”, dalam membangun budaya rohani menuju keluhuran budi. denpasar: sekretariat daerah biro bina kesejahteraan dan pemberdayaan perempuan provinsi bali. bandem, i made and frederik eugene deboer. 1981. kaja and kelod balinese dance in transition. kuala lumpur: oxford univer sity press. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: bentang. belo, jane. 1949. bali: barong and rangda. locost valley ny: augustin. dibia, i wayan. 1985. “odalan of hindu bali: a religious festival, a social occasion, and a theatrical event”, dalam asian theatre journal. american: university and college theatre, american theatre association eliade, mercea. 2002. the sacred and the profane “sakral dan profan” (tjm. nuwanto) jogjakarta: fajar pustaka baru. eiseman, jr., fred b. 1990. bali sekala and niskala. volome i and ii. berkeley california: periolus editions, inc. geertz, clifford. 1973. the interpre tation of cultures. new york: basic book, inc. publishers. holt, claire. 1967. art in indonesia: continuities and change, ithaca, new york cornell university press, (translation r.m. soedar sono, melacak jejak perkem bangan seni di indonesia, (2000). bandung: mspi. marinis, marco de. 1993. the semioties of performance. bloomington and indianapolis: indiana univer sity press. pandji, igb nyoman. 1975/1976. barong di bali ditinjau dari segi rituil dan perkem bangannya sebagai seni pertunjukan. denpasar: proyek sasana budaya bali, art center. paramadita, leo. 2005. “teori estetika”, dalam teks-teks kunci filsafat seni. yogyakarta: galang press. sanderson, stephen k. 1993. sosiologi makro: sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosial. jakar ta: rajawali perss. schechner, richard. 1976. ritual, play, and performance: readings in the social sciences theatre. new york: the seabury press. 9 sudarsana, i ketut. 1997. “kutara kandha purana pura pucak padang dawa” tabanan: desa bangli kecamatan baturiti tabanan-bali. sudiksa, ib. 2007. “banaspatiraja: energi siwa”, dalam majalah kebudayaan bali taksu. denpasar: pt bali taksu media. commodification of tuturangiana andala ritual performed by community of fishermen, baubau city, makasar island, southeast sulawesi province syahrun aa ngurah anom kembara i wayan cika putu sukarja email: syahrun_antro@yahoo.com abstract tuturangiana andala ritual is a tradition of floating offerings which have been performed from generation to generation by the community of fishermen in makassar island. it used to be simply performed; however, being commodified, it had been performed more lively than before. the government of baubau city had modified it; everything had been transformed into commodities. the problems arised were analyzed using the theory of semiotics, the theory of rites, and the theory of discourse of power and knowledge. the data were obtained through interview, observation, and documentation. the result of the study shows: first, the process of commodification could not be separated from the process of production, the process of distribution and the process of consumption of the tuturangiana ritual. what was produced for the performance of the tuturangiana andala ritual was the place where it was performed, the things needed for the offerings, the clothing, the dance and the music instrument. the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual was distributed through media and direct communication. it was consumed by the people living in makassar island and the local government for tourism. second, the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual contained (1) the philosophical meaning, (2) the economic meaning, (3) the political meaning, (4) the cultural conservation. third, the commodified tuturangiana ritual affected the components of the social cultural system of the community of fishermen in makassar island such as the common ideology, religion, art, politics, social stratification, technology, economy, and ecology. keywords: commodification, ritual, tuturangiana andala, community of makassar island. introduction the tuturangiana andala ritual is a tradition of floating offerings which has been performed from generation to generation by the community of fishermen in makassar island, baubau city, southeast sulawesi province. the objective is that the ruler of the nature will give the fishermen a lot of fish and that they will be saved from the danger resulting from the sea. the tuturangiana andala ritual has been commodified by the government of baubau city. its performance involves many parties such as the people living in makassar island, the city government through related institutions and entrepreneurs. its performance has been much commodified. the modernization process through the highly capitalistic development might be responsible for the commodification process. according to barker (2004: 408), comofication is a process which is associated with capitalism in which an object, quality and sign are used as commodities. a commodity is everything which is produced for sales in the market. the performance of the tuturangiana andala ritual has been more lively performed and has the selling value. according to adorno and horkheimer, this is referred to as cultural commodification (agger, 2006: 179). furthermore, maunati (2004: 245) stated that cultural commodification is a process of packaging and selling cultural objects such as performances and people’s various life styles. the fppm performance has been expected to give a lot of benefit. the government has expected to attain a lot of benefit from the fppm performance; the government has also used the event as a means of promoting the local potential to those coming from other parts of the world. the problems of the study are formulated as follows. (1) what the process of the commodification of the tuturangiana andala performed by the people living in makassar island ritual was like, (2) how the people living in makassar island defined the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual, and (3) what was the impact of the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual on the socio cultural system of the people living in makassar island. in particular, this present study is intended to (1) identify the process of the commodification of the tuturangiana andala ritual performed by the people living in makassar island, (2) identify how the people living in makassar island defined the commodified tuturanginana andala ritual, and (3) interpret the impact of the commodified tururangiana andala ritual on the socio-cultural system of the people living in makassar island. in theory, it is expected that the result of the present study can enrich sciences logically, especially the sciences which are related to the local people’s culture. the theory of semiotics, the theory of rites, and the theory of discourse of power and knowledge were used to answer the problems of the study. research method the qualitative method was used in the present study. the result of the analysis is descriptively presented. garna (1999: 32) stated that the qualitative approach is featured by the objective of a study which attempts to understand any phenomenon in such a way that it does not need any quantification; in other words, it cannot be accurately measured. kirk and miller in moleong (2003: 3) define that a qualitative study is a tradition in social sciences which is fundamentally dependent on what is observed, and which is related to people. the study was conducted at sukanaeyo subdistrict and liwuto subdistrict, kokalukuna district, baubau city. the data were collected through interview, observation, and documentation. discussion the novelties of the study are as follows. first, the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual is an asset of culture tourism which contributes to the economy of the people living in makassar island. according to fairclough (1995: 207), commodification is a process in which the social domains or institutions do not only pay attention to what products which will be sold but also how such products are socialized and conceptualized; how such products are produced, distributed and consumed. the three main things which are related to the commodification of the tuturangiana andala ritual are: first, what was commodified as far as the tuturanginan andala ritual is concerned included the place where it was performed, the offerings, clothing, and the music equipment; they were all commodified so how it was performed was different from how it had been performed before. the commodified tuturangina andala ritual was distributed through media and direct communication; when and where it was performed was widely spread; as a result, so many people knew it. third, the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual was consumed by the people living in makassar island and was consumed by the local government for tourism. second, the meanings which the commodified tuturangiana andala contained are (1) the philosophical meaning; philosophically and basically, the tuturangiana andala was performed to free human beings from any possible dangers; it symbolized the awareness of the horizontal macrocosmos, that is, the human appreciation to the ruler of the nature. (2) socially, the tuturangiana andala ritual could improve social relationship and brotherhood, and could tighten the family relationship among the local people. (3) economically, the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual could increase the local people’s income. in addition, it could also help promote the local products produced in makassar island such as the traditional woven fabric which could be traded when the makassar island festival was conducted, when the promotional stands could be opened where the ritual was performed. (4) politically, the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual could be defined as an arena of image for the governmental, political and religious elites. the governmental elites and political elites are used to maintain the political power of the candidates of the legislative members and the candidate of the mayor. they all come to the location where the tuturangiana andala is performed. it is the arena where they socialize and introduce themselves to the public. similarly, the religious elites use the ritual as the arena for strengthening themselves so that they are still highly respected as they are supposed to have worldly and spiritual knowledge. the religious leaders are one of the society’s components who are considered being able to direct the people’s viewpoints. the reason is that they are highly influential and are trusted by the society. (5) culturally, the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual contributes to the conservation of the culture in makassar island; it is still conserved and revitalized and can be continuously bequeathed to the next generation. in this way, such a ritual will not become extinct and will be always remembered by the next generation. third, the commodified tuturangiana andala affects the socio-cultural condition of the community of fishermen in makassar island. politically, the authority can implant their influence into those who are present at the ritual. assistance is provided to the local people so that the mayor, for example, may be elected again in the following general election. the ideology on which the ritual is based is the capitalistic ideology, meaning that the ritual which was used to be performed as an offering in order to be save and prosperous is then performed as a tourist attraction; as a result, the capitalistic ideology, which is oriented toward the improvement of the local people’s prosperity, appears. ecologically, the commodified tuturangiana ritual also contributes to the management of marine resources through the local genius strengthening. the management of the marine and coastal area resources includes the attempts made by the stakeholders to change the coastal area and marine ecosystem in order to attain maximum benefit by sustaining production and guarantying the conservation of resources, especially fish, ‘terumbu karang’ the ridge of rock exposed at low tide’, and the mangrove trees in an environmentally friendly manner for the sake of the local people’s welfare. conclusion and suggestion first, commodification cannot be separated from the processes of production, distribution, and consumption. what is produced in the tuturangiana ritual includes the place where the ritual is performed, the offering, the clothing, the dance, and the musical instrument. the ritual is distributed through media and direct communication. the ritual is consumed for the people living in makassar island and by the government for tourism. second, the commodified tuturangiana andala ritual has the following meanings; (1) the philosophical meaning; (2) the economic meaning; (3) the political meaning; the governmental elites, the political elites and the religious ones define it as the arena of image; (4) the cultural conservation; the culture belongs to the people; therefore, it should be conserved and revitalized. third, the commodified tuturangiana ritual contributes to the socio-cultural condition of the community of fishermen in makassar island politically, ideologically, economically, educationally, ecologically, and demographically. the suggestions which can be recommended in this study are as follows. first, the local government should actively take part in the attempts made to conserve the culture. second, the human resources which include the government, the industrial agents and the people living in makassar island need to be improved. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. a.a. ngurah anom kumbara, m.a. as the supervisor, prof. dr. i wayan cika, m.s., as co-supervisor i and dr. putu sukardja, m.si. as co-supervisor ii for their attention, patience, wholeheartedness, and suggestions for the completion of the study. bibliography addin, asnur dkk. 2011. mengenal pulau makassar (liwuto makasu). baubau: yayasan fajar al buthuni. agger, ben. 2006. teori sosial kritis : kritik, penerapan, dan implikasinya. yogyakarta : kreasi wacana. barker, chirs. 2005. cultural studies teori dan praktik. terj. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. barker, chris. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: kanisius. fairclough, n. 1995. discourse and social change. cambridge : polity press. garna, judistira k. 1999. metode penelitian pendekatan kualitatif. bandung: cv primaco academia. maunati, yekti. 2004. identitas dayak komodifikasi dan politik kebudayaan. yogyakarta: lkis. moleong, lexy j. 2011. metode penelitian kualitatif. bandung : pt remaja rosdakarya. power of media in industrialization of balinese pop music ni wayan ardini aa bagus wirawan i nyoman suarka i gede arya sugiartha study program of musicology indonesia institute of the arts denpasar email: niwayanardini17@gmail.com abstract the development of technology, the economic system, and the culture of new music, has caused the balinese pop music to be industrialized since 1990s. the existence of many recording studios and musicians (composers, singers, and music players) and many other related products all over bali has also contributed to this. through the recording products, various types of direct performances and so forth have caused the balinese pop music to be the commodity of the capitalistic pop culture which is preferred by society. such industrialization is formed by the power of media (musicians), capitalistic power (the capital owner such as the producer/recording studio owner), and the power of media. this present study was conducted in order to identify the phenomenon of one of three powers in such industrialization, namely, the power of media, especially television. the result of the study shows that the power of television media in the industrialization of the balinese pop music is the resource which contributes to the distribution of products which are produced for the market or the prospective market in bali. the television studio which plays the greatest role is the bali tv. it was established in 2002, namely, the year when the political decentralization in indonesia started, following the reformation era which started in 1998. through the regional autonomy, the ethnical local cultures in indonesia, including the balinese pop music, were empowered. the bali tv with “ajeg bali” as its ideology has what is called “klip bali”, “tembang bali” (100% local)”, and “samatra artis bali” programs. the viewers from all over bali like such programs very much. the more often they are presented (viewed and listened to), the more the balinese pop music products obtain the promotional and marketing value. a great number of products, including the balinese pop music, are continuously introduced to the society. the power of media has developed into capitalism and the balinese community has become the object of its consumption. keywords: power of media, balinese pop music, electronic media, television. introduction the balinese pop music, as the balinese culture and language-based modern music, was pioneered by anak agung made cakra in 1970s. he released the song entitled “kusir dokar”, which was popular and best selling in that decade and was introduced through the putra dewata band. starting from the following decades, exactly in 1990s up to now (2015), the balinese pop music has been industrialized. technology, economic system, and the new musical culture have contributed to such industrialization. the balinese pop music has been made to be the capitalistic commodity by the capital owner, namely, the producer or the owner of the recording studio. the producer has been the center of the industrialization of the balinese pop music. the capital owner has dominantly determined the products released. the sharing system implemented by the musicians such as the composers, arrangers, singers, and the music players and so forth has also contributed to such industrialization. the balinese people have also consumed the balinese pop musical products without being recognized that such products are all highly capitalistic, as they benefit the capital owner. as the heirs, owners, and the doers of the balinese culture, they consume the balinese culture-based products. as a critical study, this present study discusses the power working within the phenomenon of the industrialization of the balinese pop music. bennet in barker (2014: 62) knows that cultural studies are in the interdisciplinary domain in which a number of perspectives of various disciplines are selectively chosen to analyze the relationship between culture and power. barker (2005: 12) shows that power is the central of the cultural studies. the industrialization of the balinese pop music has been caused by three different powers which are related to one another; they are the cultural power (the balinese musicians, the capital power (the producer/owner of the recording studio), and the power of media, the audio-visual media in general and television in particular. the focus of the present study is the power of the television media which supports the distribution of the balinese pop music which turns out to have determined the existence and continuity of its industrialization. in this present study, the television media refers to the bali tv, which has the television studio which strongly shows its balinese features. researh method this present study is a qualitative study with the paradigm of critical cultural studies. the data were collected through several interviews in which the interviewees are the informants such as the capital owner (the producer/studio owner), musicians, the media crew, consumers, society, the government and so forth). the data were also collected through observation and library research. the data were analyzed qualitatively, which included, as stated by miles and huberman, data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing. discussion the recording and performing products, the power of audio-visual media, especially television, have caused the balinese pop music to be massively industrialized in every part of bali province in the last two and half decades. widi widiana, lolot, bayu kw, agung wirasutha, dek ulik, raka sidan, and kis band have been the balinese pop music star artists which cannot be separated from the history of industrialization since it started. the common/conventional and creative balinese pop musical products have appeared. although they have been theoretically created as different nuisances and/or genres, they have formed a special standardization in which the difference it shows is only the false individualization to make the products offered marketable. apart from that, such standardization has been able to create many passive consumers. the balinese pop music has also socially bound those who are involved in it (ardini, 2015). in the middle of the balinese pop music capitalism, the phenomenon that the balinese cultural elements are decreasing from the musicality of the balinese pop music has also taken place. the pentatonic musical scale (referred to as pelog, selendro, and pemero) has almost disappeared and has been replaced with the diatonic one as in the indonesian pop music and the western pop music. the language (the poem) of the balinese pop music has been getting mixed with other languages such as the indonesian language and english language. the balinese traditional musical equipment, which used to feature the balinese pop music has been replaced by the equipment needed in the modern music. the way they are sung, the style how the musicians communicate, and the musician’s performance (especially the singer) are getting similar to the global culture. the industrialization of the balinese pop music cannot be separated from the existence of the local television station, especially the bali tv, the first local private tv station in bali. the reason is that although in bali there has been a half dependent government tv station (the tvri bali, half of its programs are self created and the other half should be connected (relied) with the central government, namely, the central tvri in jakarta), the space provided to the balinese pop music is not as much as that provided by the private television stations. the tvri bali, which used to be named the tvri denpasar, was established in 1980s; however, the private television stations were established in 2000s. the bali tv was established in 2002, the dewata tv (currently referred to as kompas tv dewata) was established in 2007, the bmc (the bali music channel) was established in 2010, and the alam bali tv was established in 2012. among them, the only bali tv is the television station which is merely local, whereas the others are not. from the pioneering aspect, presentation intensity and moral responsibility, the bali tv has the paradigm of “ajeg bali” (the ideology of balinization), which is the focus of the present study. one of the real forms of such an ideology is the development and maintenance of the balinese pop music. at the same time, it has also empowered those who are involved in the balinese pop music, meaning that almost all of its artists are the balinese ethnic people who are hindus. the bali tv or the bali ranadha televisi with its motto “matahari dari bali” (the sun from bali) belongs to the bali post media group ‘kelompok media bali post (kmb/bali post group), of which the headquarters are on jalan kebo iwa 63a, ubung kaja, denpasar. it was introduced on 26 may 2002 and has been the first local television station. now it is the biggest and has been well-known in the world. its target includes the middle social class to the upper class and modern life style without neglecting the balinese culture. in general, the market segmentation which is aimed at by the bali tv is the primary market (20-50 years or age), the secondary market (17-19 years of age), and the tertiary market (13-17 years of age). 90% of its programs are local, and 10% are universal. as already known, all such market shares are relevant to the average age of the market share of the balinese pop music. the bali tv’s programs which are related to the balinese pop musicians are “klip bali”, “tembang bali” (100% local), and “samatra artis bali”. the “klip bali” is a program which presents the video clips of the balinese pop music which is presented from monday to friday at 13.00-14.00 indonesia central time. the “tembang bali” (100% local) is the program selected by the viewers through telephone channel in which the viewers can choose the balinese pop music available while sending messages. the program which is the favorite one of those who like the balinese pop music (usually the balinese ethnic people) from all over indonesia is presented every friday and saturday, starting from 15.30 to 16.30 indonesia central time. the “samatra artis bali” used to be the infotainment of the balinese artists’ lives, including the musicians of the balinese pop music. now, performances are added to the infotainment of the “samatra artis bali” although the minus one music is used. the program which presents all towns in bali is presented every sunday, starting from 20.00 to 21.00 indonesia central time. the bali tv is better in regard to its superior program related to the development of the art of the balinese pop music, which is referred to as the talent scouting. the objective is to find musicians in general and singers in particular. the brtv (bintang radio dan televisi) “the radio and television star” has been carried out several times. similar to the talent scouting such as the “indonesian idol” on rcti or “kontes dangdut indonesia (kdi) on mnc, the brtv has produced the prospective balinese pop musical stars. the graduates of the btrv academy bear the name brtv after their names as done on kdi and afi (akademi fantasi indosiar). indirectly, the balinese pop musical products have also promoted and become the advertisements as they are presented intensively, especially on the television media such as the bali tv. the more frequent such products are viewed and listened to, the more they have acquired the promotional and marketing values. in this way, the knowledge, understanding and experience of the listeners will be continuously enriched by the products which are intended to be sold. this tends to lead to the phenomenon of consumerism. a famous postmodern philosopher, jean baudrillard, according to martono (2011: 288) analyzes perfectly the role played by the mass media in the modern society (the consumption society) which is related to the development of capitalism. capitalism cannot be separated from technology as it is through technology capitalism can develop its wings to control the world. the media used are advertisements. according to baudrillard, advertisements are the expanded hand of capitalism which is easily controlled and easily controls the market. through advertisements, every capitalistic product can be offered in a way which can persuade the consumers taste. the consumers seem to be made confused by various products offered through advertisements. every advertisement offers the strengths of a different product; the consumers are left to choose, and advertisements will never be responsible for all the risks resulting from such advertisements. according to baudrillard in his book entitled the consumer society: myths and structure, the attentions of millions of people can be unified through television, and so can their tastes and life styles. what is brought by television is an ideology; a world which can be well visualized, which can be well cut and which can be read through pictures. then such pictures bring the ideologies of all strengths, the system of reading becomes the system of signs. the pictures on television are expected to be the metalanguage of the world which is absent, as a small number of the technical objects (martono, 2011: 288). based on what was described above, it is reasonable if the power of capital (the producer/owner of the recording studio) which promotes products (the musical video clips) on television should pay expensive enough to the television station concerned. furthermore, the television production cost is relatively more expensive than the production cost in the other media. so far, it can be stated that television has the commonest function (or which is the most visible to society) compared to the internet and radio media. it is here then the fact that the power of media will finally become capitalism takes place. conclusion and suggestion it can be concluded that there is a positive correlation between the development of the industrialization of music and the opportunity provided by the television media to present the forms of music produced. similarly, the industrialization of the balinese pop music cannot be separated from the existence of the local television station, especially the private television station such as the bali tv station. the bali tv station significantly contributes to the distribution of the balinese pop musical products. it has both direct and indirect functions. its direct function is advertising the balinese pop music and its indirect function is to present the video of the balinese pop music, the balinese pop music program, and the television infotainment program in which the balinese pop musicians are presented. it seems that the ideology of the bali tv, namely, “ajeg bali” makes it committed to keep revitalizing the balinese pop music. it is suggested that the bali tv should positively communicate with all the parties such as (1) the government (the political aspect) of bali which is concerned with the development and conservation of the balinese pop music, (2) the industry of the balinese pop music (the economic aspect) which involves the balinese pop musicians, and (3) the balinese community, especially the consumers (the cultural aspect). the objective is that the balinese pop music will not become uprooted from the balinese cultural root. it is suggested to the bali tv that it will be possible for the discourse of the illegal reproduction of the balinese pop music in particular through the function it has. therefore, it should give correct (legal) information to and educate the society to consume the legal products of the balinese pop music. further, it is suggested to the bali tv that it should not used the balinese pop music as the arena in which it develops its capitalism. acknowledgment in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. anak agung bagus wirawan, s.u. as the supervisor, prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m.hum. as co-supervisor i, and dr. i gede arya sugiartha, s.kar., m.hum. as co-supervisor ii for their supervision, direction, directive, input, and suggestion during the completion of this present study. the writer would also like to thank the e-journal of cultural studies, study program of philosophical doctor in cultural studies, udayana university for the space and opportunity provided to publish this article. bibliography ardini, ni wayan. 2015. “industrialisasi musik pop bali: ideologi, kepentingan, dan praktiknya”, proposal disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana universitas udayana. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik (terjemahan). yogyakarta: bentang. _______. 2014. kamus kajian budaya (terjemahan). yogyakarta: pt kanisius. martono, nanang. 2011. sosiologi perubahan sosial: perspektif klasik, modern, posmodern, dan poskolonial. jakarta: rajawali pers. miles, matthew b. dan michael a. huberman. 1992. analisis data kualitatif (terjemahan). jakarta: uii press. microsoft word putu lirishati 1 e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 karang memadu: an antipolygamy village called penglipuran putu lirishati soethama faculty of cultural sciences, udayana university email: lirishatinya@yahoo.com abstract modernization illustrates that traditional life does not provide enough roles and opportunities for women. tradition is often interpreted as a restraint and persecution of women. it is no exaggeration to say that in traditional and modern life, polygamy is a legit and approved act. polygamy is detrimental to women, making them suffer and helpless. however, in traditional village of penglipuran, bangli regency, bali, polygamy is prohibited. men who violate customary rules as outlined in the awig-awig of the village should be sentenced. this study aims to provide a basic and simple description of karang memadu, a unique tradition of penglipuran. the purpose of this research is assisted by using library study method, interview with informants and the community of penglipuran village, as well as observation and capturing the life of the community by photographic equipment. the local wisdom of karang memadu in traditional village penglipuan is an effort to protect women from polygamy. customary sanctions must be acknowledged: prohibited from entering the temple area, prohibited from passing the village road up to disgrace of being isolated are effectively make the couple of polygamy can not be encountered in the village penglipuran. although this awig-awig is in contrast to law no. 1 of article 3 verse 2 of 1974 on the legitimacy of polygamy, the terms are in accordance with article 5 stated polygamy may be ratified if there is a consent from the previous wife. this is the essence of karang memadu, no women are men’s second wive. thus, it would have a greater value if karang memadu should not only be taken part as oral customary rules but also considered as as written one. keywords: karang memadu, penglipuran, polygamy, tradition. introduction tradition is often interpreted as out of date, old-fashioned. in modern life, tradition is often accused of impeding the pace of development, unresponsive. many people flock to leave tradition just to be called modern. uniquely, modern humans are also proud to be able to perform activities related to tradition, because of this personal connection to the tradition they are able to differentiate their characteristics as a group and a tribe compare with others. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 modernization also notes that traditional life does not provide enough roles and opportunities for women. giddens (2005) in his book konsekuensi-konsekuensi modernitas says that the global risks of modernization appear to be an ecological and social risks. tradition is often interpreted as restraint and persecution of women. the activists of equal rights are always try to enter the realm of modernization, and often denounce tradition when they fight for women's rights. putra (2000) in his article of sarad magazine describes the writing of hugh mabbett in the balinese that the independent of balinese women in the field of economics and finance seemed stronger nowadays. balinese women have autonomy in the economy because they are also working for money. markets and commerce, where they work, are clearly the territory of women. many more men are engaged in trading and other commercial activities give result in increasingly pressured balinese women into domestic affairs. a man will be easily place a woman, in this case his wife, to a lower status than himself. this also triggers the justification of men on polygamy. he has worked hard to earn a living, met his wife at home but did not get the treatment he hoped for, and wreaked out his disappointment by finding another dream woman. without him nooticing, the wife also has worked hard at home to keep a comfortable house and she also needed to be entitled to get the treatment as she desired from her husband. it is no exaggeration to say, in traditional and modern life, polygamy is a "legit" and approved action. each of us are also aware, polygamy is detrimental to women, making them suffer and helpless. lbh apik on their homepage http://www.lbh-apik.or.id/srn-pers-poligami (2016) reveals some of the suffering arise from polygamy experienced by first wives as well as other wives and their children. there were 58 cases of polygamy accompanied by lbh-apik during the period 2014-2016 showed forms of violence against wives and children, ranging from psychological pressure, physical abuse, neglection of wives and children, threats and terror and abandonment of wives sexual rights. meanwhile, there were also many cases conducted without apparent reason (35 cases). based on the existing data, polygamy encourages the high rate of divorce filed by a wife. however, in traditional village of penglipuran bangli, bali, polygamy is prohibited. men who violate customary rules as outlined in the awig-awig of the village should be sentenced. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 penglipuran women are defended and protected by this awig-awig. we will not see any women being as a second wife in this village. the purpose of this article is to discuss the issue of the protection of karang memadu for balinese women from the act of polygamy in penglipuran village, bangli, bali. this writing is also has aim to reveal the connection of the tradition of karang memadu, a very old and authentic tradition of penglipuran village with modern law of marriage. through this article we get insight of how balinese women are protected from polygamy act and the form of sanctions imposed for polygamous men in the village. this article can also be a mirror or self reflection, that tradition has a wisdom which can be used as a perspective of life for the modern people. in accordance with that, this awig-awig in the village of penglipuran can be used as a reference to defend and to protect women from polygamy act. research method to meet the need for a complete and reliable data in the writing of this article, several ways have been done by following the correct method as well as the procedures for the preparation of writing in general. the research methods used were library research, that is the way to obtain theoretical data, and field research to complete the empirical data. the field research method was used for interview with informants and the community of penglipuran village, as well as observation and capturing the life of the community by photographic equipment. the qualitative data collected from interviews, observations, and data collection from the internet, were summarized again to be explained descriptively by emphasizing at the core of the interview and the specific events on the field. this method of writing is in line with the discussion of koentjaraningrat (1985) in his book metode-metode penelitian masyarakat that to meet scientific provisions, then the symptoms in the community should be explained descriptively by the researchers. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 result and discussion penglipuran villagers need to be grateful that they have uniqueness as a traditional village. these traditions still signify their clear imprints. the traditional village of penglipuran is located in bangli regency, 45km from denpasar. this indigenous village which is also a tourist attraction is very easy to achieve, because it is located on the main road of kintamanibangli. penglipuran village also looks so beautiful, can be felt once entering the village area. in the area of catus pata, the landmark when entering penglipuran village, there is a village hall, community facility and an open space for cropping which is also functioned as the welcoming area. (kusuma, 2017) soethama (1995) in his book sang juara, sembilan desa terpilih di bali expresses in scenic words a bit of penglipuran life. those who returned from the garden enliven the village road every afternoon. they carry coconut, firewood, or bananas. children are also appear playing on the edge of a clean ditch, or on the steps of the house during the day. if we enter the house of penglipuran people, we must be welcomed by old people. they sit idly in the kitchen, which also became their bedroom. therefore, it becomes very interesting when they have a tradition against polygamy issued in oral awig-awig. any polygamous men will be thrown into karang memadu, a 13acre area dedicated to families of two wives. the family living in karang memadu has abstinences. they are restricted: to enter the temple area because they have not been through village ceremonies, to participate in the village organizational structure, and they will be excommunicated while they are still living in karang mempadu. there is no permanent house inside karang memadu. although there is a house, the building is very simple and neglected. if there is a couple who are involved in the process, then that's when the villagers build a small and simple temporary home for their residence. the span of time they occupy this house is unspecified, up to the man can divorce one of them, either the first wife or the second wife. due to the large area of this karang memadu, 13 acres, and located in the lowest area of the penglipuran village, it will not appear to be a problem if there are several couples who merge and facing the same process at once. they will all be placed in one yard but will have a different temporary home. this house is made of bamboo and thatch roof. it is not a decent house for long occupied, even the community has impression of such a house like a cowshed. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 windia (2006) in his book pengantar hukum adat bali explains that balinese customary law is a law that grows within the balinese customary law community based on the teachings of religion (hinduism) and grows to follow the customs and feelings of propriety in the balinese customary law community itself. similarly, custom law / awig-awig applied in the traditional village of penglipuran. although there are no written rules on karang memadu, but the village has written customs laws about families or people who are prohibited from entering the temple. one of them is bride and groom who have not completed the marriage ceremony. it also applied to couples of karang memadu, those who have not officially divorced from their first wive, have not been able to perform a marriage ceremony, they are automatically can not enter the temple area. the regulation is arranged in customary law/awig-awig of penglipuran which contains 8 chapters/sargah, 69 articles/paos. paos 39 regulates restrictions of entering the temple area: paos 39 1. tan kelugra ngeranjing ke pura: 1.1 sang sebel kandel luwire 1.1.1 ngeraja suwala 1.1.2 madruwe oka, manut sengker 1.1.3 sang alaki rabi (penganten) sedurung puput upakara pawiwahan. paos 39 states that the bride and groom who have not completed the wedding ceremony are prohibited from entering the temple area, in accordance with awig-awig karang memadu. if there are unmarried memadu couples, in addition to occupying the karang memadu, they are also prohibited from entering the temple area, due to their illegal unmarried status. in the website of kemenag.co.id (2017) on law no. 1 article 3 verse 2 of 1974 concerning marriage states: the court may grant permission to a husband to have more than one wife if desired by the parties concerned. the justification by the religious courts to grant the permission due to the disability of the wife, unable to carry out her duties and unable to give birth to a child. however, article 5 in this act stipulates several requirements that must be fulfilled for the husband to legalize polygamy, namely: e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 a. the consent of the wife; b. the assurance of the husband that he is capable in giving guarantee of life necessities for his wive and their children (material); c. the assurance of the husband that he will be impartial to his wives and their children (immaterial). the marriage law provides legitimacy for men to practice polygamy in contrast to the karang memadu that does not provide a place for men to be polygamous. meanwhile the requirements to be fulfilled seem to be in accordance with the local wisdom of karang memadu. men are forced to be effortful if they want to conduct polygamy by the enforcement of these conditions. in the case of karang memadu, to be able to legalize their marriage, firstly couples entering the karang memadu area should divorce their previous wives. appended with custom sanctions of disallowance of entering the temple area, ostracized and disallowance of passing the village road are enough to make them rethink thousands of times to occupy the karang memadu and to join in polygamy community. karang memadu is indeed an attempt to protect women, but it does not mean that this regulation saves women from the men’s play completely. a man is allowed to marry several times, but he can not stay in one roof with two wives. if he has intention to get married again, he must divorce his previous wife. if by mistake, negligence, a woman already impregnated by a married man, he may choses one of them to be his legal wife. the man could divorce the first wife, or choose the recent pregnant woman or even return to the arms of the first wife. until this stage of process women are still deteriorate. they become a creature that yield to destiny, while men are not subjected to any sanctions from the village. they are allowed to be a member of the village as long as they have one wife only. they posses their rights as a villager again as normal. they could have held a place of honor in the village administration structure. karang memadu is almost never inhabited, because the average of penglipuran people are terrified and very embarrassed to live in there. they are completely ostracized, prohibited from passing the village road and prohibited from entering holy areas. wayan suryadnyana said, once, tens of hundreds of years ago, there was a couple occupy karang memadu. only less than two days they occupied it, because the man finally managed to divorce his first wife and married the second wife. the incident that he heard from his mother deceased that this only ever happened once in penglipuran. there is also a story from nengah kajeng. about 50 years ago, a family almost entered karang memadu. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 then suddenly the second wife seemed to concede so they abort occupying karang memadu and the man returned to his first wife. the data from this narrative provide evidence that penglipuran people are afraid of polygamy. they generally feel afraid of being ostracized and feel humiliated if they have to occupy karang memadu. because of that we can find many married-divorced couples in the village of penglipuran. even adultery becomes a painful but giving solution act to some of them. like the story of wayan suryadnyana’s mother. his father married his mother with the status of his first wife, and then divorced her to get married again with another woman. the divorced woman decided to return home. seized by the face and journey of his ex-sister-inlaw's life, the younger brother of suryadnyana's father (uncle) decided to marry the widow of his brother. so suryadnyana's mother canceled her intention to return back home to her parents, and finally remained in penglipuran village as the wife of her ex-husband’s brother. prior to this day, karang memadu has never been occupied by penglipuran residents. the awig-awig of karang memadu seems to exploit the feeling of humiliation. the embarrassment of having to occupy the karang memadu, the embarrassment of being ostracized, the embarrassment of unable to enter the temple area even the embarrassment of unable to cross the village road. but the humiliation without karang memadu also appears not effective enough to make the men of penglipuran abort their intention in polygamy. karang memadu becomes coral combine so necessary and substantial to realize the feeling of humiliated. thus they occupy karang memadu, the humiliation will be more substantial for the hearsay and scandal of all villagers. kulkul has beaten indicates an important event happened. banten pecaruan prepared to clean up the dirty village due to polygamy incident, require much cost to be taken into account by the citizens who want to conduct polygamy. at least 5 million rupiahs needed only for once banten pecaruan. karang memadu effective in preventing women of penglipuran from husband’s intention of polygamy. a tour guide, degus, said, he never missed telling the story of karang memadu everytime he brings foreign and domestic guests. they always respond to this story with high enthusiasm. from all over the world, perhaps the extraordinary values that are told in the local wisdom of karang memadu can only be found in penglipuran village. jack holden, a e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 dutch traveler complied what degus said, “it is such a great value. protecting the women of the village from polygamy. we’ve traveled to places and never found this tradition elsewhere.” conclusion and suggestion the local wisdom of karang memadu in the traditional village of penglipuan is an attempt to protect women from polygamy, although it does not mean that this customary rule saves women completely from men's wrong behaviour. the existence of karang memadu makes the men of penglipuran rethink thousands of times to conduct polygamy. the customary sanctions which must be acknowledged are very embarrassing to them. they are prohibited from entering the temple area, prohibited from passing the village road up to disgrace from being isolated are effectively make the couple of polygamy can not be encountered in the village of penglipuran. thus, if there are penglipuran villagers who want to divorce and remarry, they have to prepare themselves. first example can be taken considered from solving the problem that causes them to file for divorce in the family. mediation before divorce is necessary. although this awig-awig is in contrast to law no. 1 of article 3 verse 2 of 1974 on the legitimacy of polygamy, the terms are in accordance with article 5 stated polygamy may be ratified if there is a consent from the previous wife. men are forced to be effortful if they want to conduct polygamy by the enforcement of these conditions. it is definitely not an easy step to get permission to marry again from the first wife. if permission is not granted, then divorce would be the solution. this is the essence of karang memadu, no women are men’s second wive. thus, it would have a greater value if karang memadu should not only be taken part as oral customary rules but also considered as as written one. acknowledgments the author would like to thank the parties who have helped the completion of writing of this article, karang memadu: an antipolygamy village called penglipuran. the highest gratitude to the rector of udayana university, head of doctoral program of cultural studies and editor in chief of e-journal of cultural studies for the opportunity given to author to enliven this issue of e-journal of cultural studies. a humble gratitude goes to gde aryantha e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 for all the suggestions, discussion time and criticism given for the development of this article. hopefully this article can provide us many benefits. bibliography giddens, antony. 2005. konsekuensi-konsekuensi modernitas. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. koentjaraningrat. 1985. metode-metode penelitian masyarakat. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama, kusuma, barry. (2017) budaya desa adat penglipuran. [online]. available: http://www.navigasi.net/goart.php?a=budsplpr lbh apik. 2015. homepage on poligami sebagai bentuk kekerasan yang paling nyata atas harkat dan martabat perempuan sebagai manusia di dalam hukum, sosial budaya dan agama. [online]. available: http://www.lbh-apik.or.id/srn-pers-poligami. putra, nyoman darma, di antara pesona dan tanggung jawab. denpasar: sarad, 2000, vol. 03. soethama, gde aryantha. 1995. sang juara, sembilan desa terpilih di bali. denpasar: biro humas dan protokol setwilda tk i bali. undang-undang no 1 tahun 1974 tentang perkawinan. [online]. available: https://kemenag.go.id/file/dokumen/uuperkawinan.pdf. windia, wayan. p. 2006. pengantar hukum adat bali. denpasar: lembaga dokumentasi dan publikasi fakultas hukum universitas udayana. the youth’s attitude to free sex in negara city: sikap remaja terhadap seks bebas di kota negara: perspektif kajian budaya i wayan rasmen adikusuma (mahasiswa). prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, ms (promotor). prof. dr. dr. alex pangkahila, m.sc., sp. and (kopromotor i). prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, sh., ms (kopromotor ii). program pendidikan doktor (s3) kajian budaya universitas udayana, jalan nias 13 denpasar-bali abstrak seks merupakan salah satu kenikmatan hidup yang paling kontroversial. seks mempunyai makna yang luas berdimensi biologis, psikologis, dan sosiokultural. seks selalu menarik untuk diwacanakan dan dipraktekkan, tapi selalu menimbulkan kontradiksi di masyarakat. sementara itu kasus-kasus akibat seks bebas terus muncul. remaja merupakan usia yang paling rentan terkena masalah seksual. seks bebas menurut pendapat remaja adalah hubungan seks antara dua individu tanpa ikatan perkawinan. pendapat yang paling ekstrim menganggap semua aktivitas seksual apabila pikiran mengarah ke hubungan seks merupakan seks bebas. sebanyak 88,33% responden mengatakan ingin melakukan hubungan seks tapi takut resiko. sebanyak 26,26% responden mengatakan bahwa cara terbaik untuk memenuhi kebutuhan seks adalah hubungan seks. akan tetapi semua responden (100%) berpendapat bahwa hubungan seks pada masa remaja hendaknya dihindari. sebanyak 5,00% responden setuju dengan aborsi, sebanyak 36,66% responden setuju memberikan toleransi kepada kaum homoseks/lesbian, dan sebanyak 1,67% responden tidak setuju dengan hukuman berat bagi pemerkosa. makna yang dapat dikemukakan adalah bahwa semua responden masih dapat mengendalikan diri untuk tidak melakukan hubungan seks. perjuangan kaum wanita dan kaum homoseks/lesbian untuk menuntut kesetaraan gender sudah mendapatkan simpati di kalangan sebagian responden. kata kunci: sikap remaja, seks bebas, makna. pendahuluan seks merupakan salah satu kenikmatan hidup yang paling kontroversial, tapi selalu menarik untuk diwacanakan maupun dipraktekkan sepanjang masa. oleh karena itu seks selalu menjadi perdebatan. namun setiap perdebatan selalu merembes kepada unsur negatif dari seks itu sendiri yaitu seks bebas. sejarah menunjukkan bahwa pandangan mengenai seks adalah penuh kontroversial. pada awal abad ke-17, dunia barat moderm, dunia kristen, seks sangat tertutup. victorianisme menabukan seks, terjadi represi seks secara umum dan diskursus seks secara khusus. seks hanya boleh untuk tujuan prokreatif. akan tetapi ternyata kontra produktif oleh karena diskursus seksual ilegal merebak. hal ini berbeda dengan pada zaman yunani kuno di mana seks bertujuan prokreatif dan rekreatif. sebagai akibatnya banyak terjadi kekerasan seksual (ritzer, 2004). pada zaman berikutnya bahwa perilaku seksual dipengaruhi oleh sistem ekonomi kapitalisme global, ditandai dengan adanya komodifikasi tubuh dan komodifikasi hawa nafsu. nilai estetik diabaikan, dan pornokitch lebih ditonjolkan (piliang, 2004). hal ini membawa perubahan pada masyarakat bali, terjadi penyimpangan-penyimpangan sosial, yang mengarah kepada disfungsi struktur sosial masyarakat bali. pornografi merebak, baik lewat media cetak maupun media elektronik. para remaja mudah terjerumus melakukan seks bebas, dengan berbagai dampaknya seperti kehamilan yang tidak diinginkan (ktd) dan penyakit menular seksual. munculnya joged bungbung porno di buleleng tidak lepas dari pengaruh sistem ekonomi kapitalisme global, yang ternyata mendapat sambutan yang luar biasa dari konsumennya (atmadja, 2005). munculnya perilaku seks bebas, dan penggunaan narkotika serta obat berbahaya lainnya tidak lepas dari ekses negatif pariwisata. penelitian-penelitian tentang persepsi, sikap, dan perilaku seksual sudah banyak dilakukan baik di tingkat nasional, propinsi, maupun kabupaten. hasilnya menunjukkan bahwa perilaku seks bebas dikalangan remaja cenderung meningkat dari tahun ke tahun. di kabupaten jembrana (dengan ibu kotanya negara) ada banyak kasus kekerasan/pelecehan seksual yang mencuat ke media masa antara lain: homoseksualisme/lesbianisme, perselingkuhan, perkosaan, fedofilia, bunuh diri, penganiayaan sampai meninggal dengan motif seksual, serta sejumlah anak drop out dari sekolah oleh karena hamil. namun yang paling mengejutkan adalah bahwa pada tahun 2005 ditemukan 27 kasus hiv/aids yang mana sebelumnya tidak ada laporan kasus. hal ini dipandang sebagai fenomena gunung es, di mana kasus sebenarnya di masyarakat lebih banyak lagi. adanya persepsi yang berbeda-beda mengenai seks akan menyebabkan sikap yang berbeda-beda terhadap seks itu sendiri, yang selanjutnya mempengaruhi perilaku seksualnya. dampak negatif seks bebas tidak dapat dilepaskan dari sikap individu tersebut terhadap seks bebas. permasalahan dapat dirumuskan menjadi: “bagaimanakah sikap remaja terhadap seks bebas di kota negara? faktor apakah yang mempengaruhi, serta apa dampak dan maknanya?” manfaat penelitian dari segi praktis dapat dipakai sebagai sumbangan pemikiran bagi penentu kebijakan terutama bagi pemerintah kabupaten jembrana. materi dan diskusi sikap merupakan kecenderungan untuk berespon, baik secara positif maupun negatif, terhadap orang, obyek atau situasi. chaplin (dalam ali, 2004) menyamakan sikap dengan pendirian. atau secara lebih operasional pendirian identik dengan pendapat. sedangkan remaja menurut hurlock (masih dalam ali, 2004) adalah anak dengan usia masih duduk di bangku sekolah menengah. dengan demikian sikap remaja di sini adalah pendapat dari siswa sekolah menengah, yang dapat digolongkan atas lima katagori berdasarkan skala likert. menurut ramali (1987) bahwa seks bebas merupakan persetubuhan bebas dengan siapa saja. secara lebih operasional seks bebas merupakan hubungan seks tanpa ada ikatan perkawinan. kajian budaya menurut barker (2005) adalah studi kritis mengenai kehidupan manusia, menggunakan pendekatan multi/interdisipliner, dan lebih menekankan pada metodemetode ideografis dari pada nomotetis. untuk menjawab permasalahan yang telah dirumuskan akan menggunakan teori-teori yang relevan. penelitian ini menggunakan metode penelitian kualitatif cross sectional ditunjang dengan pendekatan yang bersifat kuantitatif, dengan paradigma multidisipliner dari aspek biologis, psikologis, dan sosial budaya. lokasi penelitian adalah di kota negara kabupaten jembrana. subyek penelitian adalah anak kelas dua sma atau yang sederajat. besar sampel ditentukan secara quota 60 orang terdiri dari 30 orang pria dan 30 orang wanita. teknik pengumpulan data meliputi wawancara berstruktur, wawancara mendalam, observasi, dan dokumentasi. teknik analisis data berupa analisis kualitatif interpretatif dan analisis kuantitatif. data disajikan dalam bentuk diskriptif kualitatif (narasi), dan analisis kuantitatif. seks bebas menurut pendapat para responden adalah hubungan seks antara dua individu tanpa ikatan perkawinan. pendapat yang paling ekstrim menyatakan bahwa aktivitas apapun yang dilakukan asalkan pikiran mengarah ke hubungan seks termasuk melanggar norma agama, yang dengan demikian termasuk seks bebas. sebanyak 73,33% responden mengatakan bahwa seks merupakan kebutuhan dasar manusia. sebanyak 51,67% responden mengatakan bahwa hubungan seks merupakan cara terbaik untuk memenuhi kebutuhan seks. sebanyak 36,67% responden mengatakan bahwa onani merupakan cara lain sebagai pengganti keinginan untuk melakukan hubungan seks. semua responden (100%) berpendapat bahwa hubungan seks pada masa remaja hendaknya dihindari. hanya 16,67% responden yang berpendapat bahwa onani tidak bertentangan dengan norma agama. sebanyak 50,00% responden berpendapat bahwa onani pada wanita adalah tidak lazim, dan kalau ketahuan dianggap wanita nakal/genit. sebanyak 88,33% responden menyatakan bahwa mereka ingin sekali melakukan hubungan seks, tapi takut resiko walaupun 88,33% responden mengaku pernah pacaran. sebanyak 5,00% responden setuju dengan aborsi. sebanyak 36,66% responden berpendapat bahwa kaum homoseks/lesbian perlu ditoleransi. sebanyak 1,67% responden berpendapat bahwa pemerkosa tidak perlu dihukum berat. secara biologis, semua responden secara umum dalam keadaan sehat. secara psikologis, semua responden mempunyai orientasi heteroseksual. tidak ada yang mengkonsumsi obat-obatan yang tergolong narkoba. pengetahuan tentang seksualitas masih terbatas. aktivitas seksual yang mereka lakukan tidak sampai melakukan hubungan seks oleh karena takut resiko, antara lain adalah kehamilan, pms, melanggar norma agama dan hukum, serta gencarnya kontrol pemerintah. pornografi dengan mudah diakses lewat media elektronik di mana 83,33% responden pernah melihat film porno lewat hp. onani dianggap setara dengan berzinah. masih ada kesan mitos. komodifikasi tubuh dan hawa nafsu belum nampak berpengaruh. dampak sikap remaja terhadap seks bebas di kalangan responden masih dalam kategori ringan masih berupa potensi, misalnya dengan merepresi dorongan seks berpotensi terjadi disfungsi seksual. responden yang berpacaran berpotensi melakukan hubungan seks. sedangkan makna sikap remaja terhadap seks bebas, adalah bahwa semua responden masih dapat mengendalikan diri untuk tidak melakukan hubungan seks. di samping itu perjuangan kaum wanita dan kaum homoseks/lesbian untuk mendapatkan kesetaraan gender ternyata sudah mendapatkan simpati, seperti halnya legalisasi aborsi, dan toleransi terhadap homoseksualisme/lesbianisme. kesimpulan kesimpulannya bahwa sikap remaja terhadap seks bebas adalah bervariasi. menurut pendapat yang paling ekstrim, bahwa aktivitas seksual yang dilakukan remaja walaupun tidak disertai dengan hubungan seks asalkan pikiran mengarah ke hubungan seks sudah termasuk seks bebas. sebagian remaja mempunyai dorongan seks yang kuat, dan menganggap hubungan seks merupakan cara terbaik dalam rangka memenuhi kebutuhan seks. akan tetapi semua remaja berpendapat bahwa hubungan seks hendaknya dihindari. berbagai faktor mempengaruhi sikap remaja tersebut, namun dampak yang muncul masih dalam kategori ringan, yaitu berupa potensi. makna yang dapat dikemukakan bahwa remaja masih dapat mengendalikan diri sehingga tidak sampai melakukan hubungan seks. sementara perjuangan kaum wanita dan kaum homoseks/lesbian dalam rangka menuntut kesetaraan gender sudah mendapatkan simpati. daftar pustaka ali, mohammad; asrori, mohammad, 2004, psikologi remaja, perkembangan peserta didik, cetakan pertama, jakarta: pt. bumi aksara. atmadja, i nengah bawa, dkk., 2005, joged bungbung porno: industri seks berbentuk hiburan seks melalui rangsangan mata (studi kasus di buleleng, bali), fakultas pendidikan ilmu pengetahuan sosial, singaraja: institut keguruan dan ilmu pendidikan negeri. barker, chris, 2005, cultural studies, teori dan praktek, yogyakarta: pt bintang pustaka. duarsa, diah pradnyaparamita, 2005, remaja menantang bahaya, fenomena kehamilan tak diinginkan di kota denpasar, cetakan ke-1, denpasar: kajian budaya books dan bali mangsi press. hawton, keith, 1990, sex theraphy, new york: oxford university press. mariyah, emiliana, 2004, pengetahuan, sikap, dan perilaku masyarakat terhadap penduduk migran dan program transmigrasi, dalam jurnal kajian budaya, vol. 1, no. 1, 1 januari. may, abdurrachman, 2006, persepsi dan sikap tokoh agama terhadap eksistensi pariwisata lombok (kajian dari perspektif budaya), denpasar: program pascasarjana universitas udayana. mccary, james leslie, 1973, human sexuality, a brief edition, university of houston. negara, i made oka, 2006, analisis situasi kesehatan reproduksi dan seksual remaja, dari pengalaman kisara mendampingi remaja di denpasar, disampaikan dalam ceramah “meningkatkan kesehatan reproduksi remaja” dalam rangka hut kartini yang diselenggarakan oleh gabungan organisasi wanita kabupaten jembrana, 24 april. piliang, yasraf amir, 2004, dunia yang dilipat, yogyakarta: jalasura. ramali; pamoencak, 1987, kamus kedokteran, cetakan ke-13, jakarta: penerbit djambatan. ritzer, george, 2004, teori sosial postmodern, yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. ucapan terima kasih atas asung kerta wara nugraha ida sanghyang widhi wasa, tuhan yang maha esa, tak lupa saya ucapkan banyak-banyak terima kasih kepada prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, ms (promotor), prof. dr. dr. alex pangkahila, m.sc., sp. and (kopromotor i), dan prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, sh., ms (kopromotor ii), atas bimbingannya. demikian pula saya ucapkan terima kasih banyak kepada para dosen pengajar dan semua pihak yang telah membantu selama saya mengikuti kuliah di s3 kajian budaya universitas udayana. the youth’s attitude to free sex in negara city: a perspective from cultural studies i wayan rasmen adikusuma (student) prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, ss (promotor) prof. dr. alex pangkahila, m.sc., sp. and (copromotor i) prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, sh,. ms (copromotor ii) doctorate program in cultural studies, udayana university, jalan nias 13 denpasar – bali abstract sex is one of the pleasures of life which remains most controversial. sex bears a lot of meanings of multidimensions, which include biological, psychological, and socio-cultural dimensions. sex is always interesting to talk about and to practice, but it always generates contradictions in the society. at the same time, various sex-related cases keep growing. adolescence is the life phase most potential for sex-related problems. free sex, according to young people, is sex intercourse conducted between two individuals without marriage bound. the most extreme opinion includes as the practices of free sex not only sexual intercourse but also even only the thinking about that activity. as much as 88.33% of the respondents said that they wanted to do sex intercourse but that they were afraid of the risk. as much as 26.26% of the respondents said that the best way to meet sexual need was through direct sexual intercourse. however, all respondents (100%) were in the opinion that adolescents should avoid sexual intercourse. while as much as 5.00% of the respondents approved of abortion and as much as 36.66% approved of a tolerance for homosexuality and lesbian practices, as much as 1.67% did not approve of such practices and recommended heavy punishment for rapists. it is implied in the responses of all respondents that all of them still control themselves not to commit free sexual intercourse. the struggle on the part of the women and the homosexual/lesbian for gender equality has won the sympathy of some of the respondents. keywords: youth’s attitude, free sex, meaning. introduction sex is one of the sources of pleasure in life which remains most controversial to date yet constantly interesting to talk about and to practice all through the time. therefore, sex always becomes a hot topic for debates. however, in every debate the weighting is always more toward the negative side of free sex. history has shown that an opinion about free sex is always controversial. at the beginning of the 17th century the modern western world, the christian world, was so closed to sex. victorianism regarded sex as a taboo, which led to a general sex repression and the repression of discourse on sex in particular. sex was allowed only for procreative purposes. however, this turned out to be contra productive to the growing of illegal sexual discourses. this was different from the condition during the classical greek time in which sex practices were for the purposes of procreation and recreation. as a result, there occurred sexual violence (ritzer (2004). in the next era, sexual behavior is much influenced by the global capitalistic economic system as signaled by the commoditification of bodies and sexual impulses. aesthtic value is neglected while pornokitch is made prominent (piliang, 2004). this has also brought changes to the society of bali as marked by social abuses leading to the disfunction of the social structure of the balinese society. pornography is getting spread through both printed and electronic media. adolescents become easily provoked to practice free sex with all its accompanying consequences such as unwanted pregnancy and sexual deseases. the presence of porno “joged bumbung” youth flirting dance in the district of buleleng cannot be separated from the influence of the global capitalistic economic system, which has turned out to win high acceptance from its consumers (atmaja, 2005). the existence of free sexual behavior and the use of narcotique and other dangerous drugs are all caused by the negative impact of tourism. researches on sexual perception, attitude and behavior have been much done at the national, provincial and regency levels. the results show that free sexual behavior on the part of the adolescents tends to increase from year to year. in the regency of jembrana (with its negara capital city) there have been a lot of cases of sexual violence reported in the mass media, which among others include the following: homosexuality/lesbianism, adultery, rapes, pedophilia, suicide, killing under sexual motive, and drop out from school due to pregnancy. however, most shocking of all was the occurrence of 27 hiv/aids cases in 2005 while in the years before no such cases were reported. this has been regarded as iceberg phenomena, namely cases which actually could be found many more in the society. the fact that there are different acceptances of sex has raised different attitudes about sex, which in turn leads to different sexual behaviors. the negative impact of free sex cannot be separated from the individual attitude to free sex. therefore, the problems to be addressed cannot be formulated as follows: “what is the youth’s attitude to free sex in negara city? what factors have contributed, and what are their impact and meaning?” the practical benefit of this research would be its conceptual contribution to the policy makers, especially those in the regency of jembrana. material and discussion attitude is the potential for responding, both positively and negatively, to human being, object or situation. chaplin (in ali, 2004) regards attitude as equal to position. more operationally, position is identical with opinion. according to hurlock (in ali, 2004), adolescence is the age of human beings when they are still high school students. therefore, what is here meant by youth’s attitude is that represented by the high school students’ opinions, which could be categorized into five categories based on likert’s scale. according to ramali (1987), free sex is free sexual intercourse committed between any partners. more operationally free sex can be defined as sexual intercourse without marriage. cultural studies, according to barker (2005) is a critical study on human life based on multi/interdisciplinary approach, with weighting more on ideographic rather than nomothetic method. to answer the problems already formulated, several relevant theories would be adopted. this study is based on cross sectional qualitative method supported by quantitative approach under multidisciplinary paradigm from the aspects of biology, psychology, and socio-culture. the research location is the city of negara, the caoital of jembrana regency. the subjects of the research are the second-year students of senior high schools or their equals. quota sampling is adopted limiting the number of subjects to 60 students, of which 30 are male and 30 are female. the data collection techniques include structured interview, intensive interview, observation and documentation. the data analysis includes such techniques as qualitative interpretative analysis and quantitative analysis. the data is presented descriptive quantitatively (narration) and in the form of quantitative analysis. free sex according to respondents is the sexual intercourse committed between two individuals without marriage. the most extreme opinion states that whatever activity committed under the thought strongly associated with sexual intercourse is categorized as violating religious norms and can, therefore, be categorized as free sex. as much as 73.33% of the respondents state that sex constitutes human’s basic need. as much as 51.67% of the respondents state that sexual intercourse is the best way to meet sexual need. as much as 36.67% of the respondents state that onani is a substitute for fulfillment of sexual need. all respondents (100%) are in the opinion that sexual intercourse should be avoided during adolescence. only as much as 16.67% of the respondents are in the opinion that onani is not a violence against religious norms. as much as 50.00% of the respondents are in the opinion that onani is not common with the female because when discovered doing it a girl is regarded as a flirt. as much as 88.33% of the respondents state that they very much want to do sexual intercourse, but that they are afraid of the risk, though this percentage of the respondents admit that they have got their respective boyfriends or girlfriends. as much as 5.00% of the respondents approve of abortion. as much as 36.66% of the respondents are in the opinion that the homosexual and the lesbian should be tolerated. as much as 1.6% of the respondents are in the opinion that rapists do not need to be given heavy punishment. biologically, all respondents are generally in good health condition. psychologically, all respondents are heterosexually oriented. none of the respondents consumes drugs that can be categorized as narcotique. their knowledge about sexuality is still limited. their sexual activities so far never include sexual intercourse due to their awareness of the risk such as pregnancy, pms, violation of religious norms and law, and strict government control. pornography can be easily accessed through electronic media, and 83.33% of the respondents have seen porno films through hand phone. onani is regarded as committing adultery. there is still a dimension of myth in the respondents’ attitude. comoditification of bodies and passion is not prominent. the impact of the youth’s attitude to free sex as elicited from the respondents is still only slight, i.e. only in the form of a potential. for example, by repressing sexual drive, there tend to be sexual disfunction to occur. the respondents who have got engaged tend to do sexual intercourse. as for the meaning of the youth’s attitude to free sex is that all respondents can still control themselves so that they do not commit sexual intercourse. moreover, the struggle of women and the homosexual/ the lesbian for gender equality turns out to have won a degree of sympathy as proved by the legalization of abortion and the tolerance to homosexuality/lesbianism. conclusion it can be concluded that the youth’s attitude to free sex is varies. according to the most extreme opinion, the sexual activities done by young people, even if not in the form of sexual intercourse but only based on the imagination of such are already categorized as free sex. some of the adolescents have strong sex drive and regard sexual intercourse as the best way to meet sexual need. however, all adolescents are in the opinion that sexual intercourse should be avoided. various factors influence the youth’s attitude, but the accompanying impact can still be categorized as light, i.e. only in the form of a potential. the meaning that can be concluded from the respondents’ attitude is that they can still control themselves so that they do not commit sexual intercourse. as for the struggle of women and the homosexual/the lesbians for gender equality, there seems already to be a degree of sympathy. references ali, mohammad; asrori, mohammad, 2004, psikologi remaja, perkembangan peserta didik, cetakan pertama, jakarta: pt. bumi aksara. atmaja, i nengah bawa, dkk., 2005, joged bumbung porno: industri seks berbentuk hiburan seks melalui rangsangan mata (studi kasus di bulelen, bali), fakultas pendidikan ilmu pengetahuan sosial, singaraja: institut keguruan dan ilmu pendidikan negeri. barker, chris, 2005, cultural studies, teori dan praktek, yogyakarta: pt. bintang pustaka. duarsa, diah pradnyaparamita, 2005, remaja menantang bahaya, fenomena kehamilan tak dinginkan di kota denpasar, cetakan ke-1, denpasar: kajian budaya books dan bali mangsi press. hawton, keith, 1990, sex theraphy, new york: oxford university press. mariyah, emiliana, 2004, pengetahuan, sikap, dan perilaku masyarakat terhadap penduduk migran dan program transmigrasi, dalam jurnal kajian budaya, vol.1, nop.1, 1 januari. may, abdurrachman, 2006, persepsi dan sikap tokoh agama terhadap eksistensi pariwisata lombok (kajian dari perspektif budaya), denpasar: program pascasarjana universitas udayana. mccary, james leslie, 1973, human sexuality, a brief edition, university of houston. negara, i made oka, 2005, analisais situasi kesehatan reproduksi dan seksual remaja, dari npengalaman kisara mendampingi remaja di denpasar, disampaikan dalam ceramah “meningkatkan kesehatan reproduksi remaja” dalam rangka hut kartini yang diselenggarakan oleh gabungan organisasi wanita kabupaten jembrana, 24 april. piliangh, yasraf amir, 2004, dunia yang dilipat, yogyakarta: jalasura. ramali, pamoencak, 1987, kamus kedokteran, cetakan ke-13, jakarta: penerbit jambatan. ritzer, george, 2004, teori sosial postmodern, yogyakarta: kreasiu wacana. acknowledgement under the blessing of the almighty god, i would like to express my thanks to prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, ms (promotor), prof. dr.alex pangkahila, m.sc.and (copromotor i), and prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, sh., m.s. (copromotor ii) for their guidance. my sincere thanks are also due to the lecturers and other people who have supported me during my study in the doctorate program of cultural studies of udayana university. women and accessories: business opportunity and craft industry i ketut sida arsa study program of artistic skill faculty of arts and design indonesia institute of the arts denpasar email: rugos28kt@gmail.com abstract this study is intended to describe the current life style of women which contributes to the development of craft industry, especially the industry of accessories in bali. in this case, women are used as the subject made use of by the capitalist, that is, the producer of accessories used as the object. the data on the relationship between the craft industrial element, especially the industry of accessories, with the life style of women were obtained using observation and in-depth interview techniques. the theory of consumerism developed by jean baudrillard was used to analyze the field data. the result of the study showed that the stylish performance had caused women to be consumptive. in this case, women had been the most potential target of the market share; therefore, the capitalist perpetually developed new mode or trend. in this way, women were made to follow the newest trend, meaning that their desire had been inspired by various trends which had been developed by the accessory business persons from time to time. such a phenomenon could be clearly seen when the discourse of “ajeg bali” was made to be popular, and when the civil servants, private employees and students were obliged to wear the balinese traditional dress. accessories were attached to the woman’s blouse to make it more interesting. it seemed that dress and accessories could not be separated from one another to make performance more perfect. such a phenomenon contributed to the garment industry and craft industry in order to meet what is desired by the balinese women. keywords: women, accessories, business, craft industry introduction nowadays women and accessories cannot be separated from one another. the reason is that women have to have and wear them in their daily activities and on special days. every woman wants to look beautiful and interesting before men. every man in the world likes a woman who is slim, white, beautiful and pure. therefore, it is not wrong for atmaja (2010: 245) to say that in the balinese community a woman is frequently treated as the object of the man’s libido. this has made women use their bodies optimally not only to give rise to the men’s libido but also to make themselves praised. every woman wants to be praised. as creatures with desires, women are frequently unsatisfied with one thing which makes them to be praised, causing them to add accessories such as necklace, earrings, brooches, necklaces and rings to make their performance perfect. this is supported by what is stated by widana (2011: 163—164) that accessories are absolutely needed when women are dressed up. furthermore, he stated that the prices of the accessories worn by women to complete their traditional dress when they go to temple average rp.2, 950, 000. according to those who belong to the higher level, such an amount of money is cheap whereas according to those who belong to the middle and lower classes, such an amount of money is expensive. however, as the creatures with desires, wherever they live and whatever classes they belong to, they feel obliged to fulfill their tertiary need to make their performance praised. the high demand of women, especially in bali, for accessories to support their life style has made the industry of accessories prosper and grow rapidly. in this context, what is stated by marx concerning production, and what is stated by baudrilard concerning consumption support the phenomenon that accessories are produced in bali in order to support the postmodern life style. in this case, there is a clear relationship between the accessories produced by the capitalistic strength and the people’s consumption style which always makes a product meaningful. what is stated by suyanto (2013: 110) concerning the capitalistic strategy can be referred to when understanding the strategy applied by the producer of accessories that capitalism has created the controlled consumption system and has exploited the massive consumption behavior. in this way, capitalism will always create new designs from time to time, causing consumers perpetually inspired to consume the newest product. the relationship of the women’s life style with the rapid development of the industry of accessories is highly interesting to explore. the reason is that the postmodern life style has become into existence in bali. women have made bali the arena of the production, distribution and consumption of various forms and types of accessories. this present study was conducted to explore the relationship between the women’s life style and the development of accessories in bali. research method this present study describes the women’s life style which has positively contributed to the growth and development of the industry of accessories in bali. the data were collected using observation and in-depth interview techniques. the result of analysis is presented in a descriptive and narrative fashion. discussion women are unique and interesting individuals. as far as life style is concerned, it seems that they are free to follow their desires to make their performance the best in society. as stated by janice whinship in ibrahim (2011: 267) that “women do not view themselves as men view them but they are motivated to enjoy their sexuality through the men’s eyes”. in her article entitled sexuality for sale, she deconstructs the ideological relation between gender and capitalism reflected by the woman’s image in the advertisement of the magazines published for women. this also reflects the phenomenon of the balinese women who always make their performances perfect using sensual dress to which various types of accessories are added. actually, this prospers the patriarchal and capitalistic ideologies. daniel bell, jean baudrillard, and david harvey, according to adian (2005: 65—78), view postmodernism as a condition in which consumers do not only work to fulfill what they need to support their lives but also to fulfill what is needed to support their life style which then leads to the libidinal economy. in this context, the cultural industry always contributes to the consumptive culture, that is, a culture which accommodates the community’s interests, desires and needs. this can be seen from various scopes of contemporary culture, especially the artistic articles which inspire people to do consumptive activities (wijiyanto, 2012: 56). according to widana (2011: 162), accessories are the important elements which can make someone’s performance more perfect. in addition, accessories also show someone’s social status in society. in this case, the type and form of an accessory can show a class identity and life style. according to bhasin (1996: v), there are three obligations of women; they are masak (cooking), macak (dressing up), and manak (giving birth to babies). based on what is stated above, dressing up (macak) is an obligation of women, regardless of the class they belong to; in other words, those who belong to the higher, middle and lower classes are obliged to dress up. it is true that women are always required to perform beautifully in any space and time. it is not surprising, therefore, that women need more than men for their appareance. in this case, women should be able to pay attention to their performances in detail so that men will get interested in them. they should be good at deciding what clothes and accessories to wear in order to be fashionable. to this end, the women who would like to appear before the public should perpetually consuming various products of fashion which always change from time to time. this is in line with what is stated by bourdieu in soedjatmiko (2008: 25) that consumption includes signs, symbols, ideas, and values and is used to separate one social group from another social group. bourdieu does not see that the consumer consumptive habit is not only the product of social structures but it is an interaction between individuals and society. making up is necessarily done by the current women. this requires them to allocate a certain amount of money to spend on the things needed to meet their desires. they desire to have various products of fashion in order to have beautiful and interesting performance. nyoman wijaya, in his article entitled “melawan ajeg bali: antara ekslusivitas dan komersialisasi” [opposing the conservation of bali: between exclusivity and commercialization], affirms that ajeg bali is defined in three levels. first, in the individual level, ajeg bali is defined as the ability of the balinese people to trust themselves culturally. second, in the environmental level, ajeg bali is defined as a space which is created for the inclusive, multicultural and selective balinese culture. foreign cultural elements are selected in such a way that they will not change the balinese culture. third, in the level of cultural process, ajeg bali is defined as an interaction between the balinese people and the space where the balinese culture become into existence in order to produce new products or signs through a process which is based on the cultural values and local wisdom, and has in depth awareness of space and time (atmadja, 2010: ix-x). as a discourse, ajeg bali has prospered and developed since 2002. the discourse of ajeg bali cannot be separated from the role played by the bali post in 2002, which was led by satria naradha, campaigned the discourse which an objective that the balinese culture would always be well conserved (nordhot, 2010: 68). such a campaign was warmly welcome by governor i dewa made beratha who proposed that all the balinese people conserve the balinese culture and tradition. as a positive response given by the bali governor, finally, various activities were done to support such an ajeg bali movement. the bali tv, the main electronic media, promoted the balinese culture every time to maximize the movement; the authentic balinese culture was presented, dharma wacana (the speeches on the hindu teachings) and balinese culture were presented more frequently, and the local civil servants, students and teachers were obliged to wear the balinese traditional dress (nordholt, 2010: 70-74). until now every full moon and dark of moon the local civil servants have been obliged to wear the balinese traditional dress. the balinese traditional dress which is obliged to be worn by the local civil servants every full moon and dark of moon has finally contributed to an opportunity for designers and those who sell ‘kebaya’ (the woman’s blouse the front of which is pinned together). then the development of the balinese traditional dress has become a life style as well. now various forms and types of fabric are periodically produced to fulfill what is needed by the life style of the people especially women who always want to appear beautiful, fashionable and trendy. the obligation of wearing the balinese traditional dress at work places on particular days is responsible for the search made by women for new models of kabaya and unique accessories. not only the consumer community which searches for the fashionable products, but also the garment manufacturers, designers, and boutiques. they compete to produce fashionable products which can be accepted by people, especially the hindu women. shopping has shown someone’s established economy, the well-known shops of fashionable clothes will make use of the epidemic of consumerism attacking every individual in bali. those who contract the epidemic of consumerism will buy the products which are not possibly useful to them (soedjatmiko, 2008: 9). buying something at a popular shop will indicate that he/she has a high social status, coming from the established higher class. the high demand for accessories resulting from the life style of the people who consider accessories complements of every performance has caused the industry of accessories in bali to develop rapidly. the producers have produced accessories using the casting machine in order to be able to meet the high demand of accessories, meaning that they do not only produce the hand-made ones. however, the consequence of the use of the casting machines, apart from supporting the development of the craft industry in bali, is that they have marginalized the local people especially those who live at celuk village. this is in accordance with what is stated by marx that marginalization is a condition which is very difficult to be avoided in the capitalistic society. in this condition, machines have been able to control man (kuntowijoyo, 226: 110). it is frightening that the industry which is developed in an area cannot benefit its people. the producers of accessories have made various types of innovations, one of which is replacing the workforce with more efficient machines to maintain their consumers. in addition, the designs of accessories should be periodically developed. this is in line with what is stated by kisfaludy (2008: 59) that “the design in continuously gaining importance in the development of the products so as to meet their various requirements, to produce high quality goods thus keeping and increasing our share in the market”. what is stated by kisfaludy through his dissertation can be globally accepted. the reason is that designs are very important when producing the quality products which can meet the market desire from time to time. such products always locally and globally change, following from the people’s life style. such a condition always becomes into existence in the cultural industry. according to mazhab frankurt, the cultural industry forms what people desire to have which can contribute to their awareness and direct their desire for false needs (suyanto, 2013: 114). as a result, the designs which are produced by the producers of accessories are intended to direct women to a pseudo-awareness which causes them to be trapped in consumerism. conclusion and suggestion every woman is obliged to add accessories to what they wear when they go to work. they make the blouses they wear more perfect when they join any religious rituals. accessories were getting important when the discourse ajeg bali was proposed. all the local civil servants were obliged to wear the balinese traditional dress. a question needs to be raised “what is the objective of the discourse of ajeg bali which has been recently discussed a lot? in this present study, it was found that ajeg bali had caused the balinese people to be more consumptive and hedonist. therefore, its meaning is that every individual, family, institution, and the government should apply ajeg bali. the obligation of wearing the balinese traditional dress has prospered capitalists, namely, the producers of fashion and accessories. acknolwedgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the directorate general of higher education and indonesia institute of the arts denpasar for the funds and administrative assistance needed to complete this present study. bibliography aldin, alfatri. 2007. spritual dan realitas kebudayaan kontemporer. bandung school of thought humanity and cultural studies. bandung. institut teknologi bandung. atmadja, 2010. ajeg bali gerakan, identitas kultural dan globalisasi. yogyakarta: lkis. bhasin, kamla. 1996. menggugat patriarkhi pengantar tentang persoalan dominasi terhadap kaum perempuan. jakarta: yayasan bentang budaya. ibrahim, idi subandy. 2011. kritik budaya komunikasi budaya, media, dan gaya hidup dalam proses demokrasi di indonesia. yogyakarta: jalasutra. kisfaludy, marta. 2008. fashion and innovation. journal of acta polytechnica hungarica. volume 5. no. 2. page 59-64. kontowijoyo. 2006. budaya dan masyarakat. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. nordholt, henk schulte. 2010. bali banteng terbuka 1995-2005 otonomi daerah, demokrasi elektroral, dan identitas-identitas defensif. (arif b. prasetyo penerjemah). denpasar: pustaka larasan. pilliang, yasraf amir. 2011. dunia yang dilipat tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. bandung: matahari. soedjatmiko, haryanto. 2008. saya berbelanja maka saya ada: ketika konsumsi dan desain menjadi gaya hidup konsumeris. yogyakarta: jalasutra. suyanto, bagong. 2013. sosiologi ekonomi kapitalisme dan konsumsi di era masyarakat post-modernisme. jakarta: kencana. widana, i gusti ketut. 2011. menyoroti etika umat hindu ke pura berpenampilan selebritis. denpasar: pustaka bali post. wijayanto, eko. (2012). genetika kebudayaan. yogyakarta: salemba humanika. wijaya, i nyoman. 2009. mencintai diri sendiri: gerakan ajeg bali dalam sejarah kebudayaan bali 1910-2007. disertasi. program pascasarjana fakultas ilmu budaya. universitas gajah mada. yogyakarta. 108 microsoft word murtana_e-journal ideology of the story cupak ke swargan by puppet master i made jangga: in the perspective of cultural studies i nyoman murtana1, i made suastika2, i wayan dibia3, i nyoman kutha ratna2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3performing arts faculty, indonesian arts institute, denpasar abstract this dissertation contains the result of the research in the ideology of the story or lakon cupak ke swargan (hereon abbreviated to lcs) by the puppet master or dalang jangga, in a performance of wayang cupak at dukuh pulu tengah, mambang village, east selemadeg district. this story conveys a number of life values which are expressed ideologically through various events, including a power struggle, a love story, and a search for god. all the events are expressed aesthetically so that audience can enjoy the performance. the target of the research is a performance of lcs by dalang jangga in a recording by aneka record tabanan, which the writer transcribed in the form of a written text. the research focuses on the idelogy contained in lcs. the type of data used was qualitative data about the ideology that was assumed to be found in this story. the qualitative data associated with the life of the late dalang jangga, in relation to his work in the field of shadow puppet theater, was based on the data collected in the field through in-depth interviews with a number of informants, using a snowball technique. a post-modern approach was applied through phenomenological, deconstructive, and critical paradigms. the analysis was carried out using an analytical descriptive technique based on an interpretation of the data collected. the focus of the analysis was directed by applying three theories, namely theories of ideology, function, and semiotics. three main topics were obtained from the analysis of the data, namely the form, function, and meaning of the ideology. by studying the ideological form, it was possible to gain a picture about the conservative, progressive, and pragmatic ideology of dalang jangga. from the ideological function, the writer gained an idea of its social dynamic, educational, ritual, and aesthetical. a study of the ideological meaning provided an illustration of the symbolic, ethical, and aesthetical meanings. key words: ideology, cupak ke swargan, and dalang i made jangga. introduction lcs by dalang jangga is a repertoire which conveys various life values, expressed through a number of events, including a power struggle, a love story, and a search for god. all these events are expressed aesthetically so that the audience can enjoy the performance. for this reason, the substance and essense of ideological form, function, and meaning in this story need to be studied as a reference for self-control and awareness of the true meaning of life. the focus of the ideology which is the target of this research is the expression of communist ideology, the ideology of togetherness, and the ideology of divinity, expressed through the artistic ideology in lcs. all the ideology was obtained from six aoudio cassettes which the researcher transcribed in the form of a written text to be used as a document for studying the data about the ideology. this research uses qualitative data about the ideology contained in the story, as discovered and collected from the results of the transcription. the data assosiated with the rumours of his involvement in the indonesian communist party (pki) was collected by means of observation through in-depth interviews using a snowball technique. this technique was chosen as it offered a greater guarantee of success in covering or collecting data which was kept secret by the community. although the laws of subversion related to communism were abolished by the former president, abdurrahman wahid, many members of the community are still reluctant to talk about the political conflict surrounding the events of g’30”s/pki. at that time, all the inhabitants of dukuh pulu tengah became pki sympathizers in order to retain political unity in the local community. they were trapped in the political unrest and had no knowledge of the basic ideology, direction, or goals of the party. as a result, 18 members of the community were killed, including dalang jangga, as they were rumoured to be local leaders of pki. the questions which are hoped to be answered are (1) what ideology is contained in lcs? (2) what is the function of the ideology in lcs? (3) what is the meaning of the ideology in lcs? this research applies a post-modern approach through phenomenology, deconstruction, and critical paradigms. according to scott lash (in turner, 2003: 104-105, 107), postmodernism defends humanism, rebuilds historical dimensions, rejects the group of pioneers who place importance on convention, and is not selfreferential but other-referential. humanism is related to the ontological primacy of man before god. postmodernism correlates with the art of humanistic beauty which replaces the aesthetical experiences of the modernists. postmodernists have a desire for space which is friendly to its owner. phenomenology studies the symptoms which emerge as knowledge of essence (wahana, 2004:32), which according to nietzche (in sunardi, 2006:95) are relational. a phenomenological approach directs the focus and attention onto an object which consciously exists. all directions converge on the object; on something which is known, seen, loved, and hated. the world is created and can be understood through consciousness ( wahana, 2004:32-36). according to afred schultz (in maliki, 2004:233-34), the man creates his own world through an understanding of the continouity of experiences which the senses receive. this encourages the consciousness to act for all meaningful actions. according to barbara johnson, (in audifax, 2007:46), deconstruction has almost the same meaning as “analysis,” which means breaking down, disentangling and revealing. deconstruction is a strategy for breaking down a structure and its field of meaning. derrida used deconstruction to show the relevance of world views about logocentrism, phallogocentrism, and binary opposition (barker, 2005: 98-103). the aim of a deconstructional study is to defend or fight for a culture which is marginalized as one of “the others,” or a culture which is hegemonized. critical paradigms position knowledge on active not static construction, and are not free from values, and the community is historically marked. critical paradigms encourage social but not agitative change. the direction of change is left up to the community. critical paradigms regard domination to be structurally characterized. the community is influenced by larger institutions in the field of politics, economy, culture, discourse, gender, and race. the structure is revealed to provide an understanding of the global roots and the rationale of an incidence of suppression. critical paradigms break false awareness, since it is believed that human power, whether indiviual or collective, can change society. critical paradigms understand social structure in order to change their social conditions. critical social paradigms believe that man is responsible for his own freedom and for preventing the suppression of others. for this reason, revolutionary pragmatism is rejected by another group of elite leaders who act as dictators over the proletariat (agger, 2006:7-10). the data was analysed using an analytical descriptive technique. in order to direct the focus of the analysis, three theories were applied, namely theories of ideology, function, and semiotics. according to althusser (2006:x), ideology is a tool through which ideas can be accepted by society as something normal and natural. ideology questions the symbols used to create, preserve, support, develop, and maintain asymmetrical power system relations. ideology becomes a ‘social adhesive’ by binding its members collectively so as to apply certain values and norms. an analysis of the forms of ideological symbols means analysing the forms of the relation used and controlled in a particular social and historical context. this theoritical reformulation avoids the tendency to view ideology simply as a power relation in a modern country, but rather views it in other life relation systems, such as in daily life. however, it focuses not only on smaal matters which ignore the characteristics and limit of broader structures (thompson, 2004:17-22). ideology is adopted to explain, justify, and legitimize the actions and goals of a person (maliki, 2004:20). the theory of function introduced by merton (in kaplan & robert a manners, 2002:79) concerns the difference between manifest function and latent function in a cultural act or element. manifest function is the objective consequences which provide a contribution to the adaptation of a system that is desired and known by those who are a part of the system. on the countrary, latent function is the objective consequences of a culture which are not desired or known by members of the community. semiotics is a scientific discipline which investigates all the different forms of communication that occur using signs and are based on sign systems (codes). the key concept of semiotics, the general science of signs, is known as semiosis. morris (in seegers, 2000:4-5) defines semiosis as a sign process, that is a process in which something is a sign for a number of organisms. umberto eco (in piliang, 2003:44-46) defines semiotics as a discipline which studies everything that can be used to lie. in eco’s theory of untruth, the theory of truth is implicit, just as the day is implicit in the word night. analysis the research in the ideology of lcs by dalang jangga was prompted by a rumour that was going around outside the village which said that jangga was a leading figure and a voice for pki. this was also the reason for jangga’s murder in 1965. nevertheless, until the end of this research, there was no definite information regarding his active involvement as a pki leader, since the members of the pulu tengah community refused to verify this rumour. whether or not the rumours are true, there is a strong indication of provocative communist ideology presented by dalang jangga in lcs: (1) the poverty of the peasants, bringing together the proletariat, (2) the low wages of labourers, (3) the compotition to win the princess and the crown of kediri from the hands of cupak, which can be interpreted as a war against the capitalist bourgeoisie, (4) the belief that the president must originate from the common people so as to be able to enforce a true sense of justice and equallity for all, (5) the killing of the mythical garuda bird, which signifies an attempt to change the garuda pancasila—the symbol and basic principles of the republic of indonesia, and (6) the fact that if its son became president, pan bekung would ready to become a party leader and i bekeng would be ready to become a member of local goverment (sedahan). these six points included by dalang jangga in lcs cannot be used as grounds for accusing him of being a leading figure in pki, as it could be that he was simply intending to deride or make fun of communists. the balinese community considers puppet master to be guru loka, or moderate spiritual teachers, because their artistic skills and cultural knowledge which are passed on to the community through shadow puppet performances are not only available to certain groups but to the entire community. anyone can pay for a puppet master to give a performance of wayang cupak for a variety of different needs. the performance of lcs by dalang jangga contains conservative, progresive, and pragmatic ideology. the conservative ideology is evident in the use of the elements of balinese culture to form a unit of expression in the performance of wayang cupak, as a medium for spreading ideology. the containts of the performance are a mixture of the day to day events described in lcs and communist ideology so that the performance can be said to be progressive in nature. the actual and contextual content of the performance was the reason for dalang jangga’s popularity and meant that he could earn a living from this profession. hence, the pragmatic value of the shadow puppet performance becomes clear. the ideological function of lcs reflects the presense of an educational, social dynamic, ritual, and aesthetical function. the educational function teaches the audience to be honest and to avoid bad deeds, and to strive hard to move forward and increase the standars and dignity of mankind. the social dynamic function describes jangga’s cultural policies that local culture needs to be understood and preserved in anticipation of the strong influence of outside changes such as the influence of international communist ideology. this ideology opens up and broadens the worldview of the local community about politics but in practice destroys the social system in indonesia. the ritual function of the performance of wayang cupak is its use to accompany dewa yadnya, manusa yadnya, or pitra yadnya ceremonies. this function can strengthen the religious ideology of the balinese community. the aesthetical function of lcs emphasizes aspects of democracy which in a practical way inspire the class struggle to strive for a better way of life in socio-economic, socio-political, and socio-religious areas. this function increases the awareness of the commuity to explore new aesthetical experiences, develop their imagination and passion for life, and to make their lives more meaningful. the iedological meaning of lcs contains symbolic, ethical, and aesthetical meanings, and understanding of physioplastic dimensions (all stage equipment has a symbolic meaning) which are combined with the ideoplastic dimensions, such as social, political, religious, and economic events which bring the story in touch with social reality. the ethical meaning describes the moral struggle which is reflected in the actions of the people in the story. cupak’s acts of sabotaging raden galuh laksmi and attempting to kill grantang are clearly immoral, even criminal. on the other hand, grantang’s participation can be justified from a logical point of view since it is carried out in public. however, it is moraly unacceptable since grantang fights against his own brother with the goal of winning a woman and gaining power. grantang’s actions give the impression of political revenge. cupak’s act of freeing the kingdom of obagosi by killing garuda is regarded as an attempt to change the symbol and basic principles of the republic of indonesia, that is garuda pancasila. only the context of time leads to such a claim. when the time context passes, the accusation disappears. when cupak goes into a hole in the ground to shelter, it symbolizes his union with nature. garuda, the symbol of a spirit which must be controlled and directed in order to attain unity with god, is the source of goodness in the world. this is the implementation of the concept of a reciprocal relationship between man, nature, and god (tri hita karana), as a symbol of resistance against modernization, which searches for enlightenment by exploring the power and high technology which cause destruction to nature. the aesthetical meaning is the quiver of emotion which is aroused by the environment and artistic situation when watching a work of art. from the performance may come feelings of love, humour, sadness, angger, fear, disgust, surprise, astonishment, awe/respect, and peace, which in the cultural context can be defined as the spirit of life to build the continuity of civilization. findings this research resulted in six different findings: (1) dalang jangga, who was originally an ‘genuine’ village artist, was influenced by the political community to express the political ideology of the day in his shadow puppet performances. (2) the expression of the proletariat in lcs as performance by jangga portrays a struggle for freedom from hegemony. this struggle was the people’s resistance to the capitalist bourgeoisie, to gain a sense of justice and “equality for all.” the story of the royal kingdoms—of kediri and obagosi—is used as a background of time and space to show the prominent role of the people. (3) the poverty, use of a cudgel, suggested that the president originates from the common people, and the killing of garuda are all symbols of resistance against the ruler and the state. (4) dalang jangga transforms the figure of cupak meditating into cupak’s journey to heaven to meet batara brahma. heaven is not associated with death rather symbolizes the search for god. (5) the strength of tri hita karana (the reciprocal relationship between man, nature, and god) is a rejection of actions in science and sophisticated technology which cause destruction to nature. (6) the aesthetics of dalang jangga, which are founded on the democratic expression “from the people for the people,” display the ideology of togetherness of the lower class, to increase and strengthen their sense of social solidarity. closing it is hoped that this dissertation will be of benefit to many artists, especially puppet master, and provide information on the traditional methods of developing the dramatic structure and actuality of a story. in addition, it is hoped that this dissertation will motivate other reseachers to study various kinds of stories used in shadow puppet theatre which are useful to be passed down to the young generation in bali, indonesia, and the rest of the world, so that they can understand the story of balinese shadow puppet theatre through its various texts and contexts. bibliography agger, ben. 2006. teori sosial kritis: kritik, penerapan dan implikasinya. penerjemah: nurhadi. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. audifax. 2007 semiotika tuhan: tafsir atas pembacaan manusia terhadap tuhan. yogyakarta: penerbit pinus. maliki, zainuddin. 2004. narasi agung: tiga teori sosial hegemonik. surabaya: lembaga pengkajian agama dan masyarakat. piliang, yasraf amir. 2003. hipersemiotika: tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna. yogyakarta: jalasutra. segers, rien t. 2000. evaluasi teks sastra. alih bahasa: suminto a. suyuti. yogyakarta: adicita. thompson, john b. 2006. kritik ideologi global: teori sosial kritis tentang relasi ideologi dan komunikasi massa. diterjemahkan oleh haqqul yaqin. yogyakarta: irgisod. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan prakktik. bandung: bentang sunardi, st. 2006. nietzsche. yogyakarta: lkis. wahana, paulus. 2004. nilai etika aksiologis max scheler. yogyakarta: kanisius. the writer would like to thank the director of postgraduate studies at udayana university denpasar, prof. dr. dr. a.a. raka sudewi, sp., s. (k); vice director i prof. dr. i made budiasa, m.a. , dan vice director ii, dr. ir. budi susrasa, m.s. for their reception, facilities, and all the help and support provided. thanks are also extended to prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u., and prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u. the head and secretary of the doctorate program of culture studies, for all their endless guidence, direction, attention, and motivation. i would also like to take this opportunity to thank my supervisor, prof. dr, i made suastika, s.u., co-supervisor i, prof. dr. i wayan dibia, sst, m.a., and cosupervisor ii, prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u., for all the time they willingly gave, and their input, guidance, motivation, and patience in supervising the writing of this dissertation until its completion. local wisdom-based tourist village organization in lombok tourist area any suryani and mohammad irfan faculty of law, mataram university email: ivan_mohammad44@yahoo.com abstract the development of tourist villages has created tourism-based economic activities, reducing the number of people who intend to move from the rural area to the urban area ‘urbanization’. the local potentials which a village has can grow and develop if the sources it has are effectively used to support the economic and socio-cultural growth and development. if the villagers feel that the tourist attractions they have in their village can improve their prosperity, they will be indirectly made to love their culture; as a result, attempts will be made to conserve and empower the uniqueness and local values they have. therefore, they should be involved. in this present study, the tourist villages used as the object of the study is sade traditional village, pujut district, and segenter traditional village, bayan district, north lombok regency. based on the empirical methodology and the qualitative approach used, several conclusions could be drawn. they are the traditional village should be involved in the management of the tourist assets, meaning that the local villagers, for example, should be actively involved in the parking management; the tourists’ interests should be synergized with the local people’s; proactive actions should be taken by all the stakeholders. the traditional law ‘awig-awigadat’ should be improved to support tourism; a good atmosphere of traditional tourism should be created; accesses should be made for the local entrepreneurs to developing whatever is needed by the traditional tourism. keywords: organization, village tourism, local wisdom, culture, tradition introduction the traditional culture as a promising asset of tourism in west nusa tenggara has been deeply rooted in the local community. this can be seen from the fact that the traditional culture has been conserved and maintained as a culture which contains religious values. the traditional values are so highly appreciated and regulated in the form of local law ‘awig-awig’(the sasaknese ethnic community knows it). the development of tourist villages has led to the tourism-based economic activities. the local potentials which a village has will grow and develop if the sources it has are effectively used to support its economic and socio-cultural development (damanikjanianton et al. , 2015: 16). if the villagers feel that the tourist attractions can improve their prosperity, they will be indirectly made to have the sense of belonging of and love their culture. in addition, attempts will also be made to conserve and empower the uniqueness and local values they have through their involvement. the development of rural tourism in the traditional tourist area with its various tourist attractions can cause the tourists who have visited it to come again. the development of a tourist village should be based on the principles of the sustainable tourism. the development of traditional tourism should be used as an attempt to conserve and empower the unique local culture and local wisdom values which tend to be getting extinct resulting from globalization which has interfered with the rural life. based on what was described above, this present study is intended to find out the concept of the organization of tourism in lombok in general and the traditional tourism in particular which, in fact, needs to be improved as it cannot be separated from the traditional values attached to it. therefore, great attempts should be made to improve the concept of the traditional tourism. research method this present study is an empirical one using the socio-cultural approach. the data were collected through observation, interview, documentation, library research, and questionnaire. the data were collected through the following stages; (1) the data were collected, inventoried, and selected from the secondary sources and tertiary legal sources which are related to the object of the study in order to obtain a general picture of the research findings; (2) the primary data obtained through interview or direct communication with the informant and respondents were tested; the respondents included the community members and the leaders of the traditional villages whom were considered relevant to the object of the study in order to complete the analysis of the problems formulated in the present study. the data were intensively analyzed during the data collection. the data were analyzed almost at the same time as when the data were interpreted. result and discussion the sade traditional village is a sasaknese traditional village located in rembitan administrative village, pujut district, central lombok. the village has been prepared and organized as a tourist destination since a long time ago. the local people have been aware that the village is designed to be a tourist destination; therefore, the village can be well organized. the sade traditional village has been developed as a tourist destination since 1975 and it has been reorganized since 1986. in 1988 many tourists visited it. according to a local tour guide, the number of domestic tourists coming to visit it ranged from 4,000to 6,000, and the number of foreign tourists visiting it averaged 3,000 in one month. the peak took place during the long holiday, namely june, july and august (taufan, 2012: 32). the local people are so aware of the benefit which they can obtain from tourism that they are open and welcome the tourists who come to visit the village. they prepare their traditional unique houses to be visited by tourists any time. they are allowed to enter and see the internal parts of the houses. based on the results of observation and research, the organization of the concepts should be as follows; (1) the local people (the traditional community) should be involved in the management of the assets which are used to attract tourists; in this case, the people living at sade traditional village should be actively involved in, for example, the parking management; the parking management should be organized based on the values which the law ‘awig-awig’ contains; those who are involved in the parking management should be equally paid, meaning that the income earned by someone should be the same as that earned by another. this can be possible if the retribution levied on the parking vehicles should be in accordance with the agreement made by the local people. so far no regulation has been officially made which can be used as a reference for managing the parking-related matters. the local people should be involved in determining the concepts which the regulations should contain. in this way, the tourists who visit sade traditional village will feel comfortable. (2) their interests should be integrated with the local people’s. what they need should be understood and agreed. in fact, they will contribute to the local people’s prosperity. in this way, the number of people who visit the traditional village will increase. the local people should be friendly as one of the cultural heritages that they may not hurt others. they believe that this cultural heritage should be included in the local law ‘awig-awig’. serving tourists friendly is one of the ways in which what they desire is synergized with what the local people desire. (3) all the stakeholders should take proactive actions. the local traditional stakeholders, head of the traditional village, its leaders and the local people should make the atmosphere at the traditional village well organized and cultured. furthermore, such elements should support and contribute to the growth of the village tourism. the access should be made available for the local entrepreneurs to develop what is needed by the traditional village tourism. this is important to reorganize the local law ‘awig-awig’ to support tourism. the local entrepreneurs at sade traditional village should be allowed to develop their access freely by the stakeholders by implementing the local law ‘awig-awig’ based on the source published by the ministry of tourism and culture (pemetaanpotensipariwisatabudaya di indonesia, kemenpar, 2015: 18), as far as the intensity of the visits made by both the domestic and foreign tourists is concerned, sade traditional village is the ninth in indonesia. this fact shows that the village has things which are culturally unique and original. tourists feel interested in visiting the village. it is the originality of its culture which requires that the village should be perpetually developed as a local wisdom-based traditional tourist destination. the unique culture of sade traditional village has been popular all over the world as it has been socialized through the electronic media and consumed by so many people, causing them to intend to see the indonesia’s local cultures. in relation to that, the local people’s creativity to show their local arts is needed to contribute to the organization of the traditional tourism. the outputs of the improved regulations which can regulate the traditional tourism legally affect the awareness of those who are involved in it. they will lead to different legal products which can contribute to the local people’s existence. this can also cause the local people to appreciate the law which should be adhered to. if observed, the appearance of a legal product contributes to the better management of tourism. first, the access for the stakeholders will be guaranteed. the present study shows that there is good atmosphere as far as the traffic of the traditional tourism is concerned; the local people friendly welcome the tourists who would like to see, for example, what the sade traditional house looks like, how the floor is cleaned using the buffalo manure and so forth. the other impact of the arrangement of the traditional tourism is that the location of the tourist attraction is well and neatly organized. this can be seen from how the parking-related matters are arranged after the local law ‘awig-awig’ was formulated. the tourists have felt comfortable and the parking attendants cannot do what they like. the local law ‘awig-awig’ has been used as the legal umbrella for managing the parking-related matters. in this way, the traditional tourism can be sustainably managed which then can contribute to the local sasaknese ethnic group of people in general and those who stay at the village used as the tourist destination in particular. before the local law ‘awig-awig’ was implemented in the management of the traditional tourism in lombok in general and at sade traditional village and segender traditional village in particular, the legal culture which supports the development of the traditional tourism was not well organized. the local people did not have the same perception and interest. their daily activities were still inspired by the local legal norms. it is expected that the written local law ‘awig-awig’ can improve the local people’s legal awareness of what to do to attract both domestic and foreign tourists. conclusion and suggestion the local people should be involved in the management of the tourist destination, meaning that the local people should be actively involved in the parking management. the parking-related matters should be managed in accordance with the values which the local law ‘awig-awig’ they adhere to. they should equalize their income. the retribution levied on the vehicles should be in accordance with the agreement already made by the local people. the interests of the tourists and the interests of the local people should be synergized. what is needed by the tourists who visit the tourist destination should be understood and will certainly contribute to the local people’s income. in this case, the local should be friendly in all aspects. all the stakeholders should take proactive actions. head of the traditional village, the traditional stakeholders and leaders and the local people should create a well-organized and cultured atmosphere. the existence of the local law ‘awig-awig’ should be maintained. the stakeholders are required to play their role in maintaining the existence of the local community by enriching the local law ‘awig-awig’. it is suggested that the traditional tourism stakeholders should be synergized with one another in order to improve the services provided to both the domestic and foreign tourists. the good atmosphere should be created and the overlapping interests should be avoided. in addition, the stakeholders in general and the village government in particular should maintain and conserve the values which the local law ‘awig-awig’ contains. the traditional values which are adhered to by the local people should be always referred to. in this way, there will be no gaps among the local people resulting from the misinterpretation of the local law ‘awig-awig’. acknowledgements the writer would like to thank the e-journal of cultural studies for publishing this study and the other parties for helping its completion. references agus sudono, 2012, “wisata budaya sebagai alternatif pengembangan pariwisata indonesia”, jurnal ilmu kepariwisataan universitas pendidikan indonesia. damanik janianton, dkk. 2015. membangun pariwisata dari bawah. gadjah mada university press. hadinoto, kusudianto.1996. perencanaan pengembangan tujuan pariwisata. jakarta : ui press. kementerian pariwisata dan ekonomi kreatif, 2015, pemetaan potensi pariwisata budaya di indonesia, kemenparekref, lombok tengah dalam angka, 2015, badan pusat statistik provinsi nusa tenggara barat nuryanti, wiendu. 1993. concept, perspective and challenges, makalah bagian dari laporan konferensi internasional pariwisata budaya yogyakarta. yogyakarta : gajah mada university press. pemerintah kabupaten lombok tengah. 2012 . profil desa rembitan tahun 2010-2011: author. pemerintah provinsi ntb. 1989. perda no. 7 tentang rencana induk pembangunan kepariwisataan daerah tahun 2013-2028: author. taufan, naniek i. (2012), sade bungin sambori dan tempat unik lainnya di lombok sumbawa. bima, badan promosi pariwisata daerah ntb. widiyanto, d., handoyo, j.p. dan fajarwati, a. (2008) : jurnal pengembangan pariwisata perdesaan. yogyakarta: fakultas geografi ugm genealogy of tabut ritual cultural aesthetics of the sumatran west coastal community khanizar andalas university, padang khanizarchan.fsua@gmail.com, khanizarchan@fsastra.unand.ac.id aa bagus wirawan sulistyawati putu sukardja abstract the tabut ritual is performed in the west coastal area of sumatera to commemorate imam husein bin ali abi thalib when he was captured by the soldiers of yazid muawiyah in padang karbala. it is performed once a year, from the first to the tenth of muharam, which is counted based on the hijirah year. this present study is intended to investigate the form, function, and meaning of the genealogy of the tabut ritual which is performed in and as the identity of the west coastal area of sumatera. it tries to (1) discuss and deconstruct the values of such a ritual as the community’s identity which tightens the cultural value of the sumatran west coastal community; (2) exploits the tabut ritual as the form of the sumatran west coastal community’s identity; (3) apply the function of the ethnical aesthetics; (4) explain the aesthetic meaning in its relation to religion and customs and traditions. three theories were used to answer the problems of the study; they are the theory of genealogy proposed by michel foucault and the postcolonial theory. what could be concluded from the present study are as follows. the genealogical forms of the tabut ritual which is performed in the west coastal are of sumatera reflects the community’s cultural aesthetics and functions to purify the soul; it also reflects religiosity, mystical and aesthetic experience and the hegemony which exceeds the postcolonial patronage, meaning that such a ritual has the purification function. it also reflects the cosmological aesthetics of the supporting community. it has deconstruction and aesthetical genealogical meaning. keywords: tabut ritual, west coastal area of sumatra, genealogy, aesthetics introduction the tabut ritual is performed in the west coastal area of sumatra to commemorate imam husein bin ali thalib who died when he was captured by the soldiers of yazid bin muawiyah in padang karbala. it is performed once a year, from the first to the tenth of muharam, counted based on hijiriah year. its existence is recognized and protected by the minang traditional community as it reflects the community’s cultural community. in such a context, the qualitative method was used in the present study as part of the scientific development. the scientific development would become stagnated if there were no scientific development. the rationality of the research method and the freedom in developing and directing sciences into new paradigms is the genealogical critic. the genealogic critic technically controls society through principles, proving system, logical model, and a certain way of thinking rationally. the genealogical existence still recognizes rationality, and gives freedom to search for what is true critically, creatively and divergently. similarly, the theory of deconstruction has also led to a new view on how to see various aspects of life in general and the art and technological studies in particular. the extended hand of its critical aspect is what is referred to as deconstruction which is intended to re-ask the historical writing of the oppressed nations which have always been under the shadow of the eastern image. the problems of the present study are formulated as follows: 1) what is the aesthetics of the tabut ritual which is used to reflect an identity and to tighten the cultural value of the west coastal area in sumatera like; 2) what is the function of the tabut ritual used as a local identity in the west coastal area of sumatra; and 3) what is the meaning of the tabut ritual used as the cultural identity in the west coastal area of sumatra. in general, this present study is intended to answer and explain the problems of the study formulated above. in other words, this present study is generally intended to 1) open the conception of the cultural aesthetical form which is used to reflect an identity and to tighten the cultural value of the west coastal area of sumatra; 2) analyze the cultural aesthetical function of the west cultural area of sumatra; and 3) show that art and cultural studies have not been taken into consideration as the territory of the plural local aesthetics and local genius in the academic world; the art and cultural aesthetical studies have not been used as the materials to explore in the indonesian performing art. method the qualitative method was used in the present study. the data were treated as realities; they were not eliminated and made to be in dichotomy based on their classifications; they could be obtained from different sources; they were field realities; the realities which were obtained from the previous studies; the reporting realities; the advanced technological realities such as internet, e-mail, printed media, television electronic media, radio, fax mail, and printed books and other realities. in research, they are all considered data as they are in existence with their realities or even exceed their realities (hyper realities). the present study was conducted in the west coastal area of sumatera, exactly bengkulu province and in pariaman, west sumatra province. the object of the present study is the tabut ritual. there were several reasons why the present study was conducted in such areas. first, pariaman and bengkulu are the areas where the tabut ritual is performed in the west coastal area of sumatera. second, pariaman and bengkulu are located in the west coastal area of sumatera, where the syi’ah islamic followers live. such an islamic teaching was carried from iran and was spread around by sultan alauddin shah from 1128 to 1329. he came from the perlak kingdom, aceh. the focus of the present study is the genealogy of the tabut ritual, the cultural aesthetics of the west coastal area of sumatera. it is inspired by awareness of the traditional value. two theories were used; they are the theory of genealogy proposed by michel foulcault and the theory of deconstruction of postmodernism proposed by jacques derrida. apart from that, this present study is a qualitative one in which the new scientific paradigm is referred to, namely, the cultural studies. what is meant is that this present study does not only explain the tabut ritual in the “bare aesthetics” about the real, conservative, positivistic and formalist ontology but it is also epistemologically packaged into a form of aesthetic discourse of postmodernism. it is highly recognized that the discursive and textual studies are under the linguistic studies. however, in this case, such studies are developed to explain cultural and art events. therefore, the method of aesthetical discursive deconstruction of postmodernism, as far as the phenomenon of the existence of the tabut ritual is concerned, can be made to be parallel with the textual construction. discussion the tabut ritual reflects the cultural aesthetics of the west coastal area of sumatra. its genealogy, its types which were adopted from those performed in iran such as takziah, hajleh, syiduneh, dugdageh, bagunan enam sudut, tabut sungai al-qamah and sungai eurat, nakhl and their processions, and the commemoration of muharram. the tradition of muharram in indonesia reflects what are referred to as kanji asyura and tabut. the form of the textual construction of tabut ritual and the construction of tabut were discussed at the same time. such a ritual starts from when soil is taken to when it is thrown away to the sea. the organology of the musical instrument and the accompanying music are made up of six gandang tambua which are opposed to what is called peningkah and pengiring, and what is called tassa as the rhythm bearer. the songs which are sung to accompany the tabut ritual are pangka lagu, lagu or maatam, and iqua lagu. those who play the musical instruments and support such a ritual are made up of several groups of people which are referred to as saidina (saidi, sidi), bagindo and marah. apart from that, the phenomenon of “art” is the event in the discourse of the tabut ritual which is performed in the west coastal area of sumatera. it is a ritual event which can survive in the middle of its supporting community and satisfy a group of people. in this case, such a ritual is performed to function in the structure of its supporting community. the deconstruction of such a discursive function consists of (1) the instructional function, social system strengthening, and postponement of propaganda, (2) the function of the belief in and awareness of the humanistic rationality, (3) the function of the mythological existence as an attempt to unify ambivalence, (4) the function of ideological development, and disclosure of the aesthetic code, (5) the function of the event identification and the statement of the postmodern aesthetic discourse, and (6) the function of the purification and aesthetical statement of the community’s cosmology. second, the construction of the function of the tabut ritual which is performed in the west coastal area of sumatera consists of (1) the religious function of the community supporting such a ritual, which is related to the purification of the soul; aesthetical motivation, mythological existence and the unification of ambivalence, and the purification and aesthetical statement of the community’s cosmology; (2) the ideological function; it is described by relating it to the ideological development; (3) the tabut ritual is performed to express identity; its investigation is related to the consensus-based democracy; and commodification, authenticity, and traditional status; (4) humanistic function; the social system strengthening and postponement of propaganda; and (5) the function of the identification of event and aesthetical statement of postmodernism; hegemony, postcolonial aesthetic patronage and ethno-aesthetics. the meaning of the construction of the discursive texts of the tabut ritual is made up of (1) the meaning of the development of the religious identity of its supporting community; the solidarity strengthening among its supporting communities; the politics of identity as the subaltern struggle; (2) the ideological meaning and the strengthening of cultural aesthetics; differãnce, signification, logocentrism: the criticism which is addressed to the center and deconstruction of a solution; 3) the meaning of sacredness and the meaning of affirming cultural aesthetics; 5) the ethics of leaving home, the meaning of self-formation, building home village/town; 6) shekh burbuhanuddin is a deconstruction; 7) framing the cultural aesthetics of the people living in the west coastal area of sumatera. the novelties of the present study include all the problems formulated in the problems of the study; they are the form, the functions of the tibut ritual, and its impact and meaning on the traditions, and the religion and belief which are adhered to by those living in the west coastal area of sumatera. they are not certainly included in all the epistemologies (especially the concepts and theories used) used in the present study. all the findings were chronologically arranged, so they are scientifically accountable from the perspective of cultural studies. the novelties are as follows; 1) the tabut ritual which is performed in the west coastal area of sumatera was a religious ritual performed by the syi’ah islamic community; 2) it is performed not only to recall imam hussein bin ali abi thalib as, who was killed while fighting for the islamic principles ‘sahid’ by the soldiers of yazid bin muawwiyyah as the caliph of bani umayyah in padang karbala on 10 muharam 61 h (in 680), but it is also performed to glorify the descendants khalifah ali bin abi yhalib. such an ideology has been referred to since nabi muhammad saw was dead; 3) genealogically, such a ritual was introduced by syekh burhanuddin imam sanggolo, who worked for syekh burhanuddin imam sanggolo from 1718-1719 and was a follower of the syi’ah islam; 4) however, in pariaman such a ritual was not introduced and developed by syekh burhanuddin ulakkan; he actively developed tasauf until he died at ulakkan pariaman whose grave was devotionally visited every month of syafar; therefore, such an activity is referred to as “bersyafa” (bersyafar). essentially, such a ritual has nothing to do with the spread of islam by syekh burhanuddin in the west coastal area of sumatera; 6) the tabut ritual was not performed before the moslems came to the west coastal area of west sumatera, that is, from 670 – 730. they introduced the suni islamic teaching rather than the syi’ah islamic teaching. they came to sell their commodities to the native people. the religious contact between the suni islamic teaching and what was adhered to by the local people living in the western coastal area of west sumatera led to what is referred to as pengajian terikat and adjustments to the minang customs and traditions. the introduction of the suni islamic teaching in the west coastal area of west sumatera did not threaten the local main foundation. it gave a new dimension and replaced the cultural element of those living in the western coastal area of west sumatera in general, and those living in pariaman in particular. as a result, al-qur’an and hadish are the highest in the community’s life. in this context, the oldest of the minang customs and traditions are what is referred to as adaik basandi basandikan kitabullah. the reason is that there was neither paradox nor pattern of behavior between religion and customs and traditions; there was not any difference between what is referred to as adat nan sabana ada and religion either. in the tenth century the syi’ah islamic teaching was introduced by the descendant of imam ali bin abu thalib; it directly got mixed with all the religions which had been adhered to before. the adjustments of the customs and traditions to such a religious teaching caused a social group to appear in the west coastal area of west sumatera. conclusion and suggestion the genealogical and deconstructionism of postmodernism studies, as a framework of references, will possibly can be accepted as deconstructing the cultural studies, and present the diversity in concepts and changes. genealogy, poststructuralism, and postmodernism are importantly needed to construct the area of fully motivated dynamic intellectual discussion, create the intellectual issue and climate which characterize the movement of modernism to postmodernism in the contemporary world. although the ethnoaesthetical foundation constitutes the development of cultural studies which is intended to straighten out the binary opposition of one culture against another as the dichotomy poles, the perspective of colonialism and inferiority of the oppressed people, the essence is that the established cannons in the traditional world in general, and the traditional performing art in particular such as the tabut ritual performed in pariaman and bengkulu, the west coastal area of sumatera, should be deconstructed. it is suggested that the existence of the tabut ritual should be maintained as a cultural identity in sumatera. the reason is that it plays an important role as a religious ceremony as well as an aesthetic expression which can give the feeling of beauty to its supporting community and spectators. it needs to be performed in the modern civilization so that its supporters still have a cultural identity and maintain their existence. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the team of supervisors such as aa bagus wirawan, sulistyawati, and putu sukardja and the e-journal of cultural studies, the doctorate program, school of postgraduate studies, udayana university for publishing this article. bibliography balinese women in divorce and its settlement (from historical and gender perspectives) ida ayu putu mahyuni aa bagus wirawan i gusti agung ariani ni made wiasti department of history faculty of arts, udayana university e-mail: sonic.hungry@yahoo.com abstract cultural and structural injustice resulting from the difference in genre which has been strongly adhered to by the balinese community has been responsible for divorce, its settlement, and its implication on the balinese women in denpasar city. this study was intended to deconstruct, anticipate and implant the concept of structural and cultural injustice resulting from the difference in genre. the data were qualitatively analyzed using the analysis of gender. the theories used were the critical theory of postmodern such as the theory of hegemony and the theory of deconstruction and the other critical theories which are relevant to the present study. the result of the study shows that the divorce undergone by the balinese women was the manifestation of the structural and cultural injustice resulting from the difference in gender. the decisions made through the traditional law and the act number 1 of 1974 concerning divorce are still biased in regard to genre. the divorce undergone by the balinese women affected the related families (the ex-wife’s family, the ex-husband’s family, and the other families related to them. the patriarchal ideology caused the balinese women to be marginalized and subordinated and sensitive to both physical and psychological coercions. economically, they were also neglected. the injustice in gender could also be eternalized through legal regulations. the act number 1 of 1974 concerning marriage is still biased; it still refers to the traditional law which benefits men in divorce. keywords: women, balinese women, divorce, gender, culture, equality and injustice in gender introduction gender is a concept which refers to males and females that are made to be culturally and socially different. therefore, gender is created by man. it does not matter if the differences in role, nature and status between men and women which are created by society do not lead to inequality in gender. however, the fact shows that the differences between men and women have led to the injustice in gender such as marginalization, subordination, stereotype (being negatively labeled), coercion, and work burden (fakih, 1999: 12-21). gender is also identical with the patriarchal ideology which has been adhered to by the balinese community which distinguishes men from women based on their roles, natures, and statuses. the patriarchal culture also views that men’s value and position are higher and more valuable than the women’s (sujana, 1994: 51). it is this which has caused the women who are divorced to be marginalized and subordinated. in addition, they are also made to be sensitive to verbal, physical, and psychological coercions. there has been a recent issue which is supported by the number of household coercions that coercions have caused many families to be broken; and then, divorce cannot be avoided. therefore, it is necessary to reveal the problems of the present study such as why divorces could not be avoided by the women in denpasar city, bali; how divorces were settled; and what was the impact of the divorces undergone by the balinese people? in this present study, such problems are analyzed from the perspective of gender. this present study has two objectives; they are the general and specific objectives. in general, this present study was intended to deconstruct and implant the people’s understanding (both the understanding of women and men) of the structural and cultural injustice resulting from the difference in gender. in particular, this present study was intended to understand and analyze what caused divorces to take place, what to do to settle it, and the implication of divorces. in theory, it was expected that the result of the present study could enrich the treasure of critical knowledge in general and the cultural studies of udayana university. the focus of the cultural studies is those who are marginalized (mariyah, 2009: 4).in practice, it was expected that the result of the present study would make people, higher educational institutions, and those who care about gender keep participating in implanting the concept of gender. research method the qualitative method was used in the present study. the research method includes the research design, the research location, data source, data type, research instrument, technique of determining informants, and technique of collecting data. in the present study the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, documentary study, and data triangulation. the data were analyzed using the analysis of gender proposed by harvard. the analysis of gender included activity, control, and significance (trisakti handayani and sugiarti, 2002: 170). the data were also qualitatively analyzed using the theory proposed by milles & a. michael huberman (1992: 15-20), including data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing. result and discussion the structural and cultural injustice due to the difference in gender has been responsible for the divorce undergone by the women in bali. the divorce has also resulted from the coercion which is undergone by the women in households. although not all types of coercions result from the structural and cultural injustice, the physical, psychological and being neglected are dominantly responsible for the divorce undergone by the women. most of the victims of such coercions are women. the differences in role, nature, and status between men and women which are socially and culturally constructed have caused many women to be economically overloaded; they are negatively labeled; they have limited cultural capital, economical capital, and are sensitive to coercions. as a result, they do not have sufficient political capital for making decisions; they submit to their fates; finally, they are divorced by their husbands. based on the theory of hegemony proposed by antonio gramsci (barker, 2005: 467-469), an ideology can regulate and control the socio-culture. the structural and cultural injustice resulting from the difference in gender is also closely related to the settlement of the divorces undergone by the balinese people in denpasar city. the act number 1 of 1974 concerning marriage is biased and the traditional low is too. there are several legal regulations which can weaken the women’s position. as an illustration, if one of the couple leaves their house for two years in succession without any legal reason, then one may divorce the other. however, if the wife leaves the husband, as what frequently happens, as a result, for example, of the fact that the husband has another illegal wife, then such legal regulations will inflict pain upon the wife. the injustice in gender may develop into a tradition, faith, myth, and a legal regulation. according to derrida, the logo centric way of thinking should be criticized as it can lead to imbalance in the modern society (santoso, 2003: 250-251). the structural and cultural injustice due to the difference in gender is also closely related to the impact of the divorce on the families of the ex-wife, the ex-husband and the related families. in addition, the divorces undergone by the balinese women can also affect the value of equality and the justice in genre. the ex-wife may also encounter structural and cultural injustice as a consequence of the difference in genre; her family and the ex-husband and his family may too. the ex-husband becomes dehumanized as he eternalizes the injustice in gender (fakih, 1996: 16). the ex-husband may feel that he has been wrong. the ex-wife may too if she cannot perform her responsibility as someone who is supposed to support the family financially. both the ex-husband and ex-wife may also feel the value of equality and the justice in gender. the ex-wife can understand and implant the value of equality and the justice in gender in performing her role as she has been getting aware of her rights and financial independence. the ex-husband changes his way of thinking when implanting and understanding the value of the injustice in gender to appreciate the women’s role in performing what is supposed to do by their gender. conclusions and suggestions from what was described above, it can be concluded that, first, the divorces undergone by the balinese women resulted from the cultural and structural injustice such as the physical and psychological coercions and being neglected. second, the decisions made through the traditional law and the act no. 1 of 1974 concerning marriage is still biased in regard to gender. third, such a divorce affected the ex-wife and ex-husband and the related families. in addition, it also affected the value of equality and justice in gender. it is suggested, therefore, that the society, government, nonprofit organizations, and other organizations, especially those who care about divorce that they should continuously implant the gender-related concept through elucidation, seminar, integrated service, research and so forth. it is also suggested to everybody that they should always implant the value of equality and the justice in gender when they perform their gender-related roles. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank head of the bali sruti non-government organization, head of the bali apik legal aid, the center of the integrated empowerment of women and children of denpasar city, head of the women’s studies of udayana university for the information provided related to the present study, and to all the informants for the information related to gender and divorce. transformation of kamasan puppet painting art in postmodern era i wayan mudana anak agung anom kumbara i wayan rai s. i nyoman dhana indonesia institute of the arts denpasar email: iwayanmudanaisi@yahoo.com abstract the kamasan puppet painting art “seni lukis wayang kamasan (abbreviated to slwk)” is a traditional art which grows and develops at kamasana village, klungkung, bali. traditionally, it is used as the worshipping media; it is bound to the native puppetry story and is painted collectively and communally. in the modern era slwk is commercialized by the painters as a profession in order to earn money to support their families. the postmodern era slwk has been transformed, causing it to change. the data in the present study were taken from in-depth interview, observation, library research, and documentary study. the theory of practice, the theory of commodification, and the theory of postmodern aesthetics were used in the present study. the result of the study shows; first, the things which have caused slwk to be transformed are (1) economic motivation, (2) self identity, (3) painting creativity, (4) globalization, and (5) tourism. second, the forms of the transformation of slwk in the postmodern era are (1) change in production, (2) change in distribution, (3) change in consumption. third, the implication of the transformation of slwk in the postmodern era includes (1) the fact that the local traditional values are becoming degraded; (2) improvement in prosperity; (3) the fact that the freedom in painting is becoming shackled; (4) the social consumption and distribution are becoming wider; (5) the fact that female painters have appeared; and (6) the fact that the creative industry is becoming developed. keywords: transformation, seni lukis kamasan (slwk), and postmodern. introduction slwk is a traditional art work which has rapidly grown and developed at kamasan village, klungkung, bali. it is unique and has a highly specific identity, and is used as the religious ritual media by the hindus. it is painted based on the original puppetry story, and standardized and binding norms. it is painted collectively and communally. the material used is taken from the nature and is processed using the traditional technique. in addition, the equipment used is traditional as well. visually, slwk contains artistic aesthetics; it contains symbolically philosophical values used to enlighten and reflect the human life both on earth and in hell. in the modern era slwk is commercialized by the painters as a profession to support their families. the painters are strongly motivated to produce maximum works and show their identity. in general, the painters’ identity at kamasan village still refers to their collective identity. the more the number of tourists coming to kamasan village in the globalization era, the greater the number of souvenirs they demand for; as a result, slwk is comodified as the tourism-supporting product. fairclough states that comodification features postmodernism which is assumed to be the capitalism which can change objects, qualities, and signs into commodities to be distributed to the market (barker, 2005: 517). the discourse which is developing in the postmodern era is that slwk has been transformed. giddens (2005: 49), in his book entitled “reflexivity of modernity”, states that a tradition is not entirely stable; a tradition is not strong enough to change. kayam (1989: 1) states that transformation is a process of a total shift from one form into a new form which will be becoming established through a long time process. transformation has to be understood through an ideal type of society which is intentionally created as a model and paradigm. as an illustration, max weber concludes that the european society has transformed into a capitalistic society as its body contains the “cultural ingredients” which will lead to capitalism (sachari, 2002: 68). according to tabrani (2006: 260), transformation is a manifestation of critical, flexible, free and cooperative personalities. if the aesthetic feasibility is not brave enough to surpass boundaries, then transformation will be brave enough to surpass them in order to create new things which are not only without a serious purpose, new or feasible but integral and honest as well. transformation is not only faithful to norms, or situation and condition, but also integrates several norms in accordance with the supporting flexibility and freedom. the phenomenon of the transformation of slwk in the modern era is interesting to be critically and emancipatorily explored using the approach of cultural studies. the problems of the present study can be formulated into (1) why slwk has been transformed; (2) what the transformation of slwk is like in the postmodern era; and (3) what is the impact of the transformation of slwk in the postmodern era on the people living at kamasan village. research method in general, this present study is intended to analyze, deconstruct, and understand the transformation of slwk at kamasan village from the perspective of cultural studies among the elites which support the old tradition, causing slwk to be transformed. the theories used in the present study are the critical theories with the paradigm of cultural studies; they were eclectically used in accordance with the problems of the study. such theories are the theory of practice proposed by bourdieu, the theory of commodification proposed by fairclough and the theory of aesthetics proposed by baudrillard. the data were obtained through in-depth interview, observation, library research and documentary study. the data, after edited, were systematically presented and completed with photographs, pictures, and tables which technically support the data validity. the data were analyzed step by step from the time when the data were collected until the time they were discussed. the result of the study is reported in a descriptive and narrative manner, completed with pictures and tables to support the description. result and discussion the economic motivation, self identity, creativity, globalization and tourism have caused slwk to be transformed. in general, most of the people living at kamasan village are farmers. however, the area of land cultivated averages 0.36 are/villager, meaning that they cannot support their families by working as farmers. the colonial dutch government developed a new sector of employment, namely, tourism. traditionally, slwk is unique, has a very specific identity, and contains highly artistically symbolic values, and is used as the ritual media by the hindu worshippers. slwk is potentially commercialized as a product to support tourism. the money earned from tourism motivates the painters to work hard to show their self identities and can improve the prosperity of their families. the painting identities which are currently developing at kamasan village are the painting identity of mangku mura, the painting identity of nyoman mandra, and the market painting identity. the larger the number of tourists coming to kamasan village in the globalization era the larger the number of the products needed as souvenirs; as a result, slwk is commercialized as the mass product which is distributed to the market to satisfy what the consumers need. tourism is a globalized product which can distribute and consume souvenirs and handicrafts. the transformation of slwk in the postmodern era takes place in production, distribution, and consumption. traditionally, slwk is produced as the worshipping ritual by the hindu worshippers. it is in the forms of kober (flag), umbul-umbul (banner), payung (umbrella), pagut, parba, ider-ider, tabing, pedapa, and leluhur. slwk is comodified as the mass product to satisfy what is needed by tourism. it is comodified into painting, bag, wallet, tissue paper box, the painting of eggs, and hotel facilities. aesthetically, the market painting is highly dynamic; the space division, sketch and coloring are produced based on whether the product will benefit the painters or not. the theme, completion, and presentation are adjusted to what the market needs. the sacred art has been made to be the mass product which is propane in order to satisfy what is needed by the consumers. when slwk is distributed in the market as the ritual media, then it is referred to as a sacred art; however, when it is pined up in shelves for sales it is referred to as a commodity. when it is used to decorate buildings and as souvenir, then it is referred to as a product of image. as the product of image, slwk can satisfy what the consumers need and can improve the local people’s social status. the impact of the transformation of slwk in the postmodern era at kamasan village, klungkung, is both positive and negative. the positive impact is that many job opportunities are made to be available for the local people to improve their prosperity. slwk is not only distributed in the local market but it is also used to satisfy the ritual need, and can be distributed in the global market in the form of souvenirs to satisfy the consumer need. in addition, transformation has also caused the female painters to appear, meaning that there has been equality in gender as far as painting as a profession is concerned. the negative impact is that the painters are made not to be free to develop their creativity, as they are supposed to produce new mass products as what capitalism has ordered through the process of comodification. slwk has been made to be degraded. slwk has been used as souvenirs and handicrafts; they are decorated with the puppet painting completed with religious symbols. when slwk is used to decorate wallets, bags, tissue paper boxes, key handles, fans, umbrellas and the painting of eggs, it is made to be profane, causing the local traditional cultural values to be degraded, and meaning that the sacred art values are made to be degraded as slwk is produced as the mass product which is simply intended to attain profit in the form of money. conclusion and suggestion based on the result of the study, the novelties of the present study are as follows. first, slwk has been transformed, meaning that it has changed. the factors which have caused it to be transformed are (1) the economic motivation; (2) self identity; (3) the area of creativity in which new products are created; (4) globalization, which has a very wide and world scale network; (5) and tourism, which is a globalized industry which can consume the souvenir product for distribution in the market. second, in the postmodern era slwk has been commodified into the mass product; it is distributed in the market in order to satisfy the consumer need. slwk has been made to be profane in order to satisfy the consumer need. third, the impact of the transformation of slwk is both positive and negative. the positive impact is that many job opportunities are made to be available for the local people, meaning that they can improve their prosperity. slwk has been distributed and consumed more widely, and the appearance of the female painters indicates that there has been equality in gender. in addition, the creative industry has developed, inspiring new entrepreneurs to appear. the negative impact is that slwk has been produced as the mass product, meaning that it has been degraded, causing the local traditional values to be degraded and the painters’ creativity to be shackled. what can be suggested in the present is that; first, it is suggested to the government of klungkung regency that the cultural heritage of slwk should be documented and conserved. second, it is suggested to the government of bali province that it should develop the local culture-based creative industry. third, it is suggested to the department of education, youth, and sports that it should empower the young people’s mentality to love their own culture which is becoming degraded. fourth, it is suggested to the tour and travel agencies that they should be more aware of conserving the cultural values which are inherited by the ancestors, and pay more attention to the prosperity of the artists and craftsmen. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u. as head of the doctorate study program of cultural studies of the school of postgraduate studies of udayana university, dr. putu sukardja, m.si., as the secretary of the study program. thanks are also expressed to prof. dr. a.a. anom kumbara, m.a., as the supervisor, prof. dr. i wayan rai s., m.a. as co-supervisor 1, dr. i nyoman dhana, m.a., as co-supervisor 2. a word of appreciation should also go to drs i gede kesuma jaya, m.a.p. as head of “badan kesatuan bangsa politk dan perlindungan masyarakat klungkung” i nyoman subrata as head of “badan kesatuan bangsa provinsi bali”, i b purnama as head of the kertha gosa museum, i.b. danendra, sh as head of kamasa village, i gede surya atmaja as head of dusun banjar pande, i kd kariasa as head of dusun banjar siku. last, but by no means least, the writer owes a great debt of gratitude to i nyoman mandra, the senior painter and owner of “melukis traditional wayang gaya kamasan club”, ni made suciarmi, i made sondra, i nyoman mastra, made muliarsa, i kadek natha, i wayan puspa, i ketut madra, ni ketut dartini, i gede wedaswara, kadek dah, i wayana suparta, wayan kondra, i nyoman arnawa, m n muriyati, pande sumantra, komang arcana, ni mde sri wedari, i ketut suparta, widiatnyana, wayan sujana (suklu), and.a. tirta ray. bibliography baudrillard. jean, 2009. masyarakat konsumsi (la societe de consommation). terjemahan, kreasi wacana, yogyakarta. bourdieu, 2010. arena produksi kultural (the field of cultural production):. sebuah kajian sosiologi budaya (essays on art and literature). terjemahan, kreasi wacana, yogyakarta. barker. chris, 2004. cultural studies: teori & praktik, (terjemahan nurhadi), kreasi wacana, yogyakarta giddens anthony, 1985. kapitalisme dan teori sosial modern suatu analisis terhadap karya tulis marx, durkheim dan max weber, ui press, jakarta. kayam. umar, 1989. “transformasi budaya kita”, dalam “pidato pengukuhan jabatan guru besar pada fakultas sastra ugm”, fakultas sastra ugm, yogyakarta. martyn. j. lee, 2006. budaya konsumen terlahir kembali: arah baru modernitas dalam kajian modal, konsumsi, dan kebudayaan (consumer culture reborn: the culture politics of consumption), kreasi wacana, yogyakarta. ritzer. george, 2010. teori sosial postmodern (the postmodern social theory). terjemahan, kreasi wacana. ricad. jenkins, 2010. membaca pikiran pierre bourdieu (pierre bourdieu), kreasi wacana, yogyakarta sachari. agus, 2002. estetika. makna, simbul dan daya, penerbit itb bandung. tabrani. primadi, 2006. kreativitas & humanitas: sebuah studi tentang peranan kreativitas dalam prikehidupan manusia. jalasutra, bandung & yogyakarta. microsoft word i nyoman wardi 5 e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 33-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 actualization of mupuk kembang ritual in conservation of local rice varieties and food sovereignty in area of world cultural landscape catur angga pura batukaru, bali i nyoman wardi faculty of cultural sciences udayana university email: wardi_ecoculture@yahoo.co.id abstract since the emergence of the green revolution in bali around the 1970s to the present day, in a gradation way emerged a variety of environmental changes and subak culture which is quite apprehensive. among other things, the destruction of genetic resources, especially local rice varieties, and the emergence of concerns about the possible extinction of local rice varieties. this article aims to explore the meaning of wisdom of mupuk kembang ritual in world cultural landscape catur angga batukaru, in the context of conservation of local rice varieties and food sovereignty in tabanan-bali. the research was conducted through data collection with observation, in-depth interview, focus group discussion, and literature study. the collected data were analyzed in a descriptive-qualitative manner. the result of the study showed that mupuk kembang ritual usually is held towards the end of the pujawali ceremony on the cultural heritage of catur angga pura batukaru (pura muncaksari, tambawaras, besikalung, pucak petali, and pura batukaru) in penebel district of tabanan regency. the mupuk kembang ritual is performed in the early morning (dawn), at around 04.00 06.00, where the holy man (pemangku) in trans condition (kerawuhan) put rice (sri-sedhana) rice (manik galih) to his people (bhakta) present in the pujawali ritual. implicitly the ritual hinted rice (oryza sativa) as a sacred plant or tree of life (kalpataru) and so that villagers, especially farmers (subak), conserve it, especially local rice varieties to be developed as the main source of life. the mupuk kembang ritual also supports government’s development programs in the context of maintaining food sovereignty in bali. keywords: mupuk kembang ritual, local rice varieties, conservation, food. introduction catur angga pura batukaru is a sacred cultural landscape of the jajar kemiri at batukaru temple located in the district penebel tabanan regency. the cultural landscape of catur angga pura batukaru consists of four major cultural heritage (pura), subak rice field, settlement, mountain natural resources and protected forest of batukaru, lake tamblingan and buyan, watershed (das), and natural resources and other cultures. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 33-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 the four cultural heritages (temples) consist of two segments, namely the west side (sibak kauh): pura luhur muncaksari and pura tambawaras, east side (sibak kangin) pura luhur pucak petali and besikalung. meanwhile, pura luhur batukaru / pucak kedaton batukaru which is one of kahyangan jagat bali is in the middle or upstream, and is considered as cosmic king (dalem) catur angga. in the context of the cosmic-magical kingdom, the four gods who stand on catur anga are seen as ministers (tanda mantri) in the government bureaucracy having their duty and function in carrying out the duties and functions of cosmic king dewa pucak kedaton / batukaru. dewa pucak kedaton / bhatara batukaru who as sang hyang tumuwuh = the god of tree, is trusted by the community as the guardian and protector of the universe and pangurip bhumi (source of life) sarwa prani (biodiversity) for the society and the environment. in the context of food sovereignty in tabanan (bali), especially in the cultivation of rice paddy by subak institution, catur angga pura batukaru is believed to function as ulun swi, that is as the main source of irrigation water subak, and to request safety, fertility and prosperity for all members of krama subak (farmers) and the environment. based on the fertile pockets of subak, especially those in the area of chatur angga pura batukaru, then the tabanan area is known as the rice granary of bali. various rituals are carried out by farmers (subak), especially those related to rice cultivation in rice fields. among them, the ritual offerings sarin tahun and mupuk kembang accompanied by ritual mamica (penganugrahan) of the rice and manik galih from god to the people who attend and do praying. based on the aesthetic values, cultural-religious, ecological, socio-economic and social, which is very rich, unique and important (outstanding and universal values), then catur angga pura batukaru by the people and government of bali proposed, and has been established by unesco (june 29, 2012) as a world heritage, especially as part of world cultural landscape of bali. the objectives of the research are to reveal the wisdom of catur angga pura batukaru cultural heritage, especially related to food sovereignty development program, and the effort of actualizing ecological ethics in the context of sustainable development in the modern era. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 33-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 research methods the research was conducted by data collection with observation technique, indepth interview and focus group discussion (fgd) with farmers and traditional leaders (tokoh adat). the collected data is analyzed descriptively-qualitatively. the analysis and interpretation of data used deep ecology theory of arne naess (keraf, a. simon, 2002) and cultural semiotics from roland barthez. results and discussion the existence of cultural heritage, especially catur angga pura batukaru and cultivation activity of rice paddy by subak in tabanan can not be separated from the condition of its natural environment. based on research or land mapping conducted in bali, almost most of the soil layer in bali, especially tabanan regency is formed by volcanic activity from mount buyan bratan purba and mount batur purba (sutawidjaja, 1990: 168). now mount batukaru is sacred (an altitude of 2600 meters above sea level), which is relatively geologically young, upstream tabanan regency, and plays an important role in forming the cultural heritage dynamism of catur angga batukaru, both tangible and intangible. among them, the cultural heritage of architecture, rituals and myths, cultural arts, subak social institutions, and other cultural elements. based on the fertile nature of the natural condition with the presence of water that is quite abundant (dinas perikanan and laut tabanan, 2012), tabanan regency is very suitable to develop agricultural activities, especially rice cultivation by subak institution, in the context of food sovereignty development program in bali. according to lee (2007) (in santoso, kompas 2/12/2013), the agricultural development program that carries the concept of food sovereignty is a development that embraces agro-ecological farming model, with protectionist trade model, life antipaten, and recognizes communal ownership as well the concept of green rationality. the food sovereignty paradigm recognizes the complexity of food production, harmonious relationships between farmers, and peasants with nature and ecological perspective. in accordance with the stipulated by unesco (29 june 2012), agrarian area of catur angga pura batukaru as world cultural landscape covering the land of peoples with the width of rice field of 2,409 ha, covering 14 subak institution. (forum pekaseh catur angga batukaru, 2014). e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 33-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 to maintain the stability of food stock and success in cultivation of food crops, especially rice, in addition to maintenance of rice crops and maintenance and irrigation arrangements, various rituals are performed by subak institutions. among them, the ritual offerings of sarin tahun and penganugrahan (mamica) of manik galih and rice in the mupuk kembang ritual at the peak of the pujawali ritual (piodalan) on each chatur angga pura batukaru. the ritual of sarin tahun (ngaturang sawinih) is done by subak by dedicating some of the best rice harvest (oryza sativa) to the gods / bhatara over water blessings (rainfall), blessing tirtha (holy water) , fertility, safety, success and harvest abundance (paddy) that have been enjoyed in the management of rice cultivation. sarin tahun offerings (rice, sari money, and sesajen) are done by the farmers (subak) to the gods / bhatara after the rice harvest and / or before re-planting new rice seedlings. sarin tahun offerings were made to the gods who stand at the temple of subak (ulun swi temple or bedugul temple), where subak (farmers) once requested the blessing of holy water (tirtha / pakuluh) for protection (control of mrana / pests and plant diseases), fertility and the abundance of rice crops. the ritual is performed at pura batukaru and catur angganya (muncaksari, tambawaras, besi kalung and pucak petali temple). at this sarin tahun ritual offerings the farmers simultaneously also requested the blessing of holy water (tirtha) for the safety, fertility and success of the harvest in rice cultivation of the following season. cultural symbolic messages to preserve food sovereignty are also expressed from the mupuk kembang ritual as a ritual in the piodalan (pujawali) ceremony at catur angga pura batukaru, in batukaru temple, pura muncaksari, pura tambawaras, pura besikalung and pucak petali. the word kembang in this context is associated with the red color (makenyit barak / masemu bang) on the eastern horizon when the sun will rise in the morning as a sign that begins a new day or life. the word mupuk in balinese is a verb meaning to fill or bless / grant. the mupuk kembang ritual as the top of the pujawali (as an end of the piodalan day) is usually done in the early morning after the peak of the piodalan ritual, and begins at around 4:00 to 6:00. after enjoying offerings and various kinds of fragrances (wewangian), and before the gods and ancestors leave the world / mayapada to return to the transcendental nature (nirvana / heaven), the gods through the mediation of pemangkus (sutris) in trance conditions symbolically confer (mamica) beads (rice) and çri -sedhana (pantun / rice and uang kepeng). e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 33-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 the blessing of manic galih and çri -sedhana is given to the people (pamedek / bhakta) who are present in the prayers. in this quite unique mammica ritual (especially at pura tambawaras), some sutri (female saints) are in trance and fall stacked to the ground, overlapping each other. the condition of these stacked sutri is known as çri-tumpuk (dewi çri), namely as a symbol of fertility and prosperity. then one by one the sutri arose, dancing while giving symbolically pica (blessing) manik galih (rice) and çri -sedhana (rice and money) to the pamedek (people) who were present. the type of rice that is usually used as a blessing (paica) is a local rice varieties (balinese rice). the ritual of blessing usually takes place in the central jaba yard or in pura subak (çri -sedhana) in pura catur angga batukaru. blessing (paica) manik galih (rice) is recommended to be stored in pulu (rice storage) owned by each family, in order to become a source of high energy (magical) and inih (frugal). the rice blessing is usually kept in the barn (jineng / klumpu) along with other rice owned by the inhabitants (farmers). some of the rice blessings are also symbolically sowed (as a jaton) when farmers make rice seeds in rice fields (ngawinih), so it is expected to be superior rice seedlings, healthy, strong, and fruit jelih (superior quality) and lambih (bushy). thus, freely the terminology of mupuk kembang which is accompanied by the mammica ritual can be interpreted as a symbolic ritual of the addition of new magical life energies (from gods to the people) in the form of galih beads (rice) and çri -sedhana (rice and uang kepeng) for salvation (rahayu), prosperity (wibuh) and welfare (hita) of society in facing the duties and obligations of new life in society and state. in the ritual in general it is also included the presentation of holy water (tirtha) as a means of purification and symbol amerta (sustainable life). conclusions and suggestions the activities of traditional agriculture and ritual offerings of sarin tahun and mamica in the ritual of mupuk kembang performed by subak in the area of chatur angga pura batukaru in panebel district indirectly contribute something very important in maintaining the sustainability of traditional rice varieties (local rice / rice bali). environmental wisdom associated with the concept of agroecological or agricultural development based on the sovereignty of food and sovereignty of farmers that have been practiced since the past by traditional farmers in tabanan (bali) as mentioned above need to be conserved, developed and revitalized or actualized in accordance with the changes and developments of the times. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 33-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 acknowledgements acknowledgments are conveyed to the rector, especially the institute for community service research (lppm) of udayana university for the opportunity and permission and administrative assistance that has been provided in facilitating the research for education at the postgraduate program of cultural studies (s3) doctorate program in udayana university. our deepest gratitude is also conveyed to dr. pudentia mpss as the chairman of the association of indonesian oral traditions (atl) which provides opportunities to get scholarships in oral tradition, and provides opportunities to join sandwich program at leiden university (in 2012) through directorate of higher education and foreign cooperation ministry of education and indonesian culture. bibliography biro hukum provinsi bali. 2012. “perda no.9 th.2012 tentang subak,” dalam himpuan peraturan daerah provisi bali tahu 2012. depasar. sutawidjaja, igan s.1990. evolusi kaldera batur, bali. poceeding pit xix ikatan ahli geologi indonesia, bandung. dinas perikanan dan kelautan kabupaten tabanan.2012. survey potensi sumberdaya pesisir. tabanan. forum pekaseh catur angga batukaru. 2014. awig-awig forum pekaseh catur angga batukaru.tabanan. bps kabupaten tabanan. 2016. kabupaten tabanan dalam angka tahun 2016. tabanan. santoso, dwi andreas.2013. “membumikan kedaulatan pangan“ dalam kompas (tgl.2/12/2013). jakarta. keraf, a.sonny, 2002. etika lingkungan. jakarta: pernerbit buku kompas. microsoft word wesna astara_e-journal socio-political dynamics taking place at kuta traditional village, bali: from desa adat (traditional village) to desa pekraman (another type of traditional village) in the perspective of cultural studies i wayan wesna astara1, i gde parimartha2, i nyoman sirtha3, emiliana mariyah2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3faculty of law, udayana university email: wesna_astara@yahoo.com abstract this research explores the socio-political dynamics taking place at kuta traditional village, bali: from desa adat (traditional village) to desa pekraman (another type of traditional village) in the perspective of cultural studies. there are three problems formulated in this research. the first problem is how the socio-political dynamics from desa adat (traditional village) to desa pekraman (another type of traditional village) took place at kuta? the next problem is how the traditional village interacted with the administrative village at kuta? and the last problem, which is the third, is what were the impacts and meanings of the change from desa adat to desa pekraman? in this study qualitative method was employed. and the data needed was obtained by employing the technique of in-depth interview, the technique of participatory observation, and documentation study. to give responses to the problems mentioned above, the theory of hegemony, the theory of deconstruction, the theory of conflict, the theory of power and knowledge and the theory of eclectically symbolic interaction were applied. the findings show that the socio-political dynamics taking place kuta traditional village resulted in turbulence among the villagers. this is indicated by the local rules and regulations (perda) issued by desa pekraman of number 3 of year 2001. this could be responsible for the factors of pro’s and con’s in various aspects. clause (6) of article 3 of the perda of number 3 of year 2001 was reversed by the leaders of kuta traditional village. they did not agree that non-hindu people were included as the traditional village members. as far as the interaction between the traditional village and the administrative village is concerned, the governmental hegemony took place. the government applied hegemony to the traditional village through the administrative village in the form of rules and regulations. the local rules and regulations issued by the desa pekraman, as a legal product in bali, are left crystallized sociologically, philosophically, and juridically. however, the dynamism of the traditional villagers in bali will “justify” to what extent such rules and regulations are justified and to what extent they are protective. the change of the perda issued by the desa adat into that issued by the desa pekraman was not followed by kuta traditional village by replacing the awig-awig (rules and regulations) issued by the desa adat or making loose agreements to adapt to the higher rules and regulations in addition to anticipating the migrants through the change in rules and regulations applicable at kuta traditional village. basically, the socio-political dynamics taking place at kuta traditional village as a consequence of the change made from desa adat to desa pekraman resulted in no important things. however, from the “substance” point of view, the change can be seen in the formation of majelis desa pekraman (the assembly of desa pekraman) (article 14), which is formed from below, and in the appearance of pecalang (traditional security) which is responsible for the security and orderliness of the village area especially when traditional and religious activities are performed. actually, pecalang is an “old product” which is newly packaged with “new enthusiasm” and is included in the perda of number 3 of year 2001 issued by the desa pekraman . the meanings created by the change made from desa adat to desa pekraman are transformational, dialogic and dynamic. the desa pekraman is in the ongoing process (which will never come to an end) of being integrated into the administrative village. the findings show that there were multiple interpretations given by the leaders of kuta traditional village, as far as the articles in the perda issued by the desa pekraman are concerned, governmental hegemony which was in the form of rules and regulations as the social transformation of the state by which villages are organized. key words: socio-political dynamics, traditional village, administrative village, and awig-awig (locally -made rules and regulations) of the desa adat. background this dissertation, which investigates the relationship among the elements in the village government, is entitled “the socio-political dynamics taking place at kuta traditional village, bali: from desa adat (traditional village) to desa pekraman (another type of traditional village): in the perspective of cultural studies. the term “desa adat” has been in existence since the dutch colonial era. it refers to a traditional community system which is traditionally organized with traditional or local leaders. the term “desa dinas” (administrative village) has also been in existence since the dutch colonial era. it refers to an administrative village formally established by the government. then, these two governmental systems were equally applied until the indonesian government was obtained and led to no problems. in the new order period, when the rules and regulations of number 5 of year 1979 concerning village government was issued, the administrative village established by the government seemed to dominate the traditional village government. various matters which should have been handled by the traditional village were taken over by the administrative village, although they were not its responsibilities. the traditional village felt marginalized and had no authorities, being dominated by the administrative village. to overcome the conflicts possibly arising during the new order era, the government of bali province issued the rules and regulations of number 06 of year 1986 which were supposed to link the traditional village and the administrative village. this served as the reference which placed the traditional system and the administrative system in an equal position to jointly develop the village. these rules and regulations allowed the village government in bali could be harmoniously run by paying attention to the two elements which played important roles in developing the village. this seemed to be in accordance with the 1945 constitution (article 18b, clause 2). this article supports and acknowledges the existence of the traditional system. it acknowledges and respects the units under the traditional village with their traditional rights as long as they are still applicable and are in accordance with the societal development and the principles of the republic of indonesia. the reformation era, during which the governmental system changed dynamically, slightly changed the village government in bali. there was turbulence between the administrative village and traditional village. the reason was that the former considered the latter had marginalized its authorities and system. a reaction appeared that the existence of the administrative village should be evaluated. then the balinese politicians, especially those who were elected the legislative assembly members at the provincial level, agreed that a perda (locally-made rules and regulations) should be made which could support the strength of the traditional village and marginalize the administrative village. as a result, perda of number 3 of year 2001 was issued. then, since it was applicable, the term “desa adat” was changed into “desa pekraman” to which the village government in bali has referred to. its applicability was responsible for the pro’s and con’s resulting from how the system of the desa pekraman was implemented in bali in general and in kuta in particular. the term is desa pekraman but what has been carried out by the kuta community still refers to what was included in the system carried out by the desa adat. this has been one of the problems created by the reformation era. based on what has been described above, a study on kuta traditional community in the context of its current power, law and dynamism is essentially conducted. the area of kuta traditional village is very strategic with its tourism activities. in addition to being a traditional village with its traditional and cultural activities, it is also an administrative and international (global) village. it is this which has provided it with the opportunity either to adapt to and/or to resist against the political policies included in a legal product. it is very clear that the reformation taking place at kuta traditional village shows local dynamism in which the local rules and regulations (awig-awig) are employed for organizing the traditional village members (krama adat), and the state’s legal system and traditional agreements in the form of “social movements” are used for organizing the migrants. how the area (palemahan) and those occupying the area belonging to the traditional village (pawongan) are organized follows the development of tourism. the socio political turbulence, as the dynamic aspect of the community, cannot be separated from the hegemony applied by the “government” to organize the community with its various activities. its social, political and economic activities are relevant for exploration in the perspective of cultural studies. the reason is that historically kuta traditional village has contributed a lot with its sociopolitical dynamics to the development of tourism in bali. the change in political product from the perda issued for desa adat to that issued for desa pekraman has affected the local community (traditional community of kuta). based the background above, this research is focused on the following three problems: 1) what socio-political dynamics took place when the term desa adat was changed into the term desa pekraman at kuta?; 2) what interaction took place between the traditional village and the administrative village?; 3) what were the effects and meanings of the change from desa adat into desa pekraman? qualitative method was employed in this study with interdisciplinary approach (social, political, legal, economic and anthropological) characterizing a study of cultural studies. to reveal the sociopolitical dynamics taking place at kuta traditional village, the theory of hegemony, the theory of deconstruction, the theory of relationship between power and knowledge, the theory of conflict and the theory of symbolic interaction were employed. they were all used to reveal the socio-legal and socio-political dynamics eclectically. the results it was found that kuta traditional village was made to be marginalized by the rules and regulations of number 5 of year 1979 issued by the new order. the uniformity created, which was against the bhineka tunggal ika (diversity in unity)was responsible for this. however, the governor of bali (as the executive) and the bali legislative assembly) responded to this problem by issuing perda of number 06 of year 1986. it, as cultural and legal politics, functioned to protect and to save the traditional villagers of bali (krama desa). with reference to it, the traditional village rules and regulations, termed as awig-awig, were produced and one of its consequences was the establishment of the village credit union (lembaga perkreditan rakyat abbreviated as lpd). kuta traditional village, as the state’s ideological apparatus, has indigenous autonomy which cannot be interfered with by the state. during the new order area, the hegemony of the government was performed by issuing the perda of desa adat of number 06 of year 1986, as far as article 12, clause (1), clause (1) and clause (3) and article 12, clause (1) are concerned, in which it was stated that the traditional village was supervised by the governor of bali. in addition, in article 12, clause (1), it was stated that the governor of bali, when performing this responsibility, was assisted by majelis pembina lembaga adat (traditional institutions supervising committee) and badan pelaksana pembina lembaga adat (traditional institutions organizing committee). in article 12, clause (3) and clause (2) it was stated that the structures and organizations of the majelis and pelaksana lembaga adat were determined by the governor. this illustrates the hegemony applied by the government as their formations were determined from above. the new order came to an end and the reformation era appeared. the perda of desa adat mentioned above was replaced by the bali province legislative assembly) with the perda of desa pekraman of number 3 of year 2001. it is this which led to pro’s and con’s in various aspects. the kuta traditional village leaders did not accept the perda of desa pekraman, especially article 3 clause (6), which included non-hindu people as the traditional village members (krama desa). in the interaction between the traditional village and administrative village, the hegemony applied by the government took place. the government applied hegemony to the traditional village through the administrative village in the form of rules and regulations. the rules and regulations, as a legal product in bali, were left crystallized sociologically, philosophically and juridically without any problem. however, the traditional villagers (krama bali) will “justify” to what extent they can be justified and to what extent they side with them. the change from the perda of desa adat to the perda of desa pekraman applied at kuta traditional village was not followed by replacing the rules and regulations (awig-awig) issued by the traditional village by creating loose agreements to adapt to the higher rules and regulations, in addition to anticipating the migrants through the change of awig-awig applied at kuta traditional village. basically, the effects of the socio-political dynamics taking place at kuta traditional village resulting from the change of desa adat into desa pekraman were nothing, except the change with regard to name from desa adat into desa pekraman. however, from the “substance” point of view, the change can be seen from the appearance of some institutions such as majelis desa pekraman (an assembly), as included in article 14, which is formed from “below” and pecalang (traditional security), which is responsible for the security and orderliness all over the village, especially when religious and traditional activities are performed. it is an “old product” but is “newly packaged” in the perda of desa pekraman of number 3 of yeaer 2001. the meanings of the change from desa adat into desa pekraman are transformational, dialogic and dynamic. desa pekraman is still in the process, which will never come to an end, of being integrated into the administrative village. findings the findings are as follows; the articles included in the perda of desa pekraman were multiply interpreted by the traditional village leaders, as far as what is included in its articles; the hegemony applied by the government was in the form of rules and regulations as a social transformation; the socio-political dynamics taking place at kuta traditional village was influenced by the state’s legal system, the indigenous autonomy was based on desa mawacara (place, time and condition), hinduism, the existing traditions or the agreements made; and the concept of palemahan (residence) was badly organized resulting from the mobility of population and tourism. sociologically, kuta traditional village still refers to the term “desa adat” instead of the term “desa pekraman”. furthermore, the establishment of majelis alit desa pekraman (a minor assembly) all over kuta sub district was not procedural for the reason that it should have been formed from “below” instead of from “above”, which was not in accordance with the perda of desa pekraman. in addition, the majelis alit desa pekraman should have recruited 25% of those who were familiar to customary law, religion and balinese culture and as its members. its current members turned out to be dominated by the heads of the traditional villages (bendesa adat) and their staff (prajuru adat). however, when election for the bendesa adat was carried out at kuta traditional village in 2008, innovation was already made. what is meant is that the model of election adopted referred to the model when election for the regent or governor was conducted and that the candidate should not have been any political leader of any level. moreover, the pecalang (traditional security) of kuta traditional village, which was included in the perda of desa pekraman and had been previously included in the local rules and regulations (awig-awig) of kuta traditional village was “juridically” formed in 1984. conclusions the interaction between the traditional village and the administrative village, as included in article 3, clause (6) of the perda of desa pekraman of number 3 of year 2001, was assumed as the “suicide” article for the kuta traditional community if not properly implemented in the social reality. unlike this article, which was so extreme, the provisions concerning the residence (palemahan) and the traditional village autonomy were not. the area of kuta traditional village is next to tuban traditional village, legian traditional village and to pemogan traditional village. the residence of the kuta traditional villagers was not well organized, based on the residing principle and proposals made by those who would like to stay there, as stated in the perda of desa pekraman of number 3 of year 2001, article 3, clause (2) that those would like to be the village members (krama desa) are those who have fulfilled the terms and conditions arranged in the village rules and regulations (awig-awig). this means that those who are the village members (krama desa) are not only based on where they reside but also on the proposals made for that (by those who are already married). in other words, those who are the village members do not have to reside in that area, but they can also reside outside the area and vice versa. the provisions concerning the autonomy of a traditional village should be in accordance with desa mawacara and desa, kala, patra (place, time and condition) and the enthusiasm of human rights and nationality within the republic of indonesia. as a tourist village, kuta traditional village has a long history with chinese migrants. there has been a positive interaction between them which can be seen from mutual understanding and multiculturalism in the forms of religious and traditional rituals and cross marriages between them. the socio-legal aspects of the application of the perda of desa pekraman of number 3 of year 2001 were that kuta traditional village and tuban traditional village “claimed each other over the borderline” and that there was a concept of “badly organized residence” (saling seluk). the commercial effect, as far as kuta traditional village is concerned, is that it is a promising business area; therefore, a legal product should be created in such a way that the government does not only side with the bigscale entrepreneurs or “investors” (tebang pilih) but the local ones as well. the management of the beach, the local credit union (lembaga perkreditan rakyat abbreviated as lpd) and the arts market, which have contributed a lot to the development carried out all over kuta traditional village, should be provided to the local entrepreneurs. when election was performed for the kuta traditional village head in 2008, the committee was inspired by the legal product which is in the form of rules and regulations of number 34 of year 2004 concerning the village government. as a consequence, the election was directly made by creating one voting place (tempat pemungutan surata abbreviated as tps) in every banjar (the smallest neighborhood under the village) all over kuta traditional village as reflection of direct democracy at kuta traditional village. the socio-political effect, as far as the traditional village autonomy is concerned, is that the traditional village has indigenous autonomy instead of the “autonomy provided by the state “ and this is referred to as the ideological apparatus of the state by althusser. what is meant by the indigenous autonomy is that the village has its rights and authorities to organize itself without being interfered with by the government, which is in accordance with desa mawacara (place, time and condition) and agreements made at the village. from leadership point of view, as far as kuta traditional village is concerned, those appointed leaders are not necessarily the elders (tetua). they should fulfill some terms and conditions. in the last election for the village head, a new value appeared in that the candidates should not have been members of any political parties in any level. a committee was also formally formed and several requirements were decided. as far as the change from desa adat into desa pekraman is concerned, pro’s and con’s took place. the reason is that there was an assumption that the “desa pekraman” would be integrated into the “administrative village”. however, kuta traditional village still keeps the idea that a traditional village is different from an administrative village and that they cannot be integrated (the traditional village cannot be changed 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mitra sabda. windia, wayan p., 2008. bali mawacara, gagasan satu hukum adat (awig-awig) dan pemerintahan di bali. denpasar: pusat penelitian hukum adat universitas udayana. warre, carol, a. 1990. ”adat and dinas: village and stage in contemporary bali”. disertasi yang tidak dipublikasikan. australia: university of western australia. ziauddin sardar dan borin van loon. mengenal cultural studies for beginner. badung: mizan. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the rector of udayana university and the director of postgraduate program of udayana university for the opportunity provided to attend the doctorate program at udayana university. the writer would also like to highly appreciate prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., as the promoter, prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, sh., mh., and prof. dr. emiliana mariyah,m.s., as co-promoter i and copromoter ii for their advices and guidance provided during the completion of this dissertation. finally, high appreciation is also extended to all the parties who have been helpful in the process of completing this dissertation. resistance of katobengke ethnic people to hegemony of traditional elites in baubau city south east sulawesi la ode dirman anak agung ngurah anom kumbara aron meko mbete i gede mudana universitas haluoleo, kendari, sulawesi tenggara email: laode_dirman@yahoo.co.id igedemudana@yahoo.com abstract the katobengke ethnic group is one of the sub buton ethnic groups which has been marginalized since the new order. when the reformation era started, they resisted the system of the knowledge which the traditional elites had. this present study was intended to understand the practice of resistance shown by the katobengke people to the hegemony of the traditional elites based on the historical history and its implication on themselves and the traditional elites. it can be theoretically used as a model and a new concept and method of the development of the cultural studies. it can practically give input to the government as to the empowerment of the marginalized people using their local genius and maintenance of their cultural identity. the result of the present study shows that the resistance shown by the katobengke people to the traditional elites through the mythological discourse of identity; symbolic resistance and physical violence; the factors contributing to the resistance were discrimination of identity, stigmatization of the indonesian communist party ‘partai komunis indonesia (pki), the slave stereotype, the traditional taboo; the implication of the resistance is that the sultanate ideology was ineffective any longer to the katobengke people’s interest, the appearance of new stratification, resistance to the traditional stereotype and taboo, the change in traditional costume, la ode was used as the title, change in profession from becoming farmers into working as providers of services, and spirituality were used for political communication. keywords: hegemony, counter hegemony, stereotype, and traditional taboo. introduction the katobengke ethnic group is one of the subetchnic groups of buton who live at the center of baubau city, south east sulawesi. from the sultanate era to the new order era, their identity was unique culturally and physically. they lengthened the auricles of their ears, chewed betel, wore patched costume (kabhaleko and bidha) and were very good at making earthenware vessel. when the new order was over and the reformation era started, such an identity disappeared. the katobengke people were socially and traditionally classified into the common people (papara), the ruling people who could further be sub classified into the noble people (kaoma) and the middle people (walaka) (rudyansyah, 1997: 44—53). according to susanto zuhdi (2010: 76), where the origin of those who belonged to the papara people came from was not identified; they were the lowest traditional social stratification; they were the slaves who came from papara as they did not pay for any taxes (schoorl, 2003: 3). in the end of the sultanate era to the new order era, the traditional elites started identifying the katobengke people as slaves. the women were supposed to take care of the noble babies in the sultanate era; therefore, they were commonly referred to as naa laode and maa laode (ruslan,, 2005: 71). furthermore, in fact, they were often used as the second sex by the non katobengke people in baubau city; the men had physical strength and worked as farmers. according to ruslan (2005) and tasrifin (2010), the katobengke people were stereotyped as slaves and stupid. therefore, in the new order era they suffered from physical violence and were referred to as those who belonged to the indonesian communist party. in the reformation era they started showing resistance to the traditional taboo and what had been stereotyped by the traditional elites in the form of identity discourse, symbolic resistance and physical violence. research method this present study is a cultural study which was designed to use the qualitative method in accordance with the spirit of cultural studies. the qualitative procedure is in the form of a cycle; the problem identification, data collection, data analysis and conclusion drawing are not necessarily ordered. the study was conducted in betoambiri district, which is located at lipu sub district and katobengke sub district. the key informants were the katobengke traditional leaders, the traditional elite leaders, the bureaucrat leaders, the religious elites, the youth leaders, and the katobengke and traditional elite teachers. the data were collected through in-depth interview, observation, and documentation. discussion as far as the traditional elites are concerned, those who were traditionally socially stratified as kaoma and walaka were the ruling groups of people, whereas those who were traditionally socially stratified as papara were the ruled group of people (the people). the buton sultanate manuscript (anonym) affirms that the three traditional social groups of people were created in the sultanate era with a popular philosophy poromu ndaa saangu pogaa ndaa koolota, meaning being united not in one, being separated not in between. such a philosophy was the strategy used by the elites to attach themselves to the subordinate class, the papara. when the dutch government started to interfere with the domestic affairs of the sultanate, such a philosophy was stained by various forms of colonial discriminations in order to be able to resort physical violence to the people for the sake of taxes. during the new order era such a stigma was inherited; however, in the reformation era the papara people showed that they disagreed with that. one of the papara group was the katobengke people; they showed resistance for being labeled as the slaves and traditional taboo attached to them, as described as follows. first, the katobengke people showed their resistance through the mythological discourse on their origin and identity, symbolic resistance and physical violence. such a resistance showed their reaction against what had been stated by the elites that the katobengke people came from labhora. however, based on the mythology of their identity, they came from johor, malaysia. according to barthes (1999); foucault (1991); jones (2009: 114), a myth forms image as an attempt to achieve something which is desired and to neutralize the stigma which has been introduced by the traditional elites. the symbolic resistance was shown through rituals and marriages, and spirituality. in the posuo ritual and tuturangi ritual, the magic formulas charmed and the songs sung contain advices and educational elements. such rituals are performed completed with various types of offerings. the tuturangi liwu ritual is one of the rituals which is performed with offerings and to propose for the land fertility to almighty god and the souls of their ancestors. robertson (1993: 24) stated that the rituals which are performed with offerings are the strategies used to intensify the people’s solidarity; therefore, rituals were also used to show disagreement with the elites’ domination. resistance was also showed through unorganized individual physical violence such as demonstration and murder. scott (1990: 200) stated that there was no space except anonymous physical individual resistance due to injustice (tomagolo, 1999) and individual hatred (fox, 2009: 7). second, the factors which contributed to such resistance were the reproduction of the elite’s stigma toward their identity as the marginalized, stupid and poor people. being referred to as slaves, being not allowed to marry the elite and to go to mecca for pilgrimage (naik haji), and being not allowed to be physically similar to the elites, and being not allowed to use the building materials which were similar to those used by the elites were also responsible for such resistance. it is such factors which had caused the katobengke people to show their resistance as a form of counter hegemony to the elites through the mythological discourse on their traditional knowledge, supported by the katobengke people who had been economically, educationally and politically established (achieved status). dafidson (2010: 13) stated that the new order applied the hard approach to people. the traditional elites ‘kaomu walaka’ used the traditional taboo to sharpen the social distance between them and katobengke people; the objective was that they avoided the possibility of marrying the katobengke people. third, the implication that the sultanate ideology was ineffective any longer on the katobengke people did not seem to reflect the reality. the ideology of traditional taboo was the hidden and invisible form of the symbolic violence of the elites (bourdieu, in eagleton, 1991).the traditional costume worn by the katobengke people change in its motives and color; the katobengke elites got involved in the political space of the traditional elites. the weaker prohibition of the marriages between the katobengke people and the elites, the change in livelihood from working as farmers into working as providers of services, the struggle for the ownership of traditional land, the rituals which were performed to strengthen the katobengke solidarity, the traditional astronomic knowledge were all used as political communication between the katobengke people and the traditional elites. the new order employed the philosophy pomaamaasiaka which contains the religious values to persuade the katobengke people to be faithful to the buton customs which had been created by the elites. according to smith (1980: 67), religion functions to intensify solidarity. however, through the counter hegemony shown by the katobengke people, it was stated that the islamic values taught that there were no differences among the kaoma, walaka and papara, that everybody had the same right and obligation to perform what is referred to “syariat islam”, and that they had the same position before almighty god “allah swt”. scott (2000: 441) stated that the ideology of the dominating class was not useful to the katobengke society any longer. according to weber (2011: 529), the religious practice performed in one social stratum is different from that performed in another social stratum. the katobengke people disagreed that the only those who belonged to the kaomu class who could lead the communal prayer (who could become the muslim leaders). furthermore, according to them, through the counter hegemony they showed, they would like to state that having the predicate of becoming “haji” (the predicate provided to those who have gone to mecca for pilgrimage) they could lead the communal prayer in their own mosques. the traditional elites who were politicians in babubau city seemed to be getting more persuasive to the katobengke people, resulting from the direct election for the people’s representatives. the katobengke people changed their status (kamiya) by using the noble title maa laode (the noble father) before their names. many katobengke people had become politicians, bureaucrat elites, executives, legislative members, and other stratifications. the katobengke spiritualists were used as the mediators in political negotiations, meaning that a new stratification appeared (achieved status). the katobengke people used the title la ode; seven of them had gone to mecca for pilgrimage; 300 had become soldiers, 5 had become executives, 2 had become legislative members, two had become philosophical doctors, and 7 had graduated from the undergraduate program. during the new order era there were marriages between the katobengke people and their traditional elites; however, such marriages were not exposed. that was another form of counter hegemony shown by the katobengke people. however, in the reformation era, such marriages were more exposed; many went to mecca for pilgrimage and the architecture of their houses looked similar to that of their elites. in relation to the stigma that the katobengke people were slaves, they created a new myth as a counter discourse (foucault, 1977). laboora might be slaves; however, those who were referred to as katobengke wulala were not slaves. the charisma of parabela became degraded, resulting from the problems taking place in the katobengke environment. they had many social problems and many people were starving. the prohibition of the marriage between someone coming from one stratum and another coming from another stratum was a form of the symbolic violence performed by the elites which were hidden and gentle in nature, as, according to the elites, it was a system of work divisions. the current stratification appeared, indicated by the progress they made in economy and education. the elopement between a female elite and a katobengke man was another form of resistance to the traditional taboo. the endogamy marriage was maintained and the exogamic marriages developed between the katobengke people and those who belonged to non buton ethnic group was a strategy to expand the network of kinship relation among the katobengke people themselves. currently, the katobengke people developed a new myth that gave negative image to the labhora people as the slaves whose population was getting extinct. their ethnic identity as the katobengke wulala had kinship relation to the royal traditional elites. the novelty of the present study was that the katobengke people reflected their struggle for affirming their identity and searching for a new identity. the harmonious ideology implemented by the sultanate elites was stained by the dutch direct government in which the people were forced to pay for taxes. this was inherited in the new order era, causing the katobengke people to have negative image. when the reformation era started, the katobengke people did not trust the ideology of the traditional elites; then three katobengke elite strengths appeared; they are the traditional katobengke islam, the katobengke pure islam and the modern katobengke elites; they all disagreed that they were labeled as slaves. the symbolic violence to the status of kadie and traditional taboo was getting weaker. the katobengke modern muslims stated that the rituals performed by the katobengke traditional muslims were not in accordance with the islamic teaching; the charisma of “parabola” was getting weaker. not exposing their identity outside their community was a strategy used to free themselves from the stigma of the traditional elites. the predicates inaa laode and maa laode were the weapons used by the katobengke elites to show their counter hegemony to the traditional elites. the katobengke elites traditionally tabooed the traditional elites who broke the religious and traditional elites. the discrimination of the land ownership (kadie) for the katobengke people was made to be getting weaker by the act no. 5 of 1960 (uupa no. 5 tahun 1960) concerning the deletion of the sultanate status of land ownership. that had caused the katobengke people’s status of ownership of land to be stronger, and the symbolic violence applied by the traditional elites to treat the katobengke people as their slaves and tenant farmers to be weaker. they also struggled for their self identity when the katobengke modern muslims stated that the rituals performed by the katobengke people were not in accordance with the islamic teaching; the charisma of “parabela” was getting weaker. the strategy used by the young elites and the katobengke modern muslims when they were outside the territory of baubau city was that they hid their identity in order to free themselves from the pressure of the stigma of the traditional elites. when the katobengke people became the providers of services instead of working as farmers, then in the status quo condition, the elites who had become politicians started raised the katobengke culture through seminars, assistance in the form of mangaru art equipment, and by participating in the rituals performed by the katobengke people. conclusion and suggestion it can be concluded from the present study that the form of the resistance shown by the katobengke people resulted from the injustice applied by the elites from the sultanate era to the new order era. the fact that the harmonious ideology applied by the elites did not function expressed their refusal to the predicate of becoming slaves and traditional taboo. that was a physical resistance representing their historical misunderstanding which had been internalized within themselves. paying no attention to the traditional marriages, going to mecca for pilgrimage, the title maa laode, and land ownership were passively responded by the traditional elites. the spiritualists’ ability was used as the cultural and political capitals to show their counter hegemony to the traditional elites that they were noble elders, and that the rituals they performed showed that they were the native buton ethnic group. it is suggested to the government that it should use their solidarity wisdom to mediate, unify variations, and construct the new identity of the katobengke people. it is also suggested to the government that it should revitalize the value of the elite unity in diversity “kebhinekaan” to make it relevant to the philosophy of the katobengke people. it is also suggested that the stereotype and traditional taboo should be localized and that a traditional forum should be opened in order to adapt to the current global development. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to highly appreciate prof. dr. anak agung ngurah anom kumbara, m.a., prof. dr. aron meko mbete, dr. i gede mudana, m.si. for their critical scientific supervision, full attention, perseverance and carefulness for the completion of this article. the writer would also like to thank bpps dikti for the scholarship provided to the writer for three years. bibliography bourdieu, pierre. 1991. language and simbolik power. cambrigde: harvard university press. davidson, jamie s. et all, 2010. adat dalam politik indonesia. jakarta: pustaka yayasan obor indonesia eagleton, terry. 1991. ideology: an introduction. london: thetford press, ltd. foucault, michel. 1977. power/ knowledge: selected interviews & other writings, 1972-1977. editor by colin gordon. new york : pantheon books gramsci, antonio. 1971. selection from prison notebooks. new york: international publisher. ------------2001. catatan-catatan politik. surabaya : pustaka promethea jones, pip. 2009. pengantar teoriteori sosial. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia rudyansyah, tony. 2009. kekuasaan, sejarah dan tindakan. jakarta: rajawali pers. ruslan, rahman. 2005. “parabela di buton: suatu analisis antropologi politik. disertasi. universitas hasanudin makassar. program pascasarjana scott, james c. 19762000. senjatanya orang-orang yang kalah, jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia schoorl, pim. 2003. masyarakat, sejarah dan budaya buton. terjemahan g. winaya. jakarta: jambatan. tomagola. dkk. 2002. mengelola konflik: buku saku staf bp proyek lng tangguh bintuni papua,indonesia cerik dan ui zuhdi, susanto. 2010. sejarah buton yang terabaikan: labu rope labu wana. jakarta: pt raja grakindo. commodification of tektekan calongarang at baturiti, kerambitan, tabanan i ketut sariada aa bagus wirawan anak agung ngurah anom kumbara ni made ruastiti doctorate program of cultural studies, udayana university e-mail: iketutsariada@gmail.com abstract tektekan calonarang is a calonarang drama dance which is performed for a new model of tourism, and is accompanied with what is referred to gamelan tektekan. in general, the balinese people disagree that a sacred cultural element is performed for tourism. however, those living at baturiti village support the commodified tektekan calongarang in which what are referred to as sacred barong and rangda are performed. this has led to many questions as such a performing art contrasts with the balinese people’s attitude in general. the problems of the present study are formulated as follows: why the people living at baturiti village, kerambitan, tabanan, support the commodified tektekan calongarang using the sacred rangda and barong; what was such a commodification like; what was its implication on those who were involved in it, society, and such a performance itself. this present study is a qualitative one in which a number of related critical theories were used such as the theory of deconstruction proposed jacques derrida, the theory of social practice proposed by pierre bourdieu, and the theory of power/knowledge proposed by michael foucault. the result of the study showed that the commodified tektekan calonarang in which the sacred barong and rangda were used was performed in the forms of a procession and the tektekan calonarang performance. the market ideology, the developmental ideology, the religious ideology, and the conservation ideology inspired the commodified tektekan calonarang which involved the sacred barong and rangda performed for tourism. such a commodification increased the income of those involving in such a performance and the local people (multiplier effects), the perpetuity of the magical strength of such barong and rangda, the market/tourism interest, and strengthened the local people’s social solidarity. the novelty of the present study was that there was no degradation of sacredness although the sacred rangda and barong were commodified for tourism. the reason is that every time such a performance was performed, a ritual was performed to purify such barong and rangda contextually. keywords: commodification, tourism, culture, tektekan calonarang, sacred barong and rangda introduction tektekan calonarang is a traditional balinese dance drama which is presented within the context of tourism. such a dance drama is very unique as, apart from performing the theme calonarang it is also accompanied with a traditional balinese gamelan tektekan; the instrument of such a gamelan is made of small size bamboo; it is struck alternately with varied tempo and dynamism. as one type of the balinese performing art which is performed for tourism, tektekan calonarang is a performing art which is specific and different from the calonarang dance drama in general. it is generally accompanied with gong kebyar gamelan orchestra. therefore, such a tektekan calonarang which is performed at batauriti village, kerambitan, tabanan has attracted tourists. therefore, it is not only performed at baturiti village, kerambitan, but it is also performed outside the village especially at the tourist areas in bali. in general, this present study was indented to identify and understand the commodification of tektekan calonarang, baturiti village, kerambitan, tabanan which involves the sacred barong and rangda and is performed for tourists. it is one of the local cultural elements and is developing as the cultural identity and tourist product of the village. in particular, this present study was intended to understand the background, form and implication of the commodification of tektekan calonarang which also involves the sacred barong and rangda and is performed for tourists at baturiti village, kerambitan, tabanan. in theory, it is expected that the result of the present study may be used as a reference which can enrich knowledge in general and the cultural studies in particular. the concept found in the present study may be used as input for the researchers in the future. in practice, it is expected that the result of the present study may give contribution in the form of concepts to the local people, making them aware and appreciate tektekan calonarang performed at baturiti village, kerambitan, tabanan. research method the present study was designed to use the qualitative approach from the perspective of cultural studies. the study was conducted at baturiti village, kerambitan, tabanan. the data used were the qualitative as well as the quantitative data. the data were obtained from the primary and secondary data sources. the informants were determined purposively, meaning that the purposive sampling technique was used to determine the informants. in this present study the researcher was the main instrument apart from the other instruments such as an interview guide, a tape recorder, a photograph camera and a video camera. the data were collected through documents, interview and library research. the data were analyzed through data reduction, data display, and drawing conclusion before novelties were found. the result of analysis was formally and informally presented. result and discussion the commodified tektekan calonarang was performed in the form of a procession and dance drama. the procession was performed by the anyar palace kerambitan to welcome the royal guests and involved at least 300 people in each procession. tektekan calonarang was performed in the form a dance drama with the theme adopted from the calonarang story entitled ni diah ratna mangali. the ideologies which inspired the commodified tektekan calongarang which involved the sacred rangda and barong were the market ideology, the developmental ideology, the religious ideology, and the ideology of conservation. such a performing art was frequently performed at the anyar palace kerambitan and at the hotels located at nusa dua area involving the sacred -labeled barong and rangda. the reason was that the involvement of the sacred barong and rangda turned out to make the tektekan calongarang group with its identity popular. the developmental ideology cannot be separated from the aspect of the increase in the local people’s prosperity, meaning that first such a performance could directly improve the local people’s economy; second, such a performance could contribute to the growth of the social solidarity values, nationalism, tolerance and ethics. in addition, such a performance could also make the local people love their own culture. the religious ideology was shown by the myth which the local people believed in and the ritual performed when such a performing art was presented. they believed that the sacred rangda and barong were able to ward off the diseases which they could suffer from. finally, as such a performing art was performed to ward off diseases; now it is functioned to protect the local people from any possible dangers. the ideology of conservation was shown by maintaining and conserving tektekan calonarang as an identity of the people living at baturiti village. such a performing art differentiates the balinese culture from the other cultures in the world. it was also performed to strengthen the social relation among the local people. the patron-client relation between the royal family and the local people were still well maintained. such a patron-client relation, as the principle of reciprocity, between the royal family and the local people seemed to result from the successful attempt made by the anyar palace kerambitan to make tourists come to visit the village, causing the villagers to gain trickle side effect from such a performing art. the implication of such a performing art was that the local people were made to more strongly believe in the magical power of the sacred barong and rangda; more tourists were made to visit the village; the economy of those who were involved in such a performing art and the economy of the local people was getting improved; such a performing art also contributed to the formation of the image and identity of the village. the frequent performance of such a performing art also contributed to it conservation and perpetuity, meaning that more and more people were made to gather, and that the social solidarity among the local people was indirectly getting tighter. the novelties of the present study are as follows: 1) the sacredness of the sacred barong and rangda did not become degraded; the reason was that each time it was performed, a purification ritual was performed, depending on the context of performance; 2) the legitimacy between the palace and local people were getting stronger; the palace could maintain the patron-client relation; in this case, the royal prestige could benefit the surrounding people for the sake of the royal economy and politics; 3) the icon tektekan calonarang could strengthen solidarity and identity; socially and culturally, there is “symbiotic mutualistic” relation among the palace, the local people, and the tour and travel agency; apart from that, such a performing art can also enrich the balinese culture. it is suggested that when it is performed, the quality should be maintained in order to maintain its existence and to be able to compete locally and globally. conclusion and suggestion the commodified tektekan calonarang involving the sacred barong and rangda was performed in the forms of a procession and dance drama. such a performance was inspired by the religious ideology, the market ideology, the ideology of conservation, and the cultural ideology. the implication of such a performing art was that the local people more strongly believed in the magical power which the sacred barong and rangda had; more and more tourists were made to come; and the local people’s prosperity was getting better; such a performing art made more and more local people gather, meaning that it was indirectly functioned to tighten the local people’s social solidarity. it can be stated that the sacredness of the sacred barong and rangda did not become degraded; the reason was that every time such a performing art was performed, a purification ritual was performed; the legitimacy between the palace and local people were getting stronger. the palace could maintain the patron-client relation; the royal prestige could benefit the local people for the sake of the royal economy and politics. the stronger solidarity and identity resulting from the existence of tektekan calonarang could lead to the “symbiotic and mutualistic” relation among the local people, tour and travel agencies, and the palace. in addition, such a performing art could also enrich the balinese culture. it is suggested that the tektekan calonarang performing art at baturiti village, kerambitan, tabanan should maintain the quality so that it can compete locally and globally. acknowledgements finally, it is hoped that ida sang widhi wasa/tuhan yang mahaesa, almighty god, reward everybody for having supported the completion of the present study. it is hoped that the result of the present study may enrich the treasure of the indonesian scientific works. bibliography barker, chris. 2005. culture studies : teori dan praktik. yogyakarta : pt. bentang pustaka. picard, michael, 2006. bali, pariwisata budaya dan budaya pariwisata (terjemahan). jakarta: kepustakaan populer gramedia – forum jakarta-paris, ecole francaise d’extreme-orient. suandewi, i gusti ayu dan a.a. mayun artati. 1998. tektekan suatu bentuk kesenian touristik di bali, denpasar : sekolah tinggi seni indonesia. subrata, i wayan. 2012. “komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong di banjar denjalan-batur desa batubulan gianyar bali” (disertasi). denpasar: universitas udayana. sulastriani, ni wayan. 2001. “tari tektekan di desa kukuh kecamatan kerambitan kabupaten tabanan”, (tesis). denpasar: program magister ilmu agama dan kebudayaan program pascasarjana, universitas hindu indonesia denpasar (unhi). microsoft word sumadi ketut-e-journal 1 cultural capital as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta ketut sumadi1, i wayan ardika2, i nyoman kutha ratna2, emiliana mariyah2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university email: spiritbali@telkom.net abstract tourism is a favourite sector in improving bali revenue and kind of tourism developed is cultural one. in cultural tourism, it takes place meaning modification of cultural practice by krama (member) of traditional village) in order to cultural capital can survive in the middle of tourism dynamic condition. this research entitled “cultural capital as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta”, by proposing three problems, namely how is the process of cultural capital as tourism development basis, what factors can motivate tourism capital as tourism development basis, and what is the meaning of cultural capital as tourism development basis. the research is conducted using qualitative method and cultural studies approach, so data analysis is conducted in descriptive qualitative and interpretative ones. selection of traditional village of kuta as research location based on consideration that traditional village of kuta having integrated tourism facilities for facilities addressed to member of traditional village. the review about cultural capital as the tourism development basis in this traditional village of kuta, eclectics theories consisting of hegemonic theory of gramsci, co-modification theory of karl marx and adorno, discourse-power/knowledge and truth theory of foucoult and deconstruction theory of derrida. based on the research output, it can be known: (1) cultural capital process as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta is inseparable from foreigners arrival in traditional village of kuta, the entrance of military (the cooperative center of arm force) in managing kuta beach and the occurrence of bali bombing tragedy on october 12th, 2002; (2) the factors that motivate cultural capital as the tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta, such as motivation and the necessity of tourists visiting traditional village of kuta, tourism hegemony, changing of life philosophy of member of traditional village from idealism into pragmatism one and the image as global village; (3) cultural village as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta has innovation, religious, preservation of cultural, political identity and prosperity meanings. behind the success of cultural capital as tourism development basis, it improves live prosperity, and also it causes negative effect such as there is krama (member) of traditional village for losing their cultural capital. they are marginalized in economic field as they have no cultural capital in term of knowledge and skill in tourism area and it is said to be “kidang nyirig pangkung”; they cannot 2 utilize the opportunity of tourism market well. as consequence in traditional village of kuta, there are still poor families and they have no suitable housing. key words: cultural capital, tourism development, traditional village of kuta 3 i. introduction tourism becomes the favourite sector that can improve foreign exchange and local revenue in indonesia. in tourism development in indonesia, it focuses on uniqueness of cultural capital in each area, so every tourism destination in indonesia has its own characteristic. bali government through local regulation number 3 of 1974, revised into local regulation number 3 of 1991 concerning cultural tourism, has determined balinese culture having its soul of hindu religion as capital in tourism development. within tourism development the cultural practices keep on the most dominant attraction that motivates tourists visiting bali at this moment (prameswari: 2005: ardika, 2007:74). as tourism development basis, the social relationship of cultural capital and tourism in traditional village of kuta show the culture has been the state propaganda and market to invite society to be able to accept market ideology which is full of competition and pragmatic life style. according to abdullah (2006: 16-19; pendit: 1996: vii), the culture is not the guidance only that determines code of conduct in society to be obeyed or to be direction in practice related to religiosities, but is also as capital of tourism promotion for interest struggle in having economic benefits of tourism market. this research focuses in traditional village of kuta having integrated tourism facilities for facilities addressed to krama (member) of traditional village. cultural capital does not state firmly its function for member of traditional village of kuta, but also its significant performance in giving solution outside cultural problem, namely tourism development. within individual level, in one side it can be observed the resistant process of member of traditional village of kuta toward manipulation for market ideology symbol and the political struggle of cultural identity to maintain traditional village, on the other side it takes place reproduction of cultural identity to fulfill motivation or tourists’ taste as well as globalization process for sustainable and developing tourism. how is the process, factors and what the meaning of cultural capital as the tourism development basis concerning how “culture of origin” is represented as tourism attraction in traditional village of kuta, as the focus of problem in this research to be expected to clarify existence aspect of “productive” of cultural capital 4 as life guidance in adaptation as well as life sustainability and “reproductive” aspect of cultural capital as tourism development basis following new trend in contemporary society changing due to tourism hegemony. ii. discussion a traditional village of kuta on trihita karana (palemahan, pawongan, parhyangan) basis has cultural capital both intangible and tangible from traditional to contemporary as complementary tourism development basis toward tourism activity. the cultural capital is operationally like nice beach as part of palemahan; friendly life attitude, life style in managing village area and its beach, both as fishermen, massage person, souvenir seller, gold artist and balinese style house as part of pawongan; religious tradition of ceremonies such as melasti (ritual procession) at beach, tawur kesanga (purification procession) followed by tabuh rah (commencing ceremony), pengerupukan (one day ceremony prior to silence day) followed by ogoh-ogoh parade for the sake of nyepi (silence day), ngembak geni (the day after silence day ceremony) which followed by the activity of pasar majalangu, and nangluk merana ceremony, in term of dancing/orchestra, ngelawang, kuta carnival, penjor competition and architecture art such as holy buildings as part of parhyangan. cultural capital process as tourism development basis of traditional village of kuta is inseparable from the arrival of foreigner to traditional village of kuta such as mads johansen lange which is well-known as tuan lange and vannie walker which is well-known as k’tut tantri or miss manx. tuan lange established coconut plant and open export-import company and in 1839 he has got the trust from syahbandar (wholesaler) in kuta from kesiman king, gusti ngurah gede kesiman. in the meanwhile, k’tut tantri in 1930s as the foster child of a king in bali, established hotel “swara segara” where the building of his hotel shows local capital culture. starting 1960s to 1990s the massive tourism development takes place by the arrival of much capital entrepreneur supported by government policy to develop cultural tourism by approving bali local regulation number 3 of 1974. krama (member) of traditional village having friendly, open characters and high tolerant has euphoria as they have big economic benefit from making cultural capital as the tourism development basis. 5 when the victory of new regime from 1980s to 1990-an, in this case the government of badung regency and puskopad (the armed forces cooperation center) enter into managing unit business of beach seller and art shops in traditional village of kuta. krama (member) of traditional village feels unhappy and then conducts negotiation and destruct café and tourism facilities at beach under management of puskopad, and finally traditional village of kuta can manage its cultural capital in term of activities at beach and its own arts hops in 1999. after that when a tragedy of bali bombing dated 12 october 2002 takes place, krama (member) of village shows cultural capital in handling the effect of this bomb tragedy quickly and spontaneously such as quick in giving assistance to bombing victims and conducts ritual ceremony to return purity of the area. there is no anarchy or revenge done, although this action is worried by the safety staff. cultural capital in term of friendly attitude, high tolerant and creative in doing innovation makes cultural capital of traditional village of kuta changes from individualism into collectivism, observing from the events of kuta carnival, so the image of traditional village of kuta as safe and comfort destination keep on maintaining. the factors that motivate for cultural capital as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta, such as motivation and the necessity of tourist, tourism hegemonic, the changing of life view of traditional village, and the image as global village. through the existence of motivation and necessity of tourists visiting traditional village of kuta, krama (member) of traditional village involves in tourism services to meet the motivation and demand of these tourists. deconstruction of cultural practices in tourism development shows the occurrence of economic order of synthesis with symbolic power, where traditional village of kuta has symbolically a full power toward its cultural capital, but in practice it cannot be separated from any power relation of tourism hegemony on the basis of capitalist market ideology. the changing of life view from agriculture into pragmatic one in accordance with the tourism market demand, make them that they must adapt quickly in order their cultural capital has practical value and beneficial in improving prosperity and tourism development. as consequence, cultural capital of traditional village of kuta has been part of global tourism culture, so traditional village of kuta has image as global village, an image which is currently proud so much. globalization 6 phenomenon appears in accordance with the proud of krama (member) of traditional village toward the image of global village as seen in the events of kuta carnival. the meanings of cultural capital as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta are such as innovative, religious, preservation of cultural capital and prosperity meanings. innovative meaning has the orientation and future hope based on local and global context of global tourism development, so it appears in the surface are simulacrum, more and more simulated society, and cheat in global image which is full of competition. tourism is expected to be able to improve life prosperity of krama (member) of traditional village, in other side it is expected for being able to preserve and develop cultural capital which is inseparable with identity of religious traditional village. so that is why, in traditional village of kuta can be witnesses activity of member of traditional village having sacred one in accordance with profane tourism activity, so it takes place post-spirituality phenomenon namely the mixed of material and non material ones. the post-spirituality phenomenon is seen on ritual procession of traditional village of kuta. cultural capital experiences art by metamorphosis, it takes place the changing from ritual to theater, such as ritual procession of melasti at beach arranged like a performance stage so it can be seen by tourists well while conducting activities of sea, sand and sun set. in the middle of this phenomenon, the tourism is considered for being able to strengthen identity and belief of krama (member) of traditional village toward religious-magic and strengthens religiosity feeling, so it appears the term “cakra yadnya” to describe harmony of tourism activities with religious activities to be prosperous life. this phenomenon shows politically more and more strengthen of identity of traditional village on tri hita karana basis. it is, however, a strong market ideology pressure in tourism hegemony, making prosperity to all krama (member) of traditional village which is expected not fulfilled yet, and there is still krama (member) to be marginalized in tourism development. it has taken place symbolic manipulation of market ideology, namely behind the glamour of tourism activities and the density of growth for tourism accommodation, there are still krama (member) of traditional village in poor condition. marginalization in economic field due to no cultural capital such as low knowledge and skill is analogized as “kidang nyirig pangkung”, it means a deer runs 7 backward into the bank of valley that cannot seen the direction well. they are falling into poor condition due to competition victim of capitalists, it is seen from the existence of krama (member) of traditional village who sell their ancestor land and finally they have no house anymore and they live in not suitable house at this moment. iii. research novelty the research novelty in this research are as follows : (1) the process of cultural capital as the tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta runs spontaneously, as it is motivated by the attitude of euphoria of krama (member) of traditional village accepts tourism in open and creative ones that they feel give some big economic benefits; (2) the development in any tourism facilities and attitude as well as activity of krama (member) of traditional village in tourism field becomes a new social of status symbol, symbolic status as modern village or global village. (3) cultural capital as tourism development basis is symbolized as a cakra yadnya, it means cultural practices and tourism activities are believed as holy sacrifice, like a cakra that is expected to keep on running while reaching the peak of life in this globalization. the term of cakra yadnya in cultural perspective is equal to glocalization one, it means the local to be produced as global and localization of global one into tourism development. simulacrum phenomenon and postspirituality appears to escort glocalization process; (4) when the bali bombing tragedy on 12 october 2002, cultural capital is the basis in handling tragedy of bomb effect. krama (member) of traditional village in high tolerant and creative to conduct innovation of cultural capital in establishing the image of traditional village of kuta as tourism destination such as seen in ritual procession of karipubhaya and event of kuta carnival; (5) euphoria period of tourism has passé away, so cultural capital as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta shows a political struggling process of identity as the implementation of resistance of krama (member) of traditional village toward market ideology where traditional village sustainability can be maintained; 8 (6) negative excess of cultural capital as tourism development basis is seen from the existence of krama (member) of traditional village of kuta who lost cultural capital, it is analogized as “kidang nyirig pangkung”, it means a deer run backward in the bank of valley that cannot see the direction well, and finally they fall into the valley, they are falling in poor condition as the victim of competition of capitalist market; (7) the struggle to eradicate symbolic manipulation of tourism hegemony to implement sustainable community based tourism in traditional village of kuta takes a long time and need support from all parties like state, market and society. iv. conclusions based on research toward cultural capital as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta it can be concluded : (1) cultural capital process as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta initiates from the arrival of foreigners in traditional village of kuta, both the activity of selling and tourism activities, such as tuan lange and k’tut tantri. in 1960s-1990s tourism hegemony is getting stronger and stronger seeing from massive tourism development due to the arrival of big market entrepreneur supported by government policy, by approving local regulation of bali number 3 of 1974; (2) factors that motivate cultural capital as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta, such as tourists’ motivation and necessity, tourism hegemony, changing of live view and image as global village; (3) cultural capital as tourism development basis in traditional village of kuta has innovation, religious, cultural preservation, prosperity and identity political meanings. v. references abdullah, irwan. 2006. konstruksi dan reproduksi kebudayaan, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar ardika, 2007. pusaka budaya dan pariwisata. denpasar: pustaka larasan ------------, 2003. "komponen budaya bali sebagai daya tarik wisata." i wayan ardika (penyunting). pariwisata budaya berkelanjutan, refleksi dan harapan di tengah perkembangan global. denpasar: program studi magister (s2) kajian pariwisata universitas udayana. piliang, yasraf amir. 2004. posrealitas, realitas kebudayaan dalam era posmetqfisika. yogyakarta: jalasutra 9 pitana, i gede. 2008. "membalik ombak: pariwisata dan industri budaya sebagai wahana pengelolaan kebudayaan bali". naskah lengkap kumpulan makalah kongkres kebudayaan bali, 14-16 juni 2008. denpasar: dinas kebudayaan provinsi bali/panitia kongres kebudayaan bali. pitana, i gde. 1998. "tourisfikasi, internasionalisasi, dan indegenisasi: pembangunan bali menyongsong milenium ketiga dan era reformasi total". naskah lengkap orasi ilmiah dies natalis ke-36 universitas udayana. denpasar 29 september. prameswari, ariningtyas,y,. 2005. "faktor-faktor pendorong dan penarik wisatawan memiiih bali sebagai daerah tujuan wisata", (tesis). denpasar: universitas udayana. bagus, i gusti ngurah, (editor). 1975. badi dalam sentuhan pariwisata. denpasar universitas udayana. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies, teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: bentang bloch, peter. 2007. mads lange the bali trader and peacemaker. bali: the bali purnati eggcr, ben. 2006. teori sosial kritis, kritik, penerapan dan implikasinya, terjemahan nurhadi, yogyakarta, kreasi wacana vi. acknowledgment in this good occasion, the writer expresses thank to: (1) rector of udayana university prof. dr. dr. i made bakta, sp.pd (k); (2) director program of postgraduate udayana university, prof. dr. ir. dewa ngurah suprapta, m.sc; (3) head program doctoral study (s3) cultural concentration udayana university, prof. dr. i made suastika, su.; (4) prof. dr. i wayan ardika, ma, as promoter who is patient to guide, direct, give input to this thesis since designing, research, writing and during the class session having a deep discussion about cultural capital and cultural tourism; (5) prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, su as co-promoter i and prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s as co-promoter ii for their full of spirit and patience in giving their assistance in completing this dissertation; (6) prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, sh, ms., prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, prof. dr. i nengah duija, m.si, and dr. i gede mudana, m.si who have given supervision, suggestion and guidance; (7) traditional head village of kuta, i gusti ketut sudira and all krama (members) of traditional village of kuta especially to be informants. microsoft word i ketut muka 1 e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 innovation of the traditional sandstone craft products in the globalization era at north singapadu village gianyar i ketut muka pendet i ketut ardhana i nyoman suarka i gede arya sugiartha e-mail: iketutmuka14@yahoo.com abstract nowadays the process through which the sandstone craft products are produced at north singapadu village has changed. the appearance of different types of popular sandstone craft products reflecting the local identity produced by the young craftsmen at north singapadu village shows this. such products are different from the traditional sandstone craft ones in terms of form and aesthetic style. globalization, ideology and technology have basically led to the change. the sandstone industry has become highly innovative. this present study uses the qualitative and interpretative method and the theories used are the theory of acculturation, the theory of deconstruction, and the theory of postmodern aesthetics. the conclusion of the present study is that the form and process of innovation initially resulted from new ideas and concepts and the craftsmen’s paradigm. the main things which have been responsible for changing the traditional way of life into the modern way of life are formal education, tourism and modern technologies. those who are positively and negatively affected by globalization are not only the capital owners and craftsmen but the villagers and consumers as well. the sandstone craft products at north singapadu village contain the meaning of creativity, the economic meaning, the commodificative meaning and the meaning of cultural change. the finding of the study shows that the craftsmen at north singapadu village have ignored the traditional concepts, the technique of producing the products, and the materials used. however, the sandstone craft products at north singapadu village do not get extinct but remain to exist and both domestic and foreign consumers are interested in them. keywords: sandstone craft product, globalization, commodification, postmodern aesthetics. introduction in gianyar regency many cultural and art heritages have been discovered since the prehistoric era. the old heritages show that the ancestors were very good at making masks, carvings and statues. now they can be observed in the yeh pulu archeological sites at goa gajah located at bedulu village, tebing bebitra temple and tebing gunung kawi temple located at tampaksiring, gianyar (kempers, 1977: 122; ardhana, 1994). the foreign artists, e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 walter spies and miguel covarrubias, who came to stay in bali in 1930 (covarrubias, 1957) were so interested in the balinese ornamental motives. they changed the natural forms in such a way that renewals were created. they and the local artists influenced each other. the cultural acculturation led to new innovations, causing the balinese arts in general and fine arts and craft products in particular to change. that has inspired the concepts of the production of the traditional sandstone craft products which the people living at north singapadu village, sukawati, gianyar refer to. north singapadu village is the center of the sandstone craft industry; almost 75 percent of the villagers work as craftsmen. their products are well-known all over the world. if viewed from the characters, forms, and motives of the traditional sandstone industry at north singapadu village, they reflect a specific decorative identity; they have adopted the dimensional forms of the balinese puppet using three proportions (covarrubias, 1957:55). they are (1) lanjar for the tall scale statues; (2) nyepek following the human size; and (3) rentet as shown by the funny statues ‘punakawan’. the form, symbol, characterization, expression and ornamental decoration are created to follow the traditional norms and sources ‘pakem’, causing the statues produced look sacred (goris, 1993: 154). modernization has certainly changed the view point and way of thinking of the young craftsmen and motivated them to create new forms oriented towards the globalized market. since the sandstone craft products were used as the commodities of tourism several craftsmen have changed their profession; they are not only craftsmen but also art dealers. such a situation has led to a gap between the traditional craftsmen and the young ones who are innovated to develop new models, ideas, concepts, the production technique and more modern motives in order to reach the globalized market. in relation to the innovation of the traditional sandstone craft products at north singapadu village, gianyar, the problems of the study can be formulated as follows: 1) what are the form and process of the innovation of the traditional sandstone products in the globalization era at north singapadu village, gianyar like; 2) what factors contribute to the innovation of the sandstone craft products; 3) what are the implication and meaning of the innovation on the level of the socio-cultural and economic life of the people living in gianyar in general and at north singapadu village in particular. the data were analyzed using the theory of acculturation. the traditional value was reorganized into the new traditional value. the theory of deconstruction proposed by j derrida was used to reveal the deconstructive values behind the form or model of the sandstone craft at north singapadu village. the theory of postmodern aesthetics proposed by piliang (2003: e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 164) was used to analyze the aesthetic value of the sandstone craft product in the globalization era. this present study is intended to understand the problems explored in relation to the background, form and process of the innovation of the traditional sandstone industry in the globalization era at north singapadu village, the factors which contribute to the innovation, and the implication and meaning of the innovation on the consumers, the sustainability of the production of the sandstone industrial products. research method based on the problems formulated above, as far as the study entitled “the innovation of the traditional sandstone craft products at north singapadu village, gianyar” is concerned, the method used was the qualitative method with the approach of cultural studies. the steps taken in the qualitative study include the data collection, data analysis, and data display (bailey, 1987: 32). the data were collected through observation, namely the researcher went directly to the field to observe the innovation of the traditional sandstone products in the globalization era at north singapadu village. the data on the background of the innovation of the sandstone craft products were obtained through interview. the data were authentic and reliable. in the qualitative study, the entire object is accurately explored before the data obtained are analyzed (soedarsono, 2001: 46). discussion the decrease in production and the fact that only a limited number of young people who intend to develop the traditional sandstone craft products are responsible for “the innovation of the sandstone craft products at north singapadu village, gianyar. the reason is that the traditional sandstone craft products are still oriented towards the interest of hinduism and the interest of the king (the ruler). the products only refer to specific norms, and are religiously and magically meaningful, adopt what gods look like, and are decorated with reliefs locally referred to as kekarangan and pepatran. therefore, the young craftsmen make innovations; the ideas, concepts, designs, motives and the technique of production. the materials used to support the aesthetic elements of space, and building and souvenir ornaments are also innovated. such multipurpose products are produced to fulfill what is needed by foreign and domestic tourists. the innovated sandstone craft products at north singapadu village usually adopt the creative objects of the local environment and culture, e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 causing them to have specific characteristics. heindeggar (in barker, 2008: 14) states that the innovated sandstone craft products represent the relationship between the past values with the current and future ones. basically, the innovated traditional craft products in the globalization era at north singapadu village cannot be separated from the traditional root which is processed and developed through the postmodern aesthetics in which the aesthetic idioms are critically arranged in order to fulfill the globalized market. it is such a condition which has caused the sandstone craft products at north singapadu village to be dominated by the capitalists, causing the traditional craftsmen, who still maintain the working idealism, to be marginalized. a wise action needs to be taken as this phenomenon cannot only weaken the local identity but can also destroy it. what is was described above shows that the globalized culture strongly affects the traditional culture as can be seen from what has happened to the traditional sandstone craft products at north singapadu village. the innovations were made within the last seven years, from 2007, when bali bomb blast ii took place, to 2013. the phenomenon is reflected by the sandstone craft products which have been created using the current technology and new ideas and concepts. the innovation of the traditional sandstone craft products in the globalization era at north singapadu village is created through the coordination of three components; each has its own strength or idealism. they are the capital owners, entrepreneurs, designers and the craftsmen. they benefit one another (symbiosis mutualism). in this context, the capital owners, entrepreneurs, and consumers consume the sandstone craft products made in bali and outside bali, the craftsmen and designers who live around north singapadu village create the products. as far as the discourse of postmodern fine arts is concerned, the concept of creation developed by the young craftsmen does not have anything to do with the ideological meaning; it seeks pleasure. the young craftsmen play with signifiers with the principle that form follows fun. the most recent aesthetical model is expected to be the model used to understand and develop the discourse of cultural products in general and the discourse of fine arts in particular. the postmodern aesthetics has five styles; they are the pastiche style, the parody style, the kitsch model, and the schizophrenia style (piliang, 2003: 187-202). they are used as the basis for developing the traditional sandstone craft products at north singapadu village. finally, the postmodern aesthetical concept can develop the sandstone craft products to show an identity which can fulfill the globalized market’s demand so that the local people’s e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 welfare and economy can improve. the development of the sandstone craft products can be viewed from the ideas and concepts which inspire them, their forms, the technique of production used, the motives and functions, and is marked by the appearance of new themes and motives. the undersea life, the flora and fauna, the motive of cloud, the flowing water created using the carving technique, the surficial texture illustrate this. if viewed from the context of innovation, it is clear that, as far as the new motives are concerned, the old values have shifted into the new ones in the form of commodification (ardika, 2003: 21). the development of the sandstone craft products at north singapadu village can also be viewed from four aspects. they are 1) the traditional and modern style, if viewed from the style; 2) if viewed from the form, they are communal, sacred, symbolic, individual, identity and propane; 3) if viewed from the function, they are functionally used as the ceremonial, aesthetical, and practical means, and as parodies; and 4) if viewed from meaning ‘yadnya’, it can be used as an identity and to show freedom (data source: the nuansa relief craftsmen, north singapadu village). basically, the modern forms of the sandstone craft products at north singapadu village adopt what are referred to as keketusan, pepatran, and kekarangan. the statues applied to the temples in bali are also adopted. the models individually and collectively adopted and innovated reflect the innovational values and are intended to have practical interests. that implies that innovations have been made, resulting from the development of situation and condition in which people openly adopt other cultures. what also plays an important role in the situational and conditional development is that the craft products are planned and designed using the stylization, adaptive, and collaborative approach, causing the products to reflect the renewed values. the innovated modern sandstone craft products, as stated by heindeggar (in baker, 2008: 14), show the relationship between the past values, current values and future values. conclusion and suggestion from the result of analysis and discussion, it can be concluded that the innovation of the traditional sandstone craft products in the globalization era at north singapadu village are the traditional cultural products deconstructed through the idioms of the modern fine arts by the capital owners, designers and young craftsmen with formal education. they have developed the form and process of the product creation, and are affected by the internal and e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 external factors. that contributes to the level of the socio-cultural and economic life of those living in gianyar in general and those living at north singapadu village in particular. it can be suggested that new concepts using the traditional values should be developed and taken into consideration when creating art works in order to fulfill what is demanded by the consumer. it is highly important to continuously follow technologies especially when designing products massively. acknowledgement praise the almighty god, ida hyang widhi wasa, for the completion of this study. the writer would like to thank prof. dr. phil. i ketut ardhana, m.a., prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m.hum. and dr. i gede arya sugiartha, s. kar., m.hum. for their supervision and detailed corrections so this study could be completed as planned. bibliography ardhana, i ketut. 1994. “bali dalam kilasan sejarah”, dalam i gde pitana (ed),dinamika masyarakat dan kebudayaan bali. denpasar: bp. ardika, i wayan. 2003. komponen budaya sebagai daya tarik wisata. denpasar: program studi magister kajian pariwisata unversitas udayana. baily, kenneth d, 1987, method of social reaserch. london: free press. covarrubias, m, 1957. island of bali. new york: harry n. abrams, inc. goris r. 1993. atlas kebudayaan. pemerintah indonesia. soedarsono, r.m. 2001. metodologi penelitian seni pertunjukan dan seni rupa. bandung mspi (masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia). piliang, yasraf amir. 2003. hiper semiotika tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna. yogyakarta: jalasutra. microsoft word e-journal winsumurti local political dynamics in the general election directly conducted to vote for district heads (pilkada) in badung regency in 2005 anak agung gede oka wisnumurti1, i wayan ardika2, i gde parimartha2, i made pasek diantha3 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3faculty of law, udayana university e-mail: wisnumurti@yahoo.com abstract the general election directly conducted to vote for the regent and vice regent (pemilihan kepala daerah, abbreviated to pilkada) by the people in badung regency in 2005 was the first one. the people’s direct involvement in the local political life moved highly dynamically. the struggle for power by various strengths affected various dimensions of the people’s lives; therefore, it is interesting to investigate the local political dynamics in the pilkada directly conducted in badung regency in 2005 in the perspective of cultural studies. there are three problems formulated in this study. they are (1) what was the dynamics of the pilkada directly conducted in badung regency in 2005 like?; (2) how the relation of strengths affected the local political dynamics in the pilkada directly conducted in badung regency in 2005?; (3) what were the implications and meanings of the local political dynamics of the pilkada directly conducted in badung regency in 2005? the results of the study show that fluctuative changes took place continuously with regard to the form and functions of societal structure. culturally, the people’s ideology changed from being mono centric into being multi centric. the relation of strengths became segmented into three main strengths forming a new formation of strength referred to as trisula. this led to an institutional configuration, differentiation of power and locality sedimentation, and provided meanings to competition and tolerance, emancipatory, political comodification, adaptive leadership and local democratic cultural strengthening. keywords: dynamics, local politics, and direct pilkada in badung regency introduction geopolitically, economically and socio-culturally, badung regency is one of the strategic regencies in bali. badung regency, which is located in the center of bali island, is the center of human activities and distribution of products and services. in addition, it is also the center of tourism which contributes to the state’s revenues. socioculturally, its people are segmented into two main sectors; they are the traditional sector developing in north badung and the modern sector developing in south badung. on 24th june 2005, the people in badung regency conducted the direct pilkada for the first time, which deconstructed the indirect pilkada , which, according to harahap (2005: 5) had been responsible for various forms of deviation and distortion, money politics and disqualified leadership, and had reduced the people’s sovereignty. according to erawan the democratic meaning was reduced in such a way that the democratic system should be changed into one which could make the people’s opinions, voice and perspective appear again (in sahdan, 2008: 3) by allowing the people to govern (sorensen, 2003: 1). the objective is to make humans live better (rousseau in philipus, 2004: 116). by conducting direct general election, according to prihatmoko (2005: 71), every citizen who fulfills the requirements determined has the same right to a political position. surbakti (1992: 140-141) refers to this as a form of political participation, in which every citizen has the right to determine all the decisions related to and influencing their lives. in addition, every citizen may provide authority or legitimacy to their leaders (weber in habermas, 2004: 270). the on-going discourse of power has encouraged the dynamics of the local political life in badung regency. the word dynamics in this case refers to changes (sztomka, 2005: 7), changeable things and sustainability (ardika, 2005: 18), continuity and incontinuity (agung, 2006: 2). the political dynamics taking place cannot be only viewed from one perspective and monolithically investigated, but should be viewed as a cultural penetration, the involvement of the local political actors as the cultural agents, and the other people’s strengths (piliang, 2005: 3). based on the background described above, three problems are analyzed in this study. they are (a) what was the dynamics of the direct pilkada conducted in badung regency in 2005 like; (b) how the relation of strengths affected the local political dynamics in the direct pilkada conducted in badung regency in 2005?; (c) what were the implications and meanings of the local political dynamics in the direct pilkada conducted in badung regency in 2005? research method as a research in cultural studies, qualitative method is adopted in this study. the data used is qualitative data supported by quantitative data. the primary data was obtained from the primary data sources through interview, observation and documentation. and the secondary data was obtained through documentation. the data was analyzed using the technique of qualitative analysis and the theory of communicative act, the theory of discourse and knowledge, the theory of hegemony, the theory of three societal strengths which were eclectically used. the results of the study are informally presented with analytic-inductive description and formally as well. results of the study the results of the study are as follows. first, the dynamics of the direct pilkada conducted in badung regency in 2005 resulted in fluctuative and continued changes in societal structure and culture. second, the relation of strengths affecting the local political dynamics was segmented into three main strengths. they are political society with its political capital strength, economic society with its economic capital strength and civil society with its socio-cultural capital strength. they operated dynamically, mutually, cross-interactionally, reciprocally and traspolitically affected. third, the local political dynamics in the direct pilkada conducted in badung regency in 2005 implicated a institutional configuration, a strength differentiation and a locality sedimentation. its meanings were competition and tolerance, emancipatory, adaptive leadership and local democratic cultural strengthening. discussion the fluctuative and continued changes taking place in the dynamics of the direct pilkada refer to the opinion by ardika (2005: 18). structurally, the changes took place in forms, functions, and in the governmental institutions which can be illustrated by the establishment of the local general election committee (komite pemilihan kepala daerah, abbreviated to kpud) and the reduced roles of the dominant political parties resulting from the establishment of the coalition of political parties and the appearance of economic society and civil society as the strengths balancing the political hegemony. structurally, the orientation of politics and power which used to be logo-centric shifted to being multi-centric. this is in line with van loon’s opinion that any change taking place was related to the matters pertaining to power and politics and the need for marginalized social groups for representation as the characteristic of cultural studies (in mudana, 2005). the local political dynamics taking place, in addition to involving electoral dimension, also took non electoral dimensions such as civil freedom into account. gramsci (in cullar, 2006: 49-51) considered civil society a supra structure (politics and culture) in which the hegemonic position was struggled for. this took place through political and ideological leadership (gramsci, in simon, 2004: 19). the relation of strengths affecting the local political dynamics in the direct pilkada conducted in badung regency in 2005 was segmented into three main strengths; they are political strength, economic strength and civil strength; each was supported by political capital, economic capital and social capital (bourdiau in jankins, 2004: 126). the relation of strengths took place dynamically, interactionally, reciprocally and traspolitically. the existence of economic strength with its economic capital made the candidates fulfill the political costs needed. social and symbolic capitals of the palace (as a place where the values of power operates), the temple (as a means of interacting between the leaders and their people equally framed with ethic values, morality and religiosity), pakraman (referring to the people as the owner and supporter of power so that it can operate), and purana (the rule, guidance and agreement as the form of collective willingness) which functioned as the strength of civil society enabled the local values to appear again. the local political dynamics in the direct pilkada conducted in badung regency in 2005 implicated an institutional configuration, a differentiation of power and locality sedimentation. what is meant is that the local communal and associational solidarity was becoming stronger. the collective awareness as a form of the badung people’s emancipatory movement was created through communicative act, that is, local genius values-based residency. then, the acculturation of modern democratic values characterized by freedom, appreciation of being different, equality as suggested by the local genius values such as tatwamasi, paras paros sarpanaya, menyambraya, sesana manut linggih manut sesana took place. the meanings of the local political dynamics in the direct pilkada in badung regency in 2005 were competition and tolerance, emancipatory, political comodification, adaptive leadership and local democratic culture strengthening. what is meant is that the local genius values appeared again, which was referred to by derrida as deconstruction created by constructing the native meanings (sim, 2002: 26-27), ratna, 2005: 250-251). findings based on what has been discussed above, the findings of this study are as follows. (1) fluctuative and continued changes took place in structure, form, function and institution. in the governmental level the local general election committee was established, in the level of political parties coalition of political parties was established and in the community level economic society and civil society appeared to struggle for power. (2) the orientation of politics and power changed as well from being logo-centric into being multi-centric. (3) subjective rationality was growing up in the form of collective awareness as communicative act to resist political hegemony. (4) alternative strength appeared, that is, economic society and civil society as the strengths significantly causing the political map in the direct pilkada to change. (5) the influential strengths worked together to form a new strength referred to as trisula society united within a strength and operating within the context of desa (the place), kala (the time) and patra (the situation). (6) communal solidarity and locality sedimentation was getting stronger. (7) political comodification took place in the local political dynamics. (8) adaptive leadership was also found out. (9) the traditional strengths and local genius values appeared again making the local democratic culture stronger. closing it can be concluded that the dynamics of the direct pilkada conducted in badung regencynin 2005 resulted in fluctuative and continued changes in the community structure and culture. the relation of strengths were segmented into three main strengths such as the strength of political society, the strength of economic society and the strength of civil society which took place interactionally, reciprocally and traspolitically. the local political dynamics implicated an institutional configuration, a differentiation of strengths and locality sedimentation. and its meanings include competition and tolerance, emancipatory, political comodification, adaptive leadership and local democratic culture strengthening. based on the findings mentioned above, theoretically, the results of this study can be taken into account in the attempts made to develop cultural studies directed to the local political studies. to the next researchers, the matters pertaining to the local political dynamics especially such as conflict, cultural and structural coercion and the role of the local institutions in obstructing or supporting the local political strengthening are recommended. practically, it is suggested that the decision makers, the kpud, the political parties and the community should enhance their political knowledge and understanding and discover the relevant local genius values for constructing the local politics so that the local genius values-based democratic understanding can be enhanced. acknowledgements the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. as the supervisor, prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., as co-supervisor i, and prof. dr. i made pasek diantha, s.h., m.a., as co-supervisor ii for their time spared, input, guidance, motivation provided and patience during the completion of this dissertation. the writer would also like to thank prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u., and prof. dr. nyoman kutha ratna, s.u., as head and secretary of the doctorate program of the study program of cultural studies of udayana university for their guidance, direction, attention and motivation provided. in addition, the writer would also like to thank the director of postgraduate program of udayana university, prof. dr. dr. a.a. raka sudewi, sp.s.(k); vice director i, prof. dr. made budiarsa, m.a., and vice director ii, dr. ir. budi susrasa, for their acceptance, facilities, assistance and support provided. bibliography ardika, i wayan. 2005. “kearifan lokal dan ketahanan budaya bali”, dalam kompetensi budaya dalam globalisasi, darma putra dan windhu sancaya (ed.), denpasar: fakultas sastra universitas udayana dan pustaka larasan. harahap, asri, abdul. 2005. manajemen dan resolusi konflik pilkada. jakarta: cidesindo. habermas, jurgen. 2004. krisis legitimasi (terjemahan yudi santoso), yogyakarta: qalam. hardiman, budi.a., 1993. menuju masyarakat komunikatif, ilmu, masyarakat, politik, dan postmodernisme menurut jurgen habermas. yogyakarta: kanisius. jenkins, richard. 2004. membaca pikiran pierre bourdieu, yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. mudana, i gede. 2005. pembangunan bali nirwana resort di kawasan tanah lot: hegemoni dan perlawanan di desa braban, tabanan, bali. disertasi program doktor kajian budaya, program pascasarjana universitas udayana, denpasar. philipus, ng., dan aini, nurul. 2004. sosiologi dan politik, jakarta: pt raja grafindo persada. piliang, yasraf a. 2005. transpolitika, dinamika politik di dalam era virtualitas. yogyakarta: jalasutra. prihatmoko, joko j. 2005. pemilihan kepala daerah langsung, filosofi, sistem dan problema penerapan di indonesia. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. putra agung, anak agung gde. 2006. peralihan sistem birokrasi dari tradisional ke kolonial. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. ratna, kuta, i nyoman. 2005. “posmodernisme: ciri-ciri, perkembangan, dan teori yang relevan. makalah pada kuliah perdana hahasiswa s2 dan s3 kajian budaya”. universitas udayana, denpasar sahdan, gregorius dkk. 2008. politik pilkada, tantangan merawat demokrasi. yagyakarta: the indonesian power for democracy (ipd). sim, stuart. 2002. derrida dan akhir sejarah. yogyakarta: jendela simon, roger. 2004. gagasan-gagasan politik gramsci. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. sorensen, george. 2003. demokrasi dan demokratisasi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. surbakti, ramlan. 1992. memahami ilmu politik. jakarta: pt gramedia widyasarana. sztompka, piotr. 2005. sosiologi perubahan sosial. jakarta: penanda. microsoft word e-journal dewi yuliana transformation of modern agriculture into organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan, penebel district, tabanan regency, bali province euis dewi yuliana1, i wayan ardika2, i gde semadi astra2, i made antara3 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3faculty of agriculture, udayana university e-mail: dewiyuliana@yahoo.com abstract this dissertation discusses the transformation of modern agriculture into organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan, penebel district, tabanan regency, bali province. this study is conducted in the perspective of cultural studies and the problem is that the dark side of modern agriculture is getting visible. the chemical substances used in agriculture have turned out to result in many problems such as the damage of land quality, the continuous decrease in plant productivity and environment, the marginalization of farmers. therefore, many farmers have been aware and have transformed into ecologically organic agriculture as what has taken place at subak wangaya betan. the farmers have transformed from modern agriculture into organic agriculture. however, the process of the transformation has left many problems; therefore, a deep study is necessarily conducted to answer various existing questions. the problems in this study are formulated in three basic questions such as follows. first, how has the process of the transformation from modern agriculture into organic agriculture taken place at subak wangaya betan? second, why has the transformation from modern agriculture into organic agriculture taken place? third, what are the implications and meanings of the transformation from modern agriculture into organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan? in general, this study aims at identifying and comprehending more clearly the transformation from modern agriculture into organic agriculture taking place at betan wangaya subak. this research was conducted using qualitative method with multidisciplinary approach in accordance with the paradigm of cultural studies. in the first stage, primary and secondary data were collected. in the second stage, theories were selected for analyzing the data. several critical theories such as the theory of discourse of power and knowledge, the theory of hegemony and the theory of deconstruction, which are eclectic in nature, were decided to select for analyzing the data. in this third stage, the selected data were analyzed and interpreted. in the fourth stage, the results were constructed and reported. based on the analysis conducted, three findings could be reported. first, agricultural transformation has taken place at subak wangaya betan, from agrochemicalbased modern agriculture in which inorganic, chemical pesticide and hybrid varieties are used into organic agriculture in which no chemical substances are used. the agricultural transformation has not been suddenly conducted; it has been a planned process, has been conducted through a highly systematic mechanism with many stages and has consumed a lot of time and needed in-depth studies. second, many factors have led to the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan. they are external factors such as political, economic, social, cultural and ecological aspects and internal factors such as the negative side of green revolution implementation, natural resources, cooperative farmers, and adherent farmers. they are all equally strong and synergize in encouraging and accelerating the agricultural transformation. third, it turns out that the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan has several implications and meanings. the implications are that the ideology adhered to by the farmers has changed, the establishment of new institutions, an increase in the farmers’ income, improved rice field ecosystem and environment. the meanings of organic agriculture are spiritual meaning, empowerment meaning and welfare meaning. keywords: agricultural transformation, modern agriculture, organic agriculture, subak wangaya betan. background the multinational capitalist has created a single agricultural system through highly established monopoly practices. the capitalist has been able to make farmers transform the agricultural system which they had applied for hundreds of years, that is, the ecological agricultural system which was environmentally friendly into modern agricultural era known as “green revolution”. initially, the green revolution (the modern agriculture) directly contributed to the spectacular development of agricultural products. however, the dark side of such modern technology is immediately visible. now it has been clear that the modern technology does not help the farmers. millions of them keep being marginalized and hungry. the quality of the land they cultivate and their environment is degrading. in this case, the modern agriculture benefits the corporation of petrochemical capitalist. the capitalist has created a pseudostate of being established and manipulated the farmers in such a way that they use more and more chemical substances leading to a multibillion dollar business. the decrease in land quality and productivity of almost all types of plants undertaken has been visible since 1990s. the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides in large quantities have changed the whole agricultural order and marginalized the traditional knowledge and local genius which have developed in accordance with the local culture. furthermore, the traditional knowledge and local genius have been left and neglected. however, many farmers have been aware of the dangers of the modern agriculture and have transformed into the organic ecologic method. such a transformation has taken place at subak wangaya betan. the farmers have transformed from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture. subak wangaya betan is one of the subaks (farmers’ traditional organization) which is located at dusun wangaya betan, penebel district, tabanan regency, bali province. the agricultural transformation at subak wangaya betan has been massively conducted since 2006. great attempts should be made as it does not involve transfer of ideology but also transfer of technology, knowledge, wilingness, ability, braveness and even capital and target market. how the farmers at subak wangaya betan have invested in the initial stage of transformation and how responsive they are to conducting the transformation are interesting phenomena. the agricultural transformation at subak wangaya betan has been directed to the transformation of the subsystem of material infrastructure such as the transformation in the technique of plant cultivation. the question is whether this transformation has involved the other subsystems in addition to the material subsystem. this research aims at identifying and comprehending more clearly the transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture. it tries to answer the problems which are formulated in three basic questions as follows. (1) how has the process of transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture taken place at subak wangaya betan? (2) why the transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture has taken place at subak wangaya betan? (3) what are the implications and meanings of the transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan? material and discussion qualitative method is employed in this study in which the transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan, penebel district, tabanan regency, bali province is discussed. first, the data on the general picture of the location where the research was conducted were collected and the transformation from the modern culture into the organic culture taking place at subak wangaya betan (where the research was conducted) was observed. second, the theories used for analyzing the existing problems were selected. the theories used are the theory of discourse of power and knowledge, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of deconstruction. third, the data collected were analyzed and interpreted. four, the results were reported. findings first, the agricultural transformation conducted by the farmers at subak wangaya betan cannot be separated from the hegemony applied both by the government and the cooperative farmers over the farmers. the mastery of the government (the ppl of bptp of bali province) and the cooperative farmers of knowledge has made them able to hegemonize the farmers to apply the organic agriculture without being pressured and feeling pressured. second, the incentive provided by the government to the farmers and the subak leadership strength have contributed to the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan. the strong influence of leadership, especially the leadership controlled by the cooperative pioneer farmers who have economic, social and cultural (intellectual) capitals has been able to encourage the agricultural transformation taking place at that subak. in addition, the free incentive in the form of agricultural production facilities provided by the government, which has social and cultural capitals apart from economic capital, has also contributed to the transformation.. third, the agricultural transformation taking place at the location where the research was conducted reflects the success in changing agricultural ideology from the modern agriculture, which is deemed less beneficial, into the organic agriculture, which is dreamed of by every farmer who cares about the importance of health, environmental friendliness, benefit and sustainability. the organic agriculture is meant to provide someone with image; if he/she consumes organic product, he/she will have confidence, his/her prestige will enhance. in addition, the organic products are safe to consume, have high quality and are healthy. conclusions first, agricultural transformation has taken place at subak wangaya betan, from agrochemical based modern agriculture in which inorganic fertilizers, chemical pesticides and hybrid varieties are used into organic agriculture in which no chemical substance is used. such an agricultural transformation has not taken place suddenly but it has been conducted through a planned process with a highly systemic mechanism involving many stages which need a lot of time and thorough studies. second, many factors such as external ones which include political, economic, social, cultural and ecological aspects and internal factors which include the negative side of green revolution implementation, natural resources, cooperative farmers and inherent farmers have contributed to the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan. they are equally strong and synergize to encourage and accelerate the agricultural transformation. third, it turns out that the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan has implications and meanings. its implications are the change in the ideology adhered to by the farmers, the establishment of new institutions, an increase in the farmers’ income, improved rice field ecosystem and improved environment. the organic agriculture has spiritual meaning, empowerment meaning and welfare meaning. acknowledgments high appreciation is extended to the rector of udayana university and the director of postgraduate studies of udayana university for the opportunity and facilities provided to attend the doctorate program (s3) in cultural studies of udayana university. high indebtedness is also extended to prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as the supervisor, prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, as co-supervisor i, and prof. dr. ir. i made antara, as cosupervisor ii for their invaluable guidance and suggestions which are helpful to the writing of this dissertation. finally, many thanks are also extended to all the parties who have been involved in the process of this research. microsoft word suniastha amerta 3 e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 the meanings of the development of alternative tourism at jasri village, subagan sub-district, karangasem i made suniastha amerta1 i gede mudana2 email: jrokadek@yahoo.co.id1, gedemudana@pnb.ac.id2 abstract the alternative tourism developed in the form of a tourist village at jasri traditional village is intended to empower and give opportunity to the local people to manage tourism at the village where they live. this is in accordance with the concepts of the community-based tourism development and sustainable development. this present study is aimed at knowing the meanings appearing from the development of the alternative tourism at jasri traditional village. the qualitative method with the paradigm of cultural studies was used. three theories which were eclectically used were employed to analyze the problems of the study. they are the theory of hegemony, the theory of power/knowledge, and the theory of communicative action. the result of the study shows that the meanings appearing from the development of the alternative tourism at jasri traditional village include the hegemonic meaning, the meaning of the economic potential empowerment, and the meaning of the socio-cultural sustainability. the hegemonic meaning includes (a) the implementation of the regional regulation ‘perda’ number 2 of 2002; (b) the implementation of the regent’s decree number 658 of 2014; and (c) the meaning of image. the meaning of the empowerment of economic potential includes (a) the empowerment of the job opportunity potential; (b) the empowerment of the local people’s income potential; (c) the availability of the funds needed for funding the development at jasri traditional village. the meaning of the socio-cultural sustainability made up of (1) the social sustainability including (1) the local people’s identity strengthening, (b) the better pride of becoming a community, (c) equality and justness in gender and age group; and the meaning of cultural sustainability including (a) being aware of cultural conservation, (b) development of cultural value, and (c) cultural appreciation. keywords: alternative tourism, sustainable development, tourist village. introduction jasri traditional village, subagan sub-district, karangasem regency, is rich in tradition, arts and culture. its nature is beautiful and natural as well. the tradition, arts, culture and the beautiful and natural nature it has are the sources which can be developed to attract tourists. the performing arts which are still maintained are the fire war ‘perang api’ (ter-teran), rejang dewa, legong and many others. it has also maintained the art of making earthenware e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 vessels and the art of making the wavy-double bladed daggers ‘keris’. these are all the potentials it has to develop alternative tourism, causing it to be a tourist village. the decree of the regent of karangasem number 658 of 2014 shows that jasri traditional village has been decided to be one of the twenty new tourist villages in karangasem regency. jasri traditional village has been developed as a tourist village since 2011, involving all the villagers. the success achieved by jasri traditional village to be a tourist village cannot be initially separated from the role played by the regional government of karangasem regency through a program particularly created to support the development of tourism referred to as “pnpm mandiri”. in 2013 it was able to be the best in the national tourist village competition, meaning that it only took two years to be the best in the national tourist village competition as it was developed as a tourist village in 2011. this phenomenal fact strongly motivated the local people to contribute to developing the village as a tourist one, leading it to being the host of the activities held as the appreciation of national tourist villages and creative economy in 2014. the activities were held at the village hall of jasri traditional village. this phenomenal fact strongly motivated the local people to contribute to developing the village as a tourist one. they believed that the development of alternative tourism at the village could economically, socially and culturally benefit them and could contribute to their welfare in particular and the people living in karangasem in general. however, what was observed was that what had been expected for by the local people did not come true yet; meaning that nobody knew what it would come true. research method the qualitative method was used in the present study. this approach was used based on the problems and objective of the study and the technique of analysis used; otherwise, the research could not be properly carried out. in other words, as a cultural study, this present study was designed to use the qualitative method. the qualitative method was used to obtain the in-depth data needed, namely the tangible accurate data (sugiyono, 2008:222). according to strauss and cobin (1990: 13), the qualitative data can be used to find out and comprehend what is implied in a phenomenon. in this present study, the qualitative data was also used in order to obtain as many data representing the socio-cultural phenomenon explored as possible described using words instead of figures as in the perspective of the quantitative research. this refers to what is stated by endraswara e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 (2006:85), who states that the qualitative perspective tends to be used to explore the complex humanitarian phenomenon. the research method was designed in such a way through important steps that it can fulfill the scientific criteria and the validity of the study. the location where the study was conducted, the types and sources of the data, and the informants directly involved in the study were determined. the techniques used to collect and analyze the data and present the result of the data analysis were carefully chosen. these are all the important variables which are needed to identify and reveal the socio-cultural phenomenon appearing from the development of alternative tourism at jasri traditional village, subagan sub-district, karangasem regency. discussion meaning is defined as the intention of a word and so forth (kamus bahasa indonesia, 2008: 135). according to ratna (2008: 127—132), meaning refers to a particular massage and value in a text. it is a presentation and a process of representing what is obtained by an interpreter through an interpreting activity. in other words, meaning refers to a message or intention implied in a text. what is intended by the message can be interpreted more than what is explicitly stated in the text. as a set of symbols, a text contains a replica (the comodified form) and an interpreter (unlimited semiosis). eco (1984) in yuliana (2010) adds that a symbol can be defined as an encyclopedia or a network of words with a new map of meaning. tourism was initially introduced at jasri traditional village in 2009. then it was developed in 2011, causing several meanings to appear. they are the hegemonic meaning, the meaning of the economic potential empowerment, and the meaning of the socio-cultural sustainability. hegemony refers to the domination of a social class over another through the success achieved in implanting its view of life, social relation, and humanitarian relation in such a way that they are considered true or scientific by the subordinated class (piliang, 2004: 17). as far as the top-down political policy is concerned, people do not have power to reject the government’s policy. the hegemonic meaning resulting from the development of alternative tourism at this village can be defined as a set of hegemonic policies and messages created by the local government of karangasem regency as the policy maker. e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 the formal legal basis in the form of a decree issued by the regent of karangasem regency through which jasri traditional village has been provided as a tourist village can be viewed as a dominating tool. the action taken by the stakeholder of tourism at this tourist village can be observed from the perspective of the theory of communicative action. habernas represents a communicative competence reflected in several rules and regulations used as the formal legal basis for developing alternative tourism at jasri traditional village. the hegemonic meaning resulting from the development of alternative tourism at jasri traditional village includes (a) the implementation of the local regulation ‘perda’ number 2 of 2012; (b) the implementation of the decree of the regent number 658 of 2014; and (c) the meaning of image. the development of tourism at a tourist destination with its different activities is trusted to lead to different positive impacts, especially the economic life resulting from the interaction between the guest and host. the meaning of the economic potential empowerment resulting from the development of alternative tourism at jasri tourist village includes (a) the empowerment of the job opportunity potential; (b) the empowerment of the local people’s income potential; and (c) the available of the funds needed for developing the village. the local people were strongly motivated to support the program since tourism was developed at jasri tourist village. the fact that what was programmed by the village’s leaders was always supported by all the society’s components. the socio-cultural support was one of the things provided by the villagers. the meaning of the socio-cultural sustainability resulting from the development of alternative tourism at jasri traditional village includes (1) the social sustainability made up of (a) the local people’s identity strengthening; (b) the better pride of becoming a community; (c) equality and justness in gender and age group; and (2) the cultural sustainability made up of (a) the awareness of cultural conservation; (b) the development of cultural value; (c) the cultural appreciation. conclusion and suggestion based on the result of the analysis of the field data collected, it could be concluded that the meanings appearing from the development of alternative tourism at jasri traditional village, subagan sub-district, karangasem regency are as follows. the hegemonic meaning, which includes (a) the implementation of the regional regulation ‘perda’ number 2 of 2014; (b) the implementation of the regent’s decree number 658 of 2014; and (c) the meaning of image. e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 the meaning of the economic potential empowerment, which includes (a) the job opportunity potential empowerment; (b) the local people’s income potential empowerment; (c) the available of the funds needed for developing jasri traditional village. the meaning of socio-cultural sustainability, which includes (a) the local people’s identity strengthening; (b) the better pride of becoming a community; (c) the equality and justness in gender and age group. the meaning of cultural sustainability includes (a) the awareness of cultural conservation; (b) the development of cultural value; (c) the cultural appreciation. based on the findings and conclusions, it can be suggested that (1) the leaders of jasri tourist village should adopt the local genius-based alternative tourism development; (2) in the future the government of karangasem regency needs to pay more attention to the village through supervision and training courses related to the awareness of the importance of tourism such as foreign language courses; (3) it is necessary for the government of karangasem regency to improve the infrastructure and facilities needed such as the gate showing where jasri tourist village and art shops are; (4) it is necessary for the travel bureaus and agencies and freelance guides to include jasri tourist village into their itineraries of east bali. acknowledgement the writer would like to thank and highly appreciate head of the doctorate study program of cultural studies for the opportunity given to the writer to complete his study in the program. thanks are also expressed to the informants especially those living at jasri traditional village. bibliography barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies teori & praktik. yogyakarta: pt bentang pustaka. endraswara, suwardi. 2006. metode, teori, teknik penelitian kebudayaan: ideologi, epistemologi, dan aplikasi. yogyakarta: pustaka widyatama. gramsci, antonio. 1976. selection from prison notebooks. new york: international publiser. habermas, jurgen. 1984. reason and the rationalitation of society. volume 1 of the theory of communicative action, english traslation by thomas mccarthy. boston: beacon press (edisi aslinya terbit di jerman, 1981). pilliang, y.a. 2004. dunia yang dilipat: tamasya melampui batas-batas kebudayan. bandung: penerbit jalasutra. e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 ratna, i nyoman kutha. 2008. postkolonialisme indonesia : relevansi sastra. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. strauss, anselm, yuliet corbin. 2003. dasar-dasar penelitian kualitatif, tata langkah dan teknik-teknik teoretisasi data (terjemahan). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. yuliana, euis dewi. 2010. transformasi pertanian modern ke pertanian organik subak wangaya betan, di kecamatan penebel, kabupaten tabanan, provinsi bali. disertasi. denpasar: program doktor kajian budaya universitas udayana. ---------.1991. perda provinsi bali no. 3, tentang pariwisata budaya. ---------. 2012. perda provinsi bali nomor 2, tahun 2012 tentang kepariwisataan budaya bali. ---------. 2014. surat keputusan bupati karangasem nomor 658 tentang 20 desa wisata di kabupaten karangasem. microsoft word i gusti ngurah sudiana 1 exploitation and protection of turtles at serangan and tanjung benoa villages south bali in the perspective of cultural studies i gusti ngurah sudiana1 , i wayan ardika2, i gde parimartha2, i made titib3 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3hindu university of indonesia e-mail: sudiana.ngurah@yahoo.com abstract the people at serangan and tanjung benoa villages have a habit to kill turtles for sale, consumption, custom and religion. they were all restless when their habit was hegomonized by the government by applying the act concerning scarce animal conservation. the people urged that they be provided with freedom in killing turtles, but the government still intends to stop killing turtles at the two villages. the two different interests have resulted in a controversy over the exploitation of turtles making the bali community as a whole called the killers of turtles. the title of this study is the exploitation and protection of turtles at serangan and tanjung benoa villages, south bali: in the perspective of cultural studies. the subjects discussed are how the exploitation and protection of turtles implemented, what factors motivating their exploitation and protection, what meaningfulness is made to appear by their exploitation and protection. qualitative method was used. the data needed were collected by interview, observation, documentation of the secondary data. the data were descriptively and qualitatively analyzed using the theory of discourse, the theory of deconstruction, the theory of hegemony and the perspective of cultural studies. the research findings show that before the acts number 7 and 8 of 1999 concerning conservation of scarce animals, exploitation of turtles was part of the people’s life in south bali. however, after 2005, such constitution has changed from being done in an extractive way to being done in a non-extractive way. meaningfulness to turtles has also changed, from being exploited to being conserved. such a conservation has been done by releasing tukiks ( turtles’ babies) to the sea. since 2005, a change has also taken place with regard to the turtles killed for religious and traditional ceremonies. formerly, many big turtles were used for religious and traditional ceremonies, but now only a few and small ones are used. if none is found, ducks are used to replace the turtles. key word: exploitation, protection of turtles, meaningfulness, hegemony, and socio cultural transformation. 2 discussion the people at serangan and tanjung benoa villages have a habit to kill turtles for traditional and religious ceremonies, consumption, sales, and for handicraft. before 2000, serangan and tanjung benoa villages were used as the places where boats carrying turtles transited, and buying and selling turtles took pace. business in turtles was a promising one for the local people, because of such a business they could meet their needs. the highest took place in 1987, when bali exported the most handicrafts made up of turtles. such an increase in export and trade of turtles could not be separated from “the market ideology”, as global capitalism system integrated in globalization” (piliang, 1998: 23). the market influence made turtles commercial commodities, which could be processed into various types of products leading to hyperconsumption. then the exploitation of turtles was reported in the meeting conducted by union conservation of nature (iucn) in 1987 in ottawa canada. it was suspected that every year 30,000 turtles were caught and killed from all the coastal areas of indonesia where turtles lay eggs. such a report made animal loving organizations criticized indonesia (bali) as the country, which killed a very great number of turtles. in 1990 the world sent its statement to the governor of bali through a letter entitled slaughter in paradise . the letter contained a threatening that tourism in bali would be boycotted if the exploitation of turtles were not stopped. the world’s criticism has caused the indonesian government to apply the act number 5 of 1990, the rules and regulations number 7 and 8 of 1999 and the bali governor’s letter of decision number 240 concerning scarce animals including turtles. the pressure and resolute step taken by the government has caused the people at serangan and tanjung benoa villages to feel hegemonized in exploiting turtles, because turtles have been part of their lifestyle. the controversy whether to exploit or to protect turtles has resulted in effects on and meaningfulness to their exploitation and protection. this phenomenon deserves being investigated from the perspective of cultural studies. therefore, the title of this dissertation is “exploitation and protection and turtles at serangan and tanjung benoa villages, south bali: in the perspective of cultural studies”. 1. exploitation and protection of turtles before 2000, turtles were exploited for trade, traditional activities, religious ceremonies and tourism at serangan and tanjung benoa villages. the food products that were traded were lawar, sate, komboh, srapah and kwah ares (balinese food products made from turtle’s meat). such foods were sold in such a great quantity at restaurants and traditional stalls that hyperconsumption took place. in addition to selling food products, the people also sold handicrafts made of turtle’s eggshell. such handicrafts were shown at small shops as souvenirs for the tourists. in 1978, bali served as one of the centers where products made of turtles from indonesia were exported. the people exported handicrafts made of turtles to japan, singapore, hong kong, and the united states of america and sometimes to belgium (polunin and nuitja, 1981: suweto et al, 1991). turtles have been killed for hindurelated religious ceremonies called panca yadnya. at the upper level ceremonies, a turtle’s head is put at sanggar tawang as the puer, while its meat is processed to make 3 lawar to be put on banten suci (holy offerings). as a tourist attraction, the turtles’ babies are released to the sea. the babies are taken from the pools where turtles are looked after and their eggs are hatched. for traditional activities, turtles are generally killed for consumption for those who are involved in them. in addition, turtles killed for traditional activities are related to someone’s social status in the society. the more turtles are killed for traditional and religious ceremonies, the higher someone’s social status is. the more sate made from turtle’s meat can be provided (bayuh roras) when religious and traditional activities are performed at serangan and tanjung benoa villages the higher someone’s social status is. the protection of turtles is done at the pools particularly built for looking after turtles. at serangan village, there are two such pools. they are taman wisata penyu and tcec. at tanjung benoa village there are pudut sari, bulih sari, moncot sari, deluang sari, and lecha ceria. in this way, the people can conserve turtles by releasing their tukiks, which are hatched in the pools where their mothers are looked after, to the sea. such a protection is termed as nonextractive, meaning that the people indirectly conserve mature turtles living in the sea, because the turtles needed for ceremonies are taken from the pools where they are looked after. 2 factors causing exploitation and protection of turtles the factors causing the people to kill turtles are tradition, religious ceremonies and their commercial values. before 2000, at serangan and tanjung benoa villages turtles were killed for consumption when they mutually helped each other and for religious ceremonies (panca yadnya). the food products made from turtle’s meat was not only for consumption for the people who were involved in the traditional activities, but also for jotan and bayuh . jotan is provided to the guests and relatives, while bayuh is provided to those who are respected depending on their social status at the villages. the turtles killed for hindu-related ceremonies in bali is caused by the mythology that awatar wisnu comes down to the earth in the form of badawangnala/turtle serving as the foundation of mount giri mandara so that the earth will not get sunk. such a belief has made a turtle’s head used as medium of ceremonies. the factor that is most responsible for the exploitation of turtles is their commercial value. such a value has led to the fact that the number of turtles killed has exceeded the capacity permitted. it is this that has threatened the conservation of turtles. in addition to the factors causing turtles to be exploited, there are also some factors causing turtles to be protected at serangan and tanjung benoa villages. such factors are there has been hegemony from the government through the act number 5 of 1990, the rules and regulations number 7 and 8 of 1999, the bali governor’s letter of decision number 240 of 2000, the legal action taken by the government, the international pressure, and animal loving non government organizations. they have all urged that turtles cannot be killed any more. the socialization of what has been instructed by phdi concerning scarce animals cannot be neglected. due to the hegemony, the people have been made to be aware that they should conserve turtles by looking after them in the pools particularly designed for this purpose. in conserving 4 turtles, the people work together with the government and animal-loving nongovernment organiza tions, religious leaders and the leaders of the villages. moreover, the protection of turtles is included in the traditional rules and regulations of serangan traditional village, reading pawos 30 “penyu lan binatang laut liyanan tur seluiring paksi. turtle conservation, which is realized by building pools where turtles are kept, has made the international community not consider serangan and tanjung benoa villages as the ones where turtles are killed any more. they have been considered places where turtles are conserved. 2. effects of exploitation and protection of turtles 3.1. effects of exploitation of turtles economically, exploitation of turtles before 2000 benefited the people at the two villages. by exploiting turtles, they could fulfill their needs. however, the exploitation of turtles exceeding the needs made the government prohibit the trade of turtles, which, in turn, made the people unsatisfied. the reason is that the people were frightened to lose their jobs. such a fear has been overcome by wwf by approaching the people and giving training courses in economics to those whose profession was trading turtles. working capital was also provided and cooperation was made with them. such cooperation was continued by building tcec on march 16, 2003 at serangan village. in addition, wwf also approached the people holistically. the approach was not only limited to those who had the authority to reinforce rules and regulations, but also involved the people to make them aware of conservation. the attempts mentioned above resulted in a change that the food products that used to be made from turtle’s meat have now been made from other materials. baudrillard (2004) calls such a change comodification, that is, a basic change from the status of commodity into a complex relation between economy, language and ideology of the community. the effects of turtles on religious activities are that after 2000 the people have found it difficult to find turtles for ceremonies. therefore, the government has recommended turtles be used for religious ceremonies. however, such a recommendation has resulted in negative effects that turtles have been smuggled without being observed by the parties that have the authority for that. the positive effects have been that turtles are still used for ceremonies. since 2005, turtles have been used for the upper level ceremonies. the turtles used have not been necessarily the big ones, have only been used as jatu (sarana = medium), and have not been necessarily many. foucault (2002: 9) call these effects discourse, that is, the appearance of religious awareness resulting from the enriched knowledge and social practices in the form of social awareness of using turtles for religious ceremonies. these effects have contributed to the establishment of the centers where turtles are looked after at serangan and tanjung benoa villages, which, at the same time, have supplied the turtles for hindu-related ceremonies. in tourism, the effects are that at serangan and tanjung benoa villages the turtles looked after in the man-made pools are also for tourists. such a protection is packaged in such a way that many stalls and restaurants have been built in those areas. tourists are interested in this tourist attraction, making the world’s view positive. 5 3.2. effects of protection of turtles the protection of turtles at serangan and tanjung benoa villages has been able to raise the people’s awareness of protecting turtles. before 2000, the people exploited turtles in an extractive way (directly taking from the nature), but after 2000, the turtles needed for religious ceremonies have been taken from the pools where they are looked after. the tukiks released to the sea have also been taken from the pools. wallace (1961) call it partial equevalance structure, the interaction between those looking after turtles in the pools and turtles conserving groups with the balinese community is mutual complementary in nature in treating environment. then another alternative tourist attraction appears which generates income, makes job opportunities available, regains the local people’s reputation, and widens the people’s formal and informal cooperative network. the other effect is related to the environmental rescuing. many parties have done their best to protect turtles, but the results achieved have not been maximal. the traditional community has applied the traditional law that turtles should be protected. such a protection is included in the awig-awig (traditional law) that traditional institutions should protect turtles. it reads palet 5, indik druwen desa, pawos 29 and 30. the effect of turtle protection is related to environment, that is, serangan village is recalled the island of turtles. the turtles multiplying there are saved. to save such animals is the collective local people’s responsibility. the people have implemented what is instructed by the law concerning protection of wild animals. 4. significance of exploitation and protection of turtles significance of exploitation of turtles the exploitation of turtles means welfare, physical and spiritual balance, ecotourism and environmental conservation. welfare has something to do with whether what is economically needed by the community is fulfilled or not fulfilled. the significance, in this case, can be denotative and connotative. denotative significance refers to the community’s welfare contributed by the trade of turtles involving fishermen, distributors, boats carrying turtles, traders, agents, and consumers with money as the final objective. connotative significance refers to the people’s habit in managing the natural potentials for their welfare. however, such a significance also damages environment resulting from hypercommodity, meaning that for welfare the number of turtles killed exceeds the capacity permitted. meaningfulness of turtles as the symbol symbolizing the macrocosmos and microcosmos balance can be seen from the puer put on sanggar tawang symbolizing the earth’s foundation. the earth’s balance is identical with the man’s physical and spiritual balance (microcosmos). that is why turtles are used in hindu-related religious ceremonies. this means that the turtles killed for religious ceremonies means something or represents something which is immaterial, abstract, idea, quality, signs of process of an object, and so forth (coulson: 1978. vol. ii. 1696). in this case, turtles killed for religious ceremonies represent something abstract about physical and spiritual balance in hinduism. the physical and spiritual balance symbolized by the turtles killed in religious ceremonies is also described in siwa samhita. it is described that a turtle is 6 identical with kurma. kurma refers to a poison container swallowed by siwa when rotating mount mandara giri. if related to balinese spirituality/kedyatmikan, there is a term cedoking gulu. in lontar dadig karana, it is called murda jangkep, ngamurtiang lingga. in arga patra, it is called ngarmutiang agni surya. in nasarin swamba of weda parikrama, it symbolizes omkara. in panca sarawati, when ngenteg linggih ceremony is conducted, turtle’s puwer symbolizes agni (fire). in siwa linga , a turtle is identical with agni (fire), the priest of the gods of reg weda mandala i. mantra i reads agnim ile purohitam, yajnasya deva rivjyam, hotaram ratna dhatamam, meaning that we worship god as the universe’s priest, who activates through eternal law, who looks after and sustains every godly and bright characteristic (maswinara, 1999: 1). according to foucault (19261984), the discourse of the exploitation of turtles refers to the relationship between power and knowledge. the higher the people’s knowledge about turtles (as the animals that should be protected), the more aware they will be that such animals should be conserved. the people’s awareness at serangan and tanjung benoa villages of conserving turtles has made ecotourism develop. such awareness is included in the awig-awig (traditional law) of serangan traditional village. it is included in article 30, which reads that turtles belong to the traditional village, and that they should be protected by the traditional village itself. the protection of turtles for ecotourism serves as the response to the world’s criticism that turtles are killed at serangan and tanjung benoa traditional villages. as tourist attraction, the protection of turtles has made the people’s way of thinking and profession change. connotatively, ecotourism refers to the attempts made by the people at serangan and tanjung benoa villages to change their predicate from being called killers of turtles to being conservers of turtles (palemahan) under the custom’s structure inspired by hinduism. meaningfulness of protection of turtles the protection of turtles constitutes the application of the great values of balinese culture, especially the concept of tri hita karana in the subculture of palemahan, that is, the balance between man and his environment. the concept of bhuta hita, ayua tan masih ring sarwa prani is always given the priority to keep balance. therefore, the people have killed turtles for offerings to god (luwur/hulu) instead of for consumption and trade (teben). turtles in balinese community are still believed as the symbol of sacred animals functioning as the earth’s foundation. therefore, how they are used is arranged through the process of utpati, stiti, and praline. utpati means eggs are hatched, stiti means turtles are looked after and released to the sea, and praline means using them for ceremonies as the symbol of balance. the new awareness means that environment should also be well looked after if man, in his life, wants balance, including protecting turtles at serangan and tanjung benoa villages. conclusion the turtles at serangan and tanjung benoa villages are used for trade, tourism, traditional needs, and hindu-related ceremonies. the exploitation of turtles before 1999 was influenced by libido 7 economy (libidinal economy). after 2000, the exploitation of turtles has been influenced by the hegemony imposed by the government through legal action. as a result, the people have gradually ceased buying and selling turtles. next, the community has built pools where turtles are looked after accompanied by the activities of releasing tukiks to the sea with the tourists visiting there as the form of ecotourism. in hindu-related ceremonies, the turtles’ heads (puers) and the lawar made from the turtle’s meat are used for supplementing the holy offerings (banten suci), especially when the upper level ceremonies are performed. the people have also been used to using the turtle’s meat for the custom’s needs, that is, for consumption for the guests attending the ceremonies and for jotan given to the relatives and the villages’ leaders. after 2000, the people’s habit in exploiting turtles has changed, that is, by collaborating with the government and non-government organizations, they have started protecting turtles. the exploitation of turtles at serangan and tanjung benoa villages have been motivated by various factors such as the habit of consuming turtle’s meat, the turtle’s symbolic value, someone’s social status, and the turtle’s commercial value. the economic effects of exploitation and protection of turtles have been that, on one hand, the people have lost their profession by buying and selling turtles, but, on the other hand, they have been able to create job opportunities. the other effect has been that the people have been able to keep the turtles’ lives balanced through tri hita karana. the economic significance of turtles to the people at serangan and tanjung benoa villages has been that the people have not only considered turtles commercial items, but they have considered them the creatures which should be conserved. the people have also considered the protection of turtles identical with keeping the nature balanced. in other words, man is obliged to sacrifice (beryadnya) for the continuity of the existence of other creatures (including turtles). the change in giving meaningfulness to turtles cannot be separated from the cultural attitude of being embarrassed (lek/malu) and maintaining self-esteem (jengah). the people have considered the exploitation and protection of turtles the symbol of balance/sarwa bhutahita, that is, turtles are not denotative in nature but connotative in nature (as the symbol symbolizing awatar wisnu who saves the earth from being damaged); therefore, turtles should be conserved to keep the nature balanced. acknowledgements i would like to thank the recor of udayana university and the director of postgraduate program udayana university for the opportunity and facilities provided when persuing my study at the postgraduate program udayana university. my thanks also go to prof.dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as the promoter; prof.dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., as co-promoter i; prof. dr. i made titib, ph.d., as co-promoter ii. their guidance and advice have been very helpful in the process of completing this dissertation. finally, i would also like to extend my thanks to the other parties who have supported the process of this study. 8 biliography adnyana, i.b. windia, 2004. turtle trade in bali : a retrospective, current situations and future challenges for its control. denpasar : udayana university, the fakulty of veterinary medicine. _________2005. kompilasi perundangundangan mengenai perlindungan tumbuhan dan satwa liar, yayasan wwf indonesia. _________ 2005. aturan regional, nasional, local, yang relevan dengan pelestarian penyu laut, email wadnyana @wwf.or.id: wadnyana1 @ yahoo.co.uk. antariksa, 19992003. budaya mater. kunci cultural studies center. ardika, i wayan, 2006. membangun budaya rohani pada suatu peradaban, makalah sarasehan bidang agama, adat dan budaya tahun 2006, ruang padma, bale diklat provinsi bali. astra, gde, semadi, 2004. revitalisasi untuk memperkokoh jatidiri bangsa di era global. seminar internasional, seri sastra, sosial, budaya ke 15, diesnatalis ke 42, univ udayana denpasar. bungin,burhan, 2003. analisis data penelitian kualitatif pemahaman filosofis dan metodologis kearah penguasaan model aplikasi, jakarta : pt raja grafindo persada. barker, chris, 2000. cultural studies: theory and practice. london: sage publications. _____________ 2004. cultural studies, teori & praktik (terjemahan). yogyakarta : kreasi wacana. foucault, michel, 1972. the archaelogy of knowledge & the discourse on language (terjemahan l’archeologie du savoir). london : tavistock publications limited. hall, stuart. 1992. cultural studies and its theoretical legacies dalam l. grossberg, c. nelson, and p. treichler (ed.) cultural studies. london and new york : routledge. kadjeng dkk.1994. sarasamuscaya. jakarta : hanuman sakti mariyah, emiliana, 2004. wacana bagus dalam pip kebudayaan dan kajian budaya (rintisan pemikiran posmodernisme yang ironis). denpasar : univ udayana ngurah bagus, i gusti. 1991. dari objek ke subjek: memanfaatkan peluang pariwisata sebagai industri jasa dalam pembangunan, dalam ilmu-ilmu humaniora, persembahan bagi prof. dr. siti baroroh baried dan prof. dr. sulastin sutrisno. yogyakarta: fakultas sastra universitas gadjah mada. piliang, yasraf amir. 2004 : dunia yang dilipat : tamasya melampui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogjakarta : jalasutra. pudja, gde dan tjok sudharta.1975, manawadharmasatra. surabaya : pt. paramita. 9 ratna, i nyoman. kuta. 2004. teori, metode, dan teknik penelitian sastra, yogjakarta : pustaka pelajar. sanderson, stephen k. 1995. makrososiologi : sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosial (edisi kedua, terjemahan). jakarta : pt raja grafindo persada. sanjaya, oka gede. 2001. wisnu purana, surabaya : pt. paramita sudiana, i gusti ngurah, 1999 : desakralisasi tari barong dalam kehidupan sosial budaya masyarakat bali, tesis, universitas gajah mada yogjakarta. ________________, 2006. menyayangi satwa langka, denpasar, harian nusa bali. ________________,2006. samhita bhisama parisadha hindu dharama indonesia, denpasar : phdi provinsi bali. titib, made, 2003. teologi dan simbolsimbol dalam agama hindu, surabaya : pt paramita. wiana, kt. 1992. nitisastra. jakarta : dirjen bimas hindu bhuda. windia, i wayan p. 2006. pengantar hukum adat bali. denpasar : lembaga dokumentasi dan publikasi fakultas hukum universitas udayana. wuisman, j.j.j.m. 1996. penelitian ilmuilmu sosial, asas-asas (volume 1). jakarta: lembaga penerbit fakultas ekonomi universitas indonesia. alam, bachtiar. 1998. globalisasi dan perubahan budaya: perspektif teori kebudayaan, antropologi indonesia, majalah antropologi sosial dan budaya indonesia/indonesian journal of social and cultural anthropology, year xxi nomor 54. ngurah bagus, i gusti. 1992. “pembangunan bali berwawasan budaya”, majalah ilmiah universitas udayana, 1 (1), pp. 1-8. microsoft word artikel a.n. hascaryo1 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 analysis of students interaction needs in discussion activities and online tutorial assignments hascaryo pramudibyanto1, obed bida2, cynthia maria siwi3 1.2.3faculty of law, social and political sciences, open university email: 1hascaryo@ecampus.ut.ac.id, 2obida@ecampus.ut.ac.id, 3mariasiwi@ecampus.ut.ac.id received date : 10-04-2023 accepted date : 03-05-2023 published date : 31-05-2023 abstract as one of the services of online tutorial activities, this learning assistance service must also be able to provide interactive communication facilities between tutors and students. achieving maximum value through this activity will be able to increase the acquisition of good final semester exam scores. the contribution of online tutorial grades can be obtained through students’ activeness in discussions and assignments. the basis for giving online tutorial grades is the results of submitting or uploading discussion responses in each online tutorial session with a minimum set of criteria. the problem of this study is the lack of feedback from tutors to students in online discussion forums. to address this issue, a descriptive method was used to identify and describe the consequences of not providing stimulus in the online tutorial discussion forum for the sosiologi komunikasi massa course at the open university during the 2022.1 registration period. the results of this study revealed the need for greeting messages and the availability of reminder facilities for students regarding tutor responses in discussion forums. keywords: assignment grades, discussion responses, online tutorial, online tutorial introduction learning evaluation is a very important aspect in an educational institution. the way to evaluate learning is periodically so that the results of the evaluation can be used as material or reference in improving the next learning process. online tutorial activities require students to be actively involved in the learning process. active involvement by students as tutorial subjects should be realized by students as a way to increase the value of students’ participation or activeness in discussion activities and online tutorial assignments. this is a measure of the sensitivity of students’ responsiveness in discussion activities and assignments to the value given by the online tutorial tutor. the basis for e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 awarding online tutorial grades is the upload of discussion responses in each online tutorial session with minimum predetermined criteria, such as the inclusion of a description of the discussion response, sharpness in analyzing the given case, and writing reference sources or references according to the thematic ideas of the discussion case. distance education is a form of teaching and learning process service that is carried out remotely through the use of various communication media. distance education provides higher education services to community groups or students who cannot attend face-to-face or regular education and expand access to student learning reach. distance education is a means to help people who have various limitations in gaining access to education. data in 2018 shows that indonesia's education participation rate is still relatively low at 32.55%, although it has an increasing trend compared to the previous year of 30%, but it is still far from the national target (seftiawan, 2018). distance education is expected to encourage and improve the quality of learner participation at the higher education level, because distance education is characterized as open, independent, complete, and uses information and communication technology (ict). through the distance education system, everyone can gain access to quality education without having to leave their family, home, work, and not lose career opportunities. realistically, distance education is needed in the era of the industrial revolution 4.0, so that it can compete with other universities that do not implement distance education. distance education is an educational innovation, because it can be reached by all groups and is relatively cheaper with the concept applied, namely blended learning together or face to face online. distance education is also a learning concept that is considered the most efficient and cuts some costs, because it does not require room and room supporting facilities such as the use of lcd, laptop, air conditioning, and so on. as a form of learning program innovation, distance education still needs to pay attention to the quality of learning, because the quality of the process is a very important indicator, because it affects the output and outcome of learning. in maintaining and improving the quality of learning, it is necessary to provide supporting learning tools such as online learning facilities. the superstructure aspects that support learning are learning tools, curriculum, tutorial activity design, unit of tutorial activity, scoring guidelines, exercises, discussions, assignments, tutors, and others. the implementation of the learning process through online tutorial classes is believed to have not provided a portion for students to assess the quality of learning and performance to the fullest. one of the reasons is that not all students have responded to e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 discussions and assignments after receiving responses from tutors, before the grade upload limit is closed by the existing time limit. this is the reason why this study was developed to make a significant change in the grading of learning evaluation through online tutorials. therefore, a new formula is needed that allows students to interact actively with the tutor. until now, the quality of distance learning has become an important highlight in the educational environment. innovative learning programs and making it easier for people to access must be balanced with adequate quality, so as to produce greater outputs and outcomes. one of the ways that can be done to maintain the quality of learning is by evaluating learning tools both in terms of superstructure and infrastructure must be done regularly. this includes online tutorial activities that have not provided facilities for students to obtain information about tutor’s feedback when responding to responses or assessing students’ work. the facility in question is a direct and popular notification program through students' mobile phones. the reason for choosing cellular phones as the intermediary medium for response notifications in online tutorials is because this media is still considered familiar, easy to use, and is always near students (users). based on these reasons, students consider that cellular phones are very important to be used as a medium of communication in the online tutorial learning process, especially when students need to know about notifications about responses and grades given by tutors. thus, the objectives to be achieved in this study are to determine the frequency or level of students’ participation in accessing online tutorial activities, the reasons for students to reconfirm the responses given by tutors in the online tutorial discussion comment column, and the need for notifications about responses and grading of discussions and assignments in online tutorial activities. to achieve optimal grades in discussion forums and assignment work, students should see or access back the sessions they have opened, filled in, and uploaded. however, in reality, students are not aware of any comments submitted by tutors in the discussion forum. presumably, students think that everything they have done in the discussion forum and uploaded answers to tutorial assignments is enough. in fact, with the comments from the tutor, it can be seen whether or not there is a lack of material that should be included. if they happen to re-access and find the tutor's comments, they have the opportunity to improve their discussion responses or upload their answers to the assignments, so that they can get better grades. all this can be done e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 if the deadline for each session has not closed. if students have and can do this properly and according to the schedule of each session, then it is likely that there will be a change in tutor performance in terms of concern and desire to always ensure efforts to improve students’ learning evaluation results through online tutorial activities. the existence of online tutorial tutors becomes very central because they contribute to the success of the students’ learning process. in addition, students will also feel satisfied if the results of their work are in accordance with the efforts they have made. thus, the aspect of students’ satisfaction becomes one of the most important factors, because the main stakeholders of higher education institutions are students, so the main orientation of the institution is to create the quality of educational programs that can build satisfies from students (khasanah, 2012). in accordance with the explanation of romero, andia, velarde, and huaraca (2022) which states that as many as 73.8% of students assess that the virtual classes they follow can improve the quality of communication and help the exchange of information between students and lecturers (tutors). as many as 71.4% considered that the use of virtual classes made them more efficient and safe in carrying out or participating in asynchronous learning activities, such as those carried out in online tutorial learning. on this basis, the learners in romero, andia, velarde and huaraca's research acknowledged that there was a higher percentage of them who considered that the use of virtual classes had positively influenced their asynchronous learning process. the recommendation from their research is the need to continuously improve the skills in the use and utilization of information and communication technology for virtual learners. thus, there needs to be a synergistic effort between students and tutors so that tutors have the opportunity to provide good learning evaluation assessments. the problem addressed in this study is the lack of feedback from tutors to students in online discussion forums. a descriptive method was used to identify and describe the consequences of not providing stimulus in the online tutorial discussion forum for the sosiologi komunikasi massa course at the open university during the 2022.1 registration period. therefore, a reminder or notification system from tutors to students regarding tutor responses in the discussion forum is necessary. methods the research procedure consists of several things, such as research subjects, methods, variable operationalization, data collection techniques, and data analysis e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 techniques. the population who became research respondents were students who were registered as participants in the online tutorial of the sosiologi komunikasi massa course at the open university for the registration period 2022.1 class 5 with a total of 50 participants. the social, economic, and age backgrounds of students were ignored, so purposive sampling was used on the grounds of student homogeneity. the heterogeneity aspect lies only in the existence as open university students who take the same course, namely sociology of mass communication. students in this class were considered capable of answering the questions posed through the questionnaire due to their involvement in face-to-face tutorial classes, both as active and passive participants. the research method used is descriptive which is intended to determine and describe the existence or absence of an effect imposed on the subject under study which is carried out factually and carefully (sakaran and bogie, 2017). data collection activities are carried out by distributing questionnaires containing a list of questions that have been compiled according to the events in the online tutorial class, which are then distributed to respondents. in accordance with the method used, namely descriptive, the analysis technique used is descriptive analysis. how to analyze the results of filling out the questionnaire is through the stages of collecting, compiling, explaining, and interpreting the answers to the questionnaires that have been distributed. results the results of the study explain matters directly related to the learning process of open university students who take part in online tutorials in the sosiologi komunikasi massa course. this research has been carried out in accordance with the schedule involving 50 students. at that time, the number of questionnaires distributed was in accordance with the real number of participants in the online tutorial of the sosiologi komunikasi massa class 5 course, which was 50 people. the questionnaire began with a basic question about the frequency of student participation in online tutorials. the following are the results of the student questionnaire and its analysis, arranged according to the order of questions in the questionnaire. of the 28 respondents who filled out the questionnaire, 12 people mentioned the number 3 times accessing the online tutorial of the sosiologi komunikasi massa course in each tutorial session. this number or frequency is good because they give the reason for re-accessing is to find out whether there is a response by the tutor to their work. in addition, they also wanted to find out updates on events in each session, which were experienced by classmates in the sosiologi komunikasi massa course. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 the reason for knowing the event updates in each session is to find out the latest things conveyed by the tutor, warnings given by the tutor if a violation occurs, and students' efforts to avoid mistakes that have been made by other friends. the types of updates that many students get in the interaction in the tutorial class of the sosiologi komunikasi massa course are the need to include sources or references in presenting arguments, the correct procedure for writing responses, and the average score given by the tutor to the work that according to student understanding is good, which is at least 85. the types of warnings delivered by tutors include the importance of including sources or references in providing responses, not allowing plagiarism of the work of friends in one tutorial class, and quoting certain texts without including sources. these three types of warnings are considered reasonable and become an important thing to always remember to avoid mistakes. furthermore, knowing the mistakes that have been made by other friends is one of the ways or tricks learned by students not to be repeated or repeated by them. in addition, 13 students stated that they accessed the online tutorial class twice in one session. they argued that this number was to submit a discussion response and find out whether or not they had responded, getting a discussion grade from the tutor. if they had, they would not access the session even if the tutor responded once. they stated that they only needed the value of the discussion responses and did not care about the events that happened in class. they also admitted that they deliberately did not read the presentation or responses delivered by the tutor to other friends, and considered it not a personal matter that concerned them. table 1 average response time next, there were three students participating in the online tutorial for the sosiologi komunikasi massa course who only accessed each tutorial session once. they said that got feedback and scores from tutors after 3 days (11 students) did not get a response but got a score (7 students) always get feedback and scores (3 students) 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 0 0.5 1 1.5 2 2.5 3 3.5 nu m be r o f st ud en ts time level of tutor response providing discussion feedback by the tutor e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 they only gave enough discussion responses for the reason of getting a discussion grade. they believed that they would always be given a discussion grade by the tutor, did not care about class events, and did not read the tutor's response in the discussion class of each session (as shown in table 1). the next question was about the ability to respond to discussion responses in online tutorials. it asked how quickly students uploaded discussion responses, responded to tutor comments, and rewrote discussion responses. of the 28 students who filled out the questionnaire, 11 students stated that they gave a response to the discussion of the online tutorial class of the sosiologi komunikasi massa course no later than wednesday or three days after the discussion material was uploaded in the tutorial class, so they also got a grade after wednesday or the third day after uploading the discussion material by the tutor. and as many as 17 people sent discussion responses on friday or the fifth day after the tutor uploaded the discussion material for each session (table 2). table 2 submission time of discussion responses by students (after tutor uploads discussion materials) the reason they chose wednesday or three days after the discussion material was uploaded was that they usually had the opportunity on that day. the next reason was to wait for other friends to respond to the discussion and use the response material as a reference for preparing their own responses. the last reason was the need for time to find answers for their responses to be uploaded, as well as determining appropriate sources or references. in response to the tutor's comments or responses, 18 students answered that they did not get any responses or answers from the tutor. they admitted that they only received marks in the discussion of each session. meanwhile, 7 students admitted that they only received feedback from the tutor once, while the remaining 3 students said that they 11 17 0 5 10 15 20 day three day five submission time of discussion responses after the day the discussion material is uploaded by the tutor number of students e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 always received feedback or answers from the tutor (table 3). through table 3, the following can also be explained. a total of 9 students answered that they uploaded their discussion responses on the fifth day or friday of each week of the online tutorial session on the grounds that they were waiting for other friends to upload their responses and they had an idea of the response model to be uploaded so that it would not be too wrong. as many as 4 students stated in the second week table 3 tutors' responses to students' discussion submissions after the discussion material was uploaded because 4 other students provided discussion responses at the end of each discussion session with the excuse that they were just trying to fill in and send responses in order to get a discussion grade. they did not really care about the quality of the response content because they were already pressed for time. when answering the question about responses to comments submitted by tutors, 22 students admitted that they never responded again to answers or responses submitted by tutors. the reasons for this were that they did not have time to respond again (21 people), they did not feel the need to respond again (4 people), and they responded but did not want to continue the discussion and were about to move on to the next session (3 people). this can also be seen in the following table 4. 18 7 3 0 2 4 6 8 10 12 14 16 18 20 not getting responses or answers from tutors only once received a response from the tutor always get responses or answers from tutors series1 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 table 4 students' attitude towards comments/responses delivered by tutors the next question was about how students get information on whether there is a response from the tutor (table 5). of the 28 students who sent back their questionnaires, 23 students only relied on the online tutorial facility to find out whether there were any responses, grades, or comments given by the tutor, while the rest stated that they did not do anything to find out what happened in the tutorial class because they thought the session was over (5 people). table 5 how students get information on whether or not there is feedback from tutors furthermore, regarding whether or not it is necessary to develop a reminder media for students when there is the latest information or responses from tutors, 26 students said that it is necessary so that they know the latest things that happen in their online tutorial class (table 6). as many as 2 students answered that they did not know whether or not the reminder media was needed. 21 4 3 0 5 10 15 20 25 no time to respond again feels no need to respond anymore responded but did not want any further discussion series1 26 2 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 only rely on online tutorial facilities do nothing series1 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 table 6 reasons why students think there is a need for information about tutor responses in terms of the type of reminder media, they expect messages through the whatsapp application (wa) which can be a medium for mediating messages if there are new things happening in the online tutorial class, including in this case responses, grades, and comments from tutors or colleagues in the class (26 people). as many as 2 students answered that they did not know the type of media that was suitable for mediating online tutorial class information (table 7). table 7 types of media reminders of tutor feedback or grades conclusions and suggestions the conclusions that can be conveyed in this research report are as follows. 1. although the learning concept at the open university is self-directed, students still need guidance for academic activities such as online tutorials. 26 2 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 to keep them up to date with the latest happenings in the online tutorial class do not know whether there is a need for reminders series1 26 2 0 5 10 15 20 25 30 whatsapp do not know series1 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 2. students want to know about the development of the discussion forums in online tutorials quickly so they can respond to the tutor's requests promptly. the suggestions that can be conveyed are as follows. 1. in online tutorial activities, there should be greeting messages to encourage students to stay active in monitoring the development of discussion forums. 2. it is necessary to provide reminder facilities for students regarding the tutor's responses in the discussion forums. references hidayatullah, j.r, wardani, h.n and rachmadi, a. 2018. website development of kampung batik jetis with the rational unified process method. journal of information technology and computer science development, vol. 2, no. 11, pp: 4347-4356. khasanah, n. 2012. evaluation of the implementation of ppjj pilot program (development of distance education) iain walisongo towards online learning (cooperation dbe 2 usaid with iain walisongo semarang). phenomenon journal, volume 2, pp. 29-48. riyanto, yatim. 2012. new paradigm of learning. jakarta: kencana. romero, guillermo pastor morales, andía, adrián quispe, velarde, césar león, and huaraca, carlos palacios. 2022. asynchronous learning: evaluation of virtual classroom metrics according to the perception of university students. indonesia. indonesian journal of electrical engineering and computer science 28(2):1058. doi: 10.11591/ijeecs.v28.i2.pp1058-1066. license: cc by-nc 4.0. link: https://www.researchgate.net/publication/364961802_asynchronous_learning_ev aluation_of_virtual_classroom_metrics_according_to_the_perception_of_universi ty_students. sekaran, uma, and roger, bogie. 2017. research methods for business: a skill-building approach. edition 6, book 1, salemba empat, south jakarta 12160. seftiawan, d. 2018. higher education gross participation rate targeted to grow 2.5%. www.pikiran-rakyat.com, accessed on january 5, 2020. sugandi, achmad, et al. 2004. learning theory. semarang: upt mkk unnes. vincent gaspersz. 2005. total quality management. gramedia, jakarta. perry, w. & g. rumble, 2008. a short guide to distance education, cambridge: international extension college, 1987, p. 15. . microsoft word aa sri wahyuni 4 e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 19-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 deconstructing empowerment of people with disabilities at gianyar senang hati foundation, bali anak agung nyoman sri wahyuni aa bagus wirawan anak agung ngurah anom kumbara email: yuniagung@hotmail.com abstract globalization extraordinarily affects the senang hati foundation. the roles played by the agents of empowerment such as the non-government organizations and government are enormous. the government should pay attention to every citizen, including those with disabilities as they also need justness, as stated in the five principles ‘pancasila’ and the 1945 constitution and the act number 4 of 1997 concerning people with disabilities, which was then changed into the act of the republic of indonesia number 8 of 2016 concerning people with disabilities. this present study is intended to identify the empowerment of the people with disabilities at the gianyar senang hati foundation, bali. the qualitative method is used. the data were taken from the primary data source and secondary data source. the data were obtained through observation, in-depth interview, and library research. the theory of hegemony, the theory of deconstruction, and the theory of social practice are used in the present study. the result of the study shows as follows. first, the foundation has four programs which are implemented to empower people with disabilities. they are social program, educational program, health program, and economic program. second, the obstacles the foundation faces can be divided into two. they are the internal obstacle and external obstacle. third, the obstacle affects the existence of the foundation, its management, its members, the government, donators and society. the finding of the study is that the foundation has not been able to empower all of its members yet. in addition, the agents of the empowerment of people with disabilities have different interests. keywords: globalization, deconstruction, empowerment, foundation, and people with disabilities introduction globalization extraordinarily affects the empowerment of the people with disabilities at the senang hati foundation. the implant of cultural values such as discipline, hardworking, being efficient, and being responsible are the fundamental parts of the process of the empowerment of people in the current era of globalization. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 19-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 the roles played by the agents of empowerment such as the non-government organizations and government greatly contribute to the success achieved by the gianyar senang hati foundation, bali in empowering people with disabilities. they are empowered to be effective, efficient, and independent. every citizen including those with disabilities taken care of by the senang hati foundation are entitled to justness, as stated in the five principles ‘pancasila’ as the source of every law in indonesia, and the 1945 constitution, the act number 4 of 1997 concerning people with disabilities, which was then changed into the act of the republic of indonesia number 8 of 2016 concerning people with disabilities. research method the qualitative method is used in the present study. the data were collected through in-depth interview, observation and library research. the data were analyzed, verified and concluded in the forms of narration, tables, pictures and charts from the perspective of cultural studies. in this context, deconstruction refers to the concept of deconstruction proposed by derrida. the data were analyzed using the theory of hegemony proposed by gramsci and the theory of social practice proposed by bourdieu. discussion the senang hati foundation, as one of the social non-profit organizations, was established on 5 may 2003. the foundation has its own statues and bylaws which it refers to when undertaking its social activities. it also refers to the act of the republic of indonesia number 32 of 2004 concerning the regional government, the act of the republic of indonesia number 6 of 1974 concerning the basic provisions of social welfare, the decree of the minister for social affairs number 40/huk/kep/x80 concerning social organization, the decree of the minister for home affairs and the minister for social affairs of the republic of indonesia number 78 of 1993 concerning supervision of social organizations ‘orsos/lsm/huk/1993. on 14 february 2005 the foundation established an orphanage named panti guna senang hati. at that time there were thirty children staying in the dormitory. in 2008 the foundation supported 240 children, forty five of whom stayed at the dormitory. the others stayed at their respective houses. in 2014 the foundation, through panti guna senang hati, could take care of 276 children with disabilities, thirty of whom stated at the dormitory and the rest stated at their respective houses. the foundation has shown good performance in sports, arts and so forth. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 19-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 in the end of 2013 the success made by the foundation decreased; several members did not trust the management; the financial management was less transparent. this could be seen on the debate shown on the face book. this present study focuses on three problems formulated in the form of questions. first, what is the empowerment of children with disabilities at the gianyar senang hati foundation, bali like? second, what problems the foundation faces in empowering children with disabilities at the gianyar senang hati foundation, bali? third, what is the implication of the problems the foundation faces on the children with disabilities at the gianyar senang hati foundation, bali? this present study is intended to deconstruct the empowerment made by the nongovernmental organizations by tracing the form, problems and implication of the empowerment. empowerment refers to a process through which people with disabilities are motivated to improve their abilities to develop their life independently. it is also a sustainable process through which people work together to share knowledge and experience under an either formal or informal group in order to achieve a goal. in short, empowerment is closer to a process (madekhan ali, 2007: 86). according to sumaryadi (2005: 11), people’s empowerment means “an attempt made to prepare people to strengthen the institution to which they belong to be independent and prosperous, and to make progress within the atmosphere of sustainable social justice. empowerment refers to an attempt made to create opportunities to someone to improve his/her potentials and capabilities and to determine the future he/she intends to have (prijono, 1996:117). it can also be defined as a process which can strengthen those who are weak (sulistiyani, 2004: 77). it is an attempt to make someone aware of and able to develop the potential he/she has in order to be independent. sunyoto usman (2003: 40-47), there are several strategies which can be chosen to be applied to the people’s empowerment; they are creating the climate needed, strengthening competiveness and protecting. sumodininggrat (2000) explains that empowerment is not permanent; when people are able to be independent, they are free to be so. however, they are still monitored so that they will not collapse anymore. based on what is stated by sumodiningrat, people can be empowered through a learning process which comes to an end when they are independent. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 19-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 the form of empowerment for the children with disabilities at the senang hati foundation includes four programs; they are the social program, the educational program, the health program, and the economic program. the social program is implemented by establishing a dormitory for the members and providing them with the supporting equipment and the daily primary needs. the educational program is implemented through writing and reading learning in the form of educational package a, educational package b, and educational package c. vocational trainings are also provided to them, depending on the potentials they have. the health program is implemented through sitting, standing and walking physiotherapies, depending on the disabilities they suffer from. in addition to the aforementioned physiotherapies, aqua therapy involving dolphins and sports are also held. the economic program is implemented through vocational trainings and by helping sell the products they produce. it is not possible for them to work in the formal sector. it is not possible for them to undertake any activity under the educative economic enterprise system either. the form of empowerment for the children with disabilities taken care of by the gianyar senang hati foundation, bali is adjusted to the foundation’s program, basic responsibility and function, and is supported by the partnership network made. the factors which can hamper the success made by the foundation in empowering those with disabilities it takes care of can be categorized into the internal obstacles and external obstacles. the internal obstacles come from the organization itself, and the external ones come from outside. the internal obstacles include the problems arising from individuals/members/management of the foundation. the external obstacles include those coming from the government, society, and donators. the obstacles mentioned above affect the foundation, its management and members, the government, donators, and society. one of the implications was that the foundation was liquidated; meaning that it became empty and its programs became hampered. the name of the foundation was changed into the bhakti senang hati foundation. in addition, it was relocated from jalan sasibrata, banjar tengah, tampaksiring village, tampaksiring district, gianyar regency, bali province to jalan mundeh, banjar teruna, siangan village, gianyar regency, bali province. the founders and management were changed as well, resulting from the decision made by twenty one members to leave the senang hati foundation. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 19-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 conclusion and suggestion there are four programs implemented by the senang hati foundation; they are the social program, the educational program, the health program, and the economic program. the obstacles that hampered the attempts made by the foundation to empower people with disabilities came from within the foundation and outside. the obstacles extraordinarily affected the foundation, its management and government, the government, the donators and society. the finding of the study was that the gianyar senang hati foundation, bali could not empower all of its members. only 175 people with disabilities had received the supporting equipment. the other programs could not empower half the foundation’s members. in addition, several agents being involved in the empowerment of people with disabilities taken care of by the foundation had different interests. the foundation should keep renewing the data on its members and their addresses in order to be able to maximize the empowerment. it should also always refer to its statutes and bylaws, maintain communication and coordination, be transparent and accountable. acknowledgement in this opportunity the writer would like to thank prof. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u, as supervisor, prof. dr. a.a. ngurah anom kumbara, m.a., and dr. putu sukardja, m.si. as cosupervisor i and co-supervisor ii. bibliography ali, madekhan. 2007. orang desa anak tiri perubahan. malang : averroes press. prijono, onny s. 1996. pemberdayaan: konsep, kebijakan, dan implementasi. jakarta: csis. sumodiningrat, g. 2000. membangun perekonomian rakyat. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. sumaryadi, i nyoman. 2005. efektivitas implementasi kebijkan otonomi daerah. jakarta: citra utama sulistiyani. 2004. kemitraan dan model-model pemberdayaan. yogyakarta: gava media. usman, sunyoto. 2003. pembangunan dan pemberdayaan masyarakat. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. microsoft word e_journal_wiratini.doc 1 peranan wanita dalam seni pertunjukan bali di kota denpasar oleh: ni made wiratini e-mail: made_wiratini@yahoo.co.id promotor/ko-promotor: prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. prof. dr. r.m. soedarsono prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s. program kajian budaya program pascasarjana udayana university denpasar 2007 2 peranan wanita dalam seni pertunjukan bali di kota denpasar ni made wiratini1 abstrak: artikel ini dimaksudkan untuk membahas semakin dominannya peranan wanita dalam seni pertunjukan bali, khususnya yang ada di kota denpasar, selama dua puluh lima tahun belakangan ini. ada lima belas genre seni pertunjukan bali, terutama dalam kelompok seni pertunjukan hiburan atau balih-balihan, yang kini telah dimainkan oleh wanita. melalui proses glokalisasi, pengadaptasian budaya asing (global) ke budaya lokal (bali), peranan dan partisipasi kaum wanita kota denpasar dalam seni pertunjukan bali meliputi pelaku, pencipta, dan pengatur/penyaji. artikel ini menunjukkan bahwa perubahan-perubahan yang terjadi bukanlah suatu bentuk gerakan feminist untuk mengambil alih dan mengganti posisi pria dalam seni pertunjukan bali, melainkan suatu realisasi dari upaya sadar kaum wanita bali untuk ikut menjaga, melestarikan, dan mengembangkan nilai-nilai seni dan budaya tradisional bali. singkatnya, meningkatnya ketertarikan wanita kota denpasar untuk terjun dalam seni pertunjukan bali bukan diakibatkan oleh terjadinya kesenjangan gender tetapi oleh hasrat kaum wanita untuk ikut berpartisipasi dalam menjaga kelangsungan dari seni pertunjukan bali. kata-kata kunci: peranan wanita, seni pertunjukan, glokalisasi, gender. pendahuluan di dalam kurun waktu 25 tahun, dari 1980 sampai dengan 2005, telah terjadi suatu perubahan penting dalam aktivitas seni pertunjukan di kota denpasar. perubahan ini ditandai oleh meningkatnya dominasi peranan wanita dalam aktivitas seni pertunjukan di daerah ini. akibatnya, kini kaum wanita di kota ini telah mampu tampil dan memainkan peranan penting dalam lima belas genre seni pertunjukan bali terutama yang tergolong kelompok seni hiburan atau balih-balihan. di samping peningkatan dalam hal kuantitas, kualitas penampilan mereka juga meningkat secara signifikan yang dibuktikan dengan telah mampunya kaum wanita melakukan tugas-tugas dan peran yang mereka belum pernah lakukan di masa lampau. 1 ni made wiratini adalah seorang dosen dari jurusan tari fakultas seni pertunjukan institut seni indonesia (isi) denpasar. 3 di bali termasuk kota denpasar, masyarakat telah lama dapat menerima kaum wanita untuk ikut ambil bagian dalam seni pertunjukan wali atau sakral dan seni pertunjukan bebali sebagai pengiring upacara. kendatipun demikian, peluang bagi kaum wanita untuk ikut berperan dalam seni pertunjukan sekuler atau balih-balihan, hingga tahun 1980an, masih terbatas. hal ini disebabkan oleh pandangan negatif dari warga masyarakat yang cenderung menilai wanita-wanita pelaku seni pertunjukan sebagai orang tidak bermoral atau wanita murahan. akan tetapi sejak awal tahun 1980an pandangan seperti itu telah mulai berkurang karena masyarakat bali mulai bisa menerima kaum wanita untuk ikut berperan dalam kegiatan seni pertunjukan. kondisi seperti ini sangat mendorong kaum wanita di kota denpasar untuk meningkatkan peranan dan partisipasi mereka dalam aktivitas seni pertunjukan. hingga kini fenomena menyangkut meningkatnya keterlibatan wanita dalam seni pertunjukan bali di kota denpasar belum pernah diteliti secara mendalam. selain menunjukkan terjadinya perubahan prilaku berkesenian dalam seni pertunjukan bali, fenomena budaya seperti ini mengisyaratkan terjadinya kesejajaran gender dalam berbagai kegiatan sosial dan kultural di kalangan masyarakat bali. dalam mencapai tujuan yang telah disebutkan di atas, pembahasan ini akan difokuskan kepada tiga hal: a) berbagai genre seni pertunjukan bali di mana kaum wanita memainkan peranan dan fungsi penting; b). peranan dan makna dari partisipasi kaum wanita dalam seni pertunjukan bali di wilayah ini, dan c) faktor-faktor pendorong atas meningkatnya peranan wanita dalam seni pertunjukan bali. genre-genre seni pertunjukan dewasa ini kaum wanita di kota denpasar telah mampu memainkan peranan penting dalam lima belas genre seni pertunjukan terutama dari kelompok seni hiburan yang bersifat sekuler atau balih-balihan. genre-genre seni pertunjukan ini tersebar di empat bidang seni yaitu: seni tari, seni musik, seni pewayangan, dan seni drama/teater. bidang seni tari (seni audio visual atau teater gabungan) mencakup dramatari gambuh, tari legong keraton, dramatari calonarang, dramatari arja, tari-tarian kakebyaran, tari janger, joged bumbung, dan sendratari. bidang musik meliputi gender wayang, gong 4 kebyar, dan balaganjur. seni pewayangan diwakili oleh wayang kulit, dan seni drama oleh drama gong dan drama klasik. di dalam seni-seni pertunjukan bali yang lebih muda seperti sendratari, drama gong, dan drama klasik, bahkan dapat dijumpai integrasi elemen budaya bali (lokal) dengan elemen-elemen budaya luar dan asing (global). hal ini menunjukkan terjadinya proses glokalisasi (barker, 2004:120, piliang, 2005:1) dalam seni pertunjukan bali sejak masuknya dua epos, mahabharata and ramayana, ke dalam budaya bali. meningkatnya minat wanita di kota denpasar untuk ikut ambil bagian dalam kegiatan seni pertunjukan bali bukanlah merupakan suatu gerakan dari kaum wanita di wilayah ini untuk mengambil alih peranan kaum lelaki, atau suatu pemberontakan dari kaum wanita bali terhadap dominasi kaum laki-laki di bidang seni seni pertunjukan. peningkatan partisipasi dan keterlibatan mereka dalam kegiatan seni pertunjukan adalah suatu realisasi dari upaya mereka untuk bersama-sama kaum laki-laki untuk ikut mempertahankan, memperkuat, dan mengembangkan seni dan budaya tradisional bali. sungguhpun demikian, keterlibatan dan partisipasi mereka seperti ini telah merubah sikap masyarakat setempat dalam memperlakukan kaum wanita, terutama yang ikut dalam seni pertunjukan, dalam aktivitas sosial dan kultural. jika di masa lampau kaum wanita lebih banyak dipandang sebagai ibu rumah tangga, dengan keterlibatan mereka dalam seni pertunjukan, kini mereka dilihat dan diperlakukan sebagai seniman seperti halnya kaum laki-laki. peranan dan makna tiga peranan yang dominan dari kaum wanita di kota denpasar dalam seni pertunjukan bali adalah sebagai pemain, pencipta, dan pengelola. sebagai pemain, kaum wanita berperan sebagai penari/aktor (pragina), penabuh (juru gambel), dan dalang. ketiga peranan ini mulai berkembang di tahun 1970an. sebagai pencipta, kaum wanita berperan sebagai koreografer, komposer, dan penata busana. peranan sebagai koreografer dan komposer mulai muncul sejak pertengahan tahun 1980an. peranan mereka sebagai pengelola, yang mulai berkembang sejak tahun 1990an, meliputi pengelola sanggar-sanggar tari dan kegiatan seni pertunjukan (khususnya untuk sajian turistik). 5 dominannya peranan dan partisipasi kaum wanita sebagai pelaku berdampak kuat baik terhadap bentuk maupun kandungan isi dari seni pertunjukan yang mereka pentaskan. hal ini disebabkan oleh kenyataan bahwa dalam repertoar seni pertunjukan yang mereka mainkan, walaupun merupakan karya-karya hasil ciptaan kaum pria, telah terintegrasi nilai-nilai artistik yang merupakan ekspresi seni laki dan wanita. namun demikian, partisipasi kaum wanita telah merubah penampilan dari seni pertunjukan yang mereka bawakan bahwa kini kesenian-kesenian itu tidak lagi hanya milik kaum laki-laki. sajian seni pertunjukan bali yang dimainkan oleh wanita memiliki makna yang cukup kompleks dari kultural, sosial, dan kesejahteraan. makna kulturalnya menyangkut pertahanan, revitalisasi, dan pengembangan dari tradisi budaya lokal. makna sosialnya terkait dengan meningkatnya rasa kebersamaan dari warga masyarakat setempat serta terbukanya ruang kiprah kreativitas seni bagi kaum wanita. makna kesejahteraan menyangkut bertambahnya kemakmuran warga masyarakat termasuk kepuasan spiritual dan material yang mereka dapatkan dari beraktivitas seni. faktor-faktor pendorong ada tujuh faktor utama yang telah mendorong kaum wanita di kota denpasar untuk ikut berpartisipasi dalam dunia seni pertunjukan. faktor-faktor yang dimaksud adalah: 1) emansipasi wanita di bali, 2) perubahan sosial dikalangan masyarakat bali, 3) tumbuhnya kesadaran kaum wanita dalam berak-tivitas seni, 4) adanya dukungan yang besar dari masyarakat dan pemerintah daerah kota denpasar, 5) pengaruh pariwisata di bali, 6) lahirnya sekolah-sekolah kesenian di pulau ini (di denpasar), dan 7) diadakannta pesta kesenian bali (pkb). tiga faktor yang disebutkan pertama dapat digolongkan sebagai faktor internal dan selebihnya merupakan faktor eksternal. kesimpulan meningkatnya partisipasi kaum wanita bali di kota denpasar dalam seni pertunjukan, selama dua puluh lima tahun terakhir ini, menandakan terjadinya perubahan sosial, atau apa yang disebut dibia sebagai demokratisasi di bidang seni (1992:3), di bali. terjadi melalui proces glokalisasi, fenomena budaya ini adalah jawaban terhadap modernisasi yang terjadi di pulau ini. keterlibatan dan partisipasi kaum wanita bali 6 dalam aktivitas seni pertunjukan di daerah ini dimaksudkan untuk merubah pandangan negatif terhadap kaum wanita di mata masyarakat serta anggapan masyarakat terhadap kaum wanita yang selalu tergantung kepada bantuan kaum laki-laki. daftar referensi bandem, i made and frederik deboer. 1981. kaja and kelod: balinese dance in transsition. kuala lumpur: oxford university press. bandem, i made. 1983. ensiklopedi tari bali. denpasar: akademi seni tari (asti) denpasar. barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: bentang. dezoete, beryl and walter spies. 1973. dance and drama in bali. kuala lumpur: oxford university press. dibia, i wayan. 1992. arja: a sung dance drama of bali; a study of change and transformation. (dissertation). los angeles: university of california. ________. 1999. selayang pandang seni pertunjukan bali. bandung: mspi (masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia) dibia, i wayan and rucina ballinger. 2004. balinese dance, drama and music. singapore: periplus. piliang, yasraf amir. 2005. ”menciptakan keunggulan lokal untuk merebut peluang global: sebuah pendekatan kultural”. makalah dalam seminar membedah keunggulan lokal dalam konteks global, 26 juli 2005 di isi denpasar. soedarsono. 1972. jawa dan bali: dua pusat perkembangan dramatari tradisionil di indonesia. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. wicaksana, i dewa ketut. 2000. “eksistensi dalang wanita di bali: kendala dan prospeknya dalam mudra. no. 9 tahun viii. denpasar: sekolah tinggi seni indonesia (stsi). ucapan terima kasih pertama-tama penulis menghaturkan penghargaan yang tulus kepada direktur program pasca sarjana universitas udayana denpasar beserta staf atas kepercayaan yang telah diberikan kepada penulis untuk menulis artikel ini. ucapan terima kasih disampaikan kepada rektor universitas udayana denpasar yang telah memberikan penulis kesempatan untuk memasukkan artikel ini dalam jurnal elektrik ini. rasa terima kasih dan penghargaan penulis haturkan kepada prof. i wayan ardika, prof. r.m. soedarsono, prof. emiliana mariyah, begitu pula prof. suciati beratha, atas saran-saran dan bimbingan yang diberikan. ungkapan terima kasih yang tulus penulis sampaikan kepada suami tercinta prof. i wayan dibia atas dukungan dan kasih sayangnya dalam penyelesaian naskah ini. 7 the role of women in balinese performing arts in denpasar city by ni made wiratini e-mail: made_wiratini@yahoo.co.id supervisor/co-supervisors: prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. prof. dr. r.m. soedarsono prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s. cultural studies program postgraduate program udayana university denpasar 2007 8 0the role of women in balinese performing arts in the city of denpasar ni made wiratini2 abstract: this article is about the increasing dominant role of women in balinese performing arts, especially in denpasar city, during the last twenty five years. there are fifteen genres of balinese performing arts, mainly in the area of secular entertainment or balih-balihan group, within which women performers play important roles. through glocalization process; an acculturation between elements of local (bali) and global (foreign) cultures, the role and participation of women in denpasar city in balinese performing arts activities includes performers, creators, and organizers. this article shows that the change is not a form of feminist movement to take over and replace the role of men in balinese performing arts, but rather as a realization of the conscious endeavor of the local women in guarding, preserving, and developing the artistic and cultural values of balinese tradition. in short, the increasing interest of women in the city of denpasar to take part in the various forms of local performing arts is not because of the gender gap, but rather because of their desire to participate in the perpetuation of balinese performing arts. key words: the role of women, performing arts, glocalization, gender. introduction during the last twenty five years, from 1980 to 2005, a significant change has taken place in balinese performing arts activities in denpasar city. this is due to growing dominant women’s role in performing arts activities in the region. as a result, today women performers in the city have appeared and played important roles in fifteen genres of balinese performing art especially of the secular or balih-balihan group (bandem, 1981). in addition to the incretion in quantity, the quality of their performance is also improving significantly that nowadays women performers are able to play parts and roles that they have never been able to do in the past. in bali, including the city of denpasar, the community members have long welcomed women to take role in the sacred wali and the ceremonial bebali group performing arts. however, the opportunity for women to take role in secular balihbalihan art forms, up until 1980, remained limited. this is due to the negative perception 2 ni made wiratini is a dance lecturer in the faculty of performing arts, indonesia institute of the arts (isi) denpasar. 9 of the community members who tend to associate women performing artists as immoral and cheap women. since the early 1980s, however, such a negative perception has gradually changed that balinese community began to welcome women to take roles in all kinds of performing arts. this condition strongly stimulates balinese women in denpasar city to increase their role and participation in performing arts activities. up to now the cultural phenomenon concerning the growing interest of women taking part in balinese performing arts in the city of denpasar has never been seriously investigated. in addition to indicating the change of performance behaviour in balinese performing arts in the region, such a cultural phenomenon strongly suggests the growing gender equalization in various social and cultural activities of the balinese. in this paper, the discussion is focussed on three main issues: a) the variety of genres of balinese performing arts in which women play important role and the function of the performing arts in the context of the sosio-cultural activities of the denpasar communities; b) the roles and meanings of women participation in balinese performing arts of the region; and c) the stimulating factors contributing to the increasing role of women in balinese performing arts. genres of performing arts presently women of denpasar city have played important role in fifteen genres of balinese performing art forms, especially of the secular or balih-balihan art group. these performing art forms cover four areas: dance, music, shadow puppet play, and drama/theatre. the dance field (audio visual form or total theatre) encompasses gambuh dance drama, legong keraton dance, calonarang dance drama, arja dance drama, kakebyaran dance, janger dance, joged bumbung dance, prembon dance drama, and sendratari/seni drama tari, ballet dance alike. the music field includes gender wayang, gong kebyar, and balaganjur. the field of shadow puppet is represented by wayang kulit, and the drama field by the vernacular drama gong and the modern drama klasik. in more recent balinese performing art forms, such as sendratari, drama gong, and drama klasik, one can in fact find the integration of balinese (local) cultural elements with those coming from outside of foreign (global) culture. this indicates the on going glocalization (barker, 2004:120, piliang, 2005:1) process within balinese 10 performing arts since the introduction of two indian epics, mahabharata and ramayana, into balinese culture. the growing interest of women in the city of denpasar in taking role in balinese performing arts is not a movement of the local women to take over the male roles, or a rebellion of balinese women against domination of males in the field of performing arts. instead, their increasing participation and involvement in balinese performing arts is a realization of their efforts to join the male community to conserve, revitalize, and develop the traditional art and culture of bali. however, their involvement and participation have greatly changed the way in which the local community members locate women, especially the member of the local performing art groups, in their social and cultural activities. while in the past they were mainly perceived as house workers, with their participation in performing arts, they are now treated and regarded as artists almost on the same footing as the male performers. roles and meanings three most dominant roles for women of denpasar city in balinese performing arts are performer, creator, and organizer. as performer, women take role as actor/dancers (pragina), musicians (juru gambel), and puppeteer (dalang). these roles evolved since the 1970s. as creator, women artists have taken role as choreographer, composer, and as costumes/make-up designer. the role of women as choreographer and composer evolved around mid 1980s. their role as art organizer, evolving since the 1990s, includes manager of private dance studio and as performing art organizer (mainly for tourist entertainment). with their dominant role as performers, women participation has no strong impact either on the form or on the content of the performing arts form being performed. this is mainly because these performing arts repertoires, although these are creation of male creators, strongly convey the integration of male and female artistic expression. the participation of female performers has altered the appearance of the performing arts, in that, these art forms are longer belong to the male community. the performing arts of bali featuring women performers hold complex meanings ranging from cultural to social and welfare. the cultural meaning of the performing arts 11 concerns conservation, revitalization, and development of the local traditional art forms. its social meaning relates to the increasing solidarity of the local people and the widening opening room for artistic creativities for women. its welfare meaning concerns the prosperity of the local community members including the spiritual and materialistic satisfaction they may gain from performing the arts. stimulating factors there are seven stimulating factors for women in the city of denpasar to participate in balinese performing arts world. these factors include 1) women emancipation on bali, 2) the social change in balinese culture, 3) the increasing awareness of balinese women in making arts, 4) the incearing great support from the community and local (denpasar) government, 5) the influence of tourism in bali, 6) the establishment of performing art school on the island (in denpasar), and 7) the conducting of the annual bali arts festival or pesta kesenian bali (pkb). the first three can be identified as internal factors, and the rest are the external factors. conclusion the growing participation of balinese women in the local performing arts in denpasar, for the last twenty five years , is an indication of social change, or what dibia refers to as art democratization (dibia,1992:3) in bali. evolving through a glocalization process, this cultural phenomenon is in response to the modernization on the island. the involvement and participation of balinese women in the local performing arts activities is once intended to change the negative image of women in the eye of the local community members, and to change the public perception of women being always dependent on the help of men. 12 references bandem, i made and frederik deboer. 1981. kaja and kelod: balinese dance in transsition. kuala lumpur: oxford university press. bandem, i made. 1983. ensiklopedi tari bali. denpasar: akademi seni tari (asti) denpasar. barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: bentang. dezoete, beryl and walter spies. 1973. dance and drama in bali. kuala lumpur: oxford university press. dibia, i wayan. 1992. arja: a sung dance drama of bali; a study of change and transformation. (dissertation). los angeles: university of california. ________. 1999. selayang pandang seni pertunjukan bali. bandung: mspi (masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia) dibia, i wayan and rucina ballinger. 2004. balinese dance, drama and music. singapore: periplus. piliang, yasraf amir. 2005. ”menciptakan keunggulan lokal untuk merebut peluang global: sebuah pendekatan kultural”. makalah dalam seminar membedah keunggulan lokal dalam konteks global, 26 juli 2005 di isi denpasar. soedarsono. 1972. jawa dan bali: dua pusat perkembangan dramatari tradisionil di indonesia. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. wicaksana, i dewa ketut. 2000. “eksistensi dalang wanita di bali: kendala dan prospeknya dalam mudra. no. 9 tahun viii. denpasar: sekolah tinggi seni indonesia (stsi). acknowledgement first of all, i wish to extent my sincere gratitude to the dean of postgraduate school of udayana university of denpasar and stafs for trusting me to write this article. special thanks to the rector of udayana university denpasar for giving me chance to write an article for electric jurnal. and also special thanks go to prof. i wayan ardika, prof. soedarsono, prof. emiliana mariyah, as well as prof. suciati beratha for their advised. my sincere gratitute goes to my husband prof. i wayan dibia for helping me with the text and his love. microsoft word e-journal p pande s   1    political coercion in the reformation era in buleleng regency in the perspective of cultural studies pande made suputra1, i nengah bawa atmadja2, i gede parimartha3, i wayan ardika3 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2education ganesha university 3faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: suputrapande@rocket.mail abstract during the reformation era much political coercion took place in buleleng regency, bali. such political coercion occured repeatedly in the general election referred to as pemilu conducted in 1999 and 2004, and in the election conducted to directly vote for district heads referred to as pilkada in 2007. it is interesting to investigate this phenomenon. the problems in this study are formulated as follows: (1) what factors causing political coercion to take place in the general election and in the election conducted to directly vote for district heads; (2) how it took place; and 3) what ideology leading to it and what implications it had on the socio-culture of the people living in buleleng regency? the practical theory, the theory of coercion and the theory of ideology were eclectically adopted to establish and analyze concepts. qualitative method is employed and the data needed were collected by observation, in-depth interview, and documentation study. the results of the study show: first, the factors causing political coercion to take place varied; second, six cases of political coercion in buleleng regency did not take place suddenly, but through processes and were related to the cultural coercion inherent within local individuals and groups; third, they took place through semiologic deconstruction related to the meaningfulness provided by the common people and political elites to the ‘pemilu and pilkada’. thus, the ideologies responsible for political coercion were paternalism, binary opposition , pragmatism and ‘premanisme’ (the broker of coercion) ; fourth, the implications the cases of political coercion had on the people in buleleng regency were: the pattern of kinship became broken, the culture of physical coercion shifted to the culture of symbolic and economic coercion; a new consensus was established. the conclusions withdrawn in this study show that the characteristics of the political coercion taking place in buleleng regency during the reformation era were related to the local cultural values and the pragmatic global cultural values. such characteristics had wide implications on the existence of national political cultural system.   2    keywords: political coercion, general election, election conducted to directly vote for district heads referred to as ‘pilkada’, reformation and ideology introduction since reformation started in may 1998, various forms of coercion have taken place. they have occurred not only in the big cities like jakarta, bandung, surabaya and medan, but also in bali (2009: 2). according to the information recorded by polda bali, 98 different cases of coercion took place from 1997 to 2007 in bali with various causes. this has been extremely frightening. it is stated that national and local political problems were responsible for 14 cases, 12 of which took place in buleleng regency and six of them were related to the general election (pemilu = pemiluhan umum) and election conducted to vote for district heads (pilkada = pemilihan kepala daerah). therefore, it is interesting to explore buleleng regency. what has made it interesting to be explored is not only the quantity but also the quality. since the new order government fell in may 1998 and reformation era started, many cases of political coercion such as sukasada case, banjar case, padangbulia case and the massive violence resulting from the failure of megawati to be the president of the republic of indonesia, petandakan case and the case resulting from the election conducted to directly vote for district heads (pilkada) took place until 2007 in buleleng regency. from the cultural and structural diminutions, balinese people in general and the people living in buleleng regency in particular are rich enough in cultural concepts and media as the local genius for strengthening relationship among them such as tri hita karana, tat twam asi, karma pala, menyaba-braya, paras-paros, sagilik-saguluk, selunglung-sabayantaka, desa adat (traditional village), subak (farmers’ traditional organization), banjar (the smallest neighborhood after a (traditional) village), sekaa (traditional groups), and dadia (big families of traditional social groups) (geertz, 1992; geria, 1993; astra, 2004; duija, 2006). however, in fact, such concepts cannot be fully implemented. this can be proved by the many forms of conflicts and coercion taking place in buleleng regency related to the general election and the election conducted to directly vote for district heads (pilkada).   3    the cases of political coercion were not only related to the segment of ‘context’ and to the factors responsible for them and to the segment of ‘events’, but also to insights, motives or ideologies. based on the background described above, three main problems are formulated in this study. first, what factors leading to the cases of political coercion, especially those related to the pemilu and the pilkada in buleleng regency, in the reformation era?; second, how they took place and what they were like; third, what ideologies leading to them and what implications they had on the socio-cultural life of the people living in buleleng regency? method qualitative method highlighting holistic, emic and ethical description is adopted in this study. as a qualitative type of research, the results of the study are represented in a narrative way in which the aspects related to the cases of political coercion in the general elections conducted in 1999 and 2004 and the election conducted to directly vote for district heads in 2007 are described. the data used in this study were obtained from the primary and secondary data sources. the primary data were directly obtained through observation and in-depth interview. and the secondary data were obtained from documents such as books, scientific magazines, official files and documents, photographs and so forth. results and discussion the new order government fell in may 1998, after which reformation era started. since the general election was conducted in 2004 and 207 and the pilkada was conducted in 2007, many cases of political coercion took place in buleleng regency. the political movement and resistance shown by those who supported the pro-megawati pdi in bueleng regency marked this and the accumulated disappointment in the discriminative and repressive political attitude of the national leaders was responsible for this. such political movement and resistance led to a series of cases of political coercion such as sukasada case, banjar case, padangbulia case,   4    massive violence resulting from the megawati’s failure to become the president of the republic of indonesia, petandakan case and the cases related to the pilkada. the basic question is that what caused political coercion to take place repeatedly? the people living in buleleng regency should have learned from their previous experiences in such a way that such cases would not never occur any more. according to renier (1997: 9), one of the functions of history is to make people wiser so that coercion will not occur any more. referring to the question above, three problems are discussed in this study. the factors which led to such numerous problems are (1) the uncontrolled political desire of the political elites to have power, which tended to provoke political conflicts and coercion; (2) economic capital in the forms of funds and other precious things was available for maintaining the power; which basically caused political coercion to take place in buleleng regency; as can typically seen from the general election conducted in 2004 and the pilkada conducted in 2007; (3) there was strong competition among the political elites in fighting for and maintaining the power; causing the social capital available to be getting scarce. in turn, this caused the social relationship, which was based on the ideology of ‘kekitaan’ (being in the in-group) and ‘kemerekaan’ (being in the out-group) to be getting sharper; (4) the habitus of the people living in buleleng regency was developing as far as historical revenge is concerned; language and mythology, as cultural capitals, can be employed to legitimate the political coercion taking place in the general election and the pilkada conducted in buleleng regency; (5) in the transitional era from the new order government to the reformation era, the state dominance and hegemony were getting weaker as far as political and economic policies and law enforcement were concerned. this caused the cases of political coercion to take place in buleleng regency; and (6) there was instinctiveness and a social frustration; which were related to the feelings being loyal to, being possessed by and being strictly adhered to the political parties the people belonged to. the attributes of the political parties which were being damaged and the disappointment of the political parties’ members and their leaders in injustice illustrated this. the cases of political coercion taking place in buleleng regency in the general election and the pilkada conducted in the reformation era did not occur suddenly but through a series of processes and were related to the culture of creating coercion within individuals and groups. the   5    process started from the latent condition to the manifest condition; the next process started from the manifest condition to the critical condition; and the last process started from the critical condition to the latent condition. based on the semiologic deconstruction related to the meaningfulness provided by the people in the lower level and the political elites in the general election and the pilkada conducted, the ideologies responsible for the cases of political coercion were paternalism system, binary opposition, pragmatism and ‘premanisme’ (the broker of coercion). the implications of the cases of political coercion taking place in buleleng regency are that the kinship relationship became broken, the culture of physical coercion shifted to economic and symbolic coercion; and a new consensus was established. conclusion the conclusions which can be withdrawn from this study are (1) although the factors leading to the cases of political coercion in the general election and the pilkada conducted in buleleng regency were complex, they were interrelated and the dominant factors in one case were different from those in the other cases; (2) the dynamics of conflict and political coercion previously and currently taking place, as can be seen from what happened in the general election conducted in 1999, dominantly resulted from historical revenge using the system of local political culture as the cultural capital. however, the factors causing those to take place in the general election conducted in 2004 and the pilkada conducted in 2007 were getting more complex and were tending to adopt the system of global political culture, the game of economic capital and intellectual capital. the complexity of the factors causing political coercion to take place in buleleng regency implicated the system of the current national political culture, especially when the general election and the pilkada were conducted; (3) the relationship between the actor and ideology was also responsible for the cases of political coercion; such a relationship was in the forms of paternalism related to patron-client culture referred to as dana bakti; binary opposition mainly related to the difference in ideology referred to the sate of being ‘kekitaan’ (the in-group) and ‘kemerekaan’ (the out-group); pragmatism related to the appearance of money politics; and ‘premanism’ related to the broker of coercion.   6    suggestion it is expected that the results of the study are academically and practically used as the reference by the government in general and the decision maker in particular. it is necessary for the government, political elites, academicians and the community leaders to simultaneously coordinate to socialize the values and the democratic principles to the young generation as an early process of political education. this is highly important so that buleleng termed as bumi panas is not denotatively meant to express that the people living in buleleng regency are instantly getting emotional. instead, bumi panas is connotatively used to express buleleng which is developed, peaceful and prosperous. these forms of symbolic coercion will disappear if the government is able to make its people prosperous by preparing sufficient job opportunities. the limitations in this study make it necessary to conduct further, deeper and more comprehensive research. acknowledgements motivation, guidance, assistance and cooperative provided by numerous parties have contributed to the completion of this dissertation. therefore, in this opportunity the writer would like to highly appreciate prof. dr. i nengah bawa atmadja, ma, as the supervisor for his full attention and his enthusiasm, guidance and suggestion provided during the completion of this dissertation. the writer would also like to thank prof. dr. i gde parimartha, ma as cosupervisor i and prof. dr. i wayan ardika, ma as co-supervisor ii for the attention, guidance and suggestion provided. high appreciation is also extended to the rector of udayana university, prof. dr. dr. i made bakta, sp.pd. (khom) for the opportunity and facilities provided to the writer when joining and completing the doctorate program of udayana university. many thanks also go to the director of the postgraduate program of udayana university, prof. dr. dr. anak agung raka sudewi, sp.s. (k) and prof. dr. made budiarsa, ma, vice director i, and dr. ir. budi susrasa,   7    vice director ii for the opportunity and assistance provided to the writer while being a student at the doctorate program of the postgraduate program of udayana university. being indebted is also extended to the dean of the faculty of letters of udayana university, prof. dr. i wayan ardika, ma for the permission provided to the writer to join the doctorate program. bibliography a pozzolini. 2006. pijar-pijar pemikiran gramsci. (eko pd penerjemah). yogyakarta : nailili printika. abidin, z. 2005. penghakiman massa kajian atas kasus dan pelaku. jakarta. accompli publishing agger, ben. 2003. teori sosial kritis kritik, penerapan dan implikasinya. (nurhadi penerjemah). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. althusser, louis. 1984. tentang ideologi: marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalis, cultural studies. (penerjemah: olsy vinoli arnof). yogyakarta: jalasutra astra, i gde semadi, 2004. “revitalisasi kearifan lokal dalam memperkokoh jatidiri bangsa di era globalisasi”. dalam politik kebudayaan dan identitas etnik. i wayan ardika dan nyoman dharma putra (editor). denpasar, fakultas sastra unud dan balimangsi press atmaja, nb dan at, atmaja, 2009. “pelampiasan syawat kekuasaan dan ngutang gae nagalih gae: pemaknaan pesta demokrasi di bali”. jurnal kajian budaya. volume 6 nomor 11. halaman 45-82. duija, i nengah. 2006. “revitalisasi modal sosial masyarakat bali berbasis kearifan lokal”. makalah dalam seminar bali bangkit bali kembali. kerjasama departemen kebudayaan dan pariwisata ri dengan universitas udayana fromm, e. 1987. memiliki dan menjadi tentang dua modus eksistensi. (f. soesilohardo penerjemah). jakarta: lp3es. fukuyama, francis. 2005. goncangan besar. kodrat manusia dan tantangan sosial. ( masri maris penerjemah). jakarta: gramedia. gaffar, afan, 1999. politik indonesia tradisi menuju demokrasi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. galtung, j. 1988. “kekerasan, perdamaian dan penelitian perdamaian”. dalam mochtar lubis ed. menggapai dunia damai. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. halaman 138-183   8    geertz, clifford, 1992 . politik kebudayaan, terjemahan, yogyakarta, kanisius. geriya, i wayan. 1993. “model interaksi kebudayaan dan industri pariwisata pada masyarakat bali”. dalam kebudayaan dan kepribadian bangsa. tjok rai sudharta, dkk (editor), denpasar, upada sastra gurr, t.r. 2002. ”deprivasi relatif dan kekerasan”. dalam thomas santoso ed. teori-teori kekerasan. jakarta: ghalia indonesia. halaman 62-88. habermas, jurgen, 1998. on the pragmatics of communication. massachuserrs: the mitt press. ritzer, georgegoodman douglas j. 2003. teori sosial posmodern. (muhammad taufik penerjemah). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. robinson, geoffrey. 2006. sisi gelap pulau dewata sejarah kekerasan politik. yoygyakarta: lkis susan, novri. 2009. sosilogi konflik isu-isu konflik kontemporer. jakarta: kencana prenada media group spirituality of saluang sirompak music in taeh baruah community, minangkabau nil ikhwan faculty of performing art indonesia institute of arts surakarta email: nilikhwan@yahoo.com abstract saluang sirompak is a type of music which has spiritual strength and is performed at taeh baruah, payakumbuh district, lima puluh koto regency, minangkabau, west sumatra. it is performed to bewitch a girl who has humiliated a young man who would like to propose her. this activity is called basirompak. the saluang sirompak performed in basirompak is supported by what is called gasiang tangkurak, a chant sung with magic formula and an offering. it is performed at one of the seven tanjungs around taeh baruah. the problems of the study are formulated as follows. (1) what is the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music performed at taeh baruah, minangkabau like? (2) what is the spiritual function of the saluang sirompak music performed at taeh baruah, minangkabau?, and (3) what is the meaning and implication of the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music on the customs and traditions and religion of the taeh baruah community, minangkabau? the theory of deconstruction supported by the theory of aesthetics and the theory of semiotics was used in the present study. the data were qualitatively analyzed. it was found that the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music caused the people’s mentality and attitude to change. the fact that the activity of basirompak had never been performed for the last three decades proved this. that indicates that the people living at taeh baruah and around it were aware that they should be polite, behave well and have good character, and solve problems, especially the problems related to the friendship between a girl and a young man, amicably. keywords: spirituality, saluang sirompak, and basirompak introduction the life background of the minang people in west sumatra has caused the saluang sirompak music to be part of the tradition and culture of taeh baruah community. this art of music involves the cultural activity which is still performed by the minang people until now, especially by those living at taeh baruah, a small village in west sumatra. the musical instruments used in the saluang sirompak play important roles in this cultural activity. it has spiritual values and is performed at taeh baruah village and involves a series of spiritual ceremonies. it is basically used to bewitch a girl who acts impolitely to the young man who would like to propose her. from the other side, the girl can be stated to be wrong and can be the target of the cultural activity basirompak. it is also performed as an amusement. the present study was conducted at taeh baruah village, as it is the only village which still performs the saluang sirompak music as part of the basirompak cultural activity involving a cultural event. in this case, the cultural event which is intended is the mistake in the form of impolite words uttered by a girl to a young man who is extremely frustrated. being frustrated, the young man then asks the actors of the basirompak for a favor to bewitch the girl so that she will be seriously mad about him as he does not intend to live together with the girl as a family. the basirompak also involves the saluang sirompak instruments and gasiang tangkurak such as someone who chants a song, someone who reads the clauses of al qur’an, a series of offerings, and a special place of performance referred to as “tanjuang/tanjung”. based on what was described above, the problems of the present study are as follows: what is the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music like; what is the spiritual function of the saluang sirompak music, and what is the meaning of the saluang sirompak music to and its impact on the customs and traditions and religion of the taeh baruah community, minangkabau. this present study was intended to understand in depth the form of the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music, its spiritual function, and its meaning to and its implication on the customs and traditions and religion of the taeh baruah community, minangkabau. this present study was expected to enrich and widen the scientific insight of the cultural studies. in addition, it was also expected to help people understand the cultural phenomenon especially the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music. research method this present study focuses on the phenomenon of the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music which is performed at taeh baruah village, minangkabau. the application of a scientific method to the practice of research needs a research design which is in accordance with the condition and what is explored. the present study was designed starting from the researcher’s interest in the object which was explored. after being interested in the object which was explored, the researcher searched for the supporting data from books, articles, journals, magazines and internet. this is what is referred to as library research. an interview guide was used in the preset study to collect the data. it was supported by a digital camera, a tape recorder, and a handy cam. the technique of interview used in the present study was the free and guided interview technique. moleong (1989: 2-12) stated that in the free interview, the informants are free to answer various questions without any binding things which can cause the informants to be inflexible. in this present study, the informants included the actors of the basirompak cultural activity, the community figures, the village leaders, the traditional leaders, the religious leaders, the victim who was also the witness, the proposing witness, and several people who were highly knowledgeable of the basirompak cultural activity performed at taeh baruah. the data were analyzed by systematically formulating the results of the observation and interview, and the information obtained from the documents. the data were descriptively and qualitatively analyzed while the study was being conducted through the following stages; data reduction, data presentation, data interpretation, and conclusion drawing. discussion the term saluang sirompak, as discussed in the introduction section, is made up of two words; they are saluang and sirompak. boestanoel arifin adam (1980: 97) stated thar sirompak is derived from the word “si” and the word “rompak”. the word “si” means the actor of an activity, as exemplified by the word ‘si-pemukul’ (someone who hits another), “si-penggesek” (someone who rubs something), and the word “si-peniup” (someone who blows something). the word “rompak” means opening. in this case, the word “rompak” does not mean “merombak” (tearing something down) but “membuka hati seseorang yang masih tertutup” (opening someone’s heart which is still close) in love affairs. the term basirompak is derived from the word “ba” and the word “sirompak”. the word “ba’ means doing or carrying out something, and the word “sirompak”, which then becomes a derivational form “basirompak”, as stated above, means a spiritual activity using the saluang sirompak as the instrument to bewitch a girl so that she will go “mad”. in the basirompak cultural activity, the instruments used consist of the saluang sirombak, gasiang tangkuak, and chants (dendang) containing magic formula as the main element in the basirompak activity, although the other elements cannot be separated from one another. as far as this performance is concerned, the one which is performed as an entertainment is different from the one which is performed to punish a girl for having humiliated the young man who would like to propose her. if it is performed as part of the basirompak cultural activity, it is performed at one of the tanjungs available at taeh baruah; however, if it is performed as an entertainment, the place where it is performed is adjusted to the place prepared by the consumers. the saluang sirompak music is performed for two things; it is performed to bewitch a girl so that she will go mad as part of the basirompak cultural activity and it is also performed as an entertainment. the current reality shows that the saluang sirompak is not only performed to bewitch a girl, but it is also performed as an amusement. as an entertainment, it is usually performed, for example, for the anniversary of the independence of the republic of indonesia, art festival, and other programs as a complement. in the basirompak cultural activity, each sound or intonation produced by the saluang sirompak, which is supported by the spirits that wait for the holes from which the sounds are produced and consists of the souls of those who are already dead and gins. they can easily influence the victim. the magic formulas, whether they are the main ones or the appealing ones, also support the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music. the appealing magic formula consists of 33 couplets and the main ones consist of 6 couplets. the spirituality of the saluang sirompak as the space for the kesenian anak nagari in minangkabau and at the same time as the art of spirituality of the taeh baruah community is not homogenous in nature; several parts which are qualitatively different are interrupted and transformed. the basirompak cultural activity has given its answers using its spiritual strengths. it has evidenced that whoever has made a mistake, as far as it is related to the relation between a girl and a young man, will be punished through the basirompak cultural activity. the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music, as part of the basirompak cultural activity, is related to the sabana’s opinion that several relevant elements such as souls should be involved. the practice of the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music also involves the god’s creatures that reside in another world such as gins and bad spirits as the partners of the actors who are involved in the basirompak cultural activity to detect the victim’s position, to see to what extent the victim has made the mistake, and to make the victim go mad and so forth. it is necessary to underline that such spirituality appears after the basirompak activity is performed. although it needs a very long time, the local people, both the supporting and main actors of the saluang sirompak music, obtain something. from the point of view of those who perform the basirompak cultural activity, they are able to change the behavior and politeness of the people who used to show that they were highly regarded in the community. however, it will be meaningless if one of their family members is the victim of the basirombak cultural activity; they will not be highly regarded any longer. now the people are becoming more polite in their behavior; as a result, the things which may lead to the performance of the basirombak activity will not appear any longer at taeh baruah and around it. in the present study, it was found that the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music, as part of the basirompak cultural activity, has caused the people to change their attitude and morality. the fact that the basiromak activity had not been performed for three decades proved this. that indicated that the taeh baruah community and the villages around it were aware that they should have good character and behave politely; they should solve the problems they may have amicably, especially the problems which are related to the friendship between a girl and a young man. conclusion and suggestion viewed from how the saluang sirompak is performed at taeh baruah, a change has taken place; it has been used as part of the basirompak activity which has the spiritual strength to bewitch a girl who has made a mistake. it is performed for girls. the implication is that the basirompak cultural activity has not been a scaring thing for the girls who always become its target; the taeh baruah community is proud of having such a cultural activity; therefore, it is still maintained until now. the finding of the present study was that the spirituality of the saluang sirompak music caused the people’s attitude and mentality to change. the fact that the basirompak activity had not been performed for three decades proved this. that indicated that the taeh baruah community and the villages around it were already aware that they should have good character and behave politely; they should solve the problems they may have, especially the problems which are related to the friendship between girls and young men, amicably. it is suggested to the taeh baruah people that they should maintain the spirituality of the basirompak activity and do their best not to use the spirituality of the basirompak activity incorrectly. it is suggested to the observers of arts that they should help the taeh baruah people maintain the existence of the saluang sirompak music which is classified as scarce by documenting the repertoire of the songs they have. it is also suggested to the government of lima puluh koto regency and the related institutions that they should formally protect the actors involved in the basirompak cultural activity at taeh baruah. acknowledgement this present study would not have been completed without any support from various parties. therefore, in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the supervisors for their guidance, supervision, direction and input for the completion of this dissertation. bibliography arifin adam, b. 1980. saluang dan dendang. aski padang panjang: proyek pengembangan institut kesenian indonesia. dirajo, d. s. 1987. curaian adat ala minangkabau. bukit tinggi: pustaka indonesia. djohan. 2005. psikologi musik. ed. a. supratiknya. yogyakarta: buku baik. dt. rajo penghulu, i. h. 1994. 1000 petatah-petitih mamang-bidalpantun-gurindam bidang sosial budaya, ekonomi, politik-hukum, dan agama di minangkabau. bandung: pt. remaja rosda karya. hadi, y. s. 2000. seni dalam ritual agama. yogyakarta : tarawang press. hamka. 1990. tasawuf modern. jakarta: pustaka panji mas. moleong, l. j. 1989. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: pt. rosdakarya. piliang, y.a., 2003. hipersemiotika tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna.yogyakarta: jalasutera. 1 microsoft word kiki sanjaya 2 e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 compassionate capitalism in hotel industry in ubud, bali i wayan kiki sanjaya1 i gede mudana2 email: kikisanjayabali@gmail.com1, gedemudana@pnb.ac.id2 abstract this present study analyzes the success of the practice performed by the investors in hotel industry using the ideology of the compassionate capitalism. the study was conducted in ubud as the habitus of the investors in hotel industry. the area has the characteristic of tending to be resistant and strongly bound to customs and traditions, and is skeptical to the gradual modern impact. the problem of the study is what the practice of the compassionate capitalism performed by the investors of hotel industry in ubud like. the study is intended to identify the form of the practice performed by the investors in hotel industry in ubud as a tourist destination, gianyar regency, bali. the qualitative-interpretative method was used. the data were collected using observation, interview and documentation techniques. the data were analyzed through data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing using the theories of cultural studies which are eclectically related. the result of the study identifies that the investors in hotel industry in ubud perform their practices by: (1) using the company social responsibilities (csr) as the basis for performing their practice in hotel industry; (2) adopting the local genius stated in the community-based tourism, cbt). the finding of the study indicates that the investors use the structural pattern of the compassionate capitalism which adapts to capitalism in the case study of hotel industry. keyword: investor, practice, compassionate capitalism, and hotel industry background the background of the study is the fact that a great deal of investments in the forms of international, multinational and local hotels have been made in ubud since 2005. on the one hand, there has been a phenomenon that ubud has the rural atmosphere and highly strongly maintains customs and traditions; on the other hand, it is often less resistant. in addition, the success achieved by the investors in constructing hotels in ubud is surprising; however, this leads to a critical analogy. the critical analogy appears when the practice performed by the investors is separable from the jargon of the atmosphere of tourism in ubud, including the people’s resistance and being free from any conflict taking place as illustrated by what happened to the four season sayan in 2002 and kupu-kupu barong hotel in 2015. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 this present study is urgent for several reasons. first, it is interesting to explore the fact that there has not been any answer to the pattern in which the investors perform their practice in hotel industry in ubud which seems not to be covered by the journalists and to be hidden through the idiom of the company’s secret. second, from the perspective of cultural studies, what is performed by the investors leads to a critical way of thinking to see the elements of the investors’ interests as the subject of the study and to defend the marginalized people, namely the local people living in ubud. the references which were raised to support the study had been chosen and studied based on closeness to the present study and several basic points, namely the investors, the practice which the investors perform and hotel industry. one of the references is the study which was conducted by purnaya (2015) and mudana (2005). purnaya (2015) stated that the bali tourism development corporate (btdc) in nusa dua could not be separated from the relation of power in the area. he also stated that there was an important point that the practice of power performed in the development of btdc in nusa dua within a period of time could be clearly observed. what is written by purnaya is a very close reference used in this present study. it is accepted and this present study is intended to identify whether what has been done by the investors in ubud who do the same thing as what has been done to develop btdc in nusa dua in developing hotel industry. the second reference is the study conducted by mudana (2005) entitled “pembangunan nirwana resort (bnr) in tanah lot area: hegemony and the people’s resistance at beraban village, tabanan, bali”. he was interested in raising this topic as the local people disagreed with the construction of the bnr hotel at that time. he observed every issue which led to the conflict between the local people and the bnr hotel management. the local people asked that the bnr hotel implemented the concept of tri hita karana (the axis of balance among the environment, man and spirituality). furthermore, mudana importantly informed that as the new order government was collapsing, the bnr hotel management and the local people were getting more harmonious. research method the data are analyzed descriptively, qualitatively, and intepretatively. the result of the data analysis is presented using words in the form of an extended text. this process covers the attempt made to understand the problems of the study through thick description (geertz, e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 1992:45). the result of the study is presented using the scientific language which can be easily understood, as the result of the study tends to be qualitative. discussion hotel management is prescribed in the decree of the minister of post and telecommunication number km.94/hk.103/mppt-87. it is intended to make sure that the hotel guests are safe and secure (muljadi, 2016: 60). from the view point of cultural studies, hotel industry is the domain where the investors perform their practice which is then used as a business commodity. the main products they sell are rooms, foods, beverages and recreation. the main concept in the present study is that hotel industry is a service business trading (trade-in service) and customers satisfying business. the current economic phenomenon is that the capitalists keep open free trade. they compete against one another with the same ideology, namely making their companies grow and develop in accordance with the theory of marx (in sutrisno & putranto, 2005: 21) concerning the liberal-capitalism which is hereinafter referred to as the capitalism model marx (passionate capitalism). from the point of view of cultural studies, the ideology of capitalism which refers to the pattern of passionate capitalism is regarded as the same as neo imperialism in modern economy. what is pointed at by neo imperialism is not too vulgar as in this condition if man adheres to the ideology of neo classic as “homo eoconomicus”, he will calculate rationally based on their interests and desires. in short, capitalism is identical with the theory of a game. one guesses the strategy used by and the game played by another. he/she does his/her best to increase the benefit with different types of scenes (parsoon in sutisna and putranto, 2005: 54). being promising and open, the hotel industry is critically assumed to be able to be controlled by the capitalists with their strong capitals. the shareholders are involved in the hotel subsector for the sake of profit as what occurred during the colonial era. however, the shareholders only focus their attention to the economic sector (balipost.com, 2015). i made sukarjana, one of the agents of the investors, who used to work as a general manager, as far as what unfair role is played by the investors in hotel industry for the sake of benefit is concerned, stated as follows. [“…although the investors have a lot of money, they will still borrow money from the banks which are their partners. their objective is to manipulate the income tax …the more benefit is gained the higher the income tax reduction will be; however, if they e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 borrow money from the bank, automatically they may be free from the tax reduction as it is subtracted with their loan …” (interview on 5 august 2016). from 2015 to 2017 the conventional model of capitalism has been denied in ubud. such a denial has led to a clash. the investors and the agents who manage the hotels in ubud area have been intimidated. in 2002 the access to the four seasons sayan hotel was blockaded by the local people. the kupu-kupu barong hotel management was intimidated in 2012 as it was found to have deviated from the developmental regulation. in addition, in 2015 the four seasons hotel was also reported by the stakeholders for legalizing the weeding event of gays. the investors especially those who are involved in hotel industry in ubud have an opportunity to exist again. they have the opportunity to invest and keep legalizing capitalism through the act of tourism number 10 of 2009 and the doctrine of the united nations organization and the guidance of oecd. the point was that they should collaborate with the local people to perform post colonialism referred to as the ideology of compassionate capitalism. this model has been successfully performed by the investors in ubud area. one of the strategies employed to perform capitalism is adopting it as the recorded compassionate capitalism. the csr given to the local people exemplifies this. when the present study was conducted at padang tegal, kedewatan and tegallantang almost all the hotels gave csr to the local people. csr can be in the forms of donations for any traditional ritual, monthly contribution and the recruitment of the local workers. they are trained and appointed hotel employees. puri wulandari hotel, ritz calton madapa and griya shanti villas and spa give csr to the local people. from the perspective of cultural studies and the theory of compassionate capitalism, although the investors still gain benefit from the businesses they undertake, they socially share it with the local people as stated by pilliang. the other benefit gained by the investors is that they are protected by the local people when they have problems. this argument can be proved by what had happened at kupu-kupu barong hotel, where there was a conflict between the hotel management and bunutan traditional village which was settled through the assistance provided by kedewatan traditional village which had been “funded” by the hotel through its csr (tribunnews.com.2015). e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 conclusion and suggestion ubud adopts and performs the local genius in their people-based tourism. the adoption of the local genius can be seen from the hegemony of the local people in the form of the structure of the hotel buildings in ubud. puri wulandari hotel, maya ubud hotel, ritz calton madapa hotel and griya shanti villas and spa exemplify this. the good intention of the investors to appreciate the local culture has turned out to cause their businesses in tourism industry to exist in ubud. the city hotels in ubud keep being scorned by the traditional village. even firm actions have also been taken, leading to the deconstruction of the hotel floor and structure. the evitel hotel and zen hotel exemplify this. no hotels which adopt the local culture have been deconstructed. what is performed by the investors through compassionate capitalism has caused them not to deviate from the act of tourism. in relation to this, head of the department of tourism of gianyar regency, anak agung dalem jagadhita, when he was interviewed on 12 august 2016, informed: “… so far from the hotels observed in ubud area nothing has been found to be black listed from the department of tourism of gianyar regency …”. it turns out that the ideology of compassionate capitalism has been performed since 2000s. puri wulandari, as a star hotel constructed in 2000s, is recorded as the first hotel which has been in existence until now. the owner is a balinese. in practice, the ideology which is referred to by the star and non-star hotels is compassionate capitalism. it has been structured (patterned) in ubud area. from the perspective of cultural studies, the ideology of compassionate capitalism performed by the investors and their agents cannot be separated from the simulation of what is proposed by parsons (in sutrisno and putranto, 2005:58). however, what is proposed by parsons has been adopted and adapted by the investors and applied to the local people under the traditional village. in brief it is suggested that those who are involved in the development of tourism in ubud should refer back to the community-based tourism ‘cbt’ as what it is originally defined. if not, cbt will be pseudo-awareness and ubud will be similar to the other tourist destinations. acknowledgements in this opportunity the writer would like to thank all the supervisors for supervising the process of completing this e-journal; they are i nyoman darma putra, i wayan ardika, and i gede mudana. e-journal of cultural studies may 2017 vol. 10, number 2, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 bibliography adiputra, mariana. 2013. “pemberdayaan masyarakat miskin di hotel suly resort, yoga dan spa melalui yayasan bali global ubud-bali” (tesis). denpasar: program magister kajian pariwisata universitas udayana. mudana, i gede. 2005. “pembangunan bali nirwana resort (bnr) di kawasan tanah lot: hegemoni dan perlawanan di desa braban, tabanan, bali” (disertasi). denpasar: program doktor kajian budaya fakultas ilmu budaya universitas udayana. muljadi, a.j. 2012. kepariwisataan dan perjalanan. jakarta: rajawali pers. petras, james. 2014. menelanjangi globalisasi. jakarta: kreasi wacana. purnaya. 2014.“relasi kuasa dalam pengelolaan resor wisata nusa dua, bali” (disertasi). denpasar: program doktor kajian budaya program pascasarjana universitas udayana. sutrisno, mudji dan hendar putranto. 2005. teori-teori kebudayaan. yogyakarta: pt kanisius. microsoft word e-journal dewi yuliana transformation of modern agriculture into organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan, penebel district, tabanan regency, bali province euis dewi yuliana1, i wayan ardika2, i gde semadi astra2, i made antara2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letter, udayana university e-mail: dewiyuliana@yahoo.com abstract this dissertation discusses the transformation of modern agriculture into organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan, penebel district, tabanan regency, bali province. this study is conducted in the perspective of cultural studies and the problem is that the dark side of modern agriculture is getting visible. the chemical substances used in agriculture have turned out to result in many problems such as the damage of land quality, the continuous decrease in plant productivity and environment, the marginalization of farmers. therefore, many farmers have been aware and have transformed into ecologically organic agriculture as what has taken place at subak wangaya betan. the farmers have transformed from modern agriculture into organic agriculture. however, the process of the transformation has left many problems; therefore, a deep study is necessarily conducted to answer various existing questions. the problems in this study are formulated in three basic questions such as follows. first, how has the process of the transformation from modern agriculture into organic agriculture taken place at subak wangaya betan? second, why has the transformation from modern agriculture into organic agriculture taken place? third, what are the implications and meanings of the transformation from modern agriculture into organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan? in general, this study aims at identifying and comprehending more clearly the transformation from modern agriculture into organic agriculture taking place at betan wangaya subak. this research was conducted using qualitative method with multidisciplinary approach in accordance with the paradigm of cultural studies. in the first stage, primary and secondary data were collected. in the second stage, theories were selected for analyzing the data. several critical theories such as the theory of discourse of power and knowledge, the theory of hegemony and the theory of deconstruction, which are eclectic in nature, were decided to select for analyzing the data. in this third stage, the selected data were analyzed and interpreted. in the fourth stage, the results were constructed and reported. based on the analysis conducted, three findings could be reported. first, agricultural transformation has taken place at subak wangaya betan, from agrochemicalbased modern agriculture in which inorganic, chemical pesticide and hybrid varieties are used into organic agriculture in which no chemical substances are used. the agricultural transformation has not been suddenly conducted; it has been a planned process, has been conducted through a highly systematic mechanism with many stages and has consumed a lot of time and needed in-depth studies. second, many factors have led to the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan. they are external factors such as political, economic, social, cultural and ecological aspects and internal factors such as the negative side of green revolution implementation, natural resources, cooperative farmers, and adherent farmers. they are all equally strong and synergize in encouraging and accelerating the agricultural transformation. third, it turns out that the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan has several implications and meanings. the implications are that the ideology adhered to by the farmers has changed, the establishment of new institutions, an increase in the farmers’ income, improved rice field ecosystem and environment. the meanings of organic agriculture are spiritual meaning, empowerment meaning and welfare meaning. keywords: agricultural transformation, modern agriculture, organic agriculture and subak wangaya betan. background the multinational capitalist has created a single agricultural system through highly established monopoly practices. the capitalist has been able to make farmers transform the agricultural system which they had applied for hundreds of years, that is, the ecological agricultural system which was environmentally friendly into modern agricultural era known as “green revolution”. initially, the green revolution (the modern agriculture) directly contributed to the spectacular development of agricultural products. however, the dark side of such modern technology is immediately visible. now it has been clear that the modern technology does not help the farmers. millions of them keep being marginalized and hungry. the quality of the land they cultivate and their environment is degrading. in this case, the modern agriculture benefits the corporation of petrochemical capitalist. the capitalist has created a pseudostate of being established and manipulated the farmers in such a way that they use more and more chemical substances leading to a multibillion dollar business. the decrease in land quality and productivity of almost all types of plants undertaken has been visible since 1990s. the use of chemical fertilizers and pesticides in large quantities have changed the whole agricultural order and marginalized the traditional knowledge and local genius which have developed in accordance with the local culture. furthermore, the traditional knowledge and local genius have been left and neglected. however, many farmers have been aware of the dangers of the modern agriculture and have transformed into the organic ecologic method. such a transformation has taken place at subak wangaya betan. the farmers have transformed from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture. subak wangaya betan is one of the subaks (farmers’ traditional organization) which is located at dusun wangaya betan, penebel district, tabanan regency, bali province. the agricultural transformation at subak wangaya betan has been massively conducted since 2006. great attempts should be made as it does not involve transfer of ideology but also transfer of technology, knowledge, wilingness, ability, braveness and even capital and target market. how the farmers at subak wangaya betan have invested in the initial stage of transformation and how responsive they are to conducting the transformation are interesting phenomena. the agricultural transformation at subak wangaya betan has been directed to the transformation of the subsystem of material infrastructure such as the transformation in the technique of plant cultivation. the question is whether this transformation has involved the other subsystems in addition to the material subsystem. this research aims at identifying and comprehending more clearly the transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture. it tries to answer the problems which are formulated in three basic questions as follows. (1) how has the process of transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture taken place at subak wangaya betan? (2) why the transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture has taken place at subak wangaya betan? (3) what are the implications and meanings of the transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan? material and discussion qualitative method is employed in this study in which the transformation from the modern agriculture into the organic agriculture at subak wangaya betan, penebel district, tabanan regency, bali province is discussed. first, the data on the general picture of the location where the research was conducted were collected and the transformation from the modern culture into the organic culture taking place at subak wangaya betan (where the research was conducted) was observed. second, the theories used for analyzing the existing problems were selected. the theories used are the theory of discourse of power and knowledge, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of deconstruction. third, the data collected were analyzed and interpreted. four, the results were reported. findings first, the agricultural transformation conducted by the farmers at subak wangaya betan cannot be separated from the hegemony applied both by the government and the cooperative farmers over the farmers. the mastery of the government (the ppl of bptp of bali province) and the cooperative farmers of knowledge has made them able to hegemonize the farmers to apply the organic agriculture without being pressured and feeling pressured. second, the incentive provided by the government to the farmers and the subak leadership strength have contributed to the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan. the strong influence of leadership, especially the leadership controlled by the cooperative pioneer farmers who have economic, social and cultural (intellectual) capitals has been able to encourage the agricultural transformation taking place at that subak. in addition, the free incentive in the form of agricultural production facilities provided by the government, which has social and cultural capitals apart from economic capital, has also contributed to the transformation.. third, the agricultural transformation taking place at the location where the research was conducted reflects the success in changing agricultural ideology from the modern agriculture, which is deemed less beneficial, into the organic agriculture, which is dreamed of by every farmer who cares about the importance of health, environmental friendliness, benefit and sustainability. the organic agriculture is meant to provide someone with image; if he/she consumes organic product, he/she will have confidence, his/her prestige will enhance. in addition, the organic products are safe to consume, have high quality and are healthy. conclusions first, agricultural transformation has taken place at subak wangaya betan, from agrochemical based modern agriculture in which inorganic fertilizers, chemical pesticides and hybrid varieties are used into organic agriculture in which no chemical substance is used. such an agricultural transformation has not taken place suddenly but it has been conducted through a planned process with a highly systemic mechanism involving many stages which need a lot of time and thorough studies. second, many factors such as external ones which include political, economic, social, cultural and ecological aspects and internal factors which include the negative side of green revolution implementation, natural resources, cooperative farmers and inherent farmers have contributed to the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan. they are equally strong and synergize to encourage and accelerate the agricultural transformation. third, it turns out that the agricultural transformation taking place at subak wangaya betan has implications and meanings. its implications are the change in the ideology adhered to by the farmers, the establishment of new institutions, an increase in the farmers’ income, improved rice field ecosystem and improved environment. the organic agriculture has spiritual meaning, empowerment meaning and welfare meaning. acknowledgments high appreciation is extended to the rector of udayana university and the director of postgraduate studies of udayana university for the opportunity and facilities provided to attend the doctorate program (s3) in cultural studies of udayana university. high indebtedness is also extended to prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as the supervisor, prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, as co-supervisor i, and prof. dr. ir. i made antara, as cosupervisor ii for their invaluable guidance and suggestions which are helpful to the writing of this dissertation. finally, many thanks are also extended to all the parties who have been involved in the process of this research. microsoft word gede wirata 5 e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 24-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 the practice of functionally converting the irrigated rice fields in south denpasar district gede wirata i made merta anak agung ngurah anom kumbara putu sukardja abstract this present study is intended to explore the phenomenon of the practice of functionally converting the irrigated rice fields in south denpasar district. the present study focuses on the process of functionally converting the irrigated rice fields, the ideology leading to the phenomenon, and its implication on the local people. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview and documentary analysis. the data were analyzed using the theory of hegemony, the theory of social practice and some other theories which were used eclectically based on the problems analyzed. the result of the study shows that the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields resulted from the farmers’ marginalized socio-cultural structure. the process started from the government’s hegemony. the government treated the farmers as the subaltern. then the dominated farmers got trapped by fatalism and pragmatism. the entrepreneur and government strengthen their hegemony. then they negotiated with the local government such as the traditional village ‘desa pakraman’ and the administrative village ‘desa dinas’ and the land owners as individuals. the farmers were too weak to resist; they failed as they did not have the capital needed for that. such a condition could not be separated from the capitalistic ideology as the government and entrepreneur collaborated to legitimate the converting process. in addition, the local people were also trapped by the consumptive way of life. as a result, they considered that functionally converting their irrigated rice fields was a proper solution. that affected the infrastructural order. their infrastructural order changed. their social structure also shifted from communalism into individualism. their ideological, legal, governmental, family and religious superstructures changed as well, causing the south denpasar community to be getting far from the agrarian cultural root which used to be their initial characteristic. keywords: irrigated rice field functional conversion, irrigated rice field, south denpasar district, marginalization, hegemony introduction every development taking place in bali has widely affected every aspect of life. the growth of the number of population, the urban planning, technologies and tourism have made bali not only labeled as “bali the last paradise” (powell, 1930) and “the morning of the world” (vicker, 1996:5) but also as a highly popular tourist destination. the development of e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 24-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 tourism has widely affected every aspect of the balinese people’s life. one of the aspects is the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields. more and more land has been needed to fulfill the needs for accommodation, restaurants, streets and so forth. the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields has also affected the existence of what is locally referred to as ‘subak’, the one unity system of traditional agriculture in bali, as stated by sutawan (2008:18). the continued constructions of infrastructures, facilities, offices and tourism have logically been responsible for the conversion of the irrigated rice fields, causing the agricultural land to be getting narrower. this is in line with what is stated by nasoetion (2003: 71) that the increased number of population, the government’s policy, and natural factors have been responsible for the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields. the invisible globalized ideology and government’s policy referred to as hegemony by gramsci (1971) has also led to the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields. hegemony does not refer to the relationship of domination using power, but to the relationship of approval using political and ideological leadership (barker, 2009: 62). furthermore, gramsci (1971) uses the term hegemony to refer to the way in which the dominating class in society obtains support from the dominated class through the moral and intellectual leadership. the process of hegemony can be seen from how meaning is established and how the dominant values are produced through different media (piliang, 2009: 136). in the current balinese society there is an impression that farming is not promising; therefore, it is not good to wrestle with; it is the parents’ profession; it is dirty and low income generating. bourdieu (1983) considers such a view leads to the creation of a new habitus; the agricultural habitus as a marginalized profession; therefore, it is not wrong to neglect it. moreover, the phenomenon of the social practice performed by the balinese society shows that the balinese people keep being enmeshed in the globalized culture with a lifestyle of hedonism-consumerism. they idolize the ownership of modern symbols such as hand phones, luxury houses, and cars. the ownership of such objects legitimize that selling land is not wrong, causing the irrigated rice fields to be more massively functionally converted. the phenomenon is interesting to be explored as it cannot be separated from the fact that the globalized ideology has also been responsible for the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields in south denpasar district. it is also the contestation of the society’s social structure involving the government, entrepreneurs and the farmers as the marginalized group of people. therefore, it is necessary to further explore the process of the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields by confronting different globalized ideologies through the e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 24-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 development of tourism legitimated by the government and approved by the farmers. it is also necessary to investigate what roles are played by the globalized ideologies which have interfered with all aspects of the society’s life from the highest structure to the lowest in accelerating the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields. as well, the impact resulting from the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields in south denpasar district also needs to be identified. research method this present study uses the qualitative approach with the paradigm of cultural studies. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, and documentary study. a guide of observation and interview were also prepared. the object of the study was observed in south denpasar district. the farmers, head of the traditional irrigation organization ‘subak’, the local government, the investors, and the agents of tourism in south denpasar district were interviewed. the data were also completed with the documentary study result, including the on-line data which were obtained from the reliable authentic sites. all the data were analyzed using the interactive model proposed by miles and huberman (1992) and critical theories leading to a description of the specific data of cultural studies. discussion the development of different aspects of life has changed the human life orders, which can be ideological and physical. one of the physical changes is the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields in south denpasar district. one of the things which has been responsible for the functional conversion is tourism. tourism needs the supporting facilities such as hotels, restaurants, streets and so forth. the stakeholders, namely the government, entrepreneurs, and farmers touch one another in order to fulfill the facilities. the government and entrepreneurs synergize to dominate the farmers with the developmental ideology. the farmers, as the subaltern, are marginalized as they have no capitals. furthermore, hegemony is strengthened with repressive domination. gramsci (in barker, 2009:62) states that hegemony is a situation in which there is a historical block and the faction of the dominating class undertakes its social authority of leadership over the subordinate class through the combination of strength and approval. gramsci states that the state, as the ruler, is the historical block or the dominating class which undertakes its authority over the farmers who belong to the subordinate class using the combined strength (power). furthermore, scott e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 24-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 states that the farmers spend what they produce from the irrigated rice fields on what they need for life; the rest is spent on the other needs such as salt, fabric, and other claims (scott, 1981:4-5). in this context, the strength of hegemony has legalized that selling the irrigated rice fields is not wrong. then, the government motivates the entrepreneurs to convert the function of the irrigated rice fields. the negotiation with the ruler to convert the function of the irrigated rice fields has certainly needed a lot of money in order to be able to buy the “power”. then the negotiation is held with the formal and informal or traditional leaders. if the negotiation fails, then the personal negotiation with the land owners will be held using the financial capital that the land will be bought at higher prices. the negotiation is essential in order to be able to undertake policies well (brassers, 2004:31). therefore, it is not surprising that the areas of sesetan and pamogan, which used to be labeled as the rice ban, can be used as the areas of residences and other commercial purposes. however, the farmers have made an effort to maintain their land through the counter-hegemony (tilaar, 2003:77). unjustness causes the farmers, the subaltern and marginalized class, to show their opposition or resistance. they, as the farmers living in south denpasar, resist that the government and capital owners accommodate their interest by reducing the taxes they should pay, creating job opportunities, and subsidizing their economy. the process of the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields above cannot be separated from the ideology which has inspired it. tourism is one of the things which has been responsible for the development of tourism in south denpasar. tourism needs financial capital which gives opportunities to the entrepreneurs who cannot be separated from the capitalistic ideology in order to obtain as many profits as possible. they collaborate with the ruler to perpetuate that. foucault (in latif, 2005:39) states that power is everywhere; power is in the hands of the entrepreneurs and government, and the farmers belong to the subaltern class or a different and lower class of people (ratna, 2013: 463). the government and the capital owners do not only collaborate in the lower and middle levels but also in the high level in order to strengthen the political and economic hegemony as spread by the mass printed and electronic media (hisyam, 2003: 197). the collaboration between the government and the entrepreneurs to dominate the farmers has also been responsible for the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields. that is considered a solution to supporting development. the farmers are made to be either in the position of maintaining or selling their land in order to be able to fulfill their daily needs. such a situation makes the farmers submit to e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 24-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 their fate that selling their land is a thing which is to be accepted. that is referred to as a fatalistic decision in which what happens to someone is considered a fate; therefore, there is no resistance (priambodo, 2009:21). if fatalism is related to the present study, it is the powerlessness of the farmers towards the domination and power of the investors (the capital owners) who collaborate with the government. in addition, the higher life style marginalizes the existence of the farmers. o’donnell (2003:22) states that materialism and consumerism degrades environment and drain the society’s motivation and values. as the farmers are doubtful about whether they will sell their land or not, and being known that they intend to have a higher life style, they are offered with hegemony that their land will be bought at a higher price which seems to cause them to be able to fulfill all their needs. as a result, the farmers allow their land to be taken by the capital owners through financial transaction and without any resistance. such an attitude can be stated to be a fatalistic one towards a situation resulting from the modernization which offers obsession of the world. fatalism also takes place through the capital owners’ hegemony in which they promise good jobs to the farmers if they leave their land being functionally converted. the farmers’ pragmatic attitude to choose what can be easily and quickly done without wisely taking into account what it will lead to causes them to sell their land in order to fulfill what they desire. the hedonistic attitude of the farmers has also accelerated the functional conversion of their land. after selling their land, they feel that they are rich and can fulfill their needs. however, they have lost what they have inherited from their ancestors. they have also lost their identity as the balinese people who are well-known for their strong farming culture. actually, pragmatism has caused the balinese people to forget that having land is essential for performing socio-cultural activities. hedonism has caused the balinese farmers to forget everything. they sell what they have inherited from their ancestors in order to fulfill their needs for materials which tend to be consumptive. it cannot be denied that the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields in south denpasar district has affected every aspect of life. the first implication can be observed from the change in infrastructure. business centers, office buildings, schools, markets, and health infrastructures and facilities such as hospitals, public health centers, and accommodations have been constructed. however, many cultural and hindu religious infrastructures have disappeared. the disappearance of ulundanu temple is one example. the change in infrastructures has also affected the society’s social structure in the area where the irrigated rice fields have been functionally converted. as explained by utomo (2014:86) that the functional conversion of land can be defined as the partial or entire functional change of an e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 24-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 area. it has been planned to be an area which is functionally different from what it used to be. the functional conversion usually negatively affects the environment of the area and the potential it has. the rural people who initially lived in the agricultural area were close to one another. that is a social asset which can be used as an important basis for establishing social networking. such a social asset will get extinct as they live far from one another, causing new heterogeneous and individualistic societies to appear, which also indirectly change the supra structural level. the reason is that infrastructures, social structures and supra structures are basically interrelated and affect one another. the supra structural change in south denpasar district can be observed from the ideological, legal, governmental, family and religious aspects after the irrigated rice fields were functionally converted into the area of residences, offices and accommodations. conclusion and suggestion the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields in south denpasar cannot be separated from the changes taking place and globalization which have marginalized the farmers, causing them to be the subaltern class. marginalization is legitimated with the government’s hegemony through the ideology of development. the dominated people finally consider that being the dominated class is a matter of fate (fatalism). they have become pragmatic in order to be able to fulfill the consumptive and hedonic life style. the functional conversion of the irrigated rice fields has been considered an instant solution to fulfilling their needs which are getting more complex. they are now aware that the functional conversion of their land has changed the balinese people’s life order which cannot be separated from the agricultural culture. therefore, all the society’s components, especially the policy holder, need to synergize to maintain the bali’s land. the traditional village ‘desa pakraman’ and the administrative village ‘desa dinas’, as the lowest elements of the governmental structure need to identify and revitalize the bali’s land so it will not entirely functionally converted. it is important to do that as the functional conversion of land will not only change infrastructures but also the social structure and supra structure of the bali community as a whole. acknowledgement in this opportunity allow me to thank prof. dr. ing. i made merta, prof. dr. a.a. n. anom kumbara, m.a. and dr. putu sukardja, m.si. for their supervision so this article as part of a dissertation could be completed in time. thanks are also extended to the management e-journal of cultural studies february 2017 vol. 10, number 1, page 24-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 of the doctorate study program of cultural studies of udayana university for supporting the writer during the completion of this article and dissertation. a word of appreciation should also go to the directorate general of higher education for funding the writer during his study. bibliography barker, chris. 2009. culture studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. bourdieu, pierre. 1983. language and symbolic power. cambridge : polity. gramsci, antonio. 1971. selections from prison note books. new york: international publisher. miles, matthew b dan a. michael huberman. 1992. analisis dan kualitatif: buku sumber tentang metode-metode baru. jakarta: ui press. nasoetion, luthfi ibrahim, 2003. konversi lahan pertanian: aspek hukum dan implementasinya, jakarta: badan pertanahan nasional. o’donnell, kevin. 2009. posmodernisme. terjemahan jan riberu. yogyakarta: kanisius piliang, yasraf amir. 2009. hiper realitas kebudayaan. yogyakarta : lkis. powell, hickman, 1930. bali the last paradise. new york: dodd, mead. ratna, nyoman kutha. 2005. sastra dan cultural studies representasi fiksi dan fakta. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. ___________. 2013. metodologi penelitian kajian budaya dan ilmu sosial humaniora pada umumnya. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. ritzer, george dan goodman j. douglas. 2004. teori sosiologi modern.yakarta: kencana. scott, james c. 1981. moral ekonomi petani: pergolakan dan subsistensi di asia tenggara. (tej.). jakarta: lp3es. simon, roger. 2004. gagasan-gagasan politik gramsci. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. spivak, gayatri chakravorty. 1996. "bisakah subaltern speak?" marxisme dan interpretasi kebudayaan. ed. c. nelson dan l. grossberg. basingstronke: macmillan education. sutawan, n. 2008. keberadaan purapadasubak. denpasar: dinas kebudayaan propinsi bali. takwin, bagus, 2009. akar-akar ideologi: pengantar kajian konsep ideologi dari plato hingga bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. tewney, r.h. 1966. land and labor in china, boston : beacon press. tilaar, h.a.r. 2003. kekuasaan & pendidikan. magelang: indonesia tera. microsoft word abdul alim 1 e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 1-5 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 transformation of lulo dance performed by tolaki people in konawe regency, south east sulawesi abdul alim i made suastika i gusti ketut gde arsana halu oleo university, kendari email: abdul.alim290172@gmail.com abstract this present study analyzes the transformation of lulo dance performed by tolaki people in konawe regency, south east sulawesi. from the perspective of cultural studies, the study analyses an empirical field reality related to the matter pertaining to transformation. the local culture which is transformed into the global culture has caused the lulo dance to change with its new form and meanings. there is one problem which needs to be analyzed in the present study. the problem is formulated in the form of a question, namely what ideologies which have inspired the transformation of the lulo dance performed by tolaki people in konawe regency, south east sulawesi. the study used the qualitative method and is intended to analyze the transformation of the lulo dance performed by tolaki people using the critical, interdisciplinary and multidimensional approach of cultural studies. the data were obtained through library research, documentary study, observation, and interview. after being verified, the data were analyzed using several relevant theories; they are the theory of deconstruction, the hermeneutic theory, the theory of discourse of knowledge, and the theory of semiotics. the result of the study shows that the transformation of the lulo dance performed by tolaki people in konawe regency cannot be separated from the ideologies which have inspired it. they include the religiosity ideology, the educational ideology, and the economic ideology. the contact between the global culture and local culture has caused the lulo dance to transform. the global culture indicates that a new era has come; it cannot be stemmed and avoided, meaning that many aspects in the people’s social and cultural life have transformed or changed. keywords: transformation, lulo dance, society. introduction most performing arts performed in the regions of indonesia whose agricultural values are very strong have ritual functions. the ritual functions do not have anything to do with the events of life cycle which are considered important such as birth, tooth filing, the first haircut, e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 1-5 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 touching earth, circumcision and death but also with performing arts such as hunting, rice planting, harvesting and even the preparation of a war (soedarsono,m 2002: 123). civilization, culture and the system of belief also change. the performing arts have changed since the independence of the republic of indonesia, one of which is the art of dancing. its form has gradually changed. the rhythmic physical motions are made regularly with beautiful expressions which can vibrate the human feeling. the beautiful motions contain special rhythms (soedarsono, 1985:16). tolaki people have many arts, one of which is the lulo dance. tolaki people who support the lulo dance occupy the area of konawe regency, kendari city, south konawe, north konawe, konawe island. this used to be known as the area of konawe kingdom and kolaka regency, north kolaka regency, and east kolaka regency which was known as the area of mekongga kingdom. although tolaki people occupy two different kingdoms, the lulo dance has been their collective identity. this dance was created from the ritual performed by tolaki people to glorify the harvest time. therefore, this dance is considered a sacred one performed by tolaki people. as a performing art, the lulo dance is made up of the musical and dancing elements. it is unique if compared to similar cultural arts performed by different ethnic groups in the archipelago. the dancers performing it are hand in hand and perform a circle following the accompanying musical instruments. the harmonious movements of hands and feet with a high collective mobility make the dance beautiful. the global culture has caused the function of the dance to change; it used to be performed for sacred purposes, but now it is performed for propane purposes; it used to be performed for ceremonial purposes, but now it is performed for a limited period of time; it used to express the values of the society’s life, but now it tends to be performed as an amusement and a festival. the global culture has also caused the tulo dance to be differently defined. in other words, the value of what is understood of the dance has shifted. they have all affected the behavior and cultural practices of the tolaki people living in konawe regency. based on what was described above, one of the problems of the present study is what ideologies have caused the tulo dance performed by tolaki people in konawe regency, south east sulawesi, to be transformed. a concept plays an important role in research. according to putra (2001:6), a theory can be constructed if the analytical concepts and how they are applied in the study can be well understood. therefore, one concept which needs to be discussed in the present study is e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 1-5 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 the concept ideology. it needs to be made to be clear in order to be able to discuss the ideology which has contributed to the transformation of the tulo dance. research method the qualitative method was used in the present study. the qualitative method can be used to understand the meaning of an object, society, situation and an event. it attempts to understand the field empirical cultural phenomenon. it is under the interdisciplinary multimethod studies which imply meaning and process (denzin & lincoln, 2009: 2-6), and focuses on the naturalistic interpretation and approach of a matter with different paradigms. the qualitative study constitutes a specific approach in the cultural studies; in addition, it is unique from the naturalistic dimension (collection and field). as well, it strengthens the interpretative understanding of the human experience in which the researcher takes part ‘participatory observation’ (endraswara, 2006:87-89; denzin & lincoln, 2009:5). the data in the present study were collected through observation, interview and documentary study. result and discussion basically, an ideology is derived from a myth and after it is established it becomes an ideology as what is stated by barthes (2003: 122) that if a connotation is already established, it will become a myth and that if the myth is already established it becomes an ideology. kumbara (201017) stated that a cultural ideology and tradition can be analyzed by finding out what the ideology in the tradition contains. according to destuut de tracy (in noelionobudianto, 2004:128-130), an ideology is a collection of systemized concepts used as the basis leading to the life sustainability of someone or a group of people. an ideology is the ideal which is intended to be achieved by many parties in society. the supporting society usually spreads the ideology to its members who support it in different ways in accordance with their respective tradition and culture. ideology is less popular among tolaki people; however, it does not mean that they do not have any ideology as, as a concept, they do not understand it. common people do not understand what an ideology is as it is part of their lives and activities, causing them not to recognize it. thompson (2003:18) stated that an ideology can tighten the social relation which binds the society’s members by applying the values and norms they have agreed. e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 1-5 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 the result of the study shows that there are three ideologies contributing to the transformation of the lulo dance performed by tolaki people; they are the religiosity ideology, educational ideology, and economic ideology. first, the religiosity ideology is closely related to the tolaki people’s belief. the lulo dance cannot be separated from the art of motion as they are related to one another. in addition, it is also closely related to the tolaki people’s faith. in the past, when sangia (gods) in general and sanggoleo mbae (the goddess of paddy) in particular were worshipped, it was performed as part of the ritual. it was intended to make the sangias (gods) happy so human beings are avoided from what is known as abala (disaster). the tolaki people believed that when the sangias (gods) were angry, many people would suffer from disease epidemics and disasters could not be avoided. in addition, plants (tina’u) in general and the secondary plants would fail. second, the education which contributes to the ideology which has inspired the lulo dance is the education which contributes to the character education. there is a traditional figurative expression inae konasara iye pine sara, inae lia sara iye pinekasara (those who appreciate tradition will be appreciated, and those who do not appreciate tradition will be punished).the education is directed to that expression meaning that people should be educated in order to be able to understand others. such a conception is the cultural strength of the tolaki people in constructing the cultured human character. third, the economic value which is related to the tolaki people’s way of thinking is the value which cannot be financially measured. the lulo dance reflects the great values of tolaki people which have led to its creation. the need for the supporting people’s knowledge of the lulo dance with its traditional teachings in konawe has caused tolaki people to have a cultural identity which is different from that the other societies have. conclusion and suggestion the transformation of the lulo dance performed by tolaki people in konawe regency cannot be separated from the ideologies which have inspired it. first, the religiosity ideology, which is closely related to the tolaki people’s belief; in the past when the local people worshiped sangias (gods) in general and sanggoleo mbae (the paddy’s goddess) in particular, the ritual was accompanied with the lulo dance. it was intended to make sangias (gods) happy so human beings could avoid what is known as abala (disasters). second, the educational ideology, which is related to the moral values teaching the supporting people of e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 1-5 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 the lulo dance to understand other people. third, the economic ideology, which contains the conception of welfare related to the human need for the traditional art which can support the financial need. it is suggested that the lulo dance, as an art heritage from the ancestors, should be maintained by the tolaki society as it contains great values which can contribute to the supporting society’s character. acknowledgement praise the almighty god, allah swt, for his blessing that the article entitled “transformation of lulo dance performed by tolaki people in konawe regency, south east sulawesi” could be well completed. therefore, through this opportunity the writer would like to thank all the parties, regency government, the executive and legislative bodies, the organization’s leader, the choreographer, artists, cultural observers, and practitioners for all types of assistance provided to the writer. bibliography barthers, rolland. 1983. mitologi. terjemahan nurhadi dan sababul millah. 2009. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. budianto, noeliono. 2004. jejak budaya tradisional jawa. bantul. kreasi wacana denzin, norman k. & lincoln, yvone s. 2009. handbook of qualitative research. (terjemahan). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. endraswara, suwardi. 2003. metodologi penelitian kebudayaan. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. kumbara, a.a, ngurah anom. 2010. “konstruksi wacana ajeg bali dalam relasi kuasa: antara ideologi dan utopi”. pidato pengenalan jabatan guru besar tetap dalam bidang antropologi. denpasar: universitas udayana. tidak diterbitkan. soedarsono, r.m. 1985. seni pertunjukan indonesia & pariwisata. yogyakarta: masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia & arti.line. soedarsono, r.m. 2002. seni pertunjukan indonesia di era globalisasi. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. putra, heddy shri ahimsa. 2001. strukturalisme levi strauss: mitos dan karya sastra. yogyakarta: galang press. thompson, jhn b. 2003. analisis ideologi, kritik wacana ideologi-ideologi dunia. terj. haqqul yakin. yogyakarta: ircisod. microsoft word e-journal wana pariartha 1 management of empowerment of sidewalk traders in west denpasar sub district denpasar city: in the perspective of cultural studies i wayan wana pariartha1, i made suastika2, emiliana mariyah2, i ketut sudibia3 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3faculty of economics, udayana university abstract sidewalk traders, as informal economic sector, have been in existence in almost all the cities in indonesia. as an impact of migration of people, they have been recognized as a structural phenomenon which will always exist. they will always exist in denpasar city. in west denpasar sub district, as part of denpasar city, their existence has been assumed not only to cause the city to look disorganized but it has also been assumed to create discomfort and to disturb public order. however, as indonesian citizens, they have the right to have occupation and live properly as stated in article 27 of the 1945 constitution. the empowerment management of the sidewalk traders in west denpasar sub district refers to the local rules and regulations (perda) of number 3 of year 2000. however, the fact in the field shows that what has been expected has not been properly coming true yet. based on this fact, a research was conducted with the problems formulated as follows: 1) how the government managed the empowerment of the sidewalk traders; 2) what responses were given by the community to the model of such a management of empowerment; 3) and what were its effects and meanings. as a consequence, this research aims at 1) identifying the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders; 2) identifying the responses given by the community to the model of such a management of empowerment; 3) identifying its effects and meanings. from the aspect of methodology, this research is classified as a qualitative one. the theory of deconstruction, the theory of hegemony, the theory of response, the theory of motivation and achievement were employed for exploring the problems formulated above. the techniques employed for collecting the data needed were the technique of observation, the technique of interview, the technique of observation and focus discussion group. the findings show that the local rules and regulations (perda) of number 3 of 2000, which is derived from the local rules and regulations (perda) of number 15 of year 1993, which is used as the reference of how such a management of empowerment is conducted, does not accommodate the problems related to the sidewalk traders. in fact, it has been implemented by the government in the following three ways; (1) through the sub district governmental agencies; (2) through direct supervision of the municipal, sub district, administrative village and neighborhood governmental agencies; (3) through traditional villages (desa pekraman/adat). the responses given by the community varied. the responses given by the community of consumers were negative resulting from lack of socialization. the responses given by the sidewalk traders were negative as well. however, socially, economically and politically, the empowerment management of the sidewalk traders gave positive and negative impacts. and the meanings given by such a management of empowerment were related to solidarity, well being and psychology. based on the findings of the research, a model of management of empowerment through the cooperation among the government, private parties and the sidewalk traders was recommended. keywords: sidewalk traders, model of empowerment, informal sector, management 1. introduction economically, politically and socio culturally, the development in every sector of life conducted by the government has resulted in many changes. however, the changes resulting from such a development may lead to progress as well as decline. the decline, in this case, can be illustrated by the economic recession, crisis and the uncontrollable rate of inflation both nationally and regionally. the economic changes may change the pattern of life of the community both in rural and urban areas. the progress achieved in urban areas resulting from both the industrial development and educational improvement has made the cities interesting. this has inspired people to migrate from the rural areas where they live to urban areas which may belong to different regencies and provinces. in addition, the regional development in economy, transportation, and communication has also contributed to the volume and direction of the migration (pariartha, 1982: 2). the sidewalk traders are basically the migrants coming from rural areas with low expertise and education, making them not have the access to the formal sectors of life. they usually run their businesses with small capital. therefore, they can be classified as the people with low income. they usually live in slum areas or in the suburbs, where it is possible for them to find cheap boarding houses. they live in very small and simple houses where they can “have break and sleep”. their low income has also motivated them to minimize their expenditures, just for food and clothing. the attempt made to renovate their shelter reflects that they have very limited capital (andre et.al. 1979: 48). such a condition shows that the sidewalk traders are a group of less powerful people in every aspect of life especially economically; therefore, they need to be empowered. the sidewalk traders, as part of the economic informal sector, have been in existence in all the indonesian cities in general, including in denpasar city and west denpasar sub district in particular. as the main impact of the migration of people, they are recognized as a structural phenomenon which will always exist. on one side, their existence in west denpasar sub district, denpasar city, has been considered not only to cause the city to look disorganized but has also been considered to be responsible for discomfort and to disturb public order. on the other side, they are human beings who have the right to have occupation and to live properly as stated in the 1945 constitution. trading is one of the activities they can do for a living. actually, they have been made to exist by the system of the societal activities which has been in existence since a very long time ago. the community members have been accustomed to buying things made available by the sidewalk traders. they have been forced or have not been forced to live in the situation in which economy is not stable, even though they have been playing an important role in fulfilling what is needed by the consumers from all the layers of the community. therefore, if their existence is well managed with proper management of empowerment, it is by all means that their lives will be better and that they will contribute to the original regional earnings. the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders in west denpasar sub district has been actually performed with reference to the local rules and regulations (perda) of number 3 of year 2000. however, the fact in the field shows that what has been achieved has been far from being adequate. it is based on this fact that a research was conducted with the problems formulated as follows: (1) how the management of empowerment had already been and was being performed by the government of west denpasar sub district?; (2) what responses were given by the community to the model of the management of empowerment performed by the government?; (3) what impacts and meanings were given by the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders in west denpasar sub district? this study aims at identifying the model of the management of empowerment performed by the government, identifying the responses given by the community to such a model of the management of empowerment and at identifying the impacts and meanings given by the model applied. the theory of postmodern, the theory of deconstruction, the theory of hegemony, the theory of responses and the theory of motivation and achievement were employed to answer the above mentioned problems. from the methodological aspect, the research is classified as a qualitative one. the technique of observation, the technique of interview, the technique of documentation and focus group discussion were employed to obtain the data needed. ii. discussion the findings show that the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders in west denpasar sub district does not have any particular model yet. the implementation in the field refers to the local rules and regulations (perda) of number 3 of year 2000, which is modified from the local rules and regulations of number 15 of year 1993. the local rules and regulations of number 3 of year 2000 does not accommodate the interests of the government, the sidewalk traders and of the consumers as those who consume what is prepared by the sidewalk traders. this means that the governmental hegemony has taken place over the sidewalk traders. if viewed from the theory of motivation of needs, the objective of what they do is to fulfill their primary needs such as food, clothing, shelter and education. in other words, what they do is to fulfill their physical needs. on the other hand, the governmental agencies under the government of west denpasar sub district perform their responsibilities based on the applicable rules and regulations. they work for the sake of achievement, position and promotion. what they want to achieve is work achievement, prestige, and promotion or power. such differences in motivation have led to different justifications and blaming each other. the sidewalk traders in west denpasar sub district have struggled so hard that they can survive even in a very critical condition. based on the leadership characteristics, they may be classified as hard and highly-motivated workers. as a result, the leadership approach applied should be the participative leadership. it is in accordance with the postmodern theory, in which the leader should coordinate with those he/she lead, thereby those who are led feel that they are protected. they feel that what the leader does is for them. they have a sense of belonging and will be responsible for the success of the programs already formulated. it is this which has not been performed in west denpasar, denpasar city yet. the reason is that the applicable local rules and regulations have given authority to the traditional villages (desa pekraman, desa adat) and administrative villages to organize the sidewalk traders (article 32 a of the local rules regulations of number 3 of year 2000, clause (1)). it is necessary to deconstruct the local rules and regulations of number 3 of year 2000 for the reason that they have not accommodated all the interests. they have not referred to the higher rules and regulations either such as the 1945 constitution, the rules and regulations of number 39 of year 1999 concerning human rights, and the rules and regulations of number 9 of year 1995 concerning small businesses. their rights, as citizens, have been neglected and forgotten. it is clear that their rights have been included in the 1945 constitution, the rules and regulations of number 39 of year 1999 and the rules and regulations of number 09 of year 1995. the model of the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders has been performed by the government through three ways such as: 1) the way in which the governmental agencies are indirectly involved; what is meant is that the governmental agencies are hierarchically involved, in which the governmental agencies in the levels of sub district, administrative villages and neighborhoods are the main doers; (2) the way in which the municipal and sub district governmental agencies are directly involved in supervising the sidewalk traders, especially those who sell their merchandise along the main streets such as diponogoro street, teuku umar street, mahendradata street, gunung agung street and imam bonjol street; (3) the way in which how to manage the sidewalk traders is the responsibility of the traditional villages (desa pakraman/adat). from the managerial aspect point of view, how the sidewalk traders in west denpasar are empowered does not have any particular management yet as the reference. it still refers to the governmental management, leading to an ambiguity between the governmental management and the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders. the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders in west denpasar sub district has not been sufficiently performed both vertically and horizontally (secondarily), which has been responsible for different interpretations among the related components. furthermore, there has been less coordination among them. the government, in this case, the government of west denpasar sub district, through its administrative villages, community empowerment institutions (lembaga pemberdayaan masyarakat) and traditional villages (desa pekraman/adat) has performed the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders institutionally; however, in its implementation, an overlap has been found among the institutions. having different references, this can be understood. such an overlap would not occur if there were good coordination among the institutions. it is recognized that so far, on one side, the coordination has not been so good; on the other side, urgent actions need to be taken; otherwise, the existence of the sidewalk traders will be getting more problematic as a result of a higher current of migration. the rapid development of denpasar city has made it more interesting, which, then, has been responsible for the higher current of migration. the sidewalk traders and consumers have not given any response to the management of empowerment. the reason is that it has not been sufficiently socialized yet or the extent to which it has been socialized has not fully achieved the target. the sidewalk traders and consumers have been made not responsive and have not been able to perform their activities as they like. the uncertainty of the management of empowerment performed by the government has affected the societal social life such as in the forms of slum areas, disorganization, environmental problems, street kids and crimes. economically, it has been responsible for the higher competition among the sidewalk traders. the reason is that more and more are coming. furthermore, it is predicted that there are formal entrepreneurs who package their businesses through sidewalk traders. in addition, politically, the management of empowerment performed by the government and the traditional villages (desa pekraman/adat) refers to their own justifications. moreover, there are some indicators that the sidewalk traders are protected by particular groups. the actions taken by the governmental agencies in carrying out their responsibilities has resulted in solidarity among the sidewalk traders and between them and the consumers. the sidewalk traders have been satisfied with what they earn which has been better than what they earned when they lived where they originally come from. this is what is meant by well being. psychologically, such a better well being has improved their prestige and trust in themselves. iii. closing based on what has been described above, as far as the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders in west denpasar sub district is concerned, four findings can be found. the first finding is that the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders in west denpasar sub district does not have any distinct form yet. the reason is that the local rules and regulations of number 3 of year 2000 do not accommodate all the related interests. it turns out that, as the second finding, the model of the management of empowerment has been performed in three ways. the first is through the administrative villages, the second is directly performed and the third is through the traditional villages (desa pekraman/adat). however, such a model has not been completed with planning, organization, staffing, and proper direction and supervision. the third finding is that the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders is negatively responded by the sidewalk traders themselves and the consumers. the fourth finding is that the failure of the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders has social, economic and political effects and has the meanings of solidarity, well being and psychology. based on the above mentioned findings, a model of the management of empowerment of the sidewalk traders through coordination among themselves, strong entrepreneurs (private) and the government is recommended. the sidewalk traders are organized based their own business areas with a simple organization, in which the leaders are taken from themselves. the government is only the mediator in the formation of such an organization, while the initiatives are from the traders themselves. the assistance in the form of capital may be provided by private organizations (strong entrepreneurs and the government-owned companies) or the government itself through cooperatives and the organizations of the traders. the government may impose retributions on the traders in accordance with the policy implemented. acknowledgements the writer would like to thank the rector of udayana university, prof. dr. dr. i made bakta, sp.p.d. (k.) for the facilities and opportunity provided to attend the doctorate program at udayana university. the writer would also like to highly appreciate the director of the postgraduate program of udayana university, prof. dr. ir. dewa ngurah suprapta, m.sc. for the opportunity provided to be a student at the doctorate program of udayana university. the writer would also like to extend his high appreciation to head of the doctorate program of cultural studies of the postgraduate program of udayana university, prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u., as the promoter as well, for all the guidance, supervision and motivation provided so that this dissertation can be completed as expected. many thanks also go to prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s., and prof. dr. i ketut sudibia, s.e.,s.u., as co-promoter i and co-promoter ii, for their real supervision so that this dissertation can be completed. bibliography anonymous, 2006. undang-undang dasar negara republik indonesia tahun 1945 dan undang-undang no.24 tahun 2003. jakarta: mahkamah konstitusi republik indonesia. --------------, denpasar dalam angka. bappeda, badan pusat statistik (bps) kota denpasar. --------------, 2005. himpunan beberapa peraturan daerah kota denpasar. dinas trantib dan satpol. pp kota denpasar. agus nuryanto, m. 2003. ”teori kritis dan pengaruhnya terhadap aliran pendidikan kritis”. dalam wanana. jurnal ilmu sosial transformatif, edisi 15 tahun iv. yogyakarta: insist press. andre t.d. pantouw dkk., 1979. kehidupan sosial pedagang kaki lima yang belum dilokalisasi dihubungkan dengan tata keindahan kota dan ketertiban di kota madya bandung. universitas katolik parahyangan, bandung. astawa, i nengah dasi. 2005. pemberdayaan ekonomi kerakyatan di kabupaten jembrana, propinsi bali. perspeketif kajian budaya. desertasi s3 kajian budaya unud. bappeda kota denpasar, bps kota denpasar. 2007. ”kecamatan denpasar barat dalam angka”. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies, teori dan praktik (terjemahan). yogyakarta, pt. bentang pustaka. best, steven and kellner douglas. 2002. postmodern theory; critical interrogations. new york: palgrave macmillan. boskoff, alvin. 1964. “recent theories of social change”. dalam werner j. cahnman dan alvin boskoff, sociology and history: theory of research. london: the free press of glencoe. dalle daniel sulekale. 2002. pemberdayaan masyarakat miskin di era otonomi daerah: www.ekonomirakyat.org. 18-06-2004. dharmayanti,diah. 2006. ”analysis sensitifitas respon konsumen terhadap ekstensifikasi merek (brand extension) pada margarine merek filma di surabaya”. jurnal managemen pemasaran, vol. 1, no. 2, oktover 2006: halm. 65-73. keller, douglas.2003. teori sosial radikal (terjemahan). jakarta: syarikat indonesia. mariyah, emiliana. 2006.”kajian budaya,, local genius dan pemberdayaan masyarakat”. seminar nasional s2/s3 kajian budaya program pascasarjana universitas udayana. moleong, l.j.. 2000. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: remaja rosydakarya. mubyarto, 2002. pemberdayaan ekonomi rakyat dan peranan ilmu-ilmu sosial. yogyakarta: gajah mada university press. najib ufi. 2006. ”aplikasi teori postmodernisme terhadap aspek pemberdayaan masyarakat (community empowerment) daerah tujuan wisata”. pustaka (jurnal ilmu-ilmu budaya). vol. vi, no. 11. norris, christopher. 2003. membongkar teori dekonstruksi jacques derrida. yorgyakarta: art-ruzz. pariartha, i wayan wana. 1998. permodalan, jam kerja dan pendapatan pedagang kakilima di pasar kereneng, kotamadya denpasar. tesis s2, program studi kependudukan, jurusan antar bidang ugm, yogyakarta. piliang, yasraf amir. 2005. cultural studies and postmodernism: isyu, teori dan metode. makalah disampaikan dalam seminar pada program magister dan doktor kajian budaya universitas udayana, 12 juli 2005. ratna, i nyoman kutha. 2005. sastra dan cultural studies, representasi fiksi dan fakta. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. suastika, i made. 2003. ”kajian budaya dan paradigma yang dikembangkan”. dalam pemahaman budaya di tengah perubahan. denpasar: program s2 dan s3 kajian budaya unud. winardi, j. 2004. motivasi dan pemotivasian dalam manajemen. jakarta: pt. raja grafindo persada. microsoft word la ode yusuf 3 e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 bangka mbule-mbule tradition as a cultural tourist attraction in wakatobi, south east sulawesi la ode yusuf i wayan cika i gusti ketut gde arsana department of tourism and creative economy, wakatobi regency email: laode-yusuf31@yahoo.co.id abstract globalization has caused tradition to change, meaning that globalization has caused the sacred tradition to change into the propane tradition as it has been used as a tourist attraction. this present study discusses the bangka mbule-mbule tradition used as a tourist attraction in wakatobi regency, south east sulawesi. the study is intended to inform the public that the bangka mbule-mbule has been performed as a cultural tourist destination. the study uses the descriptive qualitative method. the data which were obtained from the field were qualitatively described. the social theory combined with the theory of cultural tourism department was used to analyze the data. the result of the study shows that tradition can be defined as a right heritage or a heritage from the past which is still currently found in society. one of the traditions which is still performed is the bangka mbule-mbule tradition. it is still performed by mandati people in wakatobi regency, south east sulawesi. the owners of the tradition still believe in it. it has been performed to support the cultural tradition in wakatobi. the implication is that it has increased the number of tourists visiting wakatobi, south east sulawesi. keywords: tradition, bangka mbule-mbule, tourist attraction, culture introduction wakatobi regency, as one of the world’s tourist destinations, is rich in culture and marine bio data. wakatobi used to be part of buton regency, south sulawesi province; however, it has become new regency since 2003. it is a group of islands situated in the eastern part of south sulawesi province. its reliable sector is marine tourism. in addition, it is also rich in culture and traditions. some of the traditions which the people living there still perform are kabuenga tradition, duata tradition performed by the bajo ethnic group, safara tradition performed by tomia ethnic group, and posepaa tradition. e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 wakatobi regency consists of eight districts; they are wangiwangi district as its capital, south wangiwangi district, kaledupa district, south kaledupa district, tomia district, east tomia district, binongko district, and togo binongko district. as far as the conservation of traditions is concerned, the people living in wakatobi regency still strongly maintain their traditions. one of the traditions they still perform is the bangka mbule-mbule tradition, although it has been performed to promote cultural tourism as an income generating attempt made by the local government. the bangka mbule-mbule tradition constitutes a ritual which can be defined as a boat which goes home. when it is performed, a boat with replicas of a man and a woman and different types of agricultural crops is washed away. before it is involved in a procession around the city, prayers are recited to ward off misfortune ‘tolak bala’. then the replicas are carried in a liter around the village. before it is washed away, the boat replica carried by a group of strong men and decorated with different crops is rotated right and left in the cross road eight times. after it is rotated right and left, it is carried to the beach where it is washed away. as a traditional ritual, the bangka mbule-mbule is one of the potentials which wakatobi regency has which is worth conserving. what is unique, as far as this tradition is concerned, is that it can be performed as a tourist attraction and to inform its existence to the public. the ritual which is highly rich in the local genius values can contribute to the empowerment of the mandati society. the traditional society is empowered in order to improve their life condition materially and spiritually. research method this present study is a descriptive qualitative one; it describes the bangka mbulembule tradition performed as a tourist attraction. the study was conducted in mandati subdistrict, south wangiwangi district, wakatobi regency, south east sulawesi province. the bangka-bangka tradition performed by the mandati ethnic group in wakatobi regency is used as the data of the study. result and discussion tradition refers to the sameness of any material object and concept inherited from the past, but it is still currently performed and has not been damaged. it can be defined as a right or past heritage. it is usually repeatedly and intentionally performed. according to c.a. van e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 peursen, tradition is translated as a process bequeathing norms, customs and traditions, and properties. it can be adopted, denied, and combined with man-made different things (peursen, 1988: 11). tradition can be more widely defined as an entity which includes the existence of the past in the present time; it does not only show the fact that the current era comes from the neglected or forgotten past era. this is supported by what is stated by shils that tradition refers to all the material objects and concepts adopted from the past era but it is currently still in existence; it has not been damaged or destroyed. tradition means everything which is inherited from the past era to the present era (sztompka, 2007: 70). tradition is adopted from the latin word tradition “being continued” or habit. as far as this definition is concerned, tradition means informing and submitting something through time. tradition cannot be separated from the past time and, to some extent, includes sacred things such as the kinship system, the belief system, arts, customs and traditions, and the other forms of habits performed from generation to generation. although it has changed with respect to time and space, it has not disappeared; it has not got extinct either as it has been continuously made to survive through current definition. as one source of the cultural treasure of the society in the past, different forms of local genius and traditions need to be maintained and developed. etymologically, the term bangka mbule-mbule is derived from the local language, namely the pulo language or the language spoken by the people living in the islands of tukang besi or mbeda-mbeda language which is currently referred to as the wakatobi language. the word bangka means “perahu” (boat), and the word mbule means “going home”, which has then become a reduplication mbule-mbule, meaning “dipulangkan” (being sent home) and or “dilarung ke laut” (being washed way on the sea). bangka mbule-mbule is a traditional ritual performed by the mandati ethnic group living in south wangi-wangi district, wakatobi regency. it has become a culture which has been deeply rooted in the mandati society since a very long time ago. it is performed once in four times and, if it is necessary, it can be performed once a year. it is performed when the traditional leaders view that the country in general and the mandati society in particular are experiencing disasters such as crop failure, epidemic diseases, disputes, security instability, and other incidents which disturb the society. the strategy used to develop the industry of cultural tourism in wakatobi seems to have increased the local people’s income, causing them to be more developed and welfare. e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 the local government has successfully developed the cultural tourist attraction bangka mbule-mbule to support the marine tourism in wakatobi, as shown by the fact that the number of tourists visiting wakatobi increased significantly from 2011 to 2016. in 2011 the tourists coming to visit wakatobi totaled 7,698 and in 2012 the tourists coming to visit wakatobi totaled 8,053, in 2013 the tourists coming to visit wakatobi totaled 12,370, in 2014 the tourists coming to visit wakatobi totaled 14,270, in 2015 the tourists coming to visit wakatobi totaled 18,027, and in 2016 the tourists coming to visit wakatobi totaled 22,380 (source: the department of tourism and creative economy of wakatobi regency). wakatobi is new regency and is rich in natural wealth; therefore, it has been promoted as a tourist destination. the programs made by the government cannot be separated from the attempt made to promote the potentials the region has. it has promoted natural tourism, cultural tourism, and man-made tourism. in addition, the government has also improved infrastructure and services to visitors. in this way it is hoped that wakatobi will be able to attract tourists to always come with their families, relatives, and friends. cultural tourism is promoted to support the marine tourism so tourists will never feel bored of enjoying the marine beauty. interesting cultural traditions will also be offered to tourists as they reflect the past civilization. at the moment the indonesian government is developing superior tourist destinations better known as top ten destinations, one of them is wakatobi regency. the past cultural heritage is considered the cultural capital which can be used to support the development of cultural tourism (richards in ardika, 2015:57). tourists can consume cultural tourism as a tourist attraction for several factors; they are aesthetics, emotion, technology or information, and values. they will always be interested in knowing how other people can live in the environment which is different from the environment where they live. these factors can motivate them to go from one destination to another destination. they make contact with local people; they appreciate customs and traditions, musical gastronomy, and arts. tourism is one of the globalized cultural phenomena which can be considered a system. in the model proposed by leiper in ardika (2015:58), it is stated that tourism is made up of three components; they are tourists, geographical elements, and tourism industry. in this model tourists are the most important thing as, basically, it is concerned with human experience; it is something which can be enjoyed, anticipated and can be eternally remembered. the geographic element includes the market or the region which can motivate people to travel and transit when they travel from one destination to another. the third e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 element is tourism industry which is concerned with an enterprise or business and organization regulating the products of tourism. furthermore, cooper (ardika, 2015:58) stated that a tourist destination should have four components; they are attraction, accessibility, availability of different facilities (accommodation, restaurant, entertainment, shopping center, and other amenities, and ancillary services). in relation to the cultural tourism, wakatobi is actually one of the regions in indonesia which has different cultural heritages, resulting from the fact that there are many ethnic groups with their respective cultural heritages. they are the wanci ethnic group, the mandati ethnic group, the liya ethnic group, the kapota ethnic group, and the bajo ethnic group occupying wangiwangi island, the kaledupa ethnic group occupying kaledupa island, which is also occupied by the bajo sampela ethnic group and mantigola ethnic group, the tomia ethnic group occupying tomia island, the binongko ethnic group or the mbeda-mbeda ethnic group and the ciacia ethnic group occupying binongko island. they have inherited cultural heritages from the pre-historic eras (the hindu budha era, the islamic era and colonial era) which can be used as tourist attractions. in relation to that, it is not wrong if james spilline (2003) stated that indonesia is the most interesting country in south asia with respect to cultural tourism. it is also stated that the development of cultural tourism should economically and culturally benefit local people. conclusions and suggestion as a tourist destination, wakatobi has been included by the central government as one of the top ten destinations in indonesia. the bangka mbule-mbule tradition has been used as its icon of tourism. it has been well-known for its marine and cultural tourism. the success achieved by the local government to promote tourist attractions has contributed to the increase in the number of tourists visiting wakatobi. it is expected that the result of the present study can be used as a reference referred to by those who care about the development of tradition and cultural tourism, especially the tradition performed by and cultural tourism developed by the mandati people in wakatobi. acknowledgement praise the almighty god, allah swt, for his blessing that this article entitled “bangka mbule-mbule tradition as a tourist attraction in wakatobi regency, south east sulawesi e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 13-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 province” could be well completed. therefore, in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the regent of wakatobi regency, h. arhawi, s.e., deputy regent, ilmiati daud, s.e., head of the department of tourism and creative economy of wakatobi regency, nadar, s.ip., m.si. bibliography ardika, i wayan. 2015. warisan budaya perspektif masa kini. denpasar; udayana university press. bappeda kabupaten wakatobi. 2014. kabupaten wakatobi dalam angka 2014. kabupaten wakatobi dikti. 2009. pedoman kajian tradisi lisan: pengembangan kajian langka (kajian tradisi lisan sebagai kekuatan kultural.) jakarta: dikti. peursen, c. a. van. 1988. strategi kebudayaan. yogyakarta: yayasan kanisius. sztompka, piotr. 2007. sosiologi perubahan sosial. jakarta: predana media grup. microsoft word putu sukardja 1 enculturation and gender in woven fabrict industry at subdistrict of sangkaragung, district of negara, jembrana putu sukardja1 , i gde parimartha2 i wayan ardika2, i made suastika2 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: psukardja@yahoo.com abstract this research reveals the process of enculturation and gender in the woven fabric industry at sangkaragung, district of negara, jembrana. the weaving tradition and enculturation process give the women at sangkaragung a hope to change their ideology in gender and socio cultural construction. this study aims at discussing the factors making the women at sangkaragung do weaving activities, the process of weaving enculturation and the development of gender taking place there, and the impacts and meaning of the weaving enculturation on their socio-cultural life. in analyzing the problems above, the theory of post-structuralism, the theory of practice, and the theory of social change were used. to find out the relevant data, a qualitative method was applied in which the data were collected by deep interviews, observation, and documentation. the result shows that the factors making the women do such activities are: myths on women and weaving activities; globalization and socio-cultural changes, and fulfillment of daily needs. the process of weaving enculturation done through cultural transmission and socialization in weaving results in acculturation and enculturation which then give a deeper understanding to the society of the pattern and system related to the weaving activities. the weaving enculturation also causes some forms of changes at sangkaragung such as work division between men and women. the weaving enculturation and the development of gender have affected the ways in which decisions are made in some aspects of life such as in the context of traditional and religious rituals, the expenditures for primary family needs, health care, and children’s education. although the women are acknowledged and appreciated that they have economically contributed to their families, full emancipation has not been given to them due to patriarchal, social and cultural systems which are still attached to the society. key word: enculturation, gender, woven cloth industry 2 introduction the harmonious relation between feminism and cultural studies can be made to appear by the awareness of mutual interests. both feminism and cultural studies intend to withdraw knowledge from the marginal and suppressed groups of people. therefore, this research aims at revealing the process of enculturation and gender in the woven fabric industry at sangkaragung, district of negara, jembrana. the problems of women are made to appear by the bad quality of their human resources. such problems are not only caused by their weakness but also by the ideology of gender and socio cultural construction. the weaving tradition with the process of enculturation gives the women at sangkaragung a hope to be able to change their ideology of gender and socio cultural construction. the society of sangkaragung, district of negara, jembrana regency, still maintain and preserve their weaving knowledge and skill. the process of enculturation related to the weaving activities is traditionally done, that is, the daughters learn from their mothers or other relatives possessing the weaving knowledge and skill. as a research of cultural studies with qualitative method, this study observes the factors causing the women at sangkaragung to weave, the process of enculturation and the development of gender at sangkaragung, as well as the meaning of enculturation to their socio cultural life. in analyzing the above problems, the theory of poststructuralism, the theory of practice, and the theory of social change were applied. to obtain the relevant data, the qualitative method by deep interviews, observation and documentation was applied. discussion the bad quality of the women’s human resources has contr ibuted to the inequity of gender at the society (mosse, 1996). this is not only caused by the women the mselves but also by the ideology of gender, system, and structure which is based on the cultural construction of the society. culture is not biologically inherited but constitutes a pattern of behavior which is learned and 3 transmitted from one generation to another generation through the process of internaliza tion, socialization, and encultura tion. globalization in agricultural technology in the irrigated rice fields at sangkaragung has led to the decrease in the women’s job opportunities in agriculture. this has caused them to weave. the enthusiasm of the society in wea ving industry is interesting to be investigated. this study focuses on the weaving enculturation and tries to relate it to gender at sangkaragung, and was conducted using the analysis of the perspective of cultural studies. the result shows that the factors causing the women to weave were myths on the women them selves and the weaving activity, globalization and socio-cultural changes, and weaving in order to fulfill their daily needs. the process of weaving enculturation done through transmission and sociali zation of weaving culture has led to acculturation and inculturation which then give a deeper under standing to the society of the pattern and system related to the weaving activity. weaving encul turation also results in some forms of changes at the society of sangkaragung, such as work divi sion between the men and the women. the weaving enculturation and the development in gender has affected the ways in which decisions are made in some aspects of life such as in the context of traditional and religious rituals, the expenditures for primary needs of their families, health care and children’s education. on the other side, the weaving enculturation is mean ingful to the society of sangka ragung, especially to the women. weaving is strategically meaningful to create equality and equity. weaving enculturation is also mea ningful to the traditional patri archal values. the develop ment of the woven fabric industry has contri buted to the prosperity of the society at sangkaragung. having the cultural capital and social capital, the women can increase their economic capital. the women’s success in economically contributing to their families has resulted in the appearance of the image of emancipation and the formation of the ideology of gender at the society of sangkaragung. although it has been acknowledged and appreciated that the 4 women have economically contributed to their families, such acknowled gement and appreciation have not been able to give full emancipation to the women due to the patriarchal, social and cultural systems which are still attached to the society of sang karagung. by researching the process of enculturation and gender at the woven fabric industry at sangkaragung, several things have been found: firstly, weaving is a habit which is inherited through the process of reproduction, sociali zation and enculturation which can function as the cultural capital which is managed within the domain of home industry. this gradually changes the women’s behavior from being nature to being nurture. the women at sangkar agung have not only been domestic workers but have also been the productive ones. with their own income, they have been able to change their way of thinking from thinking traditionally into thinking modernly. secondly, the change in the structure of productive employment from agriculture into woven fabric industry has led to a change in the society life. the women do not limit themselves to a small tradition but have moved to a bigger tradition and even to a modern tradition. in the weaving field in particular, the introduction of new technology related to the ready made material (types, color and quality of thread) has changed the pattern of production to be more efficient and effective. thirdly, by weaving the women at sangkar agung are able to move from the domestic space into the public space. what they earn by weaving has made the women able to play a role in increasing their families’ economy so it can be stated that the men at sangkaragung have partners in supporting their families. there has been a consensus between the men and the women in increasing their families’ welfare. the work division in their families which is based on the mechanism of solidarity has been the solution to decreasing their work burden. fourthly, their knowledge and skill in weaving (cultural capital) has been the strength (power/authority) which can change the women’s position in making decisions in some aspects of life (education, productive employment, health, religious rituals). the cultural capital they have gives them opportunity to be involved in planning, determining 5 and deciding what is chosen for their families. fifthly, although the women have entered the public space, the patriarchal culture, tradition and religion have made them return to the domestic space, meaning that their existence in the public space is temporary. the patriarchal system, tradition and religion are still the factors which avoid the women at sangagung from getting exposed in the public space. conclusion it can be concluded that the women at sangkaragung still undergo a cultural obstruction mak ing them not able to go out fully from the domestic space. the economic contribution to their families cannot free them from being subordinate considering that the patriarchal system still binds them as the family members under the men’s leadership. the discourse of the women’s freedom and emancipation to be productively employed makes their burden heavier in their families. bibliography abdullah, irwan. 1997. sangkan paran gender. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar offset arivia, gadis. 2003. filsafat berperspektif feminis. jakarta: yayasan jurnal perempuan. bagus, i gusti ngurah. 1977. ”kebudayaan bali” dalam koentjaraningrat (ed) manusia dan kebudayaan indonesia. jakarta: djambatan. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies teori & praktik. (terjemahan). yogyakarta: pt. bentang pustaka. bhasin, kamla. 1996. menggugat patriarki (terjemahan). yogyakarta: yayasan bentang budaya. bourdieu, p. 1973. cultural reproduction and sosial reproduction, dalam r. brown (ed), knowledge, education and sosial change. london: tavistock. brooks, ann. 1997. posfeminisme & cultural studies: sebuah pengantar paling komprehensif (terjmahan). bandung: jalasutra. fakih, m. 1996. analisis gender & transformasi sosial. foucault, michael. 1980. power/knowledge: selected interview and other writing 1972-1977 by michael foucault terjemahan c. gordon, l. marshall, j. mepham dan k. soper. sussex: harvester press. gramsci, a. 1971. selections from the prison notebooks. london: lawrence &wishart. 6 harker, richard. 1990. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik. pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. megawangi, ratna. 1999. membiarkan berbeda? sudut pandang baru tentang relasi gender. bandung: mizan. moose, j.c. 1996. gender dan pembangunan. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar offset. shiva, v. 1990. staying alive: women, ecology and development. london: zed books. sukardja, putu 1999. pemberdayaan perempuan dalam industri kerajinan kain tenun. (studi kasus tentang dinamika sosial budaya dalam hubungan gender di desa sukarara, kecamatan jonggat, lombok tengah). tesis program pascasarjana universitas udayana, denpasar. tejawati, ni luh putu 2005. perempuan pengusaha tenun ikat dan implikasikasinya terhadap kesetaraan gender: studi kasus di desa sampalan tengah dan desa sulang, klungkung (thesis) program pascasarjana universitas udayana, denpasar. microsoft word watu yohanes 1 the representation of the divine and human being imagery in the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza in guru sina, ngada, flores watu yohanes vianey1 , emiliana maryah2 i gde parimartha2, aron meko mbete2 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: sigawunga@yahoo.com abstract this dissertation discusses the representation of the divine and human being imagery in the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza in the village of guru sina in ngada regency, flores. the empiric problems of this dissertasion are connected with the marginalized phenomenon of the local religion that submerged in the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza and its ritual practices. this probelm is relevant to be investigated from the perspectives cultural studies. the problems raised in this study are : 1) the representation of the divine and human being imagery in the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza, 2) the representation of the relationhip between the divine and human being in ritual practices of sa’o ngaza, and 3) the meaning of the representation of the divine and human being imagery in the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza. this study applies the qualitative method and the data collection was done using techniques of intensive interview, participationobservation, and documentation. the data were analyzed using the theory of ritus, the theory of process,the theory of semiotics, and the theory of deconstruction. the findings of the study can be explained as follows. firstly, the representation of the divine imagery is dyadic and triadic. in the dyadic imagery representation, the divine is depicted as ’the giver of an unlimited love and at the same time as ’the unpredictable taker of love’. in the triadic representation, the divine is depicted as the sacred, in the attributive as ‘the beginning’, ‘the end’, and ‘the present throughout’. in the dyadic imagery, the human being consists of the elements of the body and the soul, and in the triadic imagery, the human being consists of the elements of the body, the psyche, and the spirit. secondly, the relation between the divine and human being is representatively revealed in the ritual practices of legitimating sa’o ngaza. this relation centers in the methapor of relationship between the simbolic body dan the religious body, and affirms the status of human being as ’the wrapper of divinity seed’ and ‘his image’. thirdly, the meaning of the representation of the divine and human being imagery in the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza is sacral , spiritual, and moral. the sacral value pertains to the dinamic relationship between the human being and the divine in a sacral way and the sacral place. the spiritual value pertains to the relation intra-human being and his spiritual opened and connected through inner feeling with the one sacral in the strong effort of making the human being perfect. the moral value pertains to a good relationship among human beings themselves in accordance with their norms of community. the findings of the study enrich the theory of process about the concept of the divine from whitehead and contrast with the theory of ritus as the choreography of violence from smedal. in the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza, there is a unique concept of human being in the design of ulu pali carvings, which describes the ideology of leadership in the local tradition. the finding of this concept can become the model of implementation of the decostruction theory and the semiotic theory which removes and deconstructs binary opposition between the leader (ulu) and the follower (eko). key word: representation, imagery, entity, relation, meaning 2 introduction the aim of this study is just to elaborate the religious emotion and its practice, which is called the ritus “sao ngaza” of the people of guru sina. as the first stage of this academic work, let us start with an identification note of guru sina, which is as one of ngada subculture in ngada regency. this study is trying to academically and responsibly react to the echo of the phenomena of marginality based on the local tradition. the phenomenon of marginalization is a relevant subject of study in order to defend the mission of strengthening the equality in this multicultural discourse. in this mission, such a study has a purpose to develop a human being and religious insight based on the local values as kept in the tradition and local ritual practices. these values at the same time can also help maintain the order of living in the frame of the ecological system. the main arguments of this study can be formulated as follows: how one is able to figure the representation out of the divine and human being imagery in the ritus sa’o ngaza; how one is able to identify the relationship of the representation between the divine and the human being in the practice of the ritus sa’o ngaza; and the last one is that how one can overview the meaning of the representation of divine and human being imagery in the entity of the ritus sa’o ngaza. the general purpose of the current academic work is just to understand and to interpretate the product and the practice of local culture of the people of guru sina, especially in performing the ritus sa’o ngaza. this rite itself is believed as the media of representation of the divine and human being imagery. to put in details, there are special goals of this study. (1) the researcher describes the representation of the divine and human being imagery in the entity of sa’o ngaza as it is seen in the frame of ordering names, providing rooms and selecting paintings within the ritus sa’o ngaza. (2) the researcher overviews with a thorough understanding of the relationship between human being and the divinity within a process of ritual celebration. the center point of such elaboration is to put in a better explanation about metaphor of body which can be divided into personal body, social body, symbolic body and religious body. (3) in this way, the researcher interpretates the meaning of the representation of the divine and human being imagery in the ritus sa’o ngaza which is inherently connected with the practice of the other rituals, including the sacral or holiness aspect, spirituality and sacrality perspectives. theoretically, this study also has both aspects, its practical and theoretical values. this research improves the tradition of cultural studies, which is always in the mainstream of critical, multidisciplinary, multicultural and stand in the side of the marginal. the practical value of this study is to revitalize the appraisal of the sacral value, spiritual value and moral value based on the local point of view. material and discussion the goal of this study is to find out and to get the qualitative representation of the divine and human being imagery in the entity of the rite and the ritual practice of sa’o ngaza in guru sina. this study applied qualitative research method and the theoretical basis of the study is referred to an eclectic way from the theory of rite, combining the theory of process 3 linked to an analysis of semiotic and the deconstruction theory. in the perspective of organism ontology the actual expressions of the ritus sa’o ngaza are the order of names, of place, and of ordering the paintings in the sa’o ngaza location. in the frame of name order, the entity of sa’o ngaza has the collective and particular name. in a specific speculation, the totality of this name order – collective and particular – hides the ideal type of culture (kleden, 1988:54) and expresses significantly the representation of the divine and human being imagery in the triadic atribute. the concept of the order of place in sa’o ngaza is expressed by two kinds of ritual formulations, pata téke and pata po pera. in the order of place the concept of the representation of the divine and human imagery is not only triadic as it is expressed in the name order dimension, but also it is dyadic principal. in the dimension of painting order, there is a concept of the representation of the unique human being imagery in the ulu pali carvings, which describes the ideology of leadership in local tradition. this design expresses the ethos of a good leader in the local wisdom who must threat the others (fellowship) as he threats himself. the representative celebration of the rite represents the relationship between the divine and human being in the practice of sa’o ngaza celebration. the relationship of the representation of the divine and human being is expressed clearly in the prayer and also in the sacrifice of the animal in the process of killing, cooking and is offered to the holiness. in the ritus sa’o ngaza this celebration is arranged as a sacrifical ceremony and not to be called as a celebration of victimization or the violence of celebration. the prayer of the ritus sa'o ngaza, stresses the concept of the relationship between the representation of the divinity and human being as we have discussed before. the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza is connected with the celebration of the rite that indicates the practice of the relationship between the representation the divine and the human being. the representation of such a relationship in the frame of the ontological perspective indicates a personal, social, symbolic and religious relationship. the relationship between the divine and human being within the celebration of ritus sa’o ngaza is centered on the metaphor of body networks, which consists of the interactions of personal body, social body, and the relation of the symbolic body and the religious body. there are three meanings of the representation of the divine and human being imagery: the sacral value, spiritual value, and moral value. the sacral or the holiness value deals with the relationship between human being and the divine as the holly one or the sacred. it is a being and the center of the existence of the origins of life. human being is invited to honor the divine with verbal celebration in the form of prayer and other religious action, for instance, performing the sacrificial animal. all the people’s daily actions dealing with goodness and hollyness done with a pure knowledge – as well as with an active and pious – these can direct people in the better way to choose the prosperous life or whatever option of salvation. the spiritual value is the assessment of human being networks with his own personality which is spiritually connected with the divine. the aim of practicing such value 4 generally has its goal in preventing the good soul with another purpose, which is to clean the spirit by getting the good spiritual life. the moral value is the assessment to have a relationship between human being and the neighbors that is viewed as the expression of love among the neighbors in the frame of love (mesu mora). the implementation of love among the neighbors is expressed in the name of ‘generated house’. the meaning of love stresses some communitarian norms, which can be seen in the following aspects, (1) in the relationship with others, in which one must help each other and most especially in the moments of difficulties. (2) one has to respect the privacy and the ownership of wealth. the wealth also has the social function and has to be used in terms of improving the benefit of the community. (3) in the community life, one has to extend the habit of sharing with others. (4) every body has to threat others as well as possible as friends and has a good will to respect differences. novelty of the research first: the findings related to the concept and theory of the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza. in the phenomenon of collective name order there are concepts of the representation of the divine imagery as ‘the beginning’, ‘the end’ and ‘the all throughout’. such concepts enrich the process of thought, which only states the divine imagery as the primordial nature (‘the beginning’) and the consequent nature (‘the end’). in the phenomenon of painting order in the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza, there is a unique concept of human being imagery in the design of ulu pali painting which traditionally describes the ideology of leadership and fellowships. the finding of this concept can become one of the best models of implementation of the destruction and the solidarity semiotic theory which removes and destructs binary opposition between the leader (ulu) and the follower (eko). second: the finding is related to the theory of the practice of ritus sa’o ngaza. in this context, the act of sacrifice is quite different from the rite theory of smedal which is indicated as the rite for the choreography of violence. the sacrifice of the chicken, pig and buffalo in the rite of sa’o ngaza is seen as a holly action in which sacrificing the animals took place to replace the position of a human being linked to the symbolic and religious relationship with the divine. all the prayers in ritual ceremony of guru sina highlight the concept of representation of divine imagery as the sacred in a triadic way. in the dyadic principle the concept of representation of the divine as the holly one or the sacred can be explained as follows: (1) the divine is ‘the mother and father’ (ine ema) (2) the divine is ‘the giver of an endless love’ and ‘the holy one who unpredictably takes that love (susu keri asa kae); (3) the divine is also ‘the transcendent’ and ‘the immanence’ (dewa zeta nitu zale). in the triadic way, the concept of the representation of the divine imagery as the sacred can be explained as follows: (1) the divine is thought as ‘the beginning’ (pu’u), ‘the end (lobo), and ‘the present throughout’ (dhoro). (2) the divine is ‘the being-beyondworld’ (dewa wawo), ‘the being – accompanies house’ (dewa sa’o), and ‘the being – in – me’ (dewa ja’o). the relationship between the divine and human being is represented in the ritual practices of legitimating sa’o ngaza. this relationship centers in 5 the metaphor of the symbolic body and the religious body, and affirms the status of human being as ’the wrapper of divinity seed’ (kopa dewa) and ‘his image’ (nenu ngia dewa). third: the finding shows that the concepts in the representation of the meaning of the divine imagery and the human being contain sacral, spiritual and moral values. the sacral value is the assessment of relationship between human being and his neighbors which is generally expressed by the concept of love (mesu mora). it is a dyadic way to figure love out of the lord and neighbors in order to develop a bonum commune in a community life. conclusion and suggestions conclusion all the results of the study can be concluded as follows: the entity of the ritus sa’o ngaza expresses the traditional house of the people of guru sina, which is essentially seen as the ritual body. the order of place in this respect of culture does not function only as the room for human meeting, but also as the house for human meeting with the divine. this expresses significantly the representation of the divine and human being imagery. dealing with the entity of ritus sa’o ngaza which, in its practice, became a thorough way to express the intimate relationship between the divine and human being, ontologically conveys the personal, social, symbolic and religious relationship. the meaningfulness that is revealed by this study is sacral, spiritual and moral. acknoledgements i would like to take this opportunity to express my great thanks to prof dr. emiliana mariyah, ms as my promoter, prof. dr. i gde parimartha, ma., as copromoter i and prof. dr. aron meko mbete, as co-promoter ii who have attentively given me support, encouragement and guidance starting from proposal writing until the last process of completing this dissertation report. i would also like to deliver my high appreciation to arnoldus foundation and widya mandira catholic university, rector of udayana university, director of post-graduate program udayana university and staff, and the head of cultural study doctorate program udayana university and staff. deus est caritas, ceratio ex amore! 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premarital sexual in denpasar: culture studies perspective dyah pradnyaparamita duarsai1, wayan ardika2, mohammad hakimi, emiliana mariyah2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university email: mita_budi@hotmail.com abstract the balinese culture, mainly the community of denpasar, is the result of a long process of culture assimilation and aculturization. the modern culture which enters bali in some aspects includes their teenagers’ way of life and modern life style. this research’s purposes: what are the teenagers’ perceptions about premarital sex themselves? what are the factors that shaped the teenagers’ perception?, and what is the effect and significance of the teenagers’ perception of premarital sex within their group in social and value systems? this research is conducted by qualitative methods with a hermeneutic and phenomenological approach. the data are obtained by in-depth interview, focused group discussion (fgd) and by taking a picture with using in-depth interview, fgd and observational guide as instruments. the informants are teenagers between 10 – 24 years old in denpasar, and the key informants are teenagers who have done sex. teenagers are students of high school, universities as well as teens who worked and have earned. in-depth interviews are also carried out on public and religious figures, policy-maker in education affair, student advisors, onlooker sexual problems as well as parents. informants selected purposively, who have a lot of information related sex among teenagers. theories are used: the theory of perception, the theory of hegemony, the theory of lifestyle and youth subculture, and the theory of power and knowledge. the result shown teenagers generally still have an ideal perception. on the other hand, there are teens who have committed premarital sex have a reality perception. the determinant factors of the perception are internal and external factors. the reality perception of teenagers stimulates premarital sex to become more widespread. the perception also influences a socio-cultural phenomenon which includes: cultural, social and health dimension. the perception need to be anticipated in a constructive way; that is by increasing the power of internal factors and eliminating negative aspect of external factors. key words: perception, teenagers, premarital sex background as a capital city of bali province and center of tourism, denpasar had developed very fast. this rapid development includes the city’s infrastructure and the social lives of the citizen. along with the dynamics of life of the citizen, cases of premarital sex among teenagers have the tendency to increase. this phenomena is one of the sign of the social and value changes especially about premarital sexual among teenagers. the formulate problems for this research: (1) what are the perception of premarital sex behavior among teenagers? (2) what are the factors that shaped these perceptions? (3) what are the implications as well as the significance of these perceptions in the social and values system? as a form of cultural research with a culture studies perspective, this research is performed using a qualitative method, with a hermeneutic as well as phenomenology approaches. this research also uses ethic and emic or verstehen approaches. data collections are performed by indepth interviews, focused group discussion (fgd) and observations. the instruments used in data collection are guidelines for in-depth interview, guidelines for fgd and guidelines for observations. informants are teenagers who domiciles in the city of denpasar and whose age are between 10 years till 24 years old. these informants include those who have commit sexual intercourse and those who have not. these teenagers are school students, university or college students and those who are working or earn a living. in order to get a complete data for this research, indepth interviews are also performed to other informants such as public figures, religious figures, policy maker in the field of education, attending or counseling teachers, on looker social problems and parents. informants are chosen by a purposive method by considering the amount of information which can be obtained. the data are analyzed using theories in perception, theories in hegemony, theories of life style and youth subculture and theory in relation of the power and knowledge discussion the perception of premarital sex among teenagers shows a very wide variation. generally, teenagers still have an ideal or utopia perception on sexual intercourse that is sexual intercourse is only allowed when once a male and female teenage couple is legally bonded by marriage. some teenagers who have commit sexual intercourse have a reality or empiric perception, that is they have view that on this open era, premarital sex may be committed by anyone and is considered as something usual. other perceptions are sexual intercourse performed by teenagers is a sign of bravery and maturity, and those who have commit sexual intercourse are teenagers who have a “gaul” life style. these teenagers have reasons as to why they commit sexual intercourse. these are so that they are accepted among their peer groups, become more mature, as a drill before building a household, to attain happiness (recreational) and also nowadays is a part of a teenage life style. not all teenagers who have experienced sexual intercourse regret their actions. there are those who feel proud because they are considered as the most experienced. the strengthening of this perception of sexual intercourse among teenagers is generally caused by two factors: an internal (endogenous) factor, and an external (exogenous) factor. this internal factor is that factor in the teenagers’ themselves such as knowledge of sexuality and health in reproduction, and a comprehension in religious teachings and cultural values especially about sexual intercourse and self-control. whereas the external factor is the influence of news and pictures from the mass media about the lives of teenagers, peer pressures, situation of the social environment that is becoming more permissive, teachings of sexual and reproductive health in formal education (college, university and other forms of continuing education) that are still not efficient and are not using the correct ways, as well as weak regulations that is put up by the government/leaders. these external factors are felt influenced stronger and are becoming uncontrollable. if this condition is not accompanied by measures that strengthen the internal factors, this will cause a teenager’s perception, that accept sexual intercourse among their groups as something usual and can be performed by anyone, to strengthen and become more widespread in the community. the strengthening and wide spreading of this perception, that do not consider sexual intercourse among teenagers as a problem, may stimulate the wide spreading and openness of premarital sex behavior among teenagers. this behavior can have negative physical, social and psychological impacts on the doer. the strengthening and wide spreading of perception that does not consider sexual intercourse among teenagers a problem will give birth to a social-cultural phenomenon which has an important three-dimension lesson learnt, that is cultural dimension, social dimension and health dimension. the wide spreading of this premarital sex perception can cause: (a) distortion of ideal concepts (values) about sexual intercourse (cultural dimension); (b) weaken the values of marriage institution (social dimension); and (c) grow the practice of premarital sexual intercourse to become more open and become a media of transmitting sexually transmitted diseases (stds), also hiv and aids (health dimension). conclusion it can be concluded that, firstly, the perception about premarital sexual intercourse among teenagers varies widely. generally, teenagers have a normative perception, still considering that sexual intercourse may be committed by couples who share the same household. that is why, sexual intercourse among teenagers need to be avoided because it violates social norms and religious values. reality or empiric perception judges, premarital sexual intercourse among teenagers may be performed provided the acts are based on the feeling of liking each other, to prove love or to heighten teenage image, becoming more “gaul”, life style of teenagers nowadays, becoming more mature, as a practice before entering the stage of having a household, or even just to obtain happiness (recreational) or just for fun. secondly, the perception of premarital sex among teenagers is influenced by two factors: internal and external factors. thirdly, the strengthening of perception that allows premarital sex may shift or may even change social norms and values system that are related to sexual behavior. the wide spreading of perception that accept premarital sex among teenagers have to be anticipated constructively, that is by increasing the immunity of internal factors within the teenagers themselves, also by minimizing the variety of negative external factors which may directly or indirectly grows and strengthen the perception of the teenagers. acknowledgement i wish to thank the rector of udayana university and the director of postgraduate program of udayana university for the opportunity and facilities provided when undertaking education in doctorate program at udayana university. i also would like to express a word of gratitude goes to promotor: prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., co-promotor i: prof. dr. mohammad hakimi, phd., sp.og., and co-promotor ii: prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s. their guidance and advice are really and greatly helpful in the process of writing this dissertation. finally, i am greatly indebted to the other parties who have assisted the process of the research. bibliography adlin, alfathri (ed). 2006. menggeledah hasrat: sebuah pendekatan multi perspektif. bandung: jalasutra. adlin, alfathri. 2006. resistensi gaya hidup: teori dan realitas. yogyakarta: jalasutra. barnard, malcom. 1996. fashion sebagai komunikasi. cara mengkomunikasikan identitas sosial, seksual, kelas, dan gender. yogyakarta: jalasutra. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies. teori dan praktik. yogyakarta : bentang cavallaro, dani. 2004. teori kritis dan teori budaya. yogyakarta: niagara chaney, david. 1996. lifestyles. sebuah pengantar komprehensif. yogyakarta: jalasutra daeng, hans j. 2000. manusia, kebudayaan dan lingkungan. yogyakarta: pustaka belajar foucault, michel. 1980. power/ knowledge. new york. pantheon. foucault, michel. 2008. ingin tahu sejarah seksualitas, penerjemah rahayu s. hidayat, jakarta: penerbit yayasan obor indonesia bekerjasama dengan fib universitas indonesia geertz, clifford. 1992. tafsir kebudayaan. yogyakarta: penerbit kanisius. hebdige, dick. 1999. asal-usul dan ideologi subkultur punk. yogyakarta : penerbit buku baik hurlock, elizabeth b. 1992. psikologi perkembangan, suatu pende-katan sepanjang rentang kehidu-pan. jakarta: penerbit erlangga. ibrahim, idi subandy. 1997. lifestyle ecstasy ; 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(ed.) persepsi masyarakat tentang kebudayaan. jakarta: pt grasindo. hal : 227 – 284 kleden, ignas. 1987. sikap ilmiah dan kritik kebudayaan. jakarta: lp3es noerhadi, toeti heraty. 1985. “persepsi kebudayaan : utopia dan realita”dalam alfian. (ed.) persepsi masyarakat tentang kebudayaan. jakarta: pt gramedia. hal. 206 – 224 piliang, yasraf amir. 2004. posrea litas, realitas kebudayaan dalam era posmetafisika. yogyakarta: jalasutra. piliang, yasraf amir. 2007. dari media menuju pos-media: media dalam ’culture studies’, jurnal kajian budaya, vol 4 nomor 8, juli 2007. radjab, budi. 2006. keterbukaan seksualitas dan peran media; kompas, 27 maret 2006 atau http://www.unisosdem.org/klipi ng_detail.php. diakses: 1 agustus 2008. rajab, budi. 2008. seksualitas dan peran media; http://www2. kompas.com/ver1/kesehatan/0 607/14/041453.htm. diakses, 25 oktober 2008. sarup, madan. 2003. posstrukturalisme dan posmodernisme sebuah pengantar kritis. yogyakarta : penerbit jendela sarwono, sarlito wirawan. 2007. psikologi remaja. jakarta: pt raja grafindo persada. sarwono, sarlito wirawan. 2002. psikologi sosial. individu dan teori-teori psikologi sosial. jakarta : balai pustaka. steger, manfred b. 2006. globalisme bangkitnya ideologi pasar. yogyakarta : lafadi pustaka. storey, john. 1996. cultural studies dan kajian budaya pop. yogyakarta: jalasutra. synnott, anthony. 2007. tubuh sosial: simbolisme, diri & masyarakat, terjemahan pipit maizer, yogyakarta: pt jalasutra, edisi revisi. microsoft word e-journal la ode local genius as socio-cultural capital for empowering the bajo ethnic people residing at the coastal area of bungin permai village, south east sulawesi la ode ali basri1, i gde parimartha2, i wayan ardika2, aron meko mbete2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: laodeali.basri@yahoo.co.id abstract in this dissertation the local genius as socio-cultural capital for empowering the bajo ethnic people residing at the costal area of bungin permai village, tinanggea district, south konawe regency, south sulawesi province is discussed. the bajo ethnic people have a set of local genius within their socio-cultural system which is reflected in their belief, tradition and custom and is used as the reference for conceiving and explaining the objective and essence of life and the world. however, such local genius has not functioned optimally yet as they are still marginalized. this research is focused on (1) what forms of local genius serve as the socio cultural capital for empowering the bajo ethnic group residing at the coastal area?; (2) how the local genius is developed to empower the bajo ethnic people residing at the coastal area?; and (3) what factors which may support and obstruct the local genius used as the socio cultural capital for empowering the bajo ethnic people residing at the coastal area? qualitative method is employed in this study with the approach of cultural studies. the theories used are the post colonial theory, structural theory, generative theory, hegemony theory and semiotic theory. the techniques used for collecting the data needed are participative observation, in-depth interview, library research, and focus group discussion. the data obtained are analytically and descriptively processed and are presented in the forms of narration, tables and visual illustration. the results of the study show that the bajo ethnic people residing at bungin permai village have a set of local genius which may be potentially used as the socio cultural capital for empowering their community such as (1) indigenous skills and knowledge; (2) working culture; and (3) local organizations. the development of the indigenous skills and knowledge (pengetahuan dan ketrampilan asli; hereon abbreviated to pka) and the revitalization of their local organizations may be used as the socio cultural capital for empowering their community. the factors supporting the local genius used as the socio cultural capital to support the empowerment of the bajo ethnic people residing at the coastal area are (1) availability of marine resources around the area where they live; (2) the existence of their local organizations; (3) being supporting by the community and the government. the factors obstructing the local genius used as the socio cultural capital to support the empowerment of the bajo ethnic people residing at the coastal area are (1) capitalistic economic transformation taking place within their community; (2) collision against the mainland community with regard to cultural values; (3) low quality human resources; (4) negative image of the bajo community. the meanings of the local genius as the socio cultural capital for empowering the community are (1) cultural preservation; (2) community empowerment and independence. keywords: local genius, socio cultural capital, empowerment and bajo ethnic people. introduction the bejo ethnic people live at the coastal area of bungin permai village, tinanggea district, south konawe district, south east sulawesi province. as the people living at the coastal area, they have a set of local genius which has been inherited from their ancestors or which has been the knowledge resulting from the interaction between them and the nature (sea). such local genius has been the cultural element of the bajo culture which has been preserved and has had immunity to the change taking place within the order of societal life. it has also controlled and directed the culture adhered to by the bajo people and can be observed from their philosophical teachings stating that “papu manang’ ita lino bake isi-isina, kita naja manusiana mamikiria bhatingga kolena mangelolana”, (god has created the world with what it contains for human beings and we are left to think about and manage it well and wisely). as far as this philosophy is concerned, the bejo people are of the opinion that they will never starve or, in other words, they will never suffer from poverty as the sea and what resources it contains are limitless. similarly, the gardens they look after and the compounds where they live also contain resources which allow them to survive. in exploring the nature, the bajo people refer to four principles (empat prinsip, hereon abbreviated to 4d). they are being conscious (pindara wuto), self endurance (pindara wuto), self prestige (parasaeya wuto) and self confidence (patappa wuto). with regard to practical skills, the bajo people living at bungin village have a set of specific skills which are needed to manage fish after being caught. they are skillful in drying fish by employing kanasa (salting) technique, katawo (smoking) technique and paminda (preserving) technique. the dried fish is usually stored as stock for consumption during low season or the periods of time when the moon shines brightly and when it is extremely wavy and windy. in addition, they are also skilful in making condiment made from pounded and fermented shrimp or small fish (terasi) and in making plaited materials (anyam-anyaman). furthermore, many housewives are skillful in making seaweed cakes. in the meantime, the subsistence economic system which is still adhered to by the bajo people has resulted in subsistence ethics. such ethics constitutes the response they give to the fact that they are close to the critical border of subsistence reflected by their poverty and underdevelopment. it is from here that they establish their ethic foundation of subsistence based on the principle of safety first. what is meant is that priority is given to safety and that risks are reduced. such ethics is actualized by diversifying occupations, establishing cooperative patterns through traditional organizations such as rarambanga (the bajo social network). through this organization they cooperate and help each other in various aspects of life. they work together and help each other in producing and exploitating marine resources and in the societal activities which involve family or household network, friends and neighbors. such a social network is established based on the philosophy of sikaada (mutually accepting each other’s condition), sippatapa (mutually trusting each other) and situlutulu (helping each other). the bajo people, who work as traditional farmers, recognize that the number of resources made available by the sea is limited and will be used up or will be decreasing. therefore, they have developed some particular environmentally-friendly tools and techniques for catching fish such as ngarempah, ambai, matubba, nubba and so forth. the amount of fish they catch and the marine yields they collect do not exceed their family needs. however, such local genius does not function optimally. the reason is that they are still marginalized and are considered low-income community. in addition, they are still considered rough and difficult to be organized by the mainland community. furthermore, they are always unfairly treated by the other communities such as middlemen who determine the fish price. they are also the victims of the usurers under the guise of any cooperative who give them loans with high interest. apart from that, their underdevelopment can be seen from their limited accessibility to public and social facilities and infrastructure, their low quality human resources, their limited accessibility to capital and local product market, unavailability of any economic social organization which serves as the community development instrument. this research aims at exploring the local genius owned by the bajo people which may serve as the socio cultural capital for empowering the bajo ethnic people who reside at the coastal area. the problems of this study can be formulated as follows: (1) what forms of the local genius owned by the bajo people can serve as the socio cultural capital for empowering the bajo ethnic of bungin permai living at the coastal area of south east sulawesi; (2) how the local genius can be developed as a strategy for empowering the bajo ethnic people of bungin permai living at the coastal area; and (3) what factors may support and obstruct the local genius used as the socio cultural capital for empowering the bajo community, and what are the meanings of the local genius used as the capital for empowering the community. material and discussion qualitative method is used to present the local genius owned by the bajo people living at the coastal area of bungin permai village, tinanggea district, south konawe regency, south east sulawesi province which is used as the socio cultural capital for empowering the community. then the local genius owned by the bajo ethnic group is transformed into a strategy for empowering them. this study was conducted in several stages. first, the ethnographic data on the bajo people with their local genius were collected. then the collected data were initially analyzed for construction as the capital for empowering the community. second, the theories used to analyze the problems were selected such as the postcolonial theory, structural theory, hegemony theory, generative theory and semiotic theory. third, the data were compiled, categorized, compared and interpreted. fourth, the results of the research were written. findings of the study the findings of the study can be generally described as follows: 1. the stigma stating that the bajo community is less civilized is a construction of political interests and capitalistic economy which have been transformed through the state strength starting from the central government to the local entrepreneurs and their cronies. the reason is that as far as the empirical data on the bajo people is concerned, they have a set of highly strategic and potential high local values which may be used as a strategy for empowering the local culturally-based people living in the coastal area, and which may be potentially packaged as an alternative model for managing marine and coastal resources. the conventional environmental management model has failed. nowadays, the sea and coastal environment is extremely damaged, resulting from the excessive extraction and less attention paid to the aspect of sustainability. the local genius which may be reproduced as the strategy for empowering the community includes the revitalization of their indigenous knowledge and the revitalization of function of rarambanga. while the local genius which may be constructed as the model of marine and coastal resources is their ecological local genius. the normative regulations they have applied should be changed into the village legal formal regulations (referred to peraturan desa). however, such a legal transformation should start from an initial stage as what they have done so far to manage the sea is part their habit (folkways). 2. the bajo people have been exploited by the other parties or communities. this and their more and more complex daily needs have been responsible for their getting powerless. in order to survive, they have used their set of local genius as the socio cultural capital. however, their local genius which cannot be separated from mystical belief tend to be left behind. the globalization current which does not believe in mystics, mythology and other irrational things has been responsible for the extinction of their mystical local genius and its substances. in addition, the growth of population leading to the rise in economic needs has made them do their best to find easier ways of collecting money which tend to break their ascetic values. 3. socio-culturally, they are fishermen which are different from the other communities. such a difference can be seen from their mentality and living orientation. as fishermen, who catch fish, they are faced with ecological situation and domain and it is difficult to control their products as their targets are the wild sea resources. in other words, their targets are not permanent in nature. this means that the amount of their products cannot be predicted, depending on the weather and the situation of the marine resources, especially fish. they consider that managing the marine sources are their main job, although they know that this is a highly risky job as the sea is such an open accessible area that competition among fishermen frequently takes place. according to them, working as fishermen is not just a profession but has been the only way of life. therefore, the bejo people will always inherit the catching fish tradition to the next generation although such a profession is still marginalized. conclusions of the study the conclusions of the study can be described as follows: 1. one form of the local genius owned by the bajo people living at bungi permai village which can be used as the socio cultural capital for empowering the community is their traditional organization. it is used as the umbrella for protecting their social activities and as the strategy to encounter the pressures resulting from the attempts made to fulfill their needs. such a local organization is known as the rarambanga or the social network by which they work together and help each other to fulfill their needs based on the philosophy of situlutulu (helping each other), sippatappa (trusting each other), sikaada (accepting one’s advantages and disadvantages). the forms of the local genius which are used as the cultural capital for empowering the bajo people are: (1) indigenous knowledge; that is, the indigenous knowledge and skills inherited from their ancestors from generation to generation in the form of knowledge of natural phenomenon, marine biota environment, sea water environment, catching fish traditional technology, and life skills such as plaiting and fish processing; (2) the bajo ethics can be seen from their philosophy, that is, “papu manak ita lino bake isi-isina kita naja manusiana mamikiria bhatinga kole’na mangelonna”. the meaning is that god has submitted the earth and what it contains to human beings. we are just supposed to think about how to manage them. the bajo people refer to four principles known as 4d when working. they are pindara wuto (being self conscious), taami wuto (self endurance), parasaeya wuto (self-esteem) and patappa wuto (self confidence). 2. based on what has been identified and interpreted as far as the local genius owned by the bajo people is concerned, two strategies can be formulated to empower the bajo community. they are (1) the utilization of their indigenous knowledge as the strategy of empowerment. in this strategy, their knowledge, local genius and natural resources available in their geographical surrounding are used as the basic capital for empowering them through guidance and training; (2) the function of rarambanga, as the traditional organization of the bajo people, should be revitalized. what is meant by this strategy is that individuals are directed in such a way that they are involved in productive group activities. then, the groups created are organized into a bigger group, which is expected to be the initial legal financial establishment in the village which may be in the form of either a cooperative or a village bank. 3. the utilization of the local genius as the socio cultural capital for empowering the bajo ethnic group living in the coastal area is supported by several factors such as (1) availability of the marine resources and the coast around the area where they live; (2) the local organizations and the other cultural values are still in existence in the bajo community; (3) being supported by the government and community. apart from the supporting factors, there are also obstructing factors such as (1) capitalistic economic transformation which has been taking place in the bajo societal life at bajo bungin village; (2) there has been a cultural collision between them and the mainland community; (3) their low quality human resources; (4) the policy applied by the government has been less accommodative. the meanings of utilization of the local genius as the socio cultural capital for empowering the community are as follows. (1) cultural preservation, that is, the bajo people have attempted to preserve their traditional culture and to maintain their traditional life in such a way that they serve as the collective identity of the bajo community; (2) empowerment meaningfulness, that is, their position is developed, made independent and strengthened so that they will be able to be economically, socially and culturally independent. bibliography anwar, 2007. managemen pemberdayaan perempuan nelayan bajo. bandung : alfabeta. ______, 2008. asal usul persebaran suku bajo. kendari: unhalu press. ardika, i wayan, 2007. “kebudayaan lokal, multikultural dan politik identitas dalam refleksi hubungan anteretnis antara kearifan lokal dengan warga cina di bali”. dalam: jurnal lembaga kebudayaan ugm, edisi maret, tahun 2007. bakker, chris. 2004. cultural studies. (tim kreasi, pentj). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. hikmat, harry, 2001. strategi pemberdayaan masyarakat. bandung: hup. hoed, benny h, 2008. semiotika dan dinanima sosial budaya. jakarta: fib – ui. hudayana, bambang, 2004. masyarakat adat di indonesia: meniti jalan keluar dari jebakan ketidakberdayaan. yogyakarta, ire. parimarta, i gde, 2006. ”pokok-pokok pikiran kajian budaya”. makalh disampaikan pada perkuliahan pra magister kajian budaya universitas udayana. denpasar: tidak diterbitkan. acknowledgments high appreciation is extended to the rector of udayana university, the director of the school of postgraduate studies, the head of the doctorate program in cultural studies of udayana university for the facilities and opportunity provided to attend the doctorate program in cultural studies of udayana university. being highly indebtedness is also extended to the supervisor, prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a.; co-supervisor i, prof. dr. i wayan ardika,m.a.; co-supervisor ii, prof. dr. aron meko mbete, for their supervision and suggestions which have been highly helpful to the completion of this dissertation. finally, many thanks also go to all the parties who have been involved in the process of this research. microsoft word i gede susila 2 e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 tourism development in the world cultural heritage area of subak jatiluwih, tabanan, bali i gede susila cultural studies program faculty of arts universitas udayana email: gedesusila15@gmail.com abstract subak jatiluwih in tabanan regency, bali, has double status. on the one hand the subak (water irrigation system) is a tourist attraction (destination), and on the other hand its status is as world cultural heritage (warisan budaya dunia or wbd). related to that matter, this paper describes two things: (1) the development of tourism facilities in subak jatiluwih area, and (2) the financial input in managing jatiluwih tourist attraction and its distribution. this is a qualitative study. the data found is analyzed using qualitative data analysis. the result of study shows that, regarding the double status as stated above, it is precisely within the perceptions of local community about the status of subak jatiluwih as wbd are related to "tourism brand". therefore, the development of tourism facilities that violate the provisions of the law in the area of subat jatiluwih wbd was inevitable. on the rice fields in the subak, area parking lots of buses and restaurants have been built. thus, there are some conversion of rice field into parking lots and restaurants in the area of the wbd. specifically in relation to financial input in the management of dtw jatiluwih, it turns out financial input reaches hundreds of millions of dollars even nearly 1 billion per month. the distribution of the results of the dtw (daerah tujuan wisata or tourist destination) management is conducted with the management of the parties based on justice that is tailored to the contribution and needs of each manager. this means that the greater the contribution and the needs of the parties involved in managing the dtw, the greater the share of the financial results it receives. keywords: tourist attraction, world cultural heritage, construction of tourism facilities, parking area, restaurant. introduction subak jatiluwih in tabanan regency, bali has a double status. on the one hand, it is a tourist attraction (hereinafter called dtw or daerah tujuan wisata) and on the other hand a world cultural heritage (hereinafter referred to as wbd, warisan budaya dunia). there are various parties involved in the management of subak jatiluwih as dtw: local government of tabanan regency, the village of jatiluwih, jatiluwih customary (traditional) villages or e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 desa adat, desa adat gunungsari, and subak jatiluwih. jatiluwih management board shows financial input as a result of the dtw management reaches hundreds of millions even almost 1 billion rupiah per month. such financial inputs may stimulate or encourage the managers of dtw jatiluwih to develop tourism facilities in the dtw area as well as the wbd area. if the stimulus or encouragement is responded by building tourism facilities in the area, then it can be a dilemmatic thing. that is, if in the area it is built tourism facilities, then there is a violation of the provisions on the management of wbd, that the wbd area should not be converted. conversely, if it is not done, the tourism business in the area could experience a stagnation. in relation to the above explanation, this paper tries to give an idea of (1) the development of tourism facilities in subak jatiluwih area, and (2) financial input in the management of jatiluwih dtw and its distribution. research methods the method of this research is qualitative. researchers conducted interviews, observation, and document study. the analysis is done through data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion. the technique of the presentation of the research results is descriptively done. results and discussions sutama (2014) in his paper entitled "subak jatiluwih after two years established as world cultural heritage (2012-2014)" describes the fact that occurred in the context of tourism development in the area of wbd subak jatiluwih. in his presentation it was stated that there is a mistake in the local community in perceiving the status of subak jatiluwih which is the area of the wbd. the erroneous thing in this case is that the local people perceive the status of subak jatiluwih in the wbd system as what he called "tourism brand". related to this matter, the management of dtw jatiluwih stated that what is meant by dtw jatuiluwih is rice field area which is subak jatiluwih area. of course the misperception of wbd subak jatiluwih can be accompanied by actions contrary to the prevailing provisions in the context of wbd governance. if the mistake really does occur, of course it can be accompanied by wrong action. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 associated with the perception of the status of subak jatiluwih as wbd area it turns out that on existing paddy fields in wbd subak jatiluwih area has been built tourism facilities in the form of parking of buses and restaurants. in fact, this happens when it is known that there are regulations of unesco, the decree of the regent of tabanan on sawah abadi, the tabanan regency regulation on the green line (jalur hijau), which prohibit all of tourism development in the area. it seems that the violation of some of these regulations is not because the local people are unaware of the regulation, but because of their intense desire to develop a tourism facility at the site. local people should be very aware that the location is prohibited to build, considering the location has been installed boards ban building on the green line. the ban board is in fact not too far from the parking lot and the restaurant which is in a single lane with the board (the green lane). thus, it is clear that the construction of the parking lot and the restaurant is a violation of the law, but not sanctioned at all. indeed, the development of this tourism facility is done in line with the development of the number of tourists visiting dtw jatiluwih, so that the financial input in the management of the dtw has increased. associated with the management of dtw jatiluwih there is a document regarding cooperation agreement between tabanan government with jatiluwih village, jatiluwih pakraman village, gunungsari pakraman village and subak jatiluwih. the cooperation agreement is essentially concerned with the implementation and management of tourism in the jatiluwih tourism attraction area. in article 3 of the cooperation agreement, it is stated that the distribution of the result of the management of tourist attraction shall be regulated with the following provisions. 1. operational management fee as high as 30% will be calculated from gross income minus insurance premium. 2. the cost of development and promotion of tourist attraction shall be set as high as 15% of the gross proceeds after deducting the cost of insurance and operational cost management of tourist attraction with details: (1) 10% development cost, and (2) 5% promotion fee. 3. operational cost of the management board shall be stipulated as high as 10% of gross income after deducted by insurance fees, operational management fees, and development and promotion costs. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 4. for the government of tabanan regency as the first party gets a share of 45% of gross income after deducting insurance costs, operational management fees, development and promotion costs, and operational costs of the management agency. meanwhile, the second party (jatiluwih village), the third party (jatiluwih pakraman village), the fourth party (gunungsari pakraman village, and the fifth party (subak jatiluwih) are set to get a share of 55% of gross income after deducting the insurance fee, operational management, development and promotion costs, and operational costs of the management agency. portion for the second, third, fourth and fifth parties are 100% and arranged in such a way that the jatiluwih village is 25%, jatiluwih pakraman village 30 %, gunungsari pakraman village 20%, subak jatiluwih 21%, subak abian jatiluwih 2%. it seems that subak research center of udayana university (universitas udayana) sees the distribution of results with the provisions described above as a reflection of injustice. therefore, through the letter number 043 / puslit-subak / ix / 2015 regarding the portion of fee to the subak jatiluwih area dated 26 september 2015 addressed to the regent of tabanan and chairman of the parliament tabanan, udayana university subak research center submitted a proposal to improve the portion fee for subak jatiluwih. in the action plan dossier submitted to unesco, five promises were made in the following strategic priorities: (i) protection and improvement of living standards of farmers and subak institutions as guardians of bali's cultural landscape; (ii) promotion of ecosystem services, to which subak is dependent; (iii) preservation of material culture; (iv) the development of tourism that is directed within the region; and (v) infrastructure development according to the preservation and improvement of the cultural landscape. the entry fee into the jatiluwih area currently seems to be not proportional to the institution subak jatiluwih. for that reason, it is proposed that the portion given to subak jatiluwih, to be increased to 45% of the total fee receipt, and to tabanan regency for about 10% of the total revenue. now the portion is upside down, and it seems “unfair." the excerpt of the above information clearly shows the idea that subak jatiluwih needs to be treated fairly by giving priority in the division of fees which of course is in the form of money. in relation to the division of income in the management of jatiluwih dtw, jatiluwih dtw management board notes that from january to july 2017 this gross income in the management of dtw jatiluwih ranged from rp 450,865,000, to rp 770,935,000. under such circumstances, subak jatiluwih got part of the amount ranging from rp 27.391.899, to e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 rp 46.839.132. meanwhile, jatiluwih adat village and jatiluwih village got a higher share because the percentage is higher, ie 30% for desa adat (pakraman village) jatiluwih and 25% for jatiluwih village, while for subak jatiluwih only 21%. the question is whether the distribution of the results of jatiluwih dtw is fair (justice). related to this question, in article 2 of the letter of cooperation agreement of tabanan regency government with jatiluwih village, jatiluwih pakraman village, gunung sari pakraman village, and subak jatiluwih stated that "the distribution of the result of tourism attraction management needs to be adjusted to the contribution and needs of the parties in supporting tourism activities in the tourist destination". if interpreted with reference to the concept of justice put forward by sears, freedman, and peplau (1985: 242-243), then it can be said that the statement reflects the idea of justice. the idea is that justice can be realized through the sharing of results tailored to the contributions and needs of the parties in the activities that bring results. conclusions and suggestions tourism is an economic business for the sake of the prosperity of the people with its relation to the role of tourism industry which involved and the government as well (see: mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. model kewirausahaan memandu wisata mendaki gunung agung di desa selat, karangasem. soshum : jurnal sosial dan humaniora, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 3, p. 324-333, dec. 2017. issn 2580-5622. available at: <http://ojs.pnb.ac.id/index.php/soshum/article/ view/717>. date accessed: 22 jan. 2018.) and mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. kepeloporan kewirausahaan memandu pendakian daya tarik wisata gunung agung, karangasem, bali. journal of bali studies, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 2, p. 19-38, oct. 2017. issn 2580-0698. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kajianbali/article/ view/35152>. date accessed: 12 jan. 2018.). based on the given description before, it can be concluded that the development of tourism in subak jatiluwih which is a dtw and a wbd is loaded with the desire to develop tourism. however this is done by ignoring the existing law. the distribution of the results of the management of jatuluwih dtw seems to be justice tailored to the contribution and needs of the parties concerned. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 acknowledgement in this occasion, let me thank to e-journal of cultural studies for its kindness to publish this article. the writer hopes that the results of this research will be meaningful for all parties involved in the tourism development in the world cultural heritage area of subak jatiluwih in tabanan, bali. bibliography barker, chris. 2005. culture studies teori dan praktek. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. sears, david o., jonathan l. freedman, and l. anne peplau. 1985. social psychology (volume 1). jakarta: erlangga publisher. sutama, i nyoman. 2014. "subak jatiluwih after two years established as world cultural heritage (2012-2014). paper in sarasehan bali art festival xxxvi date july 3, 2014 at art centre, denpasar. mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. model kewirausahaan memandu wisata mendaki gunung agung di desa selat, karangasem. soshum : jurnal sosial dan humaniora, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 3, p. 324-333, dec. 2017. issn 2580-5622. available at: <http://ojs.pnb.ac.id/index.php/soshum/article/view/717>. date accessed: 22 jan. 2018. mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. kepeloporan kewirausahaan memandu pendakian daya tarik wisata gunung agung, karangasem, bali. journal of bali studies, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 2, p. 19-38, oct. 2017. issn 2580-0698. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kajianbali/article/view/35152>. date accessed: 12 jan. 2018. timothy, dallen j. timothy and boyd, stephen. w. 2003. heritage tourism. harlow: pearson education limited. microsoft word listiawati_e-journal 1 effectiveness of the program of empowerment of the women residing at the coastal area of ampenan district, mataram city, lombok implemented in the form of life skills ni putu listiawati1, emiliana mariyah2, i nyoman kutha ratna2, i gde semadi astra2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university email: dhyanawilis@yahoo.com abstract the program of the empowerment of the women living in mataram city implemented in the form of life skills including vocational skill, social skill, and personal skill has been carried out since 2001. in reality, the attempts already made could not improve the well-being of the women in mataram city in general and the women living along the coastal area of ampenan, south ampenan district and banjar district in particular. based on the background mentioned above, the researcher was interested in exploring the effectiveness of the program of the empowerment provided in the form life skills. three problems are formulated in this research. they are (1) how effective the implementation of the empowerment program of the women residing at the coastal area of ampenan district was?; (2) what factors contributed to the effectiveness of the empowerment program of the women residing at the coastal area?; (3) what were the effects and meanings of the effectiveness of the empowerment program of the women residing at the coastal area? the theories employed to answer the problems formulated above are the theory of post feminism by ann brooks, the theory of social practice by bourdieu and the theory of power/knowledge by foucault. the theories were eclectically applied. the qualitative method was employed in this study and the data needed were collected by the techniques of observation, in-depth interview, focus group discussion (hereon abbreviated to fgd), documentation and library research. the results of the study show that (1) the program of the empowerment of the women living in the coastal area was ineffective; (2) the factors which contributed to the effectiveness of the empowerment of the women living along the coastal area are economic capital, cultural capital, socio culture and symbolic culture; (3) the effects of the effectiveness of the empowerment program were on the skills acquired, the income earned, the independence acquired, the environment where they live and their pattern of consumerism. the meanings felt by one third of the women empowered were the meaning of awareness, the meaning of solidarity, and the meaning of being independent. in relation to this research, several things are suggested; (1) it is necessary to continue the empowerment program for the women living at the coastal area with the development of personal and social skills as the priority; (2) it is necessary for the government to build a quality technological, informational and communicative network in the form of educative informational centers at the coastal area; (4) it is time to establish vocational schools, which are accessible to the local people, starting from the basic level to middle level in which skills how to manage coastal areas and sea would be provided. if it is possible, such schools should be free of charge; (5) further research needs to be conducted to understand the characteristics of the women living along the coastal area of ampenan. key words: empowerment, women residing at coastal area, life skills, effectiveness 2 i. inroduction the program of empowerment of the women living in mataram city which is implemented in the form vocational skill, social skill and personal skill has been carried out since in 2001. in reality, the attempts made to implement the program has not yet been able to improve the well-being of the women living in mataram city in general and the women living along the coastal area of ampenan, south ampenan and banjar sub districts in particular. the gap between the women coming from the popular class, and those coming from the dominant class and bourgeois class is still big. based on the background above, the researcher was interested in exploring the effectiveness of the program of empowerment of the women living along the coastal area of ampenan implemented in the form of life skills. the objective was to reveal the social, cultural and economic gap mentioned above. it was also intended to reveal why the people coming from the dominant class kept reproducing structures which benefited themselves and the bourgeois class. in other words, it was intended to reveal why the dominant class kept dominating the popular class. three problems are formulated in this research. they are (1) how effective the implementation of the empowerment program of the women residing at the coastal area of ampenan district was?; (2) what factors contributed to the effectiveness of the empowerment program of the women residing at the coastal area?; (3) what were the effects and meanings of the effectiveness of the empowerment program of the women residing at the coastal area? to answer the problems mentioned above, the theory of post feminism by ann brooks was used. the theory of social practice by bourdieu was used to discuss chapter five, chapter six and chapter seven, and the theory of power/knowledge by foucault was used to discuss chapter five and chapter six. these theories were all enclitically applied. qualitative method was employed in this study. the data needed were collected by applying the techniques of observation, in-depth observation, focus group discussion, documentation and library research. the library research was done by tracing back some related works such as that written by anwar (2007). he applied the model of empowerment of isolated women who were partly close. matters related to gender and educational dimension were analyzed. he stated that the community participation and the condition of its socio culture were important when planning a program. kusnadi (2006) sharpened the relationship between socio ecology and coastal culture. the indicators which were used to measure the effectiveness of the program of empowerment of the women living at ampenan and banjar sub districts which was implemented in the form of life skills were as follows; (1) the effectiveness with regard to vocational skill; effectiveness with regard to social skill; (3) the effectiveness with regard to personal skill. these measures of effectiveness were adopted before they were adjusted to the 3 substance of discussion to identify whether the program was successful or failed. if the percentage obtained was more than eighty percent, it could be stated that the program was effective. the percentage ranging from sixty percent to eighty percent was stated to be effective. and the percentage under sixty percent was stated to be ineffective. ii discussion administratively, ampenan sub district is rich in natural resources, one of which is the coast and the sea. the width of its sea fishery potential is 56.80 square kilometers. the coastal area of ampenan is about nine square kilometers long. its natural resources may potentially function as the economic capital, which can be dug up and utilized for the human well-being. however, the utilization of the natural resources is usually done by paying no attention to the environmental sustainability. this can found in any tourist destination, any residence where the fishermen live and so forth. in the area where the research was conducted, four social organizations were recorded. they are banjar kematian (an organization which attends to death), banjar perkawinan (an organization which attends to marriages), kelompok karang taruna (an organization which attends to the affairs of the youth), pkk (an organization whose members are the mothers) and an association of fishermen. there are many informal economic agents along the coastal area, one of which is in the form of a bank named bank subuh (a bank which gives loans informally). actually, the government has prohibited it from operating but it is run secretly. the people coming from the lower class (boudieu refers to them as the people coming from the popular class) frequently borrows money from this bank for buying their daily needs, for buying things needed for any religious ritual and for sending their children to school with high interest rate. there are also several small business run by women (perempuan usaha kecil, hereon abbreviated to puk) named anggrek, kenanga, kamboja, kube sinar laut and so forth which also play an important role in supporting the economy in this area. puk has always been the target of the training programs carried out at ampenan sub district since 2001. the program of the empowerment of the women living along the coastal area provided in the form of life skills has been implemented by the government through what is called bag.kesra (a division which is concerned with human well-being) and some related institutions. the supplement programs have been carried out by dekoperindag (department of industry and trade), bkbks (family planning board), dinas pertanian (department of agriculture), and dinas perikanan dan kelautan (department of fishery and oceanography). the life skills provided include training, supervision and on-the-job training. every business group is made up of five members. there have been nine participants from south ampenan and 4 banjar sub districts. the focus of the training has been on how to use the tools needed, how to recognize the materials needed, and how to work rapidly and accurately, what to do to innovate, and on the on-the-job training techniques. every activity has been followed by submission of assistance either in the form of either capital or tools. the empowerment of the women living along the coastal area has been implemented in the form of vocational skill, social skill, and personal skill. the effectiveness of the program implemented in the form of vocational skill and the factors which contributed to the effectiveness can be described as follows. the empowerment in the form of how to process fish includes how to produce fish abon (shredded fish which has been boiled and fried) , fish bakso (fish balls), dried fish, salted fish, and fish chips. much is produced from this process and sometimes some is left unsold without being further processed. during the months when it is difficult to catch fish, those who run this business have problem in finding the fresh fish. it is difficult to keep the economic capital which is in the form of fresh fish sustainable. therefore, kusnadi (2006:219) highlights that the socio ecological and cultural condition of the coastal area is a very important to refer to when compiling a program of empowerment for a particular area. bourdieu (1990:xviii) states that the concept of a domain refers to a relational network among the objective positions of a social order which is separated from an individual’s consciousness and intention. during the seasons when there is an abundance of fish at ampenan some skills are needed for preserving the fish. the problems are that the people do not have the skill needed for preserving the fish and their income is too low to be able to meet their minimum physical needs. the gender relationship which is imbalanced and the patriarchal culture which is too strong are reflected in the structured coastal community of ampenan. they are powerless. the social space for the coastal women is related, through time, to a set of space domains in which the coastal women struggle to obtain capital with what they have. the limited number of the coastal women impedes the process of obtaining various forms of capital fairly. the empowerment of the women by providing them with the skill how to process fish has been realized in the form of making fish balls, salted fish, dried fish and fish chips. in animal husbandry, the program has been implemented in the form of making salted eggs and lung chips. in plantation, the program has been implemented in the form of making chips and jack fruit taffy. the selection of who are to attend the training program has been made so discriminately that the people coming from the popular class do not have objective access to the various forms of capital. according to bourdieu (in haryatmoko, 2003: 15) the place where the struggle for power is made refers to the scope of relationship of strength among the agents which have particular types of capital. in this fashion, they can dominate the place where related struggles are made. the local government with its symbolic capital has applied domination of 5 symbolic violence by making discriminative selection of those who are to be involved in the program of empowerment. such a symbolic violence has resulted from the low ownership of cultural capital of the popular class (the group of the women with a narrow perspective, whose way of thinking is simple, who are permissive and so forth. in addition, the social capital they have does not support. the effectiveness of the social empowerment focuses on what has been obtained from the supervision and training program in family education carried out. only twenty two percent of the participants show that they have made progress in the ability of collaborating, and in arranging income in the perspective gender. therefore, it can be stated that the social empowerment has been ineffective. the supervision and training carried out are related to the training how to communicate verbally in the perspective of gender, how to collaborate, how to arrange income in the perspective of gender which can be used as the strategy of social interaction. a strategy is closely related to capital (economic capital, social capital and symbolic capital) as a social relationship, that is, a strategy which is only in existence and productive in the arena where struggle is made to produce and reproduce (bourdieu, 1979: 127). as can be seen from the phenomenon taking place at ampenan, in any social activity a discrimination may take place, in which the poor people are never involved in any meeting and decision making held in the environment where they live. the classical reason is that they will not be able to give contribution in the form of thought as they are considered less educated (they are assumed to have very low cultural capital); therefore, they are symbolically dominated. the skill of how to develop entrepreneurship has been provided as the form of empowerment of personal skill. the women have been trained how to get involved in any organization such as in the association of the female entrepreneurs of mataram city. this association has been established to help its members to market what they have produced and to solve matters related to capital. however, only a few women coming from south ampenan and banjar sub districts have been involved in the organization. only three out of nine women have been involved, meaning that only thirty percent has been involved. therefore, it can be stated that in this case the program of empowerment has been less effective. the reason is that only thirty percent has been involved. being less than sixty percent is categorized as being ineffective. the factors which have contributed to the effectiveness of the program of empowerment are natural resources (termed as economic capital by bourdieu), human resources in the form of skills (cultural capital), capital (economic capital), cultural factors such as cultural capital and symbolic capital, the factor of the government’s awareness (social capital, symbolic capital), technological factor (economic factor), and informational and communicative factors (socio capital). the sea natural resources at the coastal area of ampenan are typical (fish, seaweed, sea 6 corals, sea shells); land natural resources include agricultural products, plantation products such as coconut, jackfruit, belinjo (gnetum gnemon); livestock includes ducks, goats, cows and buffalos). all the natural resources mentioned above are classified as biological natural resources (http:// id.wikipedia.org/wiki/ management of human resources). the production factors needed are still simple and have not been supported by adequate skills. in addition, technology has not been appropriately applied to all micro businesses. apart from that, information and communication, as social capital, have been less developed. these factors also contribute to the effectiveness of the program of empowerment implemented at the coastal area. social phenomena are related to each other; therefore, if one changes, the others will change as well. the effects will be seen on the skills, the income, the environment, on the consumerism and so forth. out of the nine women involved in the program, six have not obtained anything from the skills trained. this means that they have not been able to be entrepreneurs as they do not have the work ethic, the motivation, the innovation and the persistence in developing their businesses. this affects their income, their being independent and their consumerism. the meaning of awareness shown is that only a few women living at the coastal are of south and banjar sub districts are involved in the program of empowerment in the form of life skills. only a few recognize that having productive resources is important. only a few make attempts to increase their family income. most of them depend on their husbands as the income generators. the meaning of solidarity which is felt is that there has been solidarity among the women through the support given by the organizational network of puk, their husbands and children. the meaning of solidarity and the meaning of being independent have only been felt by three (thirty percent) out of the nine women living at the coastal area of ampenan who are involved in the program of empowerment in the form of life skills. the meaning of being independent has been obtained after they feel they are meaningful to their families. when their final products are ordered by many costumers, their income increases and this is meaningful to the community surrounding them. iii findings of the research the findings of the research are as follows: (1) the program of empowerment of the women living along the coastal area of ampenan has not been felt by all the women coming from the popular group (their perspective is narrow, they are permissive and the social capital they have does not support). (2) the capital owners (the creditors), having controlled the capital resources, have dominated the women living at the coastal area and have been responsible for the ineffectiveness of the program. 7 (3) the skill how to manage micro businesses obtained by the three women out of the nine has given them power to organize themselves. the knowledge they have obtained has made them obey the rules. this has made the program effective to the three women concerned. iv conclusions the conclusions which can be withdrawn from the above analysis are as follows: (1) as far as the vocational skill provided in the program of empowerment is concerned, only thirty three percent has been effective; as far as the social skill is concerned, twenty two percent has been effective; as far as the personal skill provided is concerned, only forty five percent has been effective, and as far as the morality of entrepreneurship implanted is concerned, only thirty three percent has been effective. in general, the program of empowerment of the women living along the coastal area has been ineffective. (2) the factors which have contributed to the effectiveness of the program of empowerment of the women living along the coastal area are natural resources (economic capital), human resources with their skills (cultural capital), capital resources (economic capital), cultural factors (cultural capital, symbolic capital), the government’s awareness (social capital), technological factors (economic factors), and informational and communicative factors (social factors). these factors have strongly contributed to the effectiveness of the program of empowerment of the women living along the coastal area of ampenan. (3) the effectiveness of the empowerment has the effects on (a) skills; there have been nine women who have been trained to master vocational skill, personal skill and socio skill. after being empowered, four of them have been able to apply the personal skill well; (b) income; only one third of them have shown that they have been able to increase their income. their income has increased four or five times more than before they joined the program; (c) independence; there have been three business groups established, they have all been independent and have applied the principles of entrepreneurship which are socially fair; (d) environment; the business of producing dried fish has been in existence here and there and this has been responsible for the land, water and air pollutions. the reason is that the waste produced has not been well processed; (e) consumerism; the higher income has made them imitate the way of life of the dominant class to show that they have belonged to a particular social class. the meanings which have been felt are (a) the meaning of awareness, one third of the women living along the coastal area of south ampenan and banjar sub districts have felt that it is important for them to have productive sources of income; (b) the meaning of solidarity; this meaning has only been 8 felt by one third of the women living at coastal area who have been empowered. there has been solidarity among them, supported by their organization and families; (c) the meaning of being independent; only a few of them have felt that their income has increased after their total sales have increased. they have been able to support what is needed by their families and they have been able to send their children to school. v. bibliography anwar.2007. manajemen pemberdayaan perempuan. perubahan sosial melalui pembelajaran vocasional skill pada keluarga nelayan. disertasi pps universitas pendidikan indonesia. bandung: alfabeta. kusnadi. 2006. peran publik istri nelayan madura dalam memenuhi kebutuhan sosial ekonomi rumah tangga di kabupaten sumenep. telah dipublikasikan dalam buku berjudul: perempuan pesisir. yogyakarta: lkis. bourdieu, pierre. 1977. outline of a theory of practice. cambridge: cambridge prancis: university press. bourdieu, pierre. 1989. language and symbolic power. cambridge: harvad university press. bourdieu, pierre. 1990. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktek : pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu. bandung : jalasutra. sumber terjemahan an introduction to the work of pierre bourdieu: the practice theory. editor richard harker.1990. the macmillan press ltd:london. bourdieu, pierre. 1990a. the logic of practice. translate by richard nice, california: stanford university press. vi. acknowlegements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank (1) the rector of udayana university, prof. dr. dr. i made bakta, sp.pd (khom); (2) the director of postgraduate program of udayana university, :prof. dr.dr. a.a. raka sudewi,sp. s (k); (3) prof. dr.made budiarsa, ma., as vice director i; (4) dr i ketut budisusrusa, s. msc.; as vice director ii of the postgraduate program of udayana university; (5) head and secretary of the doctorate program of cultural studies of udayana university, :prof. dr. i made suwastika, s.u., and his staff who have provided the researcher with the facilities needed; (6) prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s., as the promoter for her full attention, patience, motivation, guidance, and suggestions in the process of completing this dissertation, while being busy with her responsibilities as head of the master program of cultural studies of the postgraduate program of udayana university; (7) prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna,m.s., as co-promoter i and prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, as co-pormoter ii for their patience and carefulness when supervising the researcher when completing this dissertation; (8) prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., prof. dr. ir. sulistiyawati, m.s., prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., and prof. dr. i nengah duija, m.sci for their corrections, suggestions and input for the completion of this dissertation; (9) the informants in particular. microsoft word grace kerly lony 4 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 25-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 inheritance system of tinutuan gastronomy in manado city grace kerly lony langi nutrient department, poltekkes kemenkes manado email: kllge@yahoo.com abstract tinutuan is known as a local culinary which is close to all socio-economic status, religion and belief, gender, and age. there is no limit to consuming it, therefore tinutuan can be accepted as one of the culinary choices for people outside the region and abroad. the problem now, things related to history, preparation, processing, and presentation tinutuan not all people manado city find out tinutuan fans. this study aims to interpret the tinutuan gastronomic inheritance system so that tinutuan as gastronomy in manado city is not marginalized even extinct. research data in the form of observation, interview, literature study, and documentation by using qualitative approach. informants were determined purposively. the results show formal and informal inheritance systems in gin tinutuan gastronomic practices. tinutuan gastronomy became the culinary heritage of the city of manado, therefore recommended inheritance system in the family and culinary business is not broken. in addition, the active role of society and educational organizations to socialize tinutuan culinary in the pattern of daily eating habits. keywords: inheritance system, tinutuan culinary, gastronomy, family, business. introduction tinutuan is an oral tradition because it is known and developed from the local culture which is repetition and reproduction or continuation of the past (piliang, 2005; pudentia, 200). what affects the continuity of the tinutuan gastronomic oral tradition is a matter of inheritance because it is an important issue related to the oral tradition in question. the survival or disappearance of oral tradition depends on its inheritance system, the process of granting or transferring knowledge of an oral tradition from one generation to the next. according to vansina (1973: 31--39), there are several methods of inheritance of oral tradition that can be selected, namely the method of instruction (instruction), supervision system or sanctioning to anyone who has been given the task to tell the tradition, and use reminders of the form material objects passed down from generation to generation. the inheritance of the oral tradition will go through three stages. first, it occurs when a potential speaker has a passion for being a speaker. the more hearing, the hearing will be e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 25-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 more familiar especially the theme of the theme. repetition of what is heard will begin to be stored in memory and is called a formula. second, the candidate of speakers not only heard, but also began to try to tell what he had heard, whether accompanied by musical instruments or not. third, young candidates are able to tell what is always heard through the teacher in front of the audience. here is where a young speaker is declared completing his learning stage lord (2000: 21--25). inheritance of tinutuan not just as a local culinary in manado, but inheritance as gastronomi tinutuan. fossali (2008: 54--86) mentions gastronomy as a study of the relationship between culture and food, where gastronomy studies various cultural components with food as its center (culinary arts). cultural and gastronomic relationships are formed because gastronomy is a product of cultivation in agricultural activities so that the embodiment of color, aroma, and taste of a food can be traced to its origins from the environment where its raw materials are produced (barrera and alvaradi, 2008). research methods this is a qualitative study. research data from the result through observation, interview, literature study, and document. the informant was determined purposively. data were analyzed by qualitative data analysis. the presentation of writing is done narratively. discussion formal inheritance formal inheritance efforts, especially in the community with the school cannot be done due to lack of scientific data support, including lack of research or study of culinary tinutuan. other factors that cause the plan is not realized is the absence of human resources and models that can be used as a pattern in culinary learning tinutuan formally. the pattern must be adapted to the needs of the young generation now without eliminating the essence of tinutuan culinary itself. hermie marasi as one of the physics study teacher who has been serving for decades in high school express as follows: "as long as i became a teacher and the curriculum was enforced, as far as i know, i have never specifically studied local content in studying local foods, especially tinutuan. even though my leadership has instructed it, no one has agreed to teach the children. there should be a pattern or model about regional food so that we can e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 25-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 easily continue or apply in the learning process in the class, especially we are not professionals in the field of culture and social. thus, during this time the field of local content study is only filled by inadequate teaching-learning teachers tied to local content. examples of this are teachers of biology and geography. they take the theme of a biological environment such as living things and geography. the possibility that teachers of culinary studies, then related to tinutuan, but our school only there majors ipa (science of nature), social studies (ips), and language ". hermie marasi’s statement above illustrates that tinutuan culinary cannot exist as a formal inheritance system in the field of education in the local content-based curriculum. therefore, until now the inheritance system or inheritance pattern found in tinutuan culinary is inheritance system informally. inheritance in family dining culture the pattern of culinary eating habits tinutuan in the next generation is a mirror pattern of eating habits in the family. the phenomenon found in tinutuan culinary inheritance is learning through the family. there is a tendency for families who are busy mom or worker, do not have time to cook and serve tinutuan culinary as daily menu. despite the fondness for tinutuan culinary and understand the values contained in tinutuan culinary, tinutuan culinary always marginalized since the form of preparation, processing until its presentation in the daily menu family. the marginalization of tinutuan culinary happens in the form of preparation and processing which cannot be inherited to their children as future generations from the parents. this is because when parents want to eat tinutuan culinary, they do not prepare their own ingredients and process them directly witnessed and practiced with their children. the way taken by parents is getting tinutuan culinary from rumah makan (food stalls) or restaurants. the way in which parents serve tinutuan culinary is without involving their children which results in the inheritance system only to the second stage from the three (according to lord (2000: 21-25)). in the first stage, the children already have a formula for repeatedly heard about the tinutuan culinary. the second stage, the children are not only hear, but also begin to try to enjoy what he has heard. on the other hand, the third stage has not been done because the children are unable to tell what is always heard through their parents to others. thus, the learning stage has not been resolved and the inheritance system will be broken. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 25-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 stages of learning in the process of tinutuan culinary inheritance can be started in the family when children are still in growth and development, namely the age of children under five (under five years) until the age of adolescents. at the age of children under five, they have not been able to perform the form of preparation and processing tinutuan culinary. preparation forms include food procurement consisting of rice, gedi leaves, kangkung, cassava, red brick (red sweet potato), milu (corn), sambiki (pumpkin), spinach, and kukuru (basil leaves). actually the procurement of food in the tinutuan culinary can be done easily, that is by taking it in the yard or in the market. however, for toddlers this work is very difficult, even endangering the child's safety when picking up grown food or using sharp tools to cut and go to a market of his own. it is similar to the processing that uses cutting tools and cooking equipment. therefore, the way of inheritance can only be done by listening and giving examples of the processing for children to see. when children always hear parents calling tinutuan culinary, they will be familiar with this culinary word “tinutuan”. hearing memory will record and cause curiosity and desire to see and feel tinutuan culinary because at that age, the curiosity is very large. if the acceptance of the sense of taste is good, it will give love to tinutuan culinary as the children’s favorite food. love of tinutuan culinary can be started from parents by mentioning the name of food used in the tinutuan culinary processing and the benefits contained in each of these foods. thus, there is a sense of pride in the traditional food, which is not just a local food of hunger satisfaction, but also has meaning and impact. the phenomenon found is that teenagers do not like anymore cooking activities, including cooking tinutuan culinary. that's because parents do not teach their children to cook because they are busy working as parents. however, there are also parents who do not work, because they feel they have enough time, they do not allow their children to do cooking work. teenage children who can cook tinutuan are because of their own will and not because they are forced or assigned by their parents. the way of cooking is obtained through observation when their parents cook and learn to practice it. thus, whatever busy their parent, they still have time for together children to show the tinutuan culinary ingredients, processing methods, and presentation. one of the tinutuan culinary ingredients that must not be forgotten by parents in this inheritance system is the use of rice and gedy leaves, although it has been facilitated with the e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 25-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 availability of other food as a mixture in the tinutuan culinary. the identity of basic commodities, namely rice and gedy, is maintained as the meaning of the culinary name of tinutuan because it is this basic ingredient that distinguishes the food tradition of vegetable porridge over the pattern of eating habits in other areas. for gedi inheritance, the government can make this food part of the government program to popularize in the home yard, school, or pilot garden location. furthermore, in this family inheritance system, parents always present tinutuan culinary in the events held in the household, such as worship groups, social gathering, and family welfare counseling groups (pkk or pendidikan kesejahteraan keluarga), even at a family occasion, a regional thanksgiving party, or a party event. the children are accustomed to tinutuan culinary which is not served at the wedding ceremony and traditional feast/thanksgiving area, whereas culinary food tinutuan was not forbidden or a taboo on the event. it is better the tinutuan culinary be the pattern of daily eating habits presented by parents in the family menu by involving family members to prepare and process it. the habitual pattern will be a way of inheritance system in a quality family in the formation of a harmonious family and love the food of tinutuan culinary tradition. when the parents giving money to their children should recommend to eat the tinutuan culinary at school or college. inheritance in the culinary business the business world has a certainty that all business people are entitled to success even though not everyone is able to achieve it. there are many ways to succeed, but not every business person can do it. business in tinutuan culinary in addition to providing financial benefits also provide a system of local food (the tinutuan culinary) inheritance. the inheritance system done in the tinutuan culinary business is trying to attract consumers by providing tinutuan culinary that has a sense of attractiveness in addition to the attractiveness of service and price. local people who are economically limited will not be able to eat tinutuan culinary when they want to buy or consume everyday if the selling price of tinutuan culinary not in accordance with their income. that is, in contrast to culinary or gastronomic customers who are referred to ardika (in putra and pitana, 2011), ie consumers who have above average earnings. in the inheritance of the tinutuan culinary business which is the unique food of manado city, the businessmen need their own way in processing and presenting as events, and social e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 25-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 status for those who enjoy or consume them. when they are satisfied to consume, the tinutuan culinary will be told repeatedly to others. those who hear it will come and consume it as well. similarly, if they are satisfied, they will invite others again to enjoy it. through this process, the inheritance of food culture, especially tinutuan culinary as unique food of manado city occurs. the tinutuan culinary cooks in this business will naturally learn to recognize and practice the processing of the tinutuan culinary. thus, the tinutuan culinary will be a commodity that can be enjoyed by the next generation. this indirectly serves as a means of preserving the identity of traditional food of manado city. conclusions and recommendations inheritance systems or patterns in the tinutuan gastronomy are generally still informal. a formal inheritance system cannot be done because it requires a policy-making role. the culinary or gastronomy inheritance system that can be carried out, that is the inheritance in the family eating culture and inheritance in the culinary business. in this case it is suggested that, in welcoming the increasingly global world movement, local people should be able to cultivate the existing cultural capital of gastronomy into the forms of entrepreneurship that feed them. acknowledgements the writer thanks e-journal of cultural studies, universitas udayana, for publishing this article. bibliography appendino, g. 2007. the recipe: science, tradition and folklore. gastronomy sci 1(7):84--91. arisman. 2004. gizi dalam daur kehidupan. jakarta: egc. arnott, margaret, l. 1976. world anthropology: gastronomy: the anthropology of food and food habits. berlin/boston. de gruyter mouton. bachmid, j. raine. 2014. persepsi wisatawan domestik terhadap tinutuan sebagai makanan khas daerah sulut. [hhtp://ejournal. unima. ac.id/index.php/fatek/article/view/2316, accessed at 10 october 2015]. barker, chris. 2005. culture studies teori dan praktek. yokyakarta: kreasi wacana. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 25-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 barrera, e. alvaradi, o.b. 2008. food trails: tourist architectures built on food identity. gastronomic sci 3(8): 56--63. bartono, ruflino. 2006. dasar-dasar food product dilengkapi dengan resep-resep istimewa. yogya: cv andi offset (penerbit andi). benedict, ruth. 1996. pola-pola kebudayaan (terjemahan). jakarta: dian rakyat. berg, alan, robert, j. muscat. 1985. faktor gizi. jakarta: bhatara karya aksara. emile, leushuis. 2014. panduan jelajah kota pustaka di indonesia. jakarta: penerbit ombak. “pasantian”in bali and its renaissance in globalization era i komangsudirga faculty of performing art, institute of the arts of indonesia denpasar jalan nusa indah, denpasar email: sudirgakomang@yahoo.com abstract pasantian, which means reading and reciting a literary work, is growing, developing and resurrecting resistively in the life of the balinese community in the globalization era. this study tries to answer the following questions: (1) what was the renaissance of pasantian in the globalization era in bali like; (2) what factors contributed to the renaissance of pasantian in the globalization era in bali; (3) what was the meaning of the renaissance of pasantian in the globalization era in bali? this study in which qualitative method was used. it was intended to identify the existence of pasantian and its dynamism through its renaissance in the globalization era. the theory of deconstruction (derrida, in norris, 2008), the theory of practice (bourdieu in takwin, 2009 and fashri, 2007), the theory of postmodern (piliang, 2004, and piliang, 2004a), and the theory of hegemony (gramsci, in barker, 2005) were eclectically used to analyze the data. the result showed that the renaissance of pasantian took place in three periods; the initial renaissance took place from 1979 to 1990, the second from 1991 to 1998, and the third from 1999 to 2010s. such a renaissance was supported by cultural factors. in addition, political and economic factors also contributed to the renaissance of pasantian. it had socio-cultural, and economic effects, which led to multi-meanings such as educational meaning, entertainment meaning, the meaning of politics of image, the meaning of hypermorality, and the meaning of maintenance of socio-cultural meanings. keywords: pasantian, reassurance, globalization. introduction reading and developing literary works resistively in bali, which used to be referred to as mabebasan, has been better known as pasantian since 1980s. mabebasan used to be the palace-oriented. according to suarka (2007: 149), the tradition of mabebasan refers to a method of reading, reciting, translating, and analyzing traditional texts in the forms of kakawin, geguritan, palawakya, and seloka. those who used to be involved in mabebasan came from royal families, especially those who belonged to triwangsa (higher castes) as well as those who came from jaba (lower caste) who were highly talented in traditional literary works. this gave impression that those who were involved in pasantian were exclusive and elites, meaning that the only particular elites who mastered traditional texts (rubinstein, 1992). however, in the next decades, along with the dynamism of social change and the growth of people’s critical consciousness, pasantian has been developing all over bali. many experts have viewed such a phenomenon as an era of reassurance for the balinese classical literary works in bali. the renaissance of pasantian has been able to penetrate the space and time limits; it has been able to dilute the partitions of ke-wangsa-an (matters pertaining to castes) and ke-warna-an (matters pertaining to professions); in the globalization era it has acquired a space in which it can develop. this phenomenon is marked by the fact that more and more people are getting fond of being involved in the activity of pasantian all over bali, which used to be almost neglected. as far as the development of the arts in bali is concerned, pasantian has never developed as it is now. almost all the hinduismbased religious and traditional ceremonies in bali are completed with pasantian. the renaissance of pasantian can be observed from the fact that more and more groups of pesantian ‘sekaasanti’ have been established. in bali, almost every traditional village or even banjar (the smallest traditional neighborhood under a traditional village) has several groups of pasantian. such groups are not only found in the rural areas but also in urban areas. moreover, many government and private institutions have such groups. along with the dynamism of social change, mabebasan has been a developing cultural tradition in society since 1980s. research method this study was conducted using qualitative method with the approach of cultural studies. the informants were purposively determined in accordance with the objectives of the study. the techniques of observation, in-depth interview, documentation study, and library research were employed to collect the data. the data collected in the study were qualitative data as well as quantitative data. the primary data were obtained from informants whom were directly recorded, and the secondary data were obtained from documents. the data were analyzed descriptively, qualitatively, and interpretatively through data reduction, data presentation, and intact conclusion drawing. the theory of deconstruction, the theory of practice, the theory of aesthetics, the theory of post-modernism, and the theory of hegemony were used to answer the problems stated above. results and discussion culturally, pasantian strengthens cultural endurance, resurrects the traditional balinese literary works, and secularizes itself. socially, it strengthens the balinese identity, revitalizes social capital, and encourages activities. in addition, it strengthens the potential the artists have to show off themselves. economically, it can increase the income of those whose profession is making gamelan (traditional music instruments). in addition, it is also a new source of people’s income. pasantian in the globalization in bali can be explained as follows. first, its renaissance can be categorized into three periods. (1) the initial renaissance which took place from 1979 to 1990 in the forms of the establishment of lembagawidyasaba, marked by mabebasan, makuding; bali arts festival ‘pestakesenian bali’ (pkb) marked by sandyagita (gegitaan), arjanegak, and tamanpenasar; utsawa dharma gita marked by competitions in nyastra; (2) the second renaissance which took place from 1991 to 1998 marked by interactive gegitaan, mageguritan referred to as daganggantal; (3) the peak renaissance which took place from 1999 to 2010s, marked by interactive kidung, gegirang, gita shanti, tembangguntang, mageguritan. the factors which contributed to the renaissance of pasantian in bali in the globalization era were the tradition of nyastra, competitive culture (jengah), being motivated to be creative. technological factors such as computer technology and electronic media as well as economic factors including the development of tourism economy, culture-based development in bali, and politics of identity also contributed to it. the renaissance of pasantian in bali in the globalization era showed multi meanings such as educational meaning, entertainment meaning, the meaning of politics of image, the meaning of hypermorality, and the meaning of endurance of socio-cultural values. the findings of the study are as follows. (1) pasantian has developed from recitation of passive literary works into performance of performative literary works. in other words, pasantian which used to be used to support ritual activities is currently performed as an art activity leading to an aesthetic presentation. (2) pasantian has been one of alternative pillars to an educative system of complex life values which include education of arts, education of aesthetics, education of morality and philosophy. (3) pasantian has shown a process of cultural cultivation done by the agent of cultural reproduction. this can be observed from its variants such as gita shanty, which then led to the creations of arjanegak and dramatariarja (arja dance drama). (4) although globalization has the potential of harming local cultures, the balinese culture in general and pasantian in particular have been able to endure. moreover, the balinese people have been able to develop aesthetic communication through global cultural signs such as radio, television, and sophisticated communication technology, causing what is referred to as glocality to appear. in addition, such technologies have been able to encourage pasantian enthusiastically. on one hand, globalization has caused transnationalization to take place; on the other hand, localilty and ethnicity have also been developing. this condition is in line with what is stated by robertson (in baker, 2005: 158) that globalization at the same time also means localization. conclusions and suggestions the renaissance of pasantian in bali in the globalization era has been a new awareness of the balinese people of using the new cultural signs such as tv, radio, and the like to build aesthetic communication, as far as the context of traditionalization is concerned, in the era of modernism, and balinization in the era of globalization. they have used pasantian as the root of the balinese culture in the competition between localization and globalization to strengthen their balinese identity. the deconstruction related to pasantianis a critical attitude towards the existing order of pasantian to make it more dynamic, humanistic, egalitarian and multicultural by reinterpreting, reorienting, and relocating it. from the findings and conclusions described above, it can be suggested as follows. (1) the great values of pasantian should be implanted as early as possible as an attempt to improve internal quality and the “fortification of defense” of the people’s global lives. in this case, the policy makers in the bureaucrat level and the leaders of the traditional villages should give more space and pay more attention to pasantian. (2) the government should evaluate the existence of widyasabhadharmaga, and establish organizations such as sanggar and pasraman which can facilitate the children and young people who are talented in pasantian so that it will become a continued activity. acknowledgements through this opportunity, i would like to thank prof. dr. i gdeparimartha, m.a., prof. dr.i wayandibia, sst, m.a., and prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. bibliography barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teoridanpraktik. yogyakarta: bentang. fashri, fauzi. 2007. penyingkapankuasasimbol. yogyakarta: juxtapose. norris, christopher. 2008. membongkarteoridekonstruksi jacques derrida. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media. piliang, yasraf amir. 2004. postrealitas: realitaskebudayaandalam era postmetafisika. yogyakarta: jala sutra. -----.2004a.dunia yang berlarimencarituhan-tuhan digital. jakarta: gramediawidiasarana indonesia. rubinstein, raechelle. 1992. “pepaosancallengges and change” dalam danker schaareman (ed.) balinese music in context. frankfurt: amadeus. suarka, i nyoman. 2007. kidungtantripisacarana. denpasar: pustakalarasan. sudirga, i komang. 2013. “kebangkitan ‘pasantian’ di era globalisasi”, disertation, program doktor, programstudikajianbudaya, program pascasarjana, universitasudayana, denpasar. takwin, bagus. 2009. habitus x modal +ranah =praktik:pengantar paling komprehensifkepadapemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. microsoft word i gede mudana 5 e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 26-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 entrepreneural figure of mount agung trekking guides i gede mudana i ketut sutama cokorda istri sri widhari tourism department politeknik negeri bali email: gedemudana@pnb.ac.id abstract mount agung with an altitude of 3,142 meters from sea level stood at the coordinates of 8020'27 "s 115030'12" e, circled along 105 kilometers (65 miles), and classified as a volcanic type monoconic strato. the highest mountain in bali province was located in selat district, karangasem regency. it got a last major eruption in 1963 and since then began to be climbed by climbers/tourists. because in 1970s and 1980s some climbers/tourists very often got lost and accidents to death, since the 1990s a number of the local community members took initiative to serve the climbers/tourists who want to explore the mountain known as holy and sacred one. this study was conducted in order to understand and describe the pioneering aspects of entrepreneurial figure of the related trekking guides. it was a qualitative study with a qualitative data analysis. the results of this study showed that because mount agung was not an ordinary mountain but full of myths and stories that were supernatural, so the entrepreneurial practices of the selat village community appeared not only to serve the climbers/trekkers as usual but also to preserve the environment and ensure their safety as there were so many taboos in the climbing/trekking. all these facts can be seen from the depiction of the stories and experiences of the local climbing/trekking guides who had been doing their work for years. as entrepreneurs, they looked for income but, above all, environmental sustainability and the spirituality of the mountain werw not neglected. keywords: entrepreneural figure, trekking guide, climbers/trekkers, gunung agung. background mount agung is one of the most sacred mountains in the world. this is seen for example in some studies, such as stuart-fox (2010) and media hindu, 159th edition, may 2017. in bali, the mountain is highly respected by the hindu community which are the major population. in the middle of this mountain there is pasar agung temple and at its feet stands besakih temple as the biggest temple in bali. even in e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 26-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 the peak of the mountain there is a small temple called puser tasik (puser means “centre”; tasik means “salt” as this place is believed to penetrate a sea) so that religious ritual are very often run in this place. mount agung (or gunung agung in indonesian and balinese langauge) is a beautiful, exotic mountain. it is a volcanic mountain, classified an active one, and in its history has erupted several times. after its last major eruption in 1963, only a small number of international and domestic adventurers and/or tourists, climbed the mountain. in the beginning, climbers/tourists generally did not use any guides, so that among them were missing, lost, crashed, and even died. since the 1990s, as the number of international and domestic trekkers/tourists grew, and in the same time the balinese tourism industry began to reach its peak, there was awareness among members of the community in selat village, to take initiatives to provide guidance services in climbing the mountain. this paper aims to discuss the pioneering stories of some entrepreneurial figures in guiding mount agung climbing/trekking activities run by the community of selat village. in general, this study is in some ways to encourage as well as to grow tourism practices in the community, so that it is expected to have an economic impact on the subject of the study (i.e. the community). this study is in line with the study of zhao and ritchie (2007), which became the basis for the development of tourism paradigm called pro poor tourism (tourism that supports the weak). the practical goal of this paper is to participate in the development of tourism entrepreneurship in the area of mountain climbing/trekking in rural areas. so this study is expected to generate human resources of entrepreneurship in the local people who are smart, resilient, and successful in responding to the market interests (domestic and foreign climbers/tourists) to enjoy the beauty and exoticism of the mountain. of course, the development of entrepreneurship is relevant to the ideals of nature preservation and efforts to maintain the holiness and sacredness of the mountain because the mount agung itself is considered sacred by the balinese in general. research method the method used in the achievement of the purpose of this study is qualitative. in this case through the qualitative method it is expected to be able to explain the complexity and depth of the existing problem of the entrepreneural figures, especially e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 26-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 the experienced mount agung’s climbing/trekking guides. the data obtained were analyzed by qualitative data analysis, through data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion, as recommended by miles and huberman (1992: 15-19). the informants include climbing/trekking guides in selat village, especially some of the main characters, who are pioneers in such an entrepreneurship. of the dozens, four are selected because they are the most experienced guides in providing climbing/trekking services of gunung agung, whose route or track is through the selat village and pasar agung. in terms of this research, the informants’ experience is important to note. sudikan (2001) for example explains that the three basic aspects of human experience that need to be considered, is what they do, what they know, and what objects they make and use in their activities. result and discussion there are several guide figures who deserve to be called initiators and pioneers of the entrepreneurship of the climbing/trekking in selat village. they are i wayan sukra (46 years), i nengah kari (45 years), gung bawa or anak agung ngurah wibawa (43 years), and i wayan tegteg (63 years). sukra and kari who started his guiding since the early 1990s are natives of the local village. gung bawa was born and grew in selat village but since a decade ago decided to stay in denpasar because his wife works as a bank employee in this city. tegteg is not a native one (like sukra, kari, and gung bawa) but has been a permanent resident of the village. i wayan sukra from dusun/banjar selat kelod was originally a trader in his village. when the climbing/trekking business of mount agung began to grow, beside trading, he will certainly give priority to guide the climbing/trekking. so he actually gets a double job (two different jobs) but with unequal priorities. to him, guiding to the mountain is much more profitable than his trading activities. he earns at least rp. 400,000 from his delivery. that is why, he is ready to leave his trading job for some hours if there are tourists/climbers ordering him through social media in his smart phone. he still does trading till now since climbing/trekking activities can only be done when the season is good to do that. the climbing/trekking to mount agung is usually done between april and october otherwise it is so dangerous. e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 26-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 i nengah kari from dusun/banjar selat kaja is a formal leader in his dusun/banjar (hamlet). as a person who needs extra income for living, he also works as a climbing/trekking guide outside his time as the head of the dusun/banjar. his work as a guide does not disturb his busy time in leading the dusun/banjar. moreover, the climbing/trekking always begins in the evening or night and in the morning (before noon) arrive home. like sukra, he uses social media, like facebook, and is able to communicate with foreign climbers/trekkers in english though not so fluent. another local guide is gung bawa who his full name is anak agung ngurah wibawa. graduated from diploma 1 of tourism in dalung, badung, gung bawa who was an experienced guide. during his career, he has done hundred times of climbing/trekking and understand much about the level of difficulty in climbing mount agung. hearing experiences and abilities and seeing generally the appearance of the climbers/tourists, he can wisely advise them on which tops to reach and which route to take. like sukra and kari, gung bawa is very aware of the supernatural uniqueness of mount agung. of course the initial goal of the three (sukra, kari, and gung bawa) as climbing/trekking guides is looking for income but the important thing is that they feel deeper and deeper feeling regarding the greatness of god in this mountain everytime they do guiding. so sukra and kari are, gung bawa is also very obedient to all written and unwritten provisions (what climbers/tourists can do and cannot do) in climbing. for example, climbers/tourists should not speak haphazardly and are not allowed to bring food sourced from beef because cows are holy/sacred animals in hinduism. in addition, if on the way of climbing/trekking they found a spring, which is a holy water, they should pray first before taking it or, if they are not hindu, they can ask the guide to help to take the water. like sukra and kari, gung bawa caters to climbing/trekking tourists with his “cultural capital” (according to bourdieu, 1990), that is a knowledge system about mount agung he knows, feels, and experiences, which is filled with stories of omnipotence of the one god. gung bawa said that mount agung is not just a matter of joy of climbing, a kind of satisfaction of conquering the mountain peak, or the beauty of the sunrise from the top of the mountain but, above all, about the greatness of god the creator of mount agung and the signs of spirituality-religiosity the climbers/tourists get while climbing, which are very often unbelievable and out of logic. e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 26-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 as an experienced guide, gung bawa in many cases handles the same climber/tourists for years. it seems that they like mount agung very much. he very often gets praises from all over the world for his guiding intelligence and style of service he gives. the praises are not only given orally but also digitally, through internet. to support his professionalism in the field of climbing/trekking, he has social media such as facebook and blogspot. "much more than just trekking (or “jauh lebih dari sekadar mendaki” in indonesian language)" is his slogan. since 2000s another guide named i wayan tegteg appeared. he used to be an elementary school teacher arround the villages and finally decided to supplement his income by becoming a climbing/trekking guide since he was retired from his job. although tegteg is not a native in the village, he can show his existence as a reliable and preferred guide. his age is is no longer young because he is now 63 years old but his passion to escort climbers/tourists to mount agung is admirable. tegteg was born in dawan village, klungkung, in 1954 and graduated from spg (sekolah pendidikan guru or school of teacher education) in klungkung. he has been domiciled in selat village since 1977. tegteg occupies a plot of land that is strategically located in selat village, near the selat health center (puskesma), where he establishes a fairly crowded food stall on the side of the road near tukad (river) kalangidi. beside a stall he manages a fish pond whose commodities he sells directly and some are cooked and sold in his stall which is waited by his wife. after he retired from being a teacher, he concentrated on escorting the climbers/tourists. his profile, activities, and accomplishments are clearly displayed on the social media he uses, such as facebook, instagram, and blogs. what is interesting about tegteg is his view in entrepreneurship associated with mount agung. for him, serving climbers/trekkers to this mountain is to make a living as well as to communicate with new people from around the world so that he can refresh his life. as retired teachers of elementary school, his income per month is not good enough to live with his wife. therefore he tried to pit his fortune on the climb/trek. tegteg used to be a teacher of natural science and mathematic subjects. he honestly admits that he practices spirituality-religiosity in his own way. he does the spirituality in a simpler way: he only puts a canang (small offerings) and never forget to sing sincere prayings from the heart which substance is to ask for salvation and protection for himself and for the climbers/tourists he escorts. e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 26-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 conclusion and suggestion behind its existence as an agricultural area from the most phenomenal volcanic eruption in bali, selat village was later known to produce a number of entrepreneurs in the form of mount agung climbing/trekking guides. this signifies the ability of a certain number of members in the local community to respond to the great interest of the balinese tourism market. in the context of bourdieu's theorization (1990; see also takwin, 2009), they do a “practice” in which those people (the subjects) actively “create their own culture”. in fact, quite a lot of tourists want to try out climbing mount agung with the guides from the village. nevertheless, there are still many things that must be done to develop this village as the most significant central point of mount agung trekking which also gives positive (economic) effects for the members of the community involved. in general, entrepreneurship climbing/trekking guides in selat village take inspiration from the developments that exist in some places that have been "tourist village or village tourism/desa wisata" in bali such as ubud in gianyar regency or jasri in karangasem regency. the two villages have a pattern of community-based tourism (cbt) or pariwisata berbasis masyarakat that plays local wisdom (local knowledge) an important role in it. in practice, ubud adopt the local wisdom which is later embodied in the community-based tourism (sanjaya, i wayan kiki; mudana, i gede. compassionate capitalism in hotel industry in ubud, bali. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], may 2017. issn 2338-2449. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/32131>. date accessed: 25 aug. 2017). like in ubud, village tourism is well run in jasri so that this village get “the indonesian tourism villages of the year 2013” (as the first champion) as written by amerta, i made suniastha; mudana, i gede. the meanings of the development of alternative tourism at jasri village, subagan sub-district, karangasem. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], feb. 2017. issn 2338-2449. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/32124>. date accessed: 25 aug. 2017. tourism is essentially an economic business that involves the tourism industry (private pillar) based on natural resources and/or local culture with the support of the political role of the government (state as political pillar) and of course the participation e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 26-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 of the local people (civil society pillar). seeing all this, stakeholders, especially the government and the tourism industry, should be more active than what they have done. the entrepreneurial pioneering done by the climbing/trekking guides of gunung agung in selat village must be followed up, developed, transmitted to other community members, and made more profitable for the guides concerned. many things are suggested to be done by the guides which must be helped by the government and the tourism industry, they are: real economic capital, more professional management/organization, better marketing, and wider networking, including the creation of an integrated website. acknowledgment the writers thank the editorial board and reviewers of e-journal of cultural studies, doctorate program of cultural studies, udayana university, for publishing this article. bibliography amerta, i made suniastha; mudana, i gede. the meanings of the development of alternative tourism at jasri village, subagan sub-district, karangasem. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], feb. 2017. issn 2338-2449. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/32124>. date accessed: 25 aug. 2017. bourdieu, pierre. 1990. the logic of practice. cambridge: polity press. miles, matthew b. dan michael a. huberman. 1992. analisis data kualitatif (translation). jakarta: uii press. media hindu. 2017. ”gunung suci dalam agama-agama”, media hindu, edisi 159, mei 2017, pp. 1. sanjaya, i wayan kiki; mudana, i gede. compassionate capitalism in hotel industry in ubud, bali. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], may 2017. issn 2338-2449. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/32131>. date accessed: 25 aug. 2017. stuart-fox, david j. 2010. pura besakih: pura, agama, dan masyarakat bali. jakarta: pustaka larasan. sudikan, setya yuwana. 2001. metode penelitian kebudayaan. surabaya: unesa unipress dan citra wacana. e-journal of cultural studies august 2017 vol. 10, number 3, page 26-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 takwin, bagus. 2009. akar-akar ideologi: kajian konsep ideologi dari plato hingga bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. zhao, weibing and j.r. brant ritchie. 2007. “tourism poverty alleviation: an integrative research framework”, current issues in tourism (journal), vol. 10, issue 2-3, pp. 119-143. microsoft word artikerl misron zen fatro final e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 29-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 internalization of local wisdom value through i-spring technology-based art and culture learning misron zen fatro1, edy tri sulistyo2, sugeng nugroho3 123departement of fine art education postgraduate school, universitas sebelas maret surakarta, indonesia email: misron_zen@yahoo.co.id received date : 24-12-2018 accepted date : 12-01-2019 published date : 28-02-2019 abstract the social change dynamic in globalization era impacts on the students’ reduced love to local wisdom culture so that they understand poorly the meaning of local wisdom culture existence as cultural heritage rich of life prudence values. this research aimed to analyze the internalization of local wisdom culture values through i-spring technology-based art and culture learning. the unit of analysis used in this qualitative research with case study approach was stakeholders of sma batik 2 surakarta selected using purposive sampling technique. techniques of collecting data used were observation, in-depth interview, and documentation. data validation was carried out using source triangulation, while data analysis was carried out using an interactive model. the result of research showed that i-spring technology-based art and culture learning could be a learning media facilitating the students to internalize local wisdom culture values. through i-spring learning media, students could internalize, externalize, and objectify local wisdom values in order to achieve the balance of students’ conscience, supra-ritual, and intellectuality related to god through the content of local wisdom values. keywords: local wisdom, internalization; art and culture learning; i-spring introduction globalization dynamic occurring continuously today contributes considerably to the change of society’s social order. it is well established that globalization exerts positive effect on the easy access to the fulfillment of community’s life need through industry, communication, and information technologies. however, on the other hand, globalization instead exerts regress effect on the community as manifested into nation demoralization. we e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 29-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 can witness news coverage about the nation’s moral condition in printed, electronic, and online media reporting a variety of events in our homeland with “bad news”. character education contributes considerably to realizing a nation’s gold generation and also serves to solve a variety of moral degradation problems among the nation’s next generation (milleret al, 2005; leming, 2008; rokhmana et al, 2014). indonesia as a pluralistic nation has noble values contained in local wisdom of individual community culture, one of which is its archipelago art works. local wisdom can function as a source of noble values that can be used to underlie the inculcation of character into students. local wisdom functions as the source of wisdom values to realize the nation’s ideal that is balanced either materially or spiritually. local wisdom as a part of community culture can be an alternative to create a civilized human (alwasilah, 2009). thus, a comprehensive attempt is needed to put the policy of character education implementation to be the spearhead of character formation. formal education can be a strategic means of creating individual’s morality in order to have noble character, sense of humanity, and to grow self-discipline through local wisdom-based character education among students (goodlad, 1992; mcclellan, 1999; goodman & lesnick, 2001). sma batik 2 surakarta as one of formal education institutions has implemented the form of local wisdom-based character education through art and culture local content learning. art and culture learning is intended to enable the students to understand, to appreciate, and to explore their creativity through local art and culture wisdom. school provides a variety of supporting facilities such as batik studio, karawitan studio, traditional dance studio, and batik showroom to exhibit the students’ work product. in art and culture learning, a media is required to support the effectiveness of learning objective. an alternative media development appropriate to improve the students learning achievement in twodimension fine art material is, among others, the development of i-spring technology-based learning media. this learning media to be developed is the computer-based learning media that can be seen from its production and utilization with computer. the development of computer-based learning media with i-spring program involves several processes: organizing art and culture material, processing art and culture material in the form of powerpoint presentation with i-spring program help, and providing audio-visual effect and varying computer-based evaluation tool, and finally storing soft file of art and culture material that has been edited completely into cd/flashdisk, in order to be distributed to students as a learning media for two-dimension fine art material. the implementation of technology-based art and e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 29-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 culture learning is expected to attract students’ attention and to help them learn and absorb local wisdom values through art and culture materials. methods this research aimed to analyze the internalization of local wisdom value through ispring technology-based art and culture learning in the students of sma batik 2 surakarta. this qualitative research took place in sma batik 2 surakarta with case study approach (yin, 2014) and purposive sampling technique. the unit of analysis employed in this research was stakeholders consisting headmaster, vice headmaster, teachers, and students. techniques of collecting data used were observation, in-depth interview, and library study. data validation was carried out using source triangulation and data analysis with an interactive model of analysis (miles and huberman, 1984). result and discussion in the process of internalizing local wisdom values, sma batik 2 surakarta applies local wisdom-based character education divided into two forms: curricular learning including javanese language lesson, compulsory manual labor learning such as membatik (producing batik) and karawitan art and culture learning, and extracurricular learning including traditional dance and keroncong or ethnic music. curricular learning includes javanese language learning, batik manual labor and karawitan art and culture. the objective of karawitan learning is to provide a means to grow and to develop the students’ interest, talent, and potency in local art and culture area. in addition, it aims to improve the students’ awareness of the attempt of conserving local culture and creating the students’ character with noble characters corresponding to local wisdom values based on javanese philosophy. berger in his concepts known as social construction proposed three main concepts in explaining a subjective-objective interrelation. they are: internalization, externalization, and objectification. social reality, according to berger, has subjective and objective contribution. human beings produce objectification through internalization process as a subjective reality, and otherwise, human beings affect objective reality in internalization process. externalization is defined as adaptation to socio-cultural world as human product. the externalization process the human beings experience as the requirement to pass through the process to become human, through evolution over times. it is just like a child originally experiencing primary socialization only, and going outside to secondary socialization (outside e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 29-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 friend and playing role), should “put” himself to outside world, in the attempt of actualizing himself later (berger, 1991). figure 1. preview of i-spring-based learning media display indicating the diversity of archipelago local two-dimension fine art products (documentation: misron zen fatro, 2018) the values contained in community culture are, among others, mutual cooperation (gotong royong), tolerance, mutual help, respect, appreciation, and etc. one of art and culture material examples the students can learn about local wisdom values is archipelago fine art material such as batik, tenun (woven-cloth), ukir (carving), and etc. the motif of archipelago fine art work products has some meanings and messages in all of its process stages; it indicates that local wisdom is reflected on art work product. in music art material, ki hajar dewantara gave a real example through gamelan and karawitan learning, from which some lessons can be taken: the growth of mystic, esthetic, and ethic feelings. panen (2004: 1) explained that learning in art and culture occurs when art and culture are introduced to students through some methods or media to learn a certain subject using a variety of art and culture shapes. for example, islamic history is studied through comic (fine art), song (music art), fairy tale (drama art), puppet, and etc. in school context, students have entered into secondary socialization stage after they have undertaken primary socialization in their family environment. when children enter into school world, they will get new values and norms applying to their school environment. in this school environment a child is also required to adapt to the school situation and environment. that is, adapting to other individuals’ character e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 29-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 in their school environment. students need externalization in the attempt of actualizing themselves in their social environment. in this case, students can actualize by means of following a variety of curricular and extracurricular activities. this process is defined as a process of actualizing human self to the world continuously, in both physical and mental activities. in other words, it is the application of the result of internalization process conducted so far or to be conducted continuously in the world, in both physical and mental activities, including self-adaptation (berger: 1991). internalization of local wisdom values through i-spring technology-based art and culture learning can be applied by students in school life in their daily activities. thus, it is this that will color the students’ personality actualized into how they think of, treat, and act on other fellow students. objectification is something real beyond individual affecting the individual’s moving space, even though human being serves as the creator. objectification is a process of crystallizing an object into mind, or any form of externalization that has been conducted to be reviewed in the reality in environment objectively. so, in this case new interpretation or additional interpretation can appear (berger: 1991). the result of externalization of local wisdom values through i-spring technology-based art and culture learning the students have done will be reviewed later by students as a reflection of what they have interpreted. a student will experience the differentiation between individual reality subjectively and social reality objectively. in this stage, it can be stated that social interaction occurring through institutionalization and legitimation processes. thus, the understanding on local wisdom values the students have applied to social world then get objective assessment from other individuals in surrounding environment. internalization is something affecting human being or individual so that he becomes a community’s product. in internalization process, individual absorbs understanding and conception of new value and norm in environment situation where he lives. through internalization process, individual can be shaped by a social environment, in which social environment can transfer value and norm conception to individual. at this moment, individual will absorb any thing objective in nature and then realize it subjectively. in addition, individual can acquire internalization process through primary and secondary socialization processes (berger, 1991). e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 29-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 figure 2. the process of internalization of local wisdom through learning-based computer technology i-spring (documentation: hendry, 2018) i-spring technology-based art and culture learning in sma batik 2 surakarta can internalize local wisdom values to be actualized by students to their attitude and action in real world. after internalization has been conducted continuously, it can create cultural identity inside students. this identity is considered as the key to subjective reality that is also related dialectically to community. identity is created by social processes. as soon as the shape has been gotten, it will be maintained, modified, or even reshaped by social relations. the form of social process occurring affect an individual’s identity form, whether the identity is maintained, modified, or even reshaped. having passed through various processes in internalizing local wisdom values through i-spring technology-based art and culture, in the last stage the students will embark on identifying themselves. an identity’s tone is created by the construction of social processes experienced. conclusion the improvement of indonesian human’s quality through education channel should get enrichment through various improving attempts because the phenomena of moral value problems are more worrying. optimizing local wisdom values and personality education through archipelago traditional art wealth replete will cultural value using technology-based media is expected to help the process of internalization moral value and creating indonesian e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 29-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 nation’s character to be the better one. thus, indonesia as the state the people of which have art diversity should develop arts to be learning media in education unit, in both formal and non-formal education. indonesian people should not exalt outsider art excessively, but should position archipelago art as the foundation of indonesian nation’s development and progress. references alwasilah, a. c. 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(2005). character education as a prevention strategy in school-related violence. journal of primary prevention, 26, 455–466. rokhamana, syaifudin dan yuliati. (2014). character education for golden generation 2045 (national character building for indonesian golden years). procedia-social and behavioral sciences 141 1161 – 1165. yin, r. (2014). case study research: design and methods. (5th edition). thousand oaks, ca: sage publications. microsoft word barhmana 5 e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 31-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 character education values as reflected by gatotkaca dress properties in surakarta puppetry style brahmana rendra vayoga1, suyanto2, slamet subiyantoro3 123department of the post graduate art education sebelas maret university, indonesia email: brahmana_rendra@yahoo.co.id abstract the purpose of this study are: (1) to understand the character of gatotkaca characters in wayang kulit surakarta style. (2) to investigate the symbolic meaning of gatotkaca fashion clothing in surakarta style puppetry. this study uses qualitative descriptive to present the existing data in the field by way of describing and interpreting. technique of collecting data is done by interview and direct observation. the results of this study are: (1) gatotkaca figure represents a humble character, and he has a high spirit of nationalism, (2) gatotkaca has dress properties such as of caping basunanda, kotang antra kusuma, and trompah padakacarma, which represent as the key values in character education. gatotkaca’s personal characteristics and his dress property have a deep meaning and values that can be precious for character education. keywords: gatotkaca, puppet, character education. introduction character education is a burst in education to involve the development of characters in the educational process. "character education is an effort to help the development of the soul of chidren for both mentally and physically, the nature of the covetousness towards a better human civilization"[1]. the condition of the indonesia young generations experiencing a decline both at the level of secondary students, college students and communities. it can be seen from the rise of student’s committed violence’s among themselves and even towards communities. the deterioration of good characters also occurs in higher level especially in e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 31-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 the scope of government such as a wide range of corruption cases. the downgrade of the character is a result of globalization. character education is one solution to change the character of the nation to develop a better virtuous generation through education. character education can be given through a variety of ways, one of them is through culture. considering indonesia has a rich cultural arts. explains that in order to realize a society that possesses the values of the nation's character, it is necessary to have a cultural strategy that concerns for its society and its culture [2]. one of the cultural heritage of the nation that is still in vogue is the art of puppet show. in terms of its contents, puppet show embodied the teachings to humanity. both human being as individual and as members of society. according to the storyline in the puppet implies a puppet show structure, which is also a symbol of the journey or dynamics of human life [2]. through puppet shows, people can learn about life. in the puppet show it can be said that every figure of a puppet character is a picture or symbol of human life. according to solichin in the puppet perform both good and bad aspects which are displayed in the form of symbols of wayang characters with distinctive characteristics [3]. therefore, many figures in puppet show can be viewed as role models in everyday life. one of them is a knight from pringgandani named raden gatotkaca. gatotkaca is a decent figure as a good role model that can be used in character education which is contained in the story “gatotkaca gugur”. in for the glory of the pandavas who fought kurawa, gatotkaca died defending justice and truth as a hero [4]. based on the above description shows that through figures gatotkaca can be used as learning values in character education. method this study uses descriptive qualitative which object to reveal the existing data in the field by describing and interpreting data coection. it empoyed hermeneutical method and semiotic approach. source of data obtained from ki manteb soedharsono, bambang suwarno and ki purbo asmoro who are experts in the field of puppetry especially in surakarta style. data analysis techniques using interactive analysis model with the stages of data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and verification repeatedly. result gatotkaca is the son of bima or werkudara with arimbi from pringgandani. according to the india version, gatotkaca has ugly face and a tangible giant because his mother is the e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 31-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 goddess arimbi is a “rakseksi”, which is likened to his mother giant then his son is also a giant. this is what distinguishes the story of the puppet of india and indonesia version. gatotkaca when he was a child named jabang tetuka, when he must fight with a giant, tekuka was very strong accepting hit or blow. at that time, god knows the power tetuka, then as the decision of the gods, jabang tetuka forced into the crater candradimuka and gods throw so many gods’ weapons and he became very big. therefore, jabang tetuka given the name gatotkaca, gatotkaca in the sense of herd-gods’ weapons gathering into one or in the puppets mentioned “kumpule lelandep sing nyawiji” in the body of gatotkaca that makes his big body. this is what causes gatotkaca to be magic or called otot kawat balung wesi so it can beat the sakipu and its king named kalapracona. gatotkaca grows out of a normal human being and he is veri big just ik a giant because of the forging of the gods, it can be said that the growth of gatotkaca was the creation of the gods to confront sakipu and kalapracona. it also makes gatotkaca died in young age in the battlefield. the fall of gatotkaca is called as ‘the dead of senapati’, because he death for the truth and justice and also petrified his parents to be victorious in the war of bharatayudha. gatotkaca is a humble character, who has a high nationalism spirit. gatotkaca is invisible but not arrogant, that's the positive side that can be taken from gatotkaca. gatotkaca's power is only to eradicate viciousness even though his life is at stake. please note that in using a such power, gatotkaca always uses it heartly within pure and sincere actions. the power is also to protect and nurture the weakness of his people. there is also a dress worn by leather puppet figures not only to cover body or decoration, but the clothing is also as a marker or status played by each character in the shadow puppets. it can be said that fashion is also very influential in every character of shadow puppets. there is also a clothing that is not visible, one of the characters who wear it is gatotkaca. gatotkaca is wearing a magic dress, the properties are gifts from the gods in the form of caping basunanda, kotang antra kusuma, and trompah padakacarma. his skin inside and out of his muscle and meat in puppetry languange is usually pronounced “sak njabane kulit sak njerone daging”. caping basunanda lies in the head, its supernatural power is when it is under sun’s heat so he will not feel hot and when it rains he will not be wet. as in the following figure e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 31-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 figure 1.1 caping basunanda kotang antra kusuma is located on the chest, its power is able to fly as fast as lightning, in the puppetry also mentioned that gatotkaca he can fly without wings and dash without power and can be bright like an array. as identified in the following picture: figure 2 kotang antra kusuma on both legs there is also terompah padakacarma reputedly according to the story in the puppetry, terompah padakacarma is the bones of antaboga, the god of snakes. its supernatural qualities will be save if it passes through holy or sacred places. as in the following picture: figure 3 terompah padakacarma discussion character of gatotkaca characters in surakarta style puppetry in the story of puppetry gatotkaca is a powerful and humble figure, who has high spirit of nationalism. gatotkaca is a patriot [5], he is so obedient to the kingdom, the family, and to the truth he holds. please note that in using such power, it is used to protect his people. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 31-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 it is also seen during the war of the baratayudha, gatotkaca was formulating war strategy in the air. his power in war is his ability to uproot the enemy's neck, but this is only done, if the circumstances are urgent [6]. his attack also made the troops from kurawa and adipati karna depressed. realize his end is near [7], gatotkaca still had time to think how to kill kurawa troops in large numbers. it appears that gatotkaca is a formidable warrior in warfare. gatotkaca is also a young warrior who has a great responsibility in maintaining the security and tranquility of the world. when he had just graduated, had led air operations against the giants sakipu and prabu kala pracona [8]. this task is the first for gatotkaca to quell crime. so it is not surprising if the gods give this heavy task to gatotkaca, because gatotkaca can complete the mission well. symbolic meaning of gatotkaca’s dress properties in surakarta puppetry style caping basunanda has deep meaning that by thinking and exporing human being can reach the highest spiritual peak so as to be united with the divine. because through this thought humans can find a philosophy of life that is also identified as a way and view of life. in other words, life experiences and worldviews are linked by the mind and way of thinking and that interpretation determines the order of life [9]. so it can be said that the view of human life is the result of thought and interpretation based on the thorough experiences. kotang antra kusuma is located on the gatotkaca’s chest, it makes gatotkaca can fly as fast as lightning or in term of puppet show it can be named “mabur tanpa lar lan melethik tanpa sotang”. the supernatural powers of this kotang antra kusuma can light up like in the darkness. this is a symbol of human attitudes or characters associated with feelings that are also covered in the affective domain. feelings are the sensitivity in the human being to the symptoms that arise from an event. in this sense sense is as a tool or means of perception or function of the whisper of heart or intuition [10]. therefore every human being has a degree of sensitivity to the events that are present inside him or his surroundings. for javanese cuture, the color and the concrete dimension of one's sense depends on the way of life, the level of education, and the orientation of the people's own mystical life [11]. terompah padakacarma lies on both gatotkaca’s legs, terompah padakacarma is the skin of antaboga, the god of snakes. its supernatural power is gatotkaca wi be safe wherever he passes through holy or sacred place. it is a symbol that describes the ability to act, so it is also included in the psychomotor capabiities. it can be said that the psychomotor e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 31-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 is a reflection of the behavior of meaningful results from the cognitive and affective spheres. this can be done gradually and interconnected between the knowledge of values of behavior with a strong attitude or emotion to implement it for god, himself, his fellows, environment, and nation [12]. this is what will form a virtuous noble characters of human beings. conclusions gatotkaca figure is a humbe warrior. in using his supernatural powers, gatotkaca uses it wisely. his power is also used to protect his people. gatotkaca is also a formidable warrior in battle and he is ready to die for truth and justice as his major believes. caping basunanda highly reflects on the way of thinking or also called the cognitive aspect. it can be said that in cognitive oriented on intellectual and creativity. kotang antra kusuma located on the inside of the chest, is a symbol that refers to affective-related feelings. in this case, it is very influential in character or personality. this affective aspect includes behavioral attitudes in worship, which are related to religious attitudes. terompah padakacarma also deals with psychomotor which can also be related to skill and action. so it can be said that psychomotor is the output of cognitive and effective aspects which is as major purposes in our life. acknowledgments i would like to give a respectful appreciate for ki manteb soedharsono, bambang suwarno and ki purbo asmoro who are experts in the field of puppetry especially in surakarta style who give me a legal permission and participate very well in order to conduct this research. references mulyasa. 2012. manajemen pendidikan karakter. jakarta : pt bumi aksara. sutiyono. 2014. seni pedalangan sebagai media pengembangan pembudayaan nilai-nilai pedidikan karakter bangsa. jurnal jantra : sejarah dan budaya, vol 9 (1), 161-171. solichin, suyanto, setiawan, a., zuriah, n., nurrochsyam, m. w. 2011. pendidikan budi pekerti dalam pertunjukan wayang. surakarta : (kerjasama badan pengembangan sumberdaya, kementerian pariwisata dan ekonomi kreatif), senawangi, isi surakarta dan total e & p indonesia. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 31-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 suwandono, dkk. 1991. ensiklopedi wayang purwa i (compendium). jakarta: direktorat pembinaan kesenian dit. jen kebudayaan departemen p & k. nanda mh. 2010. ensiklopedi wayang. yogyakarta: absolut. widyawati, r wiwien. 2009. ensiklopedi wayang. yogyakarta : pura pustaka. kapalaye, ageng. 2010. kamus pintar wayang. yogyakarta : laksana. mulyono, sri. 1978. wayang dan karakter manusia. jakarta : pt gunung agung. mulder, niels. 1986. kepribadian jawa dan pembangunan nasional. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. solichin. 2011. falsafah wayang intangible heritage of humanity. jakarta : senawangi. kholik, abdul. 2017. psikoterapi jawa pendekatan kawruh jiwa ki ageng suryomentaram. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. asmani, jamal ma’mur. 2012. buku panduan internalisasi pendidikan karakter di sekolah. yogyakarta : diva press. microsoft word fadlillah 2 e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 8-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 the discourse of padang restaurants in gus tf sakai’s novel ular keempat 1fadlillah, 2aa bagus wirawan, 3i wayan cika faculty of cultural sciences, 1universitas andalas, padang email: 1fadlillah@gmail.com abstract the topic of the research is the novel titled ular keempat (the fourth snake) by gus tf sakai. it is focused on the text of rumah makan padang (padang restaurants) in the novel based on the study of cultural studies literature. in the final part of the story of ular keempat, there is a side text of rumah makan padang. the main point of the research is the archeology of rumah makan padang. the approaches used are the foucault‘s discourse and derrida‘s deconstruction. the result of the study shows that the essence of the story of hajj trip in the articulation of minangkabau people‘s view of life can be revealed in some texts. first, text of padang was the episteme discourse built by the dutch east indies goverment. second, the discourse of minangkabau sufistic culture systemically was demolished by the dutch east indies government. third, the discourse of minangkabau culture was systemically controlled by the dutch east indies government. fourth, the discourse of dutch colonial‘s liberal culture is actually continued by the indonesian government towards minangkabau culture. fifth, the literary approach can be applied by studying the metaphors and cultural hospitality. through this research it can be argued that the text of hajj trip, in the novel of ular keempat, is a manifestation of the essence of merantau text empirically. life for minangkabau people is actually migration and after life is the true home; this is theirlife view. thus, minangkabau culture is actually a sufistic culture, and surau is the center of minangkabau culture. keywords: cultural studies literature, discourse, archeology, episteme, deconstruction introduction the existence of literary works in the middle of a cultural reality essentially represents the culture itself. in other words, it is also stated that a literary work reflects and is the documentation of a culture (junus, 1986:1). on the one hand, literary works are born and rooted from the culture; on the other hand, they revitalize the culture itself, as can be seen from the fact that the indonesian literary works have been born from the indonesian culture itself. gus tf sakai is one of the prominent indonesian men of letters. sakai, as a man of letters as well as an intellectual, has identified and traced the discourse of the minangkabau e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 8-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 culture as the wealth of the indonesian traditional culture which has become extraordinarily globalized. such a tragic condition can be seen from the sign, track, symbol and metaphor presented by sakai in his novel entitled ular keempat (the fourth snake) (2005). in this present study, the minor or last part of the novel ular keempat is analyzed; it is not intrinsically, structurally and formally analyzed. the minor thing which is in the last part of the novel is rumah makan padang (minang restaurants) as the hidden sign, from which, if what is real in padang city is traced in an indexical way, the fact shows that there is no rumah makan padang in the city. what can be seen is rumah makan padang which belongs to the minangkabau ethnic group. padang foods are the culinary wealth of the minangkabau ethnic group. the phenomenon of rumah makan padang is the sign and trace which are analyzed from the archeological, panoptic and genealogical discourses based on the paradigm of literary cultural studies. this present study focuses on the text rumah makan padang. it is a minor and marginalized text. it is a minor text in the literary work written by sakai. the archeological discourse of rumah makan padang cannot be separated from the socio-cultural practice, and focuses on the discourse of the minangkabau cultural heart. the study does not only focus on the cultural practices only but also on the powers playing a role in the text network. this present study is intended to understand the cultural discourse which includes: (1) the cultural archeological discourse found out in the essence of the culture from the minor thing, namely rumah makan padang as a trace, sign, and symbol indicating the cultural violence in the sakai’s novel ular keempat. (2) the understanding of the essence of the articulation of the genealogical discourse of the identity of ‘merantau’ (the activity of leaving the home city or country to stay in another town or city in order to earn a living) in the sakai’s novel ular keempat. (3) find out how the panoptic discourse is presented in the minangkabau ethnic group, especially in the domain of education from the paradigm of the literary cultural studies. research method the research method in cultural studies, as a whole, is under the postmodern paradigm. the postmodern perspective is the basic way of thinking in cultural studies, meaning that cultural studies are not under the modernistic epistemological studies as stated by lubis (2006: 55-65, 133). he states that postmodernism opens space for political e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 8-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 differences and marginalized discourses used to strengthen justness and social changes. furthermore, it is stated that postmodernism gives more emphasis on differences, particularities, decency and refusal to the permanent foundation of a reality, epistemology and what is universally and objectively stated to be true, the cult of objectivity and neutrality of a science. the data were collected through intensive reading, observation, in-depth interview and discussion. the data were then sorted and classified in accordance with the characteristics found in the research process. the technique used to analyze data is the postmodern qualitative technique which has been constructed in the form of discursive analysis method. this technique includes (1) formulating the problems of the study, (2) classifying the text based on the form, factors, and meaning, (3) questioning the data found, (4) arguing using the theory of discourse, the theory of archeology, the theory of genealogical articulation, and the theory of panoptic representation, (5) presenting the representation of the textual facts in the form of the discursive articulation, (6) presenting the textual facts in the form of intertextual representation, (7) formulating the core of the discursive text behind the textual facts in the cultural practice. two strong theories used in the literary cultural studies, as stated by barker (2004a: 29,23), are the theory of discourse proposed by foucault and the theory of deconstruction proposed by derrida. results and discussion in this context rumah makan padangis seen as a discourse and a text, namely a popular text in the indonesian culture. the text rumah makan padang in the sakai’s novel entitled ularkeempat cannot be separated from the marginalized text. it is not the narrated text; it is not in the middle of the story, theme, plot and character. similarly, the text kari (spices curry) and the text balti (container, earthenware flask with a neck and spout) are also marginalized. they are the signs representing the british colonial discourse against the indian nation. they also represent marginalization and emancipatory articulation and oppression. the text rumah makan padang is marginalized and is a sign representing the dutch colonial discourse and the post-colonial discourse. therefore, the text rumah makan padang is a discourse which is archeologically analyzed from the literary cultural studies. in the literary cultural studies, the messages in the novel ular keempat are encoded and the reader decodes the massages. the producer produces massages, namely the novel e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 8-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 ular keempat to make it meaningful to the reader based on the ideas within particular social, economic and cultural contexts which the reader has. in the encoding process, the reader interprets the massages which the text contains within his/her own context. it is how messages are constructed or encoded which constitute the intellectual matter of a literary work; in other words, messages are framed. it is such a framing which is frequently referred to as fiction. however, how the reader receives massages (decoding) can be divided into three types. the word root and what is termed as orang padang ‘padang ethnic group’ are not derived from the traumatic event when the civil war (prri against apri) took place. long before indonesia was independent, the advertisement in which padang restaurant ‘rumah makan padang’ was included in the soenting melayoe newspaper (1910s) published in batavia. it was also included in the pemandangan newspaper (dated 28 nay 1937) during the dutch government. this means that the term orang padang or rumah makan padang has already been used since the dutch government. from the archeological analysis of literary cultural studies, it can be stated that the minangkabau people has been the epistemic discourse created by the dutch government. from the dutch government to the indonesian government, there has been a systemic discourse of minangkabau implying the bad stigma of the minangkabau culinary that the minangkabau foods are not healthy and dangerous to the heart, contain high cholesterol, and lead to stroke. however, the scientific studies show that all the spices used in the minangkabau culinary are herbal ingredients neutralizing all the diseases people are afraid of. from the literary and framing points of view, and from the words used to refer to the text rumah makan, rumah makan padang implies the metaphor, satire, irony and tragedy of a reality. from the analysis of the text rumah makan padang in the novel ular keempat, it can be stated that there has been a discontinued discourse of a state, culture and epistemic violence. one of the strong indexical things of the text rumah makan padang in the novel entitled ular keempat is the text implying the activity of leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living. that has something to do with the essence of a restaurant ‘rumah makan’ as the representation or another form of the activity done by the minangkabau ethnic group who live their home town or country to live in another town or country in order to earn a living. if the text rumah makan padang is a sign, then the e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 8-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 text showing the activity of leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living is one of the indexical things for the minangkabau ethnic group, as a specific characteristic of the minangkabau culture. however, the representation of the text showing the activity of leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living implied in the sakai’s novel entitled ular keempat is marginalized; it is not used as the main topic, chapter or sub-theme; it is not made to appear in the surface of the plot. therefore, it is this articulation which has made the indexical of the text showing the activity of leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living analyzed from the perspective of cultural studies. the text represents the life style of the minangkabau ethnic group, its ideology and point of view towards life. therefore, the genealogy of the text showing the activity of leaving the home town or country in order to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living, as part of the minangkabaucultural life, has been made to be one of the processions which is popularly and naturally carried out by every generation of the minangkabau ethnic group. apart from that, the text showing the activity of leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living is the representation of the matrilineal cultural identity. in so far the miangkabau culture is concerned, leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living is aimed at being able to give things to others rather than being able to acquire things for those who do it. the essence of the characteristic of being fond of leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living is being able to “keep one’s self away” from those who are loved to make one mature and find out one’s identity. leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living is an actual practice as the empirical essence of “moving to another place”. in islam this tradition is well-known as the tradition of hijrah, meaning that moving to another place makes one’s love stronger and put to a test. it can be concluded that, for the minangkabau ethnic people, living on earth is identical with leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living, and heaven is their actual home town or country. it is this the way of life of the minangkabau ethnic people. the text surau in the novel ular keempat is the third indexical of the text rumah makan padang after the discourse of the text merantau (leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living). it is true that the text surau is the text which is not discussed; it is marginalized and is not used as the theme or subtheme. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 8-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 cultural studies focus on the marginalized text. however, the text surau plays an important role and is strongly related to the text merantau and the text rumah makan padang. the text surau is the beginning (indexicality) of the texts merantau and rumah makan padang. the three texts form the cycle of the minangkabau ethnic people’s life in which the text surauis one of the minangkabau cultural centers as it is the domain of education and the place where the minangkabau ethnic people are formed. the text surau was systematically demolished by the dutch colonial government by building a great number of liberal schools as it was the minangkabau cultural center. the liberal schools built by the dutch government were the minangkabau cultural depresentation which took place gradually. the derepresentation was analogous to the frog which is placed in a container containing cold water before it is gradually heated until the frog dies. the dutch colonial government knew that a school functioned as a social technology used to control and design knowledge and spirituality before it was used to control the minangkabau ethnic people. it is this which is referred to as the panopticon from which the dutch government could observe the minangkabau ethnic people. conclusions and suggestions finally, the answers to the three problems of the study which explored the minangkabau cultural discourse from the novel written by sakai can be concluded as follows. the archeology of rumah makan padang is the text of the tip of iceberg. the text is not prominent; it is slightly seen in the last part; it is marginalized. in the politics of articulation padang city does not have any rumah makan padang; no padang ethnic group is mentioned; the only minangkabau culinary and ethnic people in west sumatra, indonesia, are mentioned. the archeological episteme of rumah makan padang is established by the discourse of the dutch government. the strong genealogy of the text rumah makan padang in the novel ular keempat is the indexical of the text merantau (leaving the home town or city to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living). it represents the life style of the minangkabau ethnic people, their ideology and how they view life. the genealogical representation is interpreted from the main or central text, namely the text of the spiritual journey to mecca. this represents the essence of the activity of leaving the home town or country made by the minangkabau ethnic people to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living, and shows that living is e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 8-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 identical with the activity of leaving the home town or country to stay in another town or country in order to earn a living before going back home to die. the panopticon of the text surauin the novel ular keempat is the third indexical of the text rumah makan padang after the discourse of merantau. the text surau is the beginning (indexicality) of the texts merantau and rumah makan padang. the three texts form a set of textual relations of the life cycle. the text surau is the essence of the cycle and center of the minangkabau culture. the dutch government successfully demolished the text surau and replaced it with secular schools as the panoptic practice, and finally successfully managed and controlled the minangkabau ethnic people. actually, the culture of the minangkabau ethnic group is already “dead”; it has not been intact any longer; it cannot separate itself from tragic politics, power and socio-culture. therefore, several suggestions are recommended as considerations. (1) the minangkabu ethnic culture can only be developed and helped by its supporting community, starting from families. (2) the strategic steps which can be taken are building minangkabau culture-based schoolsstarting from elementary school to the university of minangkabau culture. (3) the west sumatra province should be changed into the minangkabau province, or the minangkabau ethnic group should establish a new province, although it is a small one. (4) the capital of the province should be relocated to a strategic cultural area of minangkabau. (5) padang city should be used a city of museum; reconstruction should be avoided as it will destroy and bury many historic artifacts. (6) the minangkabau literary works should be developed based on the cultural root of the minangkabau ethnic group. the future of the minangkabau culture can be predicted from the result of this present study. it is predicted that if the minangkabau values are not improved and developed as early as possible, then it can be predicted that the minangkabau ethnic people will gradually disappear from the historic stage. it is predicted that the fate of the minangkabau ethnic group will be the same as that of the betavi ethnic group living in jakarta or the malay ethnic group in singapore; the minangkabau people will be marginalized and, finally, they will disappear. acknowledgment in this occasion, the writers thank to e-journal of cultural studies for the publication of this article. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 8-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 bibliography barker, chris. 2004a. cultural 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company in wiwirano district of north konawe regency. the economy factor brings the women to work in public sector as hard laborer because their education level is low. as the result, they often get unjustify action and marginalization. as qualitative method and culture studies, this study aims finding out the forms of marginalization of women laborers at damai jaya lestari company. in analyzing the data, it used theories of feminism, gender relation, and power relation. to find out the relevant data, the study used participant observation, interview, and documentation. the result of the study shows that the forms of marginalization of women laborers at damai jaya lestari company are unjustice of laborers recruitment, access of working, closed control of company, low wages, no assurance of health and work accident, bad work tool and facility, and double burden of women laborers. those are also factors of marginalization of women laborers at damai jaya lestari company. although the women laborer get the job in public sectors and has contribution to the family prosperity, it can not change the paradigm of patriarchal culture in the social and culture system of wiwirano society in north konawe, including at damai jaya lestari company. key words: marginalization, women laborer, oil palm industry. introduction the plantage of oil palm gives economically the profit for not only the company or government, but also the people living in the around of industry. the company needs many workers, either for professional workers or daily workers, like laborers. in the plantage, the participation of women can be seen from their role as field workers. oil palm industry of damai jaya lestari company in wiwirano district of north konawe regency has many workers for both men and women. the opinion of women that they are weaker and should be existed only in domestic area affects the women work status in the company. their participation in e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 the company is less than men. the phenomenon creates several new problems. the pathriarchy culture also brings the women to work only in domestic or privat area and ignores their freedom to do competition in social or public areas. in other aspect, the most of women at pt damai jaya lestari work only as daily worker. as the result, their income is less than the men laborers. basically, the economy factor brings the women to work in public sector as hard laborer because their education level is low. as the result, they often get unjustify action and marginalization. the phenomena above like issues of gender, biology tendition, partriarchy culture brings the women laborers at oil palm industry of damai jaya lestari company in wiwirano district of north konawe regency undergo marginalization. whereas, the women laborers have important role. the problem needs studies to decrease the gender deviation because it can create the bad action to the women, children, either for physic or mental hardness. this study is hoped become basic investigation in cultural studies as placement of women laborers in public sector. therefore, the study of “marginalization of women laborers at oil palm industry of damai jaya lestari company in wiwirano district of north konawe regency, southeast sulawesi is very important and relevant to be conducted. this study focuses on the forms of marginalization of women laborers at industry of damai jaya lestari company in wiwirano district of north konawe regency, southeast sulawesi. significantly, this study gives contribution theoretically to the improving the science and knowledge about women laborers at oil palm industry. practically, this study has advantages for as follows (1) government, it can be used to determine or made the suitable wisdom or rule about the women laborers at plantage; (2) other people can concern and give good attention to the women laborers; and (3) as reference for other relevant studies. this study uses the theories of feminism, gender relation, and power relation. ritzer (2011: 403-404) states that feminism theory is a generalization of various opinions about social life and human experience that is developed from women center perspective. this theory focuses on the women in three aspects. first, the focuses of its study are women condition and experience in the society life. second, in the study process, women become “central”; it means that investigating the world from the women point of view. third, this theory was developed by critics thinker and activists to create the better life for women. moreover, fakih (2013: 6) defines feminism as awaraness and action that is caused by the assumption of that the women have been exploitated and marginalized, and an effort to end the exploitation and marginalization. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 the feminism theory is idea system that is generalized that involve many aspects of social life and women experience. the essence of humanism theory is against toward any form of colonialization, domination, hegemony, unjustify, and radicalism. the second theory is gender relation. the gender refers to the role of men and women that is socially constructed. the difference of sex and biology is the nature from the god. gender is the difference between men and women through social and culture process (istibsyaroh, 2004: 59). in gender concept, men and women develop as adult human with specific values and characteristics that involve (1) reflexion the importance of seperation between men and women and (2) function to culturize the men and weaken the women in patriarchy society (tong, 2010: 224). basically, the identity of gender can explained in three psychology theories, they are freud’s psycho-analysis theory, socialization theory, and cognitive development theory (nugroho: 2008: 54). the third theory which is used in this study is power relation. the idea of power is the main or key of the foucault’s phylosophy view. foucault believes that there are many powers or strengths in the human relation. those powers or strengths are found in several aspects of human relation, relation of human and environment, and relation of human and their condition (beoang, 1997:50-51). according foucault, the power or strength is always actualized through the knowledge, and the knowledge has power effect. the knowledge is the basic for power. besides, the power are builded by the economy aspect and thruth discourse. the knowledge is not out of the power relation, but rather than in the power relation itself. the power produces the knowledge. there is not any power without knowledge, and vice versa there is not any knowledge without power. the foucault’s concept brings the consequence that to know the power, it needs study about knowledge production based on the power. each power is arranged, kept, and realized or actualized through knowledge and certain discourse. the certain discourse creates the certain truth and knowledge, that has power effect. this definition is more used by the historian and experts in politic and social life (haryatmoko, 2002:10). research method this study was conducted in qualitative design. qualitative study is a method with descriptively interpretation way (ratna, 2010:48). the data collected through observation, interview, and documentation. according nasution (2007: 56) that to get good data, it should be done in three ways, namely observation, interview, and documentation. the data from e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 observation can be supported by data from interviewing. interview method was realized by face speaking technique. interview method was used to obtain detailed information or explanation concerning the marginalization of women laborers. in this way, it was expected that the interview could be fluently and flexibly carried out, and that it was not boring. documentation study also can add other information and support for both data which are obtained from observation and interview. ratna (2010: 235) states that the particular characteristic of documentation study is refer to past activity, with main function as note or evidence of event, activity, and certain condition. in this present study, the data were continually analyzed while the study was being conducted through three lanes of activities; they are (1) data reduction, (2) data presentation, and (3) data interpretation and conclusion drawing (miles and habermas, 1992: 89). according to wuisman (2013: 32), the interpretative analysis essentially describes again the defining system already collectively developed by the members of a group of people applicable to them. data reduction is the process to summarize the notes in the field by choosing only the main points and concern to the issues of marginalization of women laborers at oil palm industry of damai jaya lestari company. the summarizes were arranged systematically in order to get good and clear interpretation description. by using the concepts, theories, and method used in this study, it can identify, classify, select, and analyze the information or data which has been collected in the field. the data concerns to marginalization of women laborers at oil palm industry of damai jaya lestari company. the collected data was interpreted and concluded by giving meaning based on the social facts. result and discussion there are many women laborers at oil palm industry of damai jaya lestari company in wiwirano district of north konawe regency. most of them work in the afdeling. the company was build to recruit many workers in wiwirano district of north konawe regency, so it can increase the prosperity of wiwirano’s society. however, it is different with the real condition. many women laborers who work in the company get marginalization or unjustify action. the women laborers often do complaint to the company about their rights. the complaints concern to the issues of gender and ignoreing to the women roles. although the women laborer get the job in public sectors and has contribution to the family prosperity, it e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 can not change the paradigm of patriarchal culture in the social and culture system of wiwirano society in north konawe, including at damai jaya lestari company. the forms of marginalization of women laborers at damai jaya lestari company are unjustice of laborers recruitment, access of working, closed control of company, low wages, no assurance of health and work accident, bad work tool and facility, and double burden of women laborers. the explanation of each form can be seen in the illustration below. based on the observation and result of interview, there is difference of men and women in the recruitment of workers, mainly in the afdeling. the women laborers who work in the afdeling do non get the work contract, while men laborers get it. basides, the position the women laborers in the oil palm plantage or afdeling is put based on their education level. the positions include garden manager, factory manager, factory assistent, traction assistent, heavy equipment measurement, foreman, and daily workers. those positions are given to laborers who have experience or suitable education background. the most important is how the company can place the workers with high quality based on their major and be responsible to the duties given by the company. the quality planning is very important since increasing the work performance in personalia management can create increasing of product and minimize the operational costs (sulistiyani, 2009:103). the planning is should be maintained since it is basic process to choose aims and determine the target (siswanto, 2013:42). recruitment to men workers is more prominent than recruitment to the women workers. therefore, damai jaya lestari company has more men laborers than women laborers. the phenomenon occurs since the men are stronger than women. fakih (2004: 17) states that the position of men is higher or stronger than women, so the role of men is larger or higher than the role of women. the forms of marginalization toward women laborers in the recruitment aspect involves the work contract is not given to the women laborers, recruitment of men workers is more prominent than women workers, and there is not any work training. the work contract at oil palm industry of damai jaya lestari company only given to the laborers who fulfill certain criteria. damai jaya lestari company has two work contract models, namely written work contract and oral or unwritten work contract. based on the result of interview, the workers, mainly for women laborers do not get written work contact. they get only unwritten work contract as laborers. this phenomenon is not good for women laborers and they can be stopped as laborers suddenly. this condition is often undergone by the women laborers who work in the afdeling. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 istibsyaroh (2004: 3) states that in the feminism view, the classification of work based on sex gives the disadvantages not only for women workers but also it is not relevant to the modern life since men and women have same opportunities and potentions to access various profession sectors. the women laborers usually get unstandard work burden and their work or duties in the company always changing. their work burden always changes everyday. besides, they do not get reward if they work in overtime-work or reach over their target. even, the company does not prepare or provide the work tool and facility for the laborers. the laborers, mainly the women workers should provide the work tools by theirselves. although the women laborers have worked at the company in several years, they never get any reward, and even they often get marginalization actions. the company does not build facility to support the work in the afdeling, like toilet or dermatory for laborers. it is very poor for women laborers, mainly when they want to do urinat or loosen the bowels. the condition is not difficult for men laborers because they can look for and do urinat and loosen the bowels in many places, like under the tree or near the river. it is different to the women laborers, they feel difficult to do like the men. however, the women laborers be forced to do urinat and loosen the bowels like the men laborers since there is not any toilet in the afdeling and their house from afdeling (the place where they work) is very far about 4-10 km. the women laborers also get marginalization action in the access of working and closed control of company. the women laborers are not given opportunity os space to know the condition or information about the company. besides, they are not permitted to ask leave, mainly for women laborers who work in the afdeling. they also get full control and are not permitted to take a rest before the work target reached. in other words, the management system that is applied in damai jaya lestari company harm the women laborers. the women laborers think that the rule of management system of the company really ignores their right as laborers. for example, the women laborers are not permitted to do complaint. they can not express their idea or opinion toward the company. even, the company is very closed to their laborers and society. there is not access for laborers to give expression or positive input related to the development of company. most of women who work at damai jaya lestari company are daily worker. they just work in the afdeling. afdeling is plantage location that function as area to seeding, plantage, care, and harvest of oil palm. the women are only placed in the afdeling since their education e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 is elementary school level. the condition brings the social conflict between women and men laborers. in this case, if the women laborers do mistakes although not significant fault, they get big problem. they have lower status than the men. so, the women laborers have to work harder and more dilligent. unfortunately, although the women laborer have worked maximally and give more contributions to the company, it can not change the paradigm about the weakness of women in social and culture system of wiwirano society and at damai jaya lestari company. based on the result of interview and analysis, it is found that there is long space between the company direction and laborers. the company with its power has high or full authority to behave the laborers. the laborers are forced to work in any condition in order they can reach the target. the control of work is done by the supervisor or foremen or assistent. the foremen or assistent always create the unfresh or uncomfortable condtion for the laborers, mainly for women laborers. as the result, the women laborers usually work under high pressure. the condition occurs since there is not good communication between the company and the laborers. marginalization of women laborers also occurs on wages and work burden aspects. the difficult to get suitable job, the women are forced to work in public sector to fulfill their economy needs. with this condition, they decided to work although get low wage and unsuitable with their work. suratiyah, et. all (1996: 19) states that the restrictiveness of women in education, experience and skill, work opportunity, and ideology factor bring the women to work in low wage. the condition often brings the women to be marginalized and exploitated. the condition is often undergone by the women laborers at damai jaya lestari company since the low of their education level and quality. as a result, the wage of men laborers are higher than women laborers. other factor is the women laborers are not difficult to be ordered and they have high dependence to the men and company. double burden of women who work in both domestic and public sectors also brings them to be more marginalized. based on the result of interview found that there is difference between the wage for men laborers and women laborers at damai jaya lestari company. the laborers who work and reach over the target get additional or intensive wage, except for the women workers. in other words, although the women work and reach over the target, they do not get additional or intensive wage. this is the real marginalization toward the women laborers. the women are viewed and supposed as marginal or not main worker. so, although getting the low wage, they receive it. commonly, they are forced to work because of family economy need demand. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 the income of husband is not enough for their family needs. the costs of needs are increasing, while the wage is not always increasing (suratiyah, et. all., 1996: 16). the women laborers also get marginalization in the aspects of health, reproduction, and work accident. the women laborers in damai jaya lestari company are not given assurance of health and work accident. the company supposes that the reproduction health in the women laborers is something natural. besides, the company was not responsible for work accident since the accident is the careless action of the workers itself. even, the company did not give care help or medicine to the workers who get accident work. the workers have to finance all care and medicine costs by theirselves. in this case, the company did not give assurance of health and work accident, mainly for women laborers. the company did not give tolerance or compesation for women laborers who are being pregnant, menstrubation, puerperal and feeding. they have to work to get salary. if they ask for leave, the company did not give them salary and even the women laborers are not permitted more to work again in the company. based on the illustration above, it can be stated that the company did not give assurance for health and work accident to the women laborers. it can be seen from there is not leave right for women laborers who are being pregnant or menstrubation. while, based on the labor rules on chapter 81 stated that “the women laborers who are getting menstrubation and feel very pain can inform to the company, and they are not obligated to work in the first and second days from their menstrubation. the attention to health and work safe is very important and should be more prominent. conclusions and suugestions based on the result of this study, some conclusions and suggestions can be drawn as follows. first, the economy factor brings the women to work in public sector as hard laborer because their education level is low. second, the forms of marginalization of women laborers at damai jaya lestari company consists of unjustice of laborers recruitment, access of working, closed control of company, low wages, no assurance of health and work accident, bad work tool and facility, and double burden of women laborers. third, it needs gender socialization in order the women can keep and get their rights as good workers, so there is not any marginalization of women. fourth, it needs reward improvement for the workers who can reach over the work target. fifth, it needs the improvement of work contract. sixth, socialization of the importance of education and skill should be done. last, it needs e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 socialization and training for workers concerning the health and work accident in order to create the save work environment, particularly for women laborers. acknowledgement the authors would like to thank to the cultural faculty of halu oleo university and doctoral program of cultural studies of udayana university for giving permission and help in this project, and all who contributed so much of their time and ideas for the improvement of this paper. remaining errors are all mine. references beoang, konrad kebung. 1997. michel foucault; parrhesia dan persoalan mengenai etika. jakarta: obor. fakih, mansour. 1995. menggeser konsepsi gender dan transformasi sosial. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. haryatmoko. 2002. “kekuasan melahirkan anti kekuasaan” dalam jurnal basis no 01-02 tahun ke-51, januari-februari 2002. istibsyaroh. 2004. hak-hak perempuan: relasi gender menurut tafsir al-sya’rawi. bandung: teraju. kirk. j.. and m.l. miller. 1986. reliability and valiability in qualitative research (vol. 1). beverly hills. sage publication. miles, mathew b dan a michael huberman. 1992. analisis data kualitatif : buku sumber tentang metode-metode baru. jakarta: universitas indonesia press. nasution. 2007. metode penelitian naturalistik kualitatif. bandung: pt tarsito. nugroho, riant. 2008. gender dan administrasi publik. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. ratna, kutha nyoman. 2010. metodologi penelitian: kajian budaya dan ilmu-ilmu sosial hunaiora pada umumnya. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. ritzer, george dan douglas j. goodman. 2011. teori sosiologi modern. jakarta: kencana prenada media group. suratiyah, ken dkk. 1996. dilema wanita antara industri rumah tangga dan aktivitas domestik. yogyakarta: aditya media. tong, rosemarie putnam. 2010. feminist thought (pengantar paling komprehensif kepada arus utama pemikiran feminis. yogyakarta: jalasutra. wuisman, jan j.j.m. 2013. teori & praktik: memperoleh kenyataan supaya memperoleh masa depan. jakarta: yayasan pustaka obor jakarta. microsoft word artikel dewi e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 17-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 stigmatization toward tattooed balinese women in denpasar putu dewi ariantini1, anak agung ngurah anom kumbara2, ni luh arjani3 1,2,3cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university jalan pulau nias, no.13, denpasar e-mail: 1dewipradewi24@gmail.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3arjani_psw@yahoo.com abstract the phenomenon of tattooed balinese woman has been increasingly frequent in public spaces in denpasar. tattooed balinese women want to convey or express their feelings through tattoo on their body, but this is not fully accepted by the society who has different judgement and perception encapsulated in what we call as stigma. stigma is viewed as a struggle between dominant and sub-cultural ideology within discourses which may cause marginalization and discrimination of tattooed balinese woman psycho-socially and culturally. the research is aimed to faind out the forms and implications of stigmatization of tattooed balinese woman in denpasar. the data collection method uses observation technique, indepth interview, and document study. the data analysis adopts cultural study approach through reduction, reporting, and verification processes. the researcher uses powerknowledge relation theory, stigma theory, and identity theory as theoretical framework. the result of this research concludes that the form of the stigma of tattooed balinese woman in denpasar is labeling, stereotyping, separation and discrimination. the implication of the stigma is personal worthlessness and alienation, psychological instability, paradoxical attitudes in relationships and association, and sense of proving oneself as an expression of resistance against the stigma. keyword: stigma, balinese woman, tattoo, resistance introduction stigmatization toward tattooed women happen in bali connected with cultural dominant of balinese. culturally tattoo is strongly associated with balinese men. in fact, it is not difficult to find balinese men with tattoos in every space, time, and activity. balinese men from various backgrounds such as business, office employee, public servant, and even the customary and religious leader within balinese hindu community have tattoos on their body. it is as if tattoo is not a cultural hindrance to balinese men to participate in public spaces. on the contrary, though the trend of tattoo is also followed by balinese women, from the youth ones to the older housewives, tattoo to women is still considered unusual (radar e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 17-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 bali, 1 october 2017 edition). this means the society prefers to accept balinese men with tattoo to balinese woman even when it refers to the same artwork. according to this, the research is focused to understand and to analyse the forms and implications of the stigma toward tattooed balinese women in denpasar. research methods this research was designed using cultural study approach. the data collection process was conducted using in-depth interview, observation, dan document study as instruments. the subject of this research is tattooed balinese women living in denpasar, shared hinduism beliefs, and originated from bali ethnic. the next subject is the family or relatives of the tattooed balinese women, ordinary citizens, and customary institution leaders. all subjects were chosen with snowball and purposive sampling technique. total of research subject are 25 informant. the data analysis was done using qualitative method, using theory of power and knowledge relations by michel foucault, stigma theory by erving goffman and identity theory by erik erikson. the theory of power and knowledge relations-foucault connects knowledge and power in constructing discourses which explains how stigma is born in society. in this case, the stigma against tattooed balinese women can be traced by following the pathways of knowledge adopted by the society to stigmatize the tattooed balinese women in the degree of morality, science, and politics along with the sphere of power influence ruling this connection. the basic assumption of the research is grounded upon a view that every constructed stigma toward tattooed balinese women is the result of meaning identification and the judgement from the actors (stigma perceivers). such judgement was not presented to be verified by its factual correctness and its validity in the degree of morality and scientific, instead it was due to the underlying power practice. hence, the polarity of power and ideology can be deconstructed. stigma theory, according to goffman (1963:11—16), stated that if somebody receives a stigma, that person is may not the actual one who misbehave, rather one is negatively perceived due to stigmatization in the society or one’s environment. often, stigmas are given based on certain signifier. stigma can encourage the motivation of stigma receivers to change themselves in a better way. on the contrary, it can also weaken their mentality which makes them harder to escape from their doom. this what indicates tattooed balinese women to hesitantly express themselves and socialize with others which leads to even more negative stigma towards them. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 17-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 result and discussion to this date, there is no valid data about tattooed balinese women. there is even no statistical data of the development of tattoo in general. the absence of data shows a very low concern regarding tattoo existence as a subculture even when it actually has been developing in bali province, especially in denpasar. the case is certainly different if we refer to mainstream cultures such as balinese traditional arts. we can easily find the data from various formal government agencies such as the culture office of bali province. the informant or tattooed balinese women for this research are 12 people in total. this number does not represent a sample that represent the whole population of tattooed women in bali. this is due to the fact that there is no exact number of tattooed women population in the island. this research, to its minimum, can contribute in describing the existence of tattooed balinese women. in order not to deviate from the material object of this research, the tattooed balinese women being discussed here in this research article are those who believe in hinduism, live in various regions in bali, and become an active member of customary village or banjar. upon this criteria, the researcher chose 25 informants which are divided into 2 groups. the first group is called ‘stigma perceivers’ and consists of customary institution leaders (4 people), parents and family relatives to tattooed balinese women (4 people), and ordinary citizens (5 people) so that there are 13 informants in total for this group. the second group is called ‘stigma receivers’ and consists of 12 tattooed balinese women as informant. there are 5 women who create tattoo because of invitation from her friends, influence from her association, and her love and passion to the art of tattoo. meanwhile, another 7 women create tattoo on their body due to misfortune and bad experience in life. it means, aside from personal motivation, tattoo to these balinese women has also become a media of struggle, vent, and reaction toward their life experience. these reasons affect the perspective and behavior of tattooed balinese women in their social and personal life. it also affects the stigma in society. the data told us that tattooed balinese women in denpasar comes from various age and education background. in addition, they also have varied reasons to paint tattoos. it is interesting to notice that those reasons were failed relationships, family disharmony, association, hobby, and others. these reasons are often linked to each others. for instance, the one who decided to have tattoos due to frustration may end up doing it for hobby. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 17-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 nonetheless, it can give the general picture showing the factual reality of tattooed balinese women in denpasar along with all complex reasons behind it. stigma is a negative perception toward someone else according to signs and attributes associated with the person. those signs and attributes are associated with abnormality and negative moral status of the bearers (goffman, 1963:1). however, stigma receivers are not the actual one who misbehave, instead they receive the negative perceptions due to stigmatization and one’s environment. according to link and phelan (in scheid & brown, 2010:572), stigma may apperar in the form of labeling, stereotype, separation and discrimination. stigma was not appeared organically, but socil-culturally constructed through detecting, defining, and actor’s judgement within the society. according to the theory and the findings, the forms of stigma toward tattooed balinese women can be explained as follows: a) labeling marks the form of stigmatization at the level of its definition stating that tattooed balinese women are perceived deviant group of people. b) stereotype is the form of stigmatization at cognitive level which negatively perceives all women in bali without seeing the individual aspects. c) separation is a form of stigmatization at the level of group identity. it is where people negatively perceive other people from other groups (outsider, outgroup) which in turn can showcase the stigma created by dominant culture toward the identity of subculture. d) discrimination is a form of stigmatization at the level of action which is influenced by various prejudice and negative description toward tattooed balinese women. the course of actions, then, determine the stand point and treatment to them in every social aspect. implication means involvement or the condition of getting involved, including or concluded, suggested, but remained unexpressed (depdiknas, 2005:427). this definition shows the causal relationship between one reality and the appearance of other reality as an inevitable consequences. in this case, stigma toward tattooed balinese women in denpasar be it labeling, stereotype, separation, or discrimination reveals unacceptability/disapproval from dominant culture toward subkultur. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 17-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 those stigma implicate physically, socially, and culturally toward tattooed balinese women in denpasar as stigma receivers in the explanation below: a) personal worthlessness and alienation, is an implication resulted from stigmatization which makes tattooed balinese women fail to portray themselves as accepted figure in society. this failed portrayal is internalized becomes worthlessness, guilt, regret, and alienated from their own world. b) psychological instability, is changeable comfort in different environment setting because stigmatization makes tattooed balinese women failed to reach their identity maturity as an individual that can accept oneself and others. the signs of homelessness become a mental condition that they need to face as the result of this psychic instability because tattooed balinese women always strive to find a social home that offers the utmost comfort for them. c) paradoxical attitude in relationships and association, is an implication due to stigmatization push them to develop sceptical and anticipatory attitude toward unpleasant possibility in their relationships with others. this makes tattooed balinese women tend to behave exclusively to people they perceive judging them with the stigma. on the contrary, they also behave inclusively to people who sympathize and accept their attribute. d) proving oneself, is an implication appeared due to the stigmatization which encourage tattooed balinese woman to explore all of their potential and resources should an opportunity arrives. this act to prove oneself can also be done to prove themselves as an individual who are truly free and autonomous which leads to exaggerated attitude that may further support the stigma instead of diminishing it. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 17-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 picture: proving oneself through humanity cause and overly reacted self-proving. conclusion and sugestion the result of this research concludes that the forms of stigma toward tattooed balinese women in denpasar consists of 4 types such as lebeling, stereotype, separation and discrimination. the impact of stigmatization toward tattooed balinese women are: personal worthlessness and alienation, psychological instability, paradoxical behavior in relationships, and the act of proving oneself. basically, stigmatization toward tattooed balinese women shows the denial of dominant culture toward subculture representation. denpasar, the capital city of bali province, is unique. denpasar, the capital city of bali province, is quite unique. the city’s thriving economic which can be seen from the city’s development and its advanced human resources make the city become quite modern. however, this same city also still retain its strong customs and patriarchal culture. this precondition identifies the difference in perception regarding tattooed balinese women who supposedly enjoy the same freedom of expression as the opposite gender. this research also refers to form of resistance by tattooed balinese women in the struggle of eliminating the stigma. the resistance manifests in social activity and giving all reserved potential in proving their ultimate dedication to society. according to conclusion aforementioned above, this research suggests that all related stakeholders to heed these actions; to all stigma perceivers, it suggests that the stigma toward tattooed balinese women should be ended and to begin social activity where they are e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 17-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 free from discrimination as well as promoting equality to all women in bali. to tattooed balinese women to refer tattoo as an artwork and symbolic media to fight for social justice. tattoo supposedly not to be seen as a tool for legitimacy of our misbehavior and misconduct because it will worsen the already existed stigma toward it. hence, do behave and keep your attitude in accordance with the norms and values in society. this will gradually modify the stigma so that there will be no difference between men and women in expressing themselves with tattoo. references aldy. 2007. “eksibisionis dengan tato” in http://www.mail-archive.com/indodating@yahoogroups.com/msg 02984.html. departemen pendidikan nasional. 2005. kamus besar bahasa indonesia. jakarta: balai pustaka. dinter, marteen heselt van. 2005. the world of tattoo: an illustrated history. kit publisher. foucault, michel. 1995. discipline and punish: the birth of the prison (translated by alan sheridan). london-worcester: billing and sons. geertz, clifford. 1973. the interpretation of culture. new york: basic books. goffman, erving. 1963. stigma: notes on the management of spoiled identity. new jersey: prentice-hall inc milles, matthew b and a. m. huberman a. 1992. an expanded sourcebook: qualitative data analysis. sage publication. olong, hatib abdul kadir. 2006. tato. yogyakarta: lkis printing cemerlang. scheid, t. l., and brown, t. n. 2010. a handbook for the study of mental health social context, theories, and system (2nd edition). new york: cambridge university press. tapaningtyas, d. a. 2008. perancangan buku esai foto perempuan dan tato. surabaya: universitas kristen petra. abstrak 1 panggung bangsawan studi politik kebudayaan di daerah riau lingga: perspektif kajian budaya sutamat arybowo (s_arybowo@yahoo.com) prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. (promotor) dr. pudentia mpss, m.a. (kopromotor i) prof. dr. i made suastika, m.a. (kopromotor ii) abstrak penelitian ini membahas “panggung bangsawan studi politik kebudayaan di daerah riau lingga: perspektif kajian budaya”. panggung bangsawan adalah teater rakyat yang pada masa orde lama memiliki kekuatan ritual, lalu zaman orde baru hampir punah. pemerintah orde baru merevitalisasi teater tersebut sebagai identitas budaya melayu tetapi bukannya berkembang, melainkan malah surut. tujuan penelitian ini: mendeskripsikan proses munculnya panggung bangsawan, menjelaskan peran negara terhadap panggung bangsawan, dan menganalisis makna politik kebudayaan dalam kaitannya dengan identitas budaya melayu yang baru. penelitian ini dilaksanakan dengan metode kualitatif. peneliti menggali budaya dalam konteksnya dengan dunia nyata dan perspektif pelaku masyarakat seni. tahap pertama, dilakukan pengumpulan data primer dan sekunder. tahap kedua, memilih teori untuk mengkaji data. tahap ketiga, menganalisis dan menginterpretasikan data yang telah diseleksi. tahap keempat, melakukan penulisan dan konstruksi hasil penelitian. teori yang digunakan: estetika, hegemoni, semiotika, dan dekonstruksi. hasil penelitian: pertama, proses munculnya panggung bangsawan, realitasnya meliputi prapentas, peristiwa pentas, dan pascapentas. pada masa prapentas dan pascapentas ini, muncul pertarungan wacana dengan berbagai kepentingan perorangan atau kelompok. kedua, peran negara terhadap panggung bangsawan, menumbuhkan hegemonisasi. hegemoni tersebut berdampak pada pergeseran isi cerita tentang kekuasaan. pada zaman orde lama, sistem politik yang berlaku mengikuti pola mechanics of power, sedangkan zaman orde baru mengikuti pola poetics of power. ketiga, makna politik kebudayaan dalam kaitannya dengan identitas budaya melayu, bahwa setelah dilaksanakan revitalisasi budaya melayu 2004, pemahaman alam melayu bergeser, mulanya memiliki batasan yang mengeras, sekarang batasan itu mencair. identitas budaya melayu yang baru bukan berdasarkan pada konvensi agama tertentu, melainkan lebih pluralistik. kata kunci : panggung bangsawan, politik kebudayaan, alam melayu. 2 pendahuluan disertasi ini membicarakan “panggung bangsawan studi politik kebudayaan di daerah riau lingga: perspektif kajian budaya”. dalam memahami persoalan ini, diangkat realita lapangan bahwa secara empirik persoalan politik dalam alam melayu ternyata mencerminkan desain kebudayaannya. di daerah ini antara politik dengan kebudayaan memiliki korelasi, bila disinergikan memiliki kekuatan laten untuk mencapai tujuan, baik berupa hegemonisasi maupun dominasi kebudayaan. panggung bangsawan adalah teater rakyat yang mementaskan cerita “bercorak istana”. pada dasarnya mengangkat masalah-masalah politik dalam bentuknya yang kreatif, namun tetap memiliki nilai seni, seperti tercermin dalam ungkapan : “raja adil raja disembah, raja lalim raja disanggah”. pada masa orde lama teater ini merupakan kegiatan ritual dalam kehidupan masyarakat riau lingga yang terdiri atas berbagai etnis dan berbeda latar belakang sosial-budaya. pada masa orde baru lebih bersifat revitalistik karena pentasnya dikaitkan dengan kebijakan mengenai pengembangan kebudayaan daerah. pada periode ini pementasan panggung bangsawan mengalami melayunisasi sebagai karakteristik kebudayaan daerah, sehingga kekuatan ritualnya tidak tampak lagi dan berubah menjadi artifisial. sesudah dilakukan revitalisasi bukannya berkembang, melainkan malah surut dan cenderung terjadi polarisasi kesenian berdasarkan etnik. secara umum tujuan penelitian ini membahas panggung bangsawan dan kaitannya dengan politik kebudayaan yang berkembang di daerah riau lingga. hal ini mengingat suatu politik “negara” tidak dapat dilepaskan dari budaya yang mendukungnya, sehingga seringkali konsep-konsep budaya terekspresikan dalam keseniannya atau seni pertunjukan yang bersangkutan, baik berupa musiknya, tariannya, nyanyiannya, maupun ceritanya. oleh karena itu, dengan mempelajari panggung bangsawan di daerah riau lingga dapat dipahami baik pada masa lalu, relevansinya masa sekarang, dan sejauh mana pentingnya untuk masa depan. secara khusus tujuan penelitian ini: pertama, mendeskripsikan proses munculnya panggung bangsawan dalam masyarakat riau lingga; kedua, 3 menjelaskan peran negara terhadap panggung bangsawan dalam kaitannya dengan eksistensi budaya melayu; ketiga, menganalisis dan memahami makna politik kebudayaan dalam kaitannya dengan identitas budaya melayu yang baru. manfaat akademik penelitian ini adalah dapat memberikan kerangka pemikiran yang lebih jelas mengenai dinamika masyarakat riau lingga dan kebudayaannya. mengingat letak geografi daerah riau lingga yang amat terbuka, mudah sekali para migran berhenti di sini, sehingga daerah ini menjadi tempat pertemuan beraneka ragam budaya sebagaimana tampak dalam cerita panggung bangsawan. dalam kaitannya dengan politik, daerah ini mudah menjadi pertarungan kekuasaan (power struggle) antara berbagai kepentingan dan berbagai konstruksi wacana kebudayaan. jadi hasil penelitian ini juga bisa memahami makna politik kebudayaan yang hegemonik dalam konteks masyarakat plural. selain itu, hasil penelitian ini bisa menyusun konfigurasi kebudayaan melayu yang mencair dan pluralistik sebagai akibat dari pengaruh pertemuan kebudayaan (cultural encounter), juga merupakan konsekuensi tingkat mobilitas penduduk sejak zaman kolonial, postkolonial, modern, dan postmodern sekarang ini. selanjutnya hasil temuan penelitian ini bisa memberikan sumbangan pemikiran baru mengenai “revitalisasi kebudayaan”, serta sumbangannya untuk pengembangan kajian budaya, studi perbatasan budaya, dan studi seni pertunjukan. materi dan diskusi penelitian ini dilaksanakan dengan metode kualitatif yang menggambarkan kehidupan panggung bangsawan dalam kaitannya dengan dinamika masyarakat riau lingga dan kebudayaannya. di sini digali fenomena budaya dalam konteksnya dengan dunia nyata dan perspektif pelaku kehidupan masyarakat seni yang melatarbelakanginya. tahap pertama, dilakukan pengumpulan data baik primer maupun sekunder. tahap kedua, memilih teori yang digunakan untuk mengkaji data. tahap ketiga, menganalisis dan menginterpretasikan data yang telah diseleksi. tahap keempat, melakukan penulisan dan konstruksi dari 4 seluruh hasil penelitian. untuk mencapai tujuan tersebut digunakan teori estetika, teori hegemoni, teori semiotika, dan teori dekonstruksi. untuk mengetahui hasil penelitian ini dapat dipaparkan seperti berikut : pertama, dari analisis proses munculnya panggung bangsawan dalam masyarakat riau lingga, realitasnya meliputi prapentas, peristiwa pentas, dan pascapentas. pada masa prapentas dan pascapentas ini menyisakan banyak permasalahan, sehingga muncul pertarungan wacana dengan berbagai kepentingan perorangan atau kelompok. kebudayaan melayu di daerah riau lingga sebagaimana tercermin dalam panggung bangsawan adalah kebudayaan maritim. suatu kehidupan tradisi maritim ini telah menjadi peribahasa penduduknya, bahwa “jika takut terlambung ombak, jangan berumah di tepi pantai” dan sebagai kodrat alami, penduduknya memiliki ungkapan “hidup bergantung belas kasihan ombak menepuk di karang”. maka sesungguhnya tidak ada hal yang lebih penting bagi orang melayu di daerah riau lingga, kecuali “pantai”. kedua, dari analisis peran negara terhadap panggung bangsawan, realitasnya menumbuhkan hegemonisasi. sejak “pertemuan budaya melayu” tahun 1985 di pekanbaru kemudian dilanjutkan di tanjungpinang, ada konstruksi untuk mengatur masyarakat riau (daratan dan kepulauan) melalui pendefinisian kembali kebudayaan melayu dengan kekuatan “bahasa, adat-istiadat, dan agama islam”, sebagai daya tarik antara pemerintah pusat dan pemerintah daerah. hegemoni tersebut berdampak pada pergeseran isi cerita tentang kekuasaan yang dipentaskan panggung bangsawan. pada zaman orde lama (konfrontasi indonesia-malaysia), sistem politik yang berlaku adalah terang-terangan mengikuti pola mechanics of power, artinya kekuasaan itu dilakukan melalui penaklukan sepanjang sesuai dengan mekanismenya. sedangkan cerita yang dipentaskan pada zaman orde baru lebih mencerminkan bahwa sistem politik yang berlaku menggunakan pola poetics of power, artinya model penaklukan itu diubah dengan menonjolkan kemuliaan suatu kerajaan melalui simbol-simbol dan pencitraan. ketiga, dari analisis makna politik kebudayaan dalam kaitannya dengan identitas budaya melayu, bahwa setelah dilaksanakan “revitalisasi 5 budaya melayu” tahun 2004 di kota baru senggarang, maka pemahaman mengenai alam melayu mulai bergeser. pada masa kebangkitan melayu tahun 1985 hingga awal reformasi tahun 1998, alam melayu memiliki batasan yang masih mengeras, bahwa melayu identik dengan islam. sekarang batasan itu mulai mencair, bahwa melayu telah menerima kebudayaan yang bukan islam seperti kebudayaan cina, orang laut, orang matang, dan sebagainya. selanjutnya kebudayaan melayu menjadi terbuka, dinamis, religius, dan mengandung kearifan. temuan baru penelitian temuan baru dalam penelitian ini: 1). munculnya panggung bangsawan pada masa lalu didukung oleh toke tradisional sebagai patron yang kuat. pada masa kini, pementasannya disponsori oleh pemerintah dan lsm yang masih terbatas untuk kepentingan festival-festival. patron atau sponsor seperti dalam kepanitiaan tersebut lebih bersifat instan, sehingga setelah kepanitiaan festival selesai, biasanya jarang terdapat pementasan. 2). dalam pementasan panggung bangsawan, masyarakat melayu yang tinggal di daerah riau lingga maupun di semenanjung malaysia sesungguhnya memiliki unsur kesejarahan yang sama. dengan keterlibatan peran negara dalam pertunjukan, dewasa ini unsur kesejarahan itu kurang mendapat perhatian, sehingga suatu saat secara laten terjadi konfrontasi dan klaim-mengklaim mengenai kepemilikan khazanah budaya. 3). dari masa ke masa identitas budaya melayu tampaknya dijadikan tarik menarik yang melibatkan relasi pertarungan kekuasaan untuk kepentingan politik sesaat, khususnya di daerah riau lingga menjadi kontestasi untuk proses legitimasi dalam membangun kebudayaan daerah. simpulan penelitian simpulan penelitian ini adalah sebagaimana terekspresikan dalam cerita panggung bangsawan dan konteksnya dengan politik kebudayaan dewasa ini, bahwa identitas budaya melayu yang baru bukan lagi berdasarkan pada konvensi agama islam, melainkan lebih mencair dan pluralistik. fenomena ini 6 terjadi karena elite melayu di daerah kepulauan ingin membangun provinsi sendiri, sehingga dalam merepresentasikan kebudayaannya mereka mengambil simpatik dari masyarakat non-muslim yang tinggal secara turun-temurun di daerah ini, seperti etnik cina, orang laut, orang matang, orang batak, orang flores, dan sebagainya untuk mendukung terwujudnya provinsi tersebut. daftar pustaka abdullah, irwan. 2006. konstruksi dan reproduksi kebudayaan. yoyakarta : pustaka pelajar. andaya, leonard y. 1975. the kingdom of johor 1641-1728. kuala lumpur : oxford university press. barker, c. 2004. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. budisantoso, s., dkk., editor. 1986. masyarakat melayu riau dan kebudayaannya. pekanbaru : pemda tk. i riau. bujang, rahmah. 1975. sejarah perkembangan drama bangsawan di tanah melayu dan singapura. kuala lumpur : dewan bahasa dan pustaka kementerian pelajaran malaysia. geertz, clifford. 2000. negara teater. yogyakarta : yayasan bentang budaya. tan sooi beng. 1993. bangsawan: a social and stylistic history of popular malay opera. singapore : oxford university press. ucapan terima kasih pada kesempatan ini penulis mengucapkan terima kasih kepada yang terhormat prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., selaku promotor, dr. pudentia mpss, m.a., selaku kopromotor i, dan prof. dr. i made suastika, m.a., selaku kopromotor ii, yang dengan penuh perhatian telah memberikan dorongan, semangat, dan bimbingan mulai penyusunan proposal hingga selesainya disertasi ini. penulis juga mengucapkan terima kasih kepada the ford foundation yang telah memberikan bantuan biaya studi melalui asosiasi tradisi lisan di jakarta, serta kepada rektor universitas udayana, direktur pascasarjana beserta staf, dan ketua program pendidikan doktor kajian budaya beserta staf. 7 panggung bangsawan , a study on cultural politics in riau lingga from cultural studies perspective sutamat arybowo (s_arybowo@yahoo.com) prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. (promotor) dr. pudentia mpss, m.a. (copromotor i) prof. dr. i made suastika, m.a. (copromotor ii) abstract this research entitles “panggung bangsawan, a study on cultural politics in riau lingga from cultural studies perspective.” panggung bangsawan is a folk theater that during the old order had a ritual significance, but almost disapperared during the new order era. the new order government tried to revitalize the theater as a cultural identity but unfortunately instead of growing it turned out to decline. the research aims at describing the process how panggung bangsawan came into existence; pointing out the government role in panggung bangsawan, and analysing the significance of cultural politics in relation to the new malay cultural identity. the project was carried out using a qualitative method to uncover a cultural trait in its context to the real world and art performer perspective. firstly, primary and secondary data collection was done. secondly, the theory applied to study the available data was determined. the third stage includes the analysis and interpretation of the selected data. the last stage comprises the presentation and construction of research findings. the theory applied in the study includes aesthetics, hegemony, semiotics, and deconstruction. the result indicates that, in the first place, the emergence of panggung bangsawan chronologically includes preperforming process, performing events, and post performing process. during preperforming and post performing processes, there have been discoursal conflicts between different personal and group interests. secondly, the role of state in panggung bangsawan creates hegemony. the hegemony brings about a shift on the content of story related to power. during the old order era the political system adopted mechanics of power pattern while during the new order it followed poetics of power. thirdly, the significance of cultural politics in relation to malay cultural identity is indicated in the fact that after the 2004 malay cultural revitalization, the understanding of malay landscape shifted from a solid concept into a liquid one. the new maly cultural identity is no longer based upon certain religious convention but becomes rather more pluralitic. key words: panggung bangsawan, cultural politics, malay landscape. 8 introduction this dissertation discusses “panggung bangsawan, a study on cultural politics in riau lingga: cultural studies perspective”. empirically, the problem of politics in malay lanscape turns out to reflect its cultural design. in this region there seems to be a correlation between politics and culture and if they are synergized they would have a laten power to achieve its goals, both cultural hegemony and domination. panggung bangsawan is a folk theater performing “court style” story. principally, it usually raises political issues in creative forms, but still maintains its art value, as reflected in the expression: “raja adil raja disembah, raja lalim raja disanggah” meaning ‘wise king is the worshiped king, while tyrannical king is the opposed one’. during the old order era the theater was part of a religious ritual in the social life of riau lingga society that consist of different ethnics and socio-cultural background. in the new order era it seemed to be more revitalized since the performance was linked to the policy of developing regional culture. during this period the performance of panggung bangsawan underwent malaynization as a regional cultural characteristic so that its ritual power was no longer apparent and became artificial. the revitalization efforts didn’t result in a development but instead it tended to decline and turned to create art polarization based upon ethnicity. in general the aims of the study is to discuss panggung bangsawan and its relation to cultural politics developing in riau lingga. it is due to the fact that “state” politics could not be seperated from the supporting culture so that cultural concepts are frequently expressed in its art or performing art concerned in the forms of music, dances, songs, as well as the stories. and by studying panggung bangsawan in riau lingga its past significance and its relevance to the present era could be understood. specifically the study is aimed at: firstly, describing the introduction process of panggung bangsawan in riau lingga community; secondly, explaining the role of the state toward panggung bangsawan in its relation to the existence of malay culture; and thirdly, analysing and understanding the significance of cultural politics in relation to the new 9 malay cultural identity. the academic significance of the study is that it could provide a clearer framework of thought concerning the dynamics of riau lingga society and its culture. referring to the open geographical location of riau lingga region, it is easy for the migrants to stop here so that the region becomes the meeting place for different cultures as they are reflected in the story of panggung bangsawan. in term of politics, the territory is liable to become a place for power struggle between different interets and different cultural discourse contructions. so the result of study could also comprehend the meaning of hegemonic cultural politics in terms of plural society. besides, the result of study could design the melting and pluralistic malay cultural configuration resulting from the influence of cultural encoounter in addition to the logical consequency of the level of population mobility since colonial, postcolonial, modern, and present postmodern periods. the result of study could further contribute new outlook concerning “cultural revitalization” to cultural studies development, study on cultural border, and study on performing art. materials and discussion the research was done using qualitative method that described the existence of panggung bangsawan in relation to the dynamics of riau lingga society and its culture. the study is focussed on cultural phenomenon in its relation to real life and the perspective of art performers. the first stage was primary and secondary data collection. secondly, the theory applied to study the available data was determined. the third stage includes the analysis and interpretation of the selected data. the last stage comprises the presentation and construction of research findings. and the theory applied in the study includes aesthetics, hegemony, semiotics, and deconstruction. the result indicates that, in the first place, the emergence of panggung bangsawan chronologically includes preperforming process, performing events, and post performing process. during preperforming and post 10 performing processes, there have been many issues left behind resulting in discoursal conflicts between different personal and group interests. malay culture in riau lingga as reflected in panggung bangsawan is maritim culture. this maritim tradition has become the local’s expression “jika takut terlambung ombak, jangan berumah di tepi pantai” meaning ‘if you are afraid of being carried out by the wave, do not live near the beach’ and as the natural consequency the people have also an expression “hidup bergantung belas kasihan ombak menepuk di karang” meaning ‘your life depends on the rushing wave to the clift’. so there is nothing more important than ‘the beach’ to the malay people in riau lingga region. secondly, the role of state on panggung bangsawan in reality creates hegemony. since “pertemuan budaya melayu” in 1985 in pakanbaru and later continued in tanjungpinang, there was a construction to arrange riau community (daratan and kepulauan) through redefinition of malay culture by the power of “ language, customs, and islam”, as the attracting power between the central government and regional government. the hegemony resulted in a shift of content on the story concerning power performed in panggung bangsawan. during the old order era (indonesia-malay confrontation) the political system adopted mechanics of power pattern in the sense that the power was carried out through subjection as long as conforming to the ruling mechanism, while during the new order the story performed reflects that the existing political system adopted poetics of power in the sense that subjection model was changed by emphasizing the magnificence of a kingdom through symbols and images. thirdly, from the analysis on the significance of cultural politics in relation to malay cultural identity, after the 2004 malay cultural revitalization in senggarang, the understanding of malay landscape began to shift. on the malay awakening period in 1985 up to the beginning of reformation in 1998, the malay landscape had a solid concept that malay was identical with islam. but now this concept began to melt, that malay has accomodated non-moslem culture like chinese, sea people, matang people, and others. and then the malay culture becomes widely open, dynamic, religious and full of wisdom. 11 research novelty the research novelty includes: 1) the existence of panggung bangsawan was supported by traditional bosses as the strong patron. currently, the performance is sponsored by the government and ngo limited only for festival purposes. patron and sponsor like in the committee tended to be more instant so that certain festivals are seldom be followed by other performances; 2). in panggung bangsawan performance malay community living in riau lingga and semenanjung malaysia actually share the same historical element. due to the involvement of the state in the performance, the historical element nowadays deserved less attention so that laten confrontation may rise claiming for the ownership of cultural heritage; 3). from time to time, malay cultural identity seems to have become a battle of different interest groups for temporary political interest, especially in riau lingga that becomes a contest to legitimate the process of building regional culture. conclusion as reflected in the story of panggung bangsawan and its context to present cultural politics, the new malay cultural identity is no longer based upon islam but rather becomes more liquid and pluralitic.this phenomenon is made possible by the fact that malay elite in kepulauan region wanted to set up their own province, so that in presenting their culture they took sympathy from nonmoslem community who lived from generation to generation in this region, such as chinese ethnic, orang laut (‘sea people’), matang people, batakese, flores people and others to support the realization of the new province. bibliography abdullah, irwan. 2006. konstruksi dan reproduksi kebudayaan. yoyakarta : pustaka pelajar. andaya, leonard y. 1975. the kingdom of johor 1641-1728. kuala lumpur : barker, c. 2004. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi oxford university press. wacana. 12 budisantoso, s., dkk., editor. 1986. masyarakat melayu riau dan kebudayaannya. pekanbaru : pemda tk. i riau. bujang, rahmah. 1975. sejarah perkembangan drama bangsawan di tanah melayu dan singapura. kuala lumpur : dewan bahasa dan pustaka kementerian pelajaran malaysia. geertz, clifford. 2000. negara teater. yogyakarta : yayasan bentang budaya. tan sooi beng. 1993. bangsawan: a social and stylistic history of popular malay opera. singapore : oxford university press. acknowledment in this special occasion, i would like to thank prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as my promotor, dr. pudentia mpss, m.a., as my copromotor i, and prof. dr. i made suastika, m.a., as my copromotor ii, who have patiently given me full support, courage and guidance starting from proposal designing up to the completion of this dissertation. i also want to extend my thanks to the ford foundation that has provided me with financial aid for my study through asosiasi tradisi lisan in jakarta, as well as the rector of udayana university, director of postgraduate program and staffs and the head of program pendidikan doktor kajian budaya and staff. microsoft word i wayan tagel eddy 4 e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 26-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 green revolution and social change in subak susuan, karangasem, bali i wayan tagel eddy history study program faculty of cultural sciences, udayana university email: tageleddy58@gmail.com abstract this study aims to determine the social changes in subak susuan karangasem bali as a result of the implementation of green revolution (revolusi hijau). the method used observation, in-depth interviews equipped with interview guides, recording devices, cameras and stationery. sampling is done by purposive or direct appointment to a person who is considered to know and be directly involved in the event. the results show that the green revolution has digraded various types of local rice seeds and simultaneously marginalizes local wisdom resulting in social change. agricultural homogeneity, which in turn has diminished farming culture, professional social organization such as sekaa numbeg, sekaa manyi, sekaa metekap began to decrease and patron client bond is getting worse. the government is advised to pay attention to the values of local wisdom that guides the life of farming in subak susuan. keywords: green revolution, local wisdom, farming culture, sekaa, degradation, patron client. introduction agricultural changes have occurred many times in history, regardless of whether people call them "revolutions" or not. there are changes in agricultural equipment, crop rotation, irrigation systems, soil fertility management systems, and so on. all that happens in human efforts to increase food production. the effort can be slow or fast. the quick nature is described as a "revolution", a change in a relatively short time of explosion of innovation that is widely adopted. it concerns not only with the quantitative increase of agricultural production but also the qualitative transformation of the production system. the green revolution can be seen in two different ways though they can be in relation with one another. from an ecological perspective, new superior rice (padi unggul baru or e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 26-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 pub) causes a change in the pattern of crop rotation which in turn affects the biological balance, especially the predator-prey relationship of plant pests. the explosion of brown planthopper is one example. on the other hand, in the context of societal change, it is possible to discuss the extent of the role of the green revolution in the process of overall socioeconomic transformation. the green revolution has created rural dynamics with all its impacts interacting with other major change impacts such as industrialization, the growth of the service sector, especially communications, and urbanization. this is the feature of the twentieth century agricultural revolution, which distinguishes it from previous centuries. the increasing price of food in the global market have had a direct impact on the high price of food in indonesia. the country once known as an agrarian one, even once a rice exporting country, is now facing a food crisis (krisi pangan). even soeharto, the president, received an award from the food and agricultural organization (fao) as the father of development (bapak pembangunan) for being able to realize rice self-sufficiency. bad connotation are often addressed when assessing what is commonly known as natural farming, organic farming, sustainable agriculture, or various other titles. the social construction of its ancient, subsistent, traditional, antimodern, and incapable of answering the problem of food sufficiency for many people, has been said to be a single truth. due to the reason of maximization of production for food security, the agricultural industrialization program commonly known as the green revolution is enforced around the world. national government regimes, especially in third world countries, world bodies, and international regimes, such as food industry and business/commerce, become proponents of the program's success. the green revolution of the volume one (intensification volumes of agriculture with hybrid seed and chemical intake) which continues with the green revolution of volume two --agricultural intensification with transgenic seeds and chemical intake has been successful until now. the structural and systematic uniformity program has marginalized subsistent farmers, and successfully uniformed the minds of many people, including subak (irrigation system) susuan, in karangasem, bali. the natural farming practices of subsistent farmers by james c. scott are nothing more than peripheral stories. while the intensive chemical practices of his devotees and affirmed by his regime are believed to be a panacea for the realization of food security. conventional farming is increasingly marginalized, even farming culture among farmers faded as it did in subak susuan karangasem. this is highlighted in cultural studies that should be given a advocation (barker, 2005: 6-7; barker, 2014: 52). e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 26-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 originating from the background above, the problem of this study is how far the social changes do in subak susuan karangasem as a result of the implementation of the green revolution program? in the following descriptions it is tried to be analyzed using an interdisciplinary approach in hopes of getting results closer to reality. research methods methodologically, this research is packed into qualitative descriptive research using cultural studies’ approach. this is a tradition developed in the study of socio-cultural sciences that essentially depart from what humans observe in their social environment (moleong, 2003: 2-3). data collection is done through participative observation, in-depth interviews with actors directly involved in the event, and also through documentation. observations were made at the farmers' residence in subak susuan karangasem. selection of key informants plays an important role to get informants who deserve to be interviewed through purposive sampling technique. snowball sampling technique is also used to determine the sample (bungin, 2008: 54). the main instrument in the study is the researcher himself, completed with interview guides, recording devices, cameras, and other stationery as needed in the field. this model of analysis is called an interactive model borrowed from huberman and miles (in endraswara, 2003: 215) consisting of three stages (1) data reduction, (2) data display, and (3) drawing conclusions through descriptions and verifications. discussion when rice cultivation is still determined by the farmers themselves, they always make a comparison between what is experienced in the present and in the period before the introduction of 'government' rice known as superior varieties with anti-rice pest (varietas unggul tahan wereng or vutw). a big change is experienced by farmers in subak susuan karangasem in terms of freedom to grow rice in rice fields. they are not free to plant the types of rice that they must do. the introduction of the use of improved varieties by the government, has led to genetic erosion. the genetic heterogeneity of local rice is increasingly lost, replaced by a number of superior varieties that must be planted uniformly. this is an evidence that agricultural development is one example of how the discourse, knowledge, and reproduction of power takes place through top-down implementation without involving local farmers in the e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 26-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 planning process. the farming community of subak susuan karangasem has been degraded in developing a resource management strategy for their survival of life. the application of the green revolution seems to be in line with the principle of decentralization of development, which has been widely demanded by society. although regional autonomy has been implemented since 2001, the distribution of development has not been optimal yet. development gaps still occur, especially between villages and cities. the indication is the movement of population to look for work to the city is still ongoing as happened among family of farmers in subak susuan karangasem. on the basis of that, the green revolution is in accordance with the conditions of employment that lack of education. more than half of the labor force has only primary school education or less and the majority live in rural areas. the green revolution seems to be in line with the triple track strategy initiated by president soesilo bambang yudhoyono a few time ago. the substance of the triple track strategy is pro-job, pro-poor, and pro-growth. the green revolution has been "icon" of agricultural development in the early seventies to the eighties. the green revolution is regarded as a "savior" for the agricultural sector, especially in developing countries that are characterized by low productivity, long life, low growth, and minimal farmer welfare. since the 1990s, such a green revolution movement has experienced a turning point. sharp criticism and anti-green revolutionary movement then emerged. the costs to be paid by this green revolution program are the loss of local institutions, the loss of biodiversity, the deterioration of soil quality, and the deterioration of the overall quality of the environment. the green revolution has succeeded in dramatically increasing productivity and agricultural production, but has failed to improve farmers' welfare and agricultural independence. this is the biggest cost to pay because agriculture in indonesia has become highly dependent on the world's agricultural industry from seeds, fertilizers, pesticides, to agricultural machinery. since then the independence of farmers is lost because it is no longer able to produce itself to the basic input. if people want to live healthy, food security must be maintained and the hegemony behind these chemical uses are important to be criticized. hegemony has castrated and enslaved the peasants so that their ideology is the ideology of resistance (a counterhegemoy) in order to achieve the liberation of the peasants from the trap of dependence and the helplessness of the systematized global structural hegemony. the principle of natural agriculture is not a matter of anti-chemicals, but aspire to realize the autonomy, e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 26-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 independence, and sovereignty of the eco-friendly peasants. the practice of life reflected in totality and hard work are clear evidence that farmers have contributed greatly to the resistance movement against the green revolution regime. it is also a restoration of cultivated agriculture with its long-neglected and marginalized values and wisdom in the farmer community. the green revolution has marginalized local varieties that should be retained. to the extent that society is merely a "sales object," food security and sovereignty will vanish. farming culture that integrates with nature shifts into an exploitative relationship between man and nature and the marginalization of one man's gender over another sex (female). confiscation of food management by corporations under neoliberal care destroys the life of the farmers. knowledge of farming and spiritual values in farming, displaced by a market economy that utilizes all natural resources as a commercial commodity. conclusions and sugestion the process of transfer of agricultural technology creates social conflict between subak farmers in susuan and the local government. the green revolution led to the faded rights of farmers in determining, planting, maintaining, processing, and storing rice crops with their chosen technology. this occurs when the state (government) takes over the rights to the production of farmers through a green revolution program that has marginalized the role of professional social organizations such as sekaa numbeg, sekaa metekap, sekaa manyi, sekaa mejukut, associated with farming culture so that there is social change in subak farming communities in susuan, karangasem. in implementing the green revolution program in subak susuan karangasem, the government should use a bottom-up participatory approach so that it does not create a counter-hegemony. to preserve the natural environment and agriculture it is recommended to the government to reduce the use of chemical fertilizers and excessive pesticides. acknowledgement through this paper, the authors sincerely thank prof. dr. a.a bagus wirawan, s.u. as the promoter, prof. dr. i wayan cika, m.s. as a co-promoter i, and prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m hum, as co-opromotor ii for his criticism, suggestions, and guidance throughout the process until the completion of this research. the deep appreciation phrase should also go into the e-journals of cultural studies, doctoral program of cultural studies, udayana e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 26-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 university, who have been willing to publish this article. hopefully this will be useful for the development of the social sciences, especially cultural studies. bibliography astika, sudhana, 2008. 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"pasca revolusi hijau di pedesaan jawa timur", in majalah prisma, no.3. tahun xxiii. jakarta: lp3es. microsoft word dermawan 1 e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 counter-hegemony in the development of bawomataluo tourist destination, nias selatan, sumatera utara dermawan waruwu1, i gede mudana2 1universitas dhyana pura, 2tourism department, politeknik negeri bali email: 1waruwu28@ymail.com, 2gedemudana@pnb.ac.id abstract bawomataluo which is located in south nias, north sumatra, has unique cultural and natural tourism. the area is referred to as “bukit matahari” (hill of the sun) as it is the area where tourists can enjoy the sunrise and sunset. however, the hegemonic practice performed by the government through its policies and the counter-hegemonic practice performed by the local people as the owner of the tourist destination have caused the area to be less developed. the problem of the study is how the counter-hegemonic practice is performed to develop the bawomataluo tourist destination. this study is intended to understand and describe the form of the counter-hegemonic practice so it can widen the concepts of the related studies. the study used the qualitative method with the perspective of cultural studies. the theory of hegemony, the theory of power/knowledge, and the theory of social practice were used to analyze the data. the result of the study showed that the counter-hegemonic practice performed by the bawomataluo people included the counter-hegemony towards the government’s policy, the counter-hegemony towards change and functional change of cultural heritage, and the counter-hegemony towards the tourism-related activities. they are all the accumulation of the local people’s disappointment with the government’s policy (hegemonic practice) which has been performed so far. as a result, the development of the tourist destination and infrastructure has not achieved the target yet. this present study offers a strategic political policy so the development of the tourist destination in bawomataluo in particular and in indonesia in general can be avoided from the hegemonic practice and counter-hegemonic practice. to this end, the tourist destination should be sustainably developed in order to improve the local people’s economy and increase the government’s income. the development should be the community-based one as well. keywords: counter-hegemony, development, tourist destination, bawomataluo. introduction in bawomataluo tourist destination in south nias regency, north sumatra province there are cultural tourist attractions and natural tourist attractions. the cultural tourist attractions include: traditional houses, the stone jumping attraction (hombo batu), megalithic site, traditional dances, and handicraft (souvenir). the natural tourist attractions include agricultural land, plantations, water fall (namo sifelendrua), the indian ocean view, the beautiful waves of the lagundry beach, and sorake beach, and traditional villages. this area e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 is also referred to as “bukit matahari” (the hill of the sun). the reason is that it is the area where one can enjoy the sunrise and the sunset. geographically, the bawomataluo area is 400 meters above the sea level or 1,313 feet from the sea level. therefore, one should climb 84 steps made of carved stone with a 45 degree slope when entering the area. the existence and uniqueness of the bawomataluo tourist destination makes it used as the current symbol of the local government and the current icon of the tourism in south nias regency. its picture has been printed on the 100 note of the indonesian currency since 1992. according to harefa (2009), the currency shows the uniqueness of the traditional houses, the war dance and the stone jumping tradition. in 2009 the area was proposed to be one of the world’s cultural heritages inspired by the unesco; however, it failed to be one of the world’s cultural heritages. the tourists from asia, europe, america, germany, and several other countries have visited the area by cruiser. each cruiser carries between 1,000 and 2,000 passengers. the domestic tourists coming to visit it total between 200 and 500 every week (interview, ariston manao, 15 july 2016). however, the number of tourists coming to visit it has decreased now. as explained by zebua (2014: 284), in 2012 the tourists coming to visit south nias regency totaled 1,250 and the domestic coming to visit it totaled 14,475. it turns out that the uniqueness of the bawomataluo tourist destination has been paid less attention to by the local government, local people, and entrepreneurs. there has been a conflict of interests in the development of the area. the policy made by the government seems to be a hegemonic practice performed by the government, and the local people, as the owner, seem to show counter-hegemony towards it. based on the background above, the problem of the study can be formulated in the form of the question “how the counter-hegemonic practice has been performed in the current development of the bawomataluo tourist destination? research method according to gramsci (2013:284), a social group of people can and should “lead” (hegemonic) before they hold the power. furthermore, foucault (2002:291) stated that an event is not a decision, fact, power and a battle but a mutual relation between an attack and the struggle for power. everybody who has power will certainly determine or regulate the policies over others (waruwu and gaurifa, 2014: 85). the spread of power through a symbol (capital) is closely related to the economic and political power; therefore, it functions as a strong legitimating instrument for every party that uses it (bourdieu, 2015: x). e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 tourism is really an economic business regarding the natural sources and/or cultural resources by envolving the government, the tourism industry, and the local people” (mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. entrepreneural figure of mount agung trekking guides. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], p. 1-7, aug. 2017. issn 2338-2449. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ ecs/article/view/33150>. date accessed: 02 jan. 2018.); and see also: mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. kepeloporan kewirausahaan memandu pendakian daya tarik wisata gunung agung, karangasem, bali. journal of bali studies, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 2, p. 19-38, oct. 2017. issn 2580-0698. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/ index.php/kajianbali/article/view/35152>. date accessed: 02 jan. 2018.). the data were collected through direct observation at bawormataluo by interviewing head of the village, traditional leaders, the government official, tourists, and several local people. in addition, the researcher also collected the documents directly related to the topic of the study. after all the data were collected, they were analyzed using the qualitative method with the approach of cultural studies. discussion the policy of the development of the bawomataluo tourist destination is prescribed in the government regulation number 50 of 2011. with respect to the funding, a tourist destination is granted to the local government for the public interest (www.kemenpar.go.id). however, in the act number 10 of 2009, article 49 clause (2), it is stated that the financial assistance allocated from the state budget and revenues and regional budget and revenues is classified as grant. it turns out that the development of the bawomataluo tourist area has not maximally achieved the target yet. therefore, the local people have offered resistance (counter-hegemony) to the government’s policy. the local people are not so interested in maintaining and conserving the tourist attraction at bawomataluo, although the government has planned it to be a national and international tourist destination. the counter-hegemony performed by the local people is in line with what is stated by gramsci (2013: 284) that a social group of people can and should ‘lead’ (hegemonic) before they hold the government’s power. barker (2005: 81-82) adds that hegemony should be continuously repeatedly created and regained, meaning that counterhegemony cannot be avoided. the less harmonious relation between the government and e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 local people causes the entrepreneurs not to be brave enough to invest their money in this area. the counter-hegemony is getting clearer when the local people do not show fidelity to the village regulation ‘peraturan desa’ (perdes) number 3 of 2015 concerning the prohibition of drying clothes, riding motorcycle and the appeal to refer to the regulation regulating the traditional house construction and so forth. several villagers have broken the village regulation for which they are punished that they should pay rp. 200,000 or two pigs as prescribed in the village regulation number 3 of 2015, chapter iii article 11 (the village head’s document, 2015). basically, such a deviation is a form of the local people’s braveness to offer resistance to the government’s policy. according to foucault (2002: 386), human beings certainly have power and knowledge wherever they live. therefore, parchiano (2015: 181) stated that we should recognize that power and knowledge directly affect each other. the counter-hegemony movement keeps taking place as long as there is no consensus among individuals who disagree with the government policy (horton and hunt, 1999). counter-hegemony results from the force of those who agree with change and that of those who disagree with change (basrowi and sukidin, 2003: 1). on the one hand, the government expects that the bawomataluo becomes a tourist destination; on the other hand, the local people expects for a better life or instant income from the tourist destination in their village. the hegemonic practice performed by the government is situated in its policy; however, the counter-hegemonic practice is situated in the right of ownership of the tourist attraction, social capital and cultural capital. according to mahar et al. (2009: 16), domain can be understood as the domain of strength and the struggle for position and legitimate capital, and capital plays a role as a social relation in a system of exchange. the bawomataluo area is the domain which the government and local people fight for using the capital they respectively have. the bawomataluo area has several unique and cultural heritages which are scarcely found in the world. they are the traditional houses and megalithic sites. in the middle of hundreds of traditional houses arranged in a row there is a big traditional house (omo hada sebua), namely the house inherited from king laowo. the big traditional house started being constructed in 1863 and was completed in 1878. there are 7 statutes of soldiers in front of trellis (hammerle, 2013: 37). it is 28 meters high and has 107 big wooden pillars. no iron nails are used, making it the highest traditional house in the islands of nias or in the world e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 (interview, ariston manao, 10 june 2016). it took 15 years to build it. it was built 154 years ago. initially, the roofs of the traditional houses in this area were made of sago leaves (traditional); however, now the roofs are made of zinc. ironically, many traditional houses have been damaged and replaced with the concrete houses as it will cost a lot to renovate them. in addition, the megalithic sites have been used as the places for drying clothes and other household furniture. the function of the cultural heritage has been changed; the shape of the traditional house has been modified, and many have been damaged at bawomataluo. these illustrate the counter-hegemony performed by the local people to the government’s policy (hegemonic practice). although it has been prescribed in the government regulation number 50 of 2011 and the village regulation number 3 of 2015 that nobody is allowed to change the cultural heritage and that it should be conserved, the local people at bawomataluo have the ability to resist the policy. they prefer modifying their houses in order to feel comfortable to expecting for the financial assistance from the government for renovating their houses. the form of the traditional houses has been changed and the function of the cultural heritage has been changed, causing tourists to feel less comfortable when visiting the area. according to pitana and gayatri (2005: 81), the intention to know or learn an area with its local culture has motivated tourists to visit it. most people living at bawomataluo do not appreciate their cultural wealth as it does not economically and socially benefit them. the counter-hegemony practice results from the accumulation of their disappointment with and suspicion of the local government which only makes use of the potentials which the area where they live has. the unique culture and beautiful nature at bawomataluo have attracted the tourists who have come to visit it so far. one of the unique things which has become a phenomenon is the stone jumping attraction . although it has been popular and used as the icon of the tourism in south nias regency, the athletes are getting less interested in it. they are not satisfied with the medical expenses and health assurance they have to pay when they have an accident while performing such a cultural attraction. in addition, they complain about the relatively small honorarium they receive every time they perform it. apart from that, the distribution of the honorarium is coordinated by the government. the less attention paid to by the government has caused them to be too lazy to perform it and the other tourist attractions. the local people’s laziness shows one form of their counter-hegemony to the government which has made the area a tourist destination. basically, tourism in an area can e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 contribute to the regional development, the development of arts, culture, and customs and traditions. tourism can also be used as a strategy to tighten friendship among people with different ethnicities, religions, races and classes all over indonesia (widyastuti et al., 2017: 4). in spite of that, the local people still offer resistance as they are suspicious that the government only makes use of the potential they have for individual or collective interests. according to jenks (2013: 106), the ideologies used to achieve a consensus are significantly the same as the role played in maintaining an order without being forced by guaranteeing that there is approval from those who are exploited, marginalized, poor and whose capital culture are robbed. therefore, the local people cannot demand for more honorariums or more attention for the sake of the development of the bawomatalou tourist destination. the hegemony practice performed by the government has caused the local people to disagree (counter-hegemony) with the tourism-related activities in the area where they live. according to gramsci (2013: 284), the civil society should prevent itself from the attacks made by the state. the local people living in bawonmataluo have a bargaining position against the government as the form of the power and knowledge they have. according to foucault, power spreads all over the local spaces; where what dominates and resistance can be made to meet (parchino, 2015: 18). according to marx, power is an object (as capital) held by those who have failed as power is also a process which involves agency, discourse, and practice which flow from the upper class to the lower class (agger, 2009: 282). therefore, gramsci emphasizes that it is necessary to show counter-hegemony through counter-hegemony (jenks, 2013: 117). therefore, the counter-hegemonic practice hampers the increase in the number of tourists coming to visit the bwomataluo tourist destination and its development. the counter-hegemonic practice can also cause the tourists visiting the area not to feel so comfortable. conclusions and suggestion the conflict of interests between the government, entrepreneurs, and local people has contributed to the less attention paid to the bawomataluo tourist destination. the government has performed the hegemonic practice through its policies, and the local people perform the counter-hegemony through the ownership of and the ability they have to perform the tourist attractions. through this article, it is suggested that the government and local people should develop the bawomataluo tourist destination without performing the hegemonic practice and e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 counter-hegemonic practice. through the solid cooperation among the stakeholders, they can build the facilities and infrastructures needed to develop the tourist destination. acknowledgements first of all, the writer would like to praise the almighty god for his assistance that this article could be completed on time. the writer would also like to thank prof. dr. i nyoman darma putra, m.litt. and prof. dr. a.a. ngurah anom kembara, m.a., for their supervision during the completion of this study and their assistance to publish this article. bibliography agger, ben. 2009. teori sosial kritis: kritik, penerapan dan implikasinya. yogyakarta : kreasi wacana. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: bentang. basrowi dan sukidin. 2003. teori-teori perlawanan dan kekerasan kolektif. surabaya: insan cendekia. bourdieu, pierre. 2015. arena produksi kultural: sebuah kajian sosiologi budaya. bantul: kreasi wacana. foucault, michel. 2002. pengetahuan dan metode: karya-karya penting michel foucault. yogyakarta: jalasutra. gramsci, antonio. 2013. prison notebooks (catatan-catatan dari penjara). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. hammerle, p. johannes m. 2013. pasukan belanda di kampung para penjagal. gunung sitoli: yayasan pusaka nias. harefa, firman. 2009. pariwisata nias: peluang, ilusi atau petaka? (serial online), 19 april 2009. [cited 2011 dec.18] available from url: http://www.niaspost.com/2009/04/19/pariwisata-nias-peluang-ilusi-ataupetaka/. diakses, tanggal 29 juli 2015. horton, paul b. dan chester l. hunt. 1999. sosiologi. jakarta: erlangga. jenks, chris. 2013. culture (studi kebudayaan). yogyakarta. pustaka pelajar. mahar, c., dkk. 2009. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik: pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. entrepreneural figure of mount agung trekking guides. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], p. 1-7, aug. 2017. issn 2338-2449. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/33150>. date accessed: 02 jan. 2018. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. kepeloporan kewirausahaan memandu pendakian daya tarik wisata gunung agung, karangasem, bali. journal of bali studies, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 2, p. 19-38, oct. 2017. issn 2580-0698. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kajianbali/article/view/35152>. date accessed: 02 jan. 2018. parchiano, novella. 2015. sejarah pengetahuan michel foucault. dalam: listiyono santoso dan abd. qodir saleh (ed.). epistemologi kiri. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media. zebua, manahati. 2014. inspirasi pengembangan pariwisata di daerah. yogyakarta: valemba. internet and other sources http://www.kemenpar.go.id/asp/detil.asp?c=17&id=2940. diakses, 24 okt 2016. peraturan desa nomor 3 tahun 2015. desa bawomataluo, kabupaten nias selatan. peraturan pemerintah nomor 50 tahun 2011 tentang rencana induk pembangunan kepariwisataan nasional tahun 2010 – 2025. pitana, i gde dan i putu g. gayatri. 2005. sosiologi pariwisata. yogyakarta: andi. undang-undang ri nomor 10 tahun 2009 tentang kepariwisataan. 1 national examination in perspective of critical pedagogy made kertaadhi saraswati education and teachers’ training college tabanan jalanpahlawan no. 2 tabanan kerta_adhi@yahoo.co.id abstract this study aims at identifying the factors contributing to why the policy on national examination is given priority, how the policy on national examination is presented in the system of educational management, its implication andrepresentation in the system of educational management applied in senior high school in tabanan. the critical theories such as the theory of hegemony, the theory of social practice and the theory of management in the perspective of critical pedagogy were eclectically used in the present study. qualitative method using the approach of cultural studies was employed. the data were collected using participatory observation, in-depth interview and documentation study. the data were validated using triangulation method and descriptive-qualitative technique. the result of the study showed that the factors contributing to why the policy on national examination was given priority were educational politics and state policy, socio-cultural and global influence. the policy on national examination was represented in the school and class management by the agents within and outside school. the implication was that there was such a coalition among the agents that all the students would pass the national examination. the process of how the national examination was undertaken and the result which appeared to be good (all the students passed turned out to be hyperreality. therefore, it was necessary to reconstruct the national education. keywords: national examination, educational politics, state policy, critical pedagogy. 2 introduction in 1945 constitution and its amendment, it is stated that education is one of human rights. as a cultural practice, state, through the developmental program it undertakes, should be responsible for education. in fact, the quality of education in indonesia is relatively low. the result of the research conducted by the united nations for development program (undp) in 2004 and 2005 showed that, out of 117 countries, indonesia was the 111th in regard to education. in 2005 it was reported that, among 177 countries, indonesia was the 117th, and in 2012 it was reported that it was the 124th among 187 countries in regard to the achievement of the human development index which included health, economy and education as the indicators (ramzah, 2005; 61; chan,2010: 41; http://hdr.undp.org/en/data/trends/) as an attempt to improve the quality of education, the dominant structure (state) issues policies such as 20% of the national budget/the regional budget is allocated for education and national examination is conducted. to give space and legality for the national examination, those which belong to the dominant structure such as the executive, legislative, and judicative bodies collaborate. the regulations such as the act no. 20 year 2003 concerning national education and the government act no. 19 year 2005 concerning the standard of national education were issued. the national education was established to have the image of being the best method in standardizing the quality of national education. in kompas (14 may 2007, p. 12), it was stated that the national examination could be used as means of improving the quality of education, and in the bali post (23 march 2010, p. 7) it was stated by vice president, boediono, that the national education was intended to improve the standard of education. the national education had been undertaken since 2005 and the result was assumed to be surprising for the reason that the number of students who could pass the national education kept going up nationally, and it was reported that more than 90% of students passed. the result obtained from the national examination was an indicator of the quality of education, and it was the peak of achievement. however, if viewed from the critical pedagogy, there were hidden missions. it was predicted that those who were involved in conducting the national examination were not neutral; 3 they had particular interests and ideologies; they served particular power; as result, there were several parties which were marginalized. therefore, it was interesting to be explored from the perspective of cultural studies. results and discussion the national examination, in its implementation, involved all structures starting from the central government to the regional government especially schools.bureaucratically, schools which are under the ministry of education and culture are dominated in such a way that they should implement the policy on the national examination as the product of the dominant structure. there is a strong hierarchical structural pressure from the dominant structure. the available related texts (the act of the republic of indonesia no. 20 year 2003 concerning the system of national education and the governmental regulation no. 19 year 2005 concerning the standard of educational education) indicate that there is a process of hegemony of the dominant structure over the structures below it such as the schools/students. state, with its cultural dualism, can establish binary opposition in the national examination such as passing it or failing to pass it. the agents that are involved in the national examination label the passing position good and failing position bad; as a result, the latter is marginalized. such a condition causes the agents to seek after the passing position as a marker of achievement and prestige, denotatively and connotatively. with reference to what is stated by bourdieu (in fashri, 2007: 83; harker, 2009: 13), a school is a social arena where various agents perform their social activities in such a way that all students will pass the national examination.in performing the social activities or the social practices, there is dialectic between the agents and the structure both within and outside the school. the target of the actors is that all the students can pass the national examination. such a habit has been a routine and keeps going on; as a result what is referred to as habitus has taken place. ideologies, capitals, and power play such roles that the target that all the students can pass can be achieved. the actors can play their roles within and outside the school involving the provincial/regency governments, the board of 4 education, and the other stakeholders. giddens (2009) state that, as a structural duality, the agents and the structure depend on one another. all the structures play their roles to achieve the target that all the students can pass the national examination, which then give a good image to the agents. the bad result of the national examination may give bad impact on their prestige and prospect. they are mentally supposed to keep the achievement that all the students should always pass the national examination; even the students are extremely scared that they cannot pass the national examination. the national examination as a text of the best method has turned out to be biased. although the national examination is seen to be safe and smooth on the surface, it hides the practices which deviate from its slogan and pos. the slogan propagandized by the dominant structure “achievement is yes, but being honest is a must” is only a discourse. the structures involved in the national examination give priority to achievement instead of honesty. they do their best so that all the students can pass the national examination. they are scared that the students will fail, as the text is already established. the national examination is symbolized using marks. all do their best to achieve high marks, showing that they are successful; however, honesty is sacrificed. being honest in implementing the national examination is not surprising; passing it and becoming the best in it are surprising. the massive cheating is like the peak of an ice mount. being scared about failing to pass the national examination, the students do what they can so that they all can pass.what they do is far from being good. the national examination should be used as a means of forming the students’ character; however, the opposite has taken place. culturally, achievement is everything; as a result, conscience is neglected. more deviations take place in the class room. the texts produced by the dominant structure for the determining for the passing grade for the students have turned out to be inconsistent and contradictive; this tend to lead to discrimination, unfairness and marginalization. therefore, it is necessary to deconstruct such texts. deconstruction does not only mean deconstructingthe ideologies which support the national examination practice but also the ideology of the binary opposition in which one thing is put on the top and 5 others are marginalized, meaning that the center dominates the marginalized which then causes violence with its various forms to take place. before the standard of the national education as stipulated in the government regulation no. 19/2005 can be fulfilled, it will be better that the result obtained from the national examination will not be used to determine the passing grade for the students; it will be better if it is used to map the national quality of education. it is necessary to deconstruct the national examination which is used to determine the passing grade for the students. whether the students will pass or not is left for the schools to decide.the national examination which only tests the students’ cognitive ability using objective test needs to be reconstructed by combining the objective test and essay test or portfolio in the cognitive, affective, and psychomotoric domains. the national examination, as a process of evaluation or an integral part of the educational and learning process should give freedom to the students as the subject to choose what subjects to be nationally examined. the ministry of education and culture and the schools under it should make honesty part of culture. it is common that some students fail in the national examination which is not necessarily tabooed. as a baby that has just learned to walk, falling cannot be avoided. honesty is something which is so sweet; however, it will have the risk of being bitter, if someone fails. those who have been committed to being honest should be prepared to welcome welfare (quote, 2011). conclusions and suggestions the national examination, which has the image of becoming the best method for determining the national quality of education, has led to a collective practice (structural duality) to make it successful. such a practice quantitatively shows a significant result, indicating that the quality of education has improved. however, viewed from the critical pedagogy, in such a success there are hidden missions, ideologies, capitals, and interests in serving the ruler by marginalizing others such as the students’ uniqueness, non-examination subjects, honesty, and process. therefore, it is necessary to deconstruct such a text to make the marginalized more participative. 6 it is suggested that the national examination should be undertaken based on its mandate and slogan after the government regulation no. 19/2005 can be equally and fairly implemented. the national examination should equalize the cognitive, affective and psychomotoric aspects and the values of honesty of the students and agents involved in it. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank all the parties that have contributed to the completion of this study, especially prof. dr. nengahbawaatmadja, ma, prof. dr. i gdeparimartha, ma and prof. dr. i made suastika, su. bibliography bali post.“wapres: tujuan un untukmeningkatkanstandarpendidikan”, 23 maret 2010.hlm 7. chan, sam m dantuti t sam. 2010.analisis swot: kebijakanpendidikan eraotonomi daerah. jakarta: raja grafindopersada. fashri, fauzi. 2007. penyingkapankuasasimbol: apropriasireflektifpemikiranpierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: juxtapose. giddens, anthony. 2009. problematikautamadalamteorisosial: aksi, struktur,dankontradiksidalamanalisissosial. yogyakarta:pustakapelajar. harker, richard dkk.(editor). 2009. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik: penga tar paling komprehensifkepadapemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta:jalasutra. kertaadi, made. 2012. “pengutamaanujiannasionaldanrepresentasinyapadasistemmanajemen di sekolahmengahatastabanan: studikasus di sma duta pelangitabanandan sma pahlawantabanan”, disertasi, program doktor, program studikajianbudaya, program pascasarjanauniversitasudayana, denpasar. kompas, “un danpeningkatanmutupendidikan”.14 mei 2007.hlm. 12. 7 ramzah, zamaahsari. 2005. “ketikapendidikanmenjadibaranglangka” dalamgerbangedisi 12 tahun iv: 60-62. microsoft word artikel rahmawati e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 diction of dayak katingan family articulation in tewang tampang village and its implications on family collaboration ni nyoman rahmawati1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, i ketut suda3, ni made ruastiti4 12cultural studies program faculty of art udayana university, 3lecturer of unhi denpasar,4institute of the arts of indonesia denpasar email: 1ninyomanrahmawati0202@gmail.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id,4nimaderuastiti@gmail.com abstract the difference in religious ideology in the dayak katingan family in the village of tewang tampang in reality does not trigger conflict, they always live in harmony and harmony. this can be seen from their intimacy and togetherness in daily social interactions. however, behind this harmony there is also a struggle for religious ideology in the practice of tradition. for this reason, the purpose of this study was focused on knowing how the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village articulated its diversity and outlined its implications for harmony in the family. this study uses a qualitative method. data sources are primary and secondary data. data was collected through participant observation techniques, in-depth interviews, and document studies. determination of informants was conducted purposively and snowball, the theories used were phenomenology theory, hermeneutic theory, and communicative action theory. the results showed that the way the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village articulated their family traditions in a different way between kaharingan hindus, islam and christianity. this can be seen from the articulation presented by them, namely the hindu kaharingan people articulating tradition as part of religious rituals and in practice based on established rules. meanwhile muslims and christians only articulate tradition as part of dayak customs and culture and in practice adapts to the teachings of the religion adhered to. this difference in articulation of tradition has implications for religious attitudes in the family such as the opening of a space for dialogue, a tolerant attitude of religion, and a strengthening of family relations. keywords: articulation, religiosity, implications, diction introduction the plurality of religion in the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village is inseparable from the government policy that does not recognize local religion and requires the dayak tribe to choose one of the official religions that exist. this made the dayak tribe who used to be the majority of kaharingan religions to convert to hinduism, islam and e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 christianity, resulting in a plurality of religions in the family. however, the plurality of these religions does not trigger conflict, they even live harmoniously and harmoniously. this can be seen from their intimacy and togetherness in living their daily lives. this reality is different from the opinion expressed by durkheim who said that potential religious plurality of conflicts can invite controversy even though, ontologically religion originates from a single reality and esoterically all religions teach the same thing, namely about love, mercy, and dharma, but , in reality the religion is ambivalent, on the other hand with the teachings of its love of religion being a factor of social unity on one side of religion is also a factor of division (arifin, 2005; 7). the harmony and harmony of the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village not only occurs in daily social interactions, but also occurs in religious practices carried out such as in the implementation of traditional rituals and religious holidays. harmony and harmony are inseparable from the way they interpret and articulate their religiousness in their daily lives so that although different religions are still able to live in harmony and side by side with each other. for this reason, the research is focused on understanding the way the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village articulates its religion and its implications for harmony in the family. research methods this study uses qualitative methods with a cultural study approach. data sources are primary and secondary data, data collected through observation techniques, in-depth interviews, and document review. informants are determined purposively and snow ball. the main instruments in this study were the researchers themselves with several tools such as interview guidelines, video camera, voice recorders, and stationery. data is presented through three stages, namely data reduction, data presentation, and verification of data and conclusion. result and discussion articulation of traditions in the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village the tradition of the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village is part of kaharingan teachings which are considered sacred and are still practiced today. this tradition is not only practiced by hindus kaharingan but also by muslims and christians even though in practice there is a difference as a form of interpretation that is carried out on the teachings e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 of the religion adhered to. interpretation is an attempt to dismantle the meanings that are still veiled or attempt to open the folds of the levels of meaning contained in a text (sumaryono, 1999: 23). the interpretation of religion as a doctrine and text in the midst of society is always understood through the knowledge possessed by its adherents. this knowledge can be a culture that has long lived and developed around them. likewise with the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village who live in religious differences, in articulating their religiosity related to the practice of tradition which is still carried out based on various knowledge originating from kaharingan teachings as the initial beliefs shared together. this has led to differences in articulating traditions in religious practices carried out. articulation of traditions for hindu kaharingan people hindu kaharingan is a kaharingan religion that has integrated with hinduism. in the sense of hinduism, especially those believed by the people in tewang tampang village, katingan regency in its application of its teaching teachings is still heavily influenced by the kaharingan religious teachings, including various family traditions such as maintaining supernatural beings (sahur parapah) as family protectors, respect for ancestral spirits (parasih pambak / parasih kubur), self-purification (hasaki palas) and many others. these traditions are seen as sacred because they are believed to be the direct teachings revealed by ranying hatalla (god) through the bawi ayah (the angels) who were revealed to the world to teach the procedure of life for the descendants of king bunu (successor to human life) in the world (danum kalunen). these traditions by hindus kaharingan in their religions are articulated as part of religious rituals that are considered sacred so that in the implementation they must be based on the rules set out in the panaturan book (the hindu kaharingan religious book). for hindus kaharingan violates the existing rules is a behavior that can bring pali (things that are not good). according to buhol (2016: 224) pali in the dayak belief has existed together with the will of ranying hatalla for life in the world. pali is a taboo or prohibition that has been passed down through generations, obeyed, and obeyed. if a violation occurs, it can cause painful consequences, even inviting death. articulation of tradition as part of religious rituals that are sacred in the diversity of hindus kaharingan manifests in the form of behaviors such as expectations, prayers and actions that are carried out daily, among others, surrender all self and family protection to the sahur parapah as the ranying hatalla (god) entity who descends to the world to protect his e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 people. thus they always establish a harmonious relationship by making offerings in the form of animals, food, drinks as a form of expression of gratitude that they call rituals of parapah sahur food and are carried out once a year. articulation of traditions for muslims muslims in tewang tampang village are dayak tribes who were once hindu kaharingan religion. they converted because of government policies that required choosing the official religion. however, despite adhering to islam in the practice of religion, it is still influenced by kaharingan teachings such as believing in the existence of supernatural beings as a protector of the family, the existence of ancestral spirits and so on. however, in its interpretation there was a difference with kaharingan people. muslims in tewang tampang village only interpret family traditions as part of dayak customs and culture, so that anyone who considers himself a dayak and recognizes dayak culture may practice it. the articulation of muslims towards family traditions as part of customs and culture is inseparable from the differences in ideology of the new religion that is believed. islam in its teachings strongly prohibits its people from believing in gods other than allah. this kind of action is classified as shirk and the practice is said to be murky. as stated by muti'ah (2009: 16) that islam has a divine concept that is centered only on one god. in the concept of monotheism, the central concept which contains the teaching that god is the center of all things, and humans must devote themselves completely to him. this concept of monotheism has further doctrinal implications that the purpose of human life is nothing but worshiping him. dokrin said that life must be oriented to serving god, which is the key to the whole teaching of islam. the existence of islamic teachings that prohibit people from worshiping anything other than allah encourages inner struggle for muslims who still want to practice family traditions. this influences various interpretations in an effort to rationalize their understanding of existing traditions so that they can coexist with religious teachings that embraced. articulation of traditions for christians in line with islam, christians also have doctrine as a command of allah which forbids his people to worship other than allah. this dokrin refers to the ten commandments of allah known as the ten words of god, the ten commandments in christian teachings are god's law that must be obeyed and become the basis of morality for them, including (1) do not be with you other gods before me (ex. 20 : 3), meaning that it is not permissible to worship and enslave oneself to other gods, for example believing in magical power and superstition, e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 praying to the spirits of ancestors or to spirits who control stones, trees, etc., save and trust talismans, and other objects; (2) do not make and worship idols (ex. 20: 4-6), this second commandment emphasizes how to worship god must be the right way, not through sculpture, such actions are said to be sinful. mansur (2011: 201-203) also said that in its history protestant christians strongly protested the practices of idolatry worship in the roman catholic church because roman catholic worship was considered to have been affected by paganism. for example, by making and purifying images / statues of jesus christ, mary, paul, pertrus, and other religions (holy objects). therefore in the roman catholic church there are many statues and relics. such circumstances are seen as violations of the al-book, both the old testament and the new testament books. however, christians in tewang tampang village who have a background in kaharingan culture articulate their religious differences, especially in interpreting family traditions in their religion. similar to muslims, christians also interpret family traditions as only part of kaharingan customs and culture. so that in practice there is an adjustment to the teachings of the religion adopted. like the use of animal blood in the hasaki palas ritual is replaced by using water or egg white. thus they can still practice it. the articulation implications of religion of the dayak katingan family in tewang village look against family harmony the difference in religious articulation of the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village as described above has implications for the opening of dialogue space, tolerant religious practices, and strengthening family relations. the opening of the space for interfaith dialogue in the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village is inseparable from the awareness of the importance of sharing communication as a way out to overcome the differences in ideology of the religion adopted. the space for interfaith dialogue in tewang tampang village is a space for non-formal dialogue that occurs naturally along with the more pluralism of the religions adopted. there are many places that are used as dialogue spaces in tewang tampang village, including gardens, fields, rivers, family rooms, kitchens, and many others. this happens because of the similarities in various activities in daily life, such as working as rubber tappers, gold miners, fishermen, joint gardening, and many others. this is in line with the opinion expressed by latane that dialogue between individuals can be formed is actually caused by individuals not in an isolated situation. they interact with each other in a social space (social space), e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 which is an area that allows them to meet, communicate, and try to influence each other (rahardjo, 2005: 250). in addition to the open space for dialogue, it also has implications for the attitude of tolerant diversity. this tolerance of religious attitude can be said as a dynamic attitude of tolerance, namely tolerance which is built as an active awareness in every family to realize cooperation in order to create harmony in society. this tolerance does not only manifest as mutual respect for religious differences, but also in the form of mutual assistance to one another. this can be seen in the ritual implementation of parapah sahur food carried out by wardi on 10-11 december 2016. during the ritual ritual of the parapah sahur food carried out by wardi for two days at his home, family, neighbors, both those who were hindu kaharingan, islam, and christians, both came to help regardless of the differences in religion they had. they look familiar, gather to help what can be helped while joking. related to this, mariatie who was present at the time of the ritual said that it was indeed difficult to distinguish between those who were hindu kaharingan, islam and christianity. they blend in regardless of religious differences (interview, 11 december 2016). this is in line with the expression conveyed by h.m. ali (1989: 83) states that tolerance is someone's roomy attitude to respect and allow adherents of other religions to carry out their worship according to the teachings and provisions of their respective religions without anyone disturbing or imposing, both by others and their families. the dynamic religious tolerance in the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village can be seen from the understanding and at the same time real actions taken in everyday life. understanding of religious tolerance in the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village is not only limited to a negative understanding, but also tolerance is understood positively, namely tolerance that is understood not only limited to allowing and not hurting other people or groups, both religious and the same, but also indicated by cooperative action. this means that there is support and assistance for other religions, such as helping each other and visiting when one of the different religious families is celebrating a religious holiday, such as nyepi, christmas and eid al-fitr. as shown in the picture below. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 figure 7.3 christmas celeberation document: rahmawati, 2016 related to the picture above, ernawati said that in her family every year she always gathered alternately in the house of her brother who was celebrating her religious holiday. like the christmas celebrations on december 25, 2016 they gathered at his sister's house in kasongan to help prepare for christmas needs and then take part in enjoying the dishes. the opening of dialogue space and a tolerant religious attitude in the family also made the bond of brotherhood in the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village even stronger. this can be seen from (1) intimacy (intimacy) in the family, (2) support of emotions (emotional support), family with each other, and (3) acceptance (acceptance) or no rejection between them. intimacy (intimacy) in the family in general can be seen from intimacy, warmth, and a sense of belonging to one another. the intimacy in the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village is very clear when they together unwind after work. they both sit on the terrace of the house available while discussing light things about the work that has been done in their daily lives. support for emotional support. every person, the family in living life sometimes has to experience a fall, maybe because of illness, accidents, and other problems. at times like this, emotional support is needed, both from family, neighbors, and closest friends. emotional attitude like this is very strong shown in the dayak katingan family in tewang village looks like visiting a sick family, helps when there is a ritual, and so if there is an accident. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 acceptance (acceptance) or no rejection between them, with others. this factor is characterized by intimacy, warmth, and a sense of belonging to one another. an open attitude in accepting various differences in the family is very influential on intimacy (intimacy) with each other, this factor is characterized by intimacy, warmth, and a sense of belonging to one another. brotherhood relations in a family are usually influenced by various things, such as the intensity of togetherness, caring between one another, affection, and many others. stocker et al. (1997) said that the closeness of a brother is very determined by factors, such as: (1) intimacy with each other, this factor is characterized by intimacy, warmth, and a sense of belonging to one another; (2) affection, this factor concerns the attention, love, deep feelings of the individual has towards his siblings and vice versa; (3) admiration (admiration) which is characterized by a sense of pride and respect for their siblings, both because of achievement, physical appearance and behavior; (4) emotional support, which is characterized by emotional support received by individuals and their vice versa. this emotional support, like hugs, touches, and constructive words; (5) instrumental support in the form of material resources and advice; (6) acceptance of the absence of rejection between siblings; (7) knowledge is related to knowing one another, such as personal problems, daily activities, and so on. conclusion the way the dayak katingan family in tewang village articulates family traditions in different religions between kaharingan hindus, islam, and christians. hindu kaharingan people articulate family traditions as part of religious rituals that are sacred and in their implementation are based on existing rules. on the one hand muslims and christians articulate family traditions in their religions only as part of dayak customs and culture that can be practiced by anyone who feels himself a dayak, and in its implementation is adapted to the rules of the religion adopted. the difference in articulating the tradition in the diversity of the dayak katingan family in tewang tampang village is that the harmony of the family is like opening up a space for dialogue, tolerant religious attitudes, and strengthening family relations. references e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 arifin, syamsul, 2005, “relevansi gagasan multikulturalisme dalam masyarakat berbeda agama” (makalah disampaikan dalam seminar nasional etika multikultur di auditorium gedung benedictus lt.4 unika widya mandala jl. diyono 42-44 surabaya tgl. 22 okrober 2005). budiyono. 1983. membina kerukunan hidup antar umat beragama. yogjakarta: iain sunan kalijaga press buhol, dkk. 2016. panaturan: sebagai pedoman hidup umat hindu kaharingan. palangka raya: stahn-tp d. hendropuspito.1992.sosiologi agama. yogyakarta: kanisius dhavamony. mariasusai. 1995. fenomenologi agama terjemahan. yogyakarta: kanisius. el-shuta, saiful hadi, 2013. panduan sholat lengkap. jakarta: wahyu media. emzir. 2010. metodologi penelitian kualitatif analisis data. jakarta: pt rajagrafindo persada. etika tiwi. 2016.ketuhanan dalam ajaran hindu kaharingan. palangka raya: stahn-tp h.m.ali. dkk. 1989. islam untuk disiplin ilmu hukum sosial dan politik: jakarta, bulan bintang. habermas, jurgen. 2009. teori tindakkan komunikatif: rasio dan rasionalisasi masyarakat. bantul: kreasi wacana. hadari, nawawi. 1993.metode penelitian. jakarta: idayu press. kuswarno, engkus. 2009. fenomenologi, konsepsi, pedoman, dan contoh penelitian. padjadjaran: widya. muti’ah, 2009. harmonisasi agama dan budaya di indonesia. jakarta: balai penelitian dan pengembangan agama. rahardjo, turnomo. 2005, menghargai perbedaan kultural: mindfulness dalam komunikasi antar etnis.yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. rangkap, inau. 2003. panaturan. majelis besar agama hindu kaharingan: (mb-ahk) pusat palangka raya. riwut. tjilik & mantikei. sanaman, (2003).manaser panatau tatu hiang. palangka raya : pusakalima. sumaryono, e. 1999. hermeneutika: sebuah metode filsafat. yogyakarta: kanisius. microsoft word mutria farheni 2 e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 lifestyle in kutuh village, south kuta, badung, bali as implication of land sale mutria farhaeni i nyoman suarka i nyoman dhana ni luh ardjani stie bali international institute of tourism management email: riafarhaeni@gmail.com abstract the purpose of this research is to find out the life style in the post-land sale in kutuh village, south kuta district, badung regency, bali. this research begins with an inventory of the people who sell the land and then classified into several lifestyles. the data and information reviewed the lifestyle implications of post-land sales people. this research was conducted by survey and observation method toward the lifestyle of the community after the land sale. data collection techniques used are in the form of interviews. from the results of the study, it can be concluded that the lifestyle implications of society have been found to describe the existence of lifestyle changes: consumptive society, creative economy society, gender equality in the distribution of land sales and modern household pretext, in addition the people are unable to maintain their ancestral heritage. keywords: lifestyle, sale of land, implication, modernity. introduction the title of this study indicates that what is highlighted is the lifestyle implications of the community in kutuh village, especially those who have sold the land. implicitly this title also reflects the assumption that the proceeds from the sale of the land are accompanied by community actions that show their lifestyle changes. originally the land they were selling was dry land farming, which the owners used to grow crops like beans, corn and tubers like cassava and sweet potatoes. thus, it can be seen that the socio-economic status of kutuh villagers who sell the land is as a farmer. they are farmers of kutuh village. their goal is to sell the land, of course, to earn money, and the e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 money it earns is used to buy the goods available in the markets that they need, for example, for the sake of lifestyle. concerning the farmers' lifestyles it is known the theory of "the lifestyle of village farmers” by robert redfield" which states that what characterizes the lifestyle of village farmers are conservative attitudes and crave for wealth (danandjaja 1988: 47). with reference to this theory, it can be said that the people of kutuh village who are farmers should be conservative and crave for wealth. based on their attitude, they should always take action to maintain or preserve the patterns of typical actions that have become a tradition in the life of the community farmers of kutuh village. in contrast to the theory that states the lifestyle of village farmers is characterized by conservative attitudes as described above, chaney (2004: 40) states that lifestyle is a hallmark of a modern world, or commonly also called modernity. this means that in the framework of lifestyle, human beings are always oriented to modernization, so the change of attitude and behavior is considered important, while conservative attitudes and behavior can be considered outdated. based on such an idea, it is possible that the people of kutuh village (the farmers) are oriented on modernization. so there are two possibilities that are not only different but also contradictory about the lifestyle of kutuh village community that is traditional and modern, as described above. based on this matter, the important research problem and need to be studied is the lifestyle implication of kutuh village community in their daily life. this needs to be studied, because of the implications expressed in kamus besar bahasa indonesia (great dictionary of indonesia language, 2008: 529) and also by keraf (1985: 8), implications are not usually asserted when they exist or are summarized in a phenomenon. so the implications are implicit in a phenomenon but not mentioned, perhaps because it is less realized that it matters. thus, the formulation of an important problem in the study entitled the lifestyle implications of postsale communities in kutuh village is that questioned the things that are summarized or covered but not affirmed in the lifestyle of the people of kutuh village. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 research method this research was conducted by survey and observation method in the field to the lifestyle of the community after the land sale. the method used is by determining the key informant then proceed with snowball method with the intention to get data and information as much as possible from other informant. the tool used is in the form of interviews. from the interviews with key informants and other informants then studied and narrated in the form of descriptive. discussion lifestyle in contemporary culture flows and then bring up two things at once different, differentiation and alternative. both of these can be essentially the same but different manifestations of existence. differentiation follows mainstream cultural currents by establishing a different identity than others while alternatives are instead more meaningful in resistance or resistance to mainstream cultural flows. differentiation is an option to make yourself different from consuming the goods that capital holders offer, whereas the alternative is a form of resistance not to follow the flow of capitalism (audifax, 2006: 91-92). the goal of cultural imperialism is to make the people of desa kutuh a follower of consumerism. the characteristic is to prioritize the happiness of the individual rather than the group, and also encourage the openness of a new product continuously (haryatmoko, 2006: 18). the measure of novelty is a fully adopted american culture that forms americanization (stager, 2005). the scope of americanization is vast, in the areas of food, drink, clothing, lifestyle, intellectual capital, and the spread of mass media. therefore, americanization ensnares almost all aspects of life including mind and consciousness, so that the emergence of a hegemonic relationship between indonesia and america is inevitable (ibrahim, 2004). whatever global product is consumed in the framework of americanization or to make ourselves as a global civilized man absolutely requires money. the interviews conducted with bendesa adat kutuh are as follows: in the village of kutuh there are seven categories of people who sell the land, among others: (1) the proceeds from the sale of land used to build houses and places of worship, there are families who spend up to billions of money to build a place of worship until the end of the ceremony; (2) e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 ngaben (traditional cremation) ceremony that spent money up to hundreds of millions of rupiah; (3) have more than one car; (4) spree to fulfill his lifestyle including living the life of other woman since the existence of tourism in kutuh village, there are some people who have more than one wife and usually husband repair the house of his young wife both in-laws home in bali and outside bali while in his house alone with his first wife is not repaired; (5) the drug was initially tried for free and then hooked after that had to buy because no money was forced to ask to his family to sell family land, this family has 4 brothers two of them do not want to sell the land and others want to sell the land (which one to pay off debts and one is a drug addict) they say rather than fuss with the family forced to sell the land and the distribution of the proceeds of his land is not sufficient to pay the debt and the drug addicts enter the prison forced 2 other relatives to help one's family help to pay the debt and that one helps to provide free guarantees of imprisonment for the image of his family. and finally the money from the sale of the land runs out; (6) buying land (sawah) elsewhere such as in jembrana and tabanan it is also a penyakap (people who work on the land on the basis of profit sharing) always says crop failure; (7) the proceeds from the sale of land used for business capital when viewed from 10 people who sell the land only 2 people who are entrepreneurship and 8 people consumptive (interview, january 17, 2017). based on the above information the proceeds from the sale of the land are more widely used for the consumptive of the seven criteria above the most consumptive is to spree such as to fulfill his lifestyle (buying cars, clothes, food, recreation, houses and places of worship) and including living the life of other woman after which it is used to buy land elsewhere and sell the land used for venture capital but few use it for entrepreneurship. of the seven criteria mentioned above it can be concluded that most of the people of kutuh village are not able to maintain their ancestral land heritage but there are also used for business capital and for entrepreneurship. consumerism is not solely related to the value of symbolic values, but also to the issue of identity. this is in line with clammer's idea (liestyasari, 2005: 84) that consumption is not merely the matters of expenditure or the acquisition of objects to be self-owned on the basis of use value, but also the purchase of identity. consumption, therefore, becomes a symbolic tool between one person and another, creating and producing their identity and being a means of understanding themselves in relation to other individuals and groups. people no longer only consume the material of a product, but also the symbolic effects e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 produced by the product, so it is precisely the idea of simmel (liestyasari, 2005: 91) that the consumed product is not seen from its function, but from symbols relating to identity status. expressive culture, soft culture, or whatever the term is, does not concern the life of the present. the global atmosphere naturally requires humans with professionalism that is not half-hearted. this means that if the small and medium enterprises (smes) of bali only engage in a narrow and non-vision orientation around their cultural and historical existence as canang, cendol, laklak or lawar traders, without ever realizing to learn to develop themselves with product-oriented and / or a wider, prospective, effective and efficient market and how to form a mutually beneficial network, do not expect the balinese to be masters in their own region (bagus, 2004: 76). the important task, especially in the entry of globalization in kutuh village, is how to manage the cultural issues in the human resources of the powerful kutuh community through the mastery of two important things: corporate culture and entrepreneurship. without a corporate culture and entrepreneurship, local people will be easily marginalized in the harsh free market. currently, the structural changes in the economy are not smooth because it is not followed by the process of culture, namely the preparation of human resources. evidently, agricultural lands have been widely sold to be used as tourism facilities, especially for big investors from outside since the new order era, while local human resources are not expert enough to jump in the new sector. kadek swariasih said that the beginning of opening a business that until now is growing rapidly. “the alfamart building plan was originally used for its own minimart. gradually i think long if i manage myself later items that i sold not sold will be taken anywhere, then i cancel. and finally i open the website and thought to buy franchise (franchise business). and the deal i bought alfamart franchise with a fairly large price and profit divided by two with the owner of the franchise. alfa mart was only running 3 months while 8 homestay and 2 new villa runs 3 months, 4 shops and even then still lose much for pay employee and now i still have debt about 1 billion in lpd (village bank) look just “successful” in fact but still a lot of debt. although i still have debt we can still cover by paying interest only (interview, january 18, 2017). based on the above information it can be seen that the beginning of starting a business by opening a small shop and rent a car that only 1 unit of avanza after getting the e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 proceeds from the sale of land used to develop businesses such as adding a car to rent, rent 4 stores each selling gas, selling clothes, hp counters, and playstations. join the alfamart franchise that has been running for 6 months and the last 8 homestay and 2 villa umah pandawa which has been running for 3 months and even then still loss to pay employee salary. of his total efforts, kadek suwariasih spent about rp. 20 billion for villa and its capital homestay is approximately rp. 7.5 billion, car rental approximately rp. 5 billion, and alfamart business and shop less rp. 7.5 billion. from these four businesses kadek still has debt in the lpd about 1 billion even so can still be paid interest only. the family as the smallest group unit in society has a fairly central and important position in the formation of social structure. often experts say that the condition of society as a whole is a reflection of the conditions of the families in the community. it can even be said that society is essentially a collection of so many families. consumer purchases are very diverse and influenced by several things, internally and/or externally from the consumer itself. a family consisting of father, mother and child can influence the consumption of goods and services to be purchased. each family member influences each other in making purchasing and consumption decisions of a product. each family member has a role in decision making, and can have more of a role. kasin says. “in making the decision of the sale of land i first discuss with the wife concerning what will be done with the money from the sale of land in order to make the money to be more and more. after going through discussions with the wife finally the money is used for the ceremony ngaben both parents and improve places of worship and the rest i use as business capital that i have mentioned earlier” (interview, december 29, 2016). the money from the sale of kasin’s land is discussed with his wife and children concerning what to be done with the money. according to the agreement that the money from the sale of land will be used for ceremonies (ngaben) and renovate sanggah (house temple) and the rest is used for venture capital. the below interview was conducted with komang wijaya. “money from the sale of land will be used to open a business of villa and my wife will build a store building. in addition, the money is used to buy land in tabanan and to renovate the house. i manage the finance and in order to buy goods i conferred with my wife first. and i save the rest of the money left”. e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 based on interview with komang wijaya's father, the proceeds from the sale of his land were managed by komang while the purchase of goods was negotiated with his wife and children. here it is apparent that komang's financial management is very good to prove that the proceeds from the sale of the land are not used for wasted things but are used to buy land elsewhere and to open a business while the rest is to be saved. for bourdieu, an important illustration of this process is presented by the structures of gender relations in general, and its affirmation, particularly in space organization in a traditional berber household in algeria (this study is reproduced in douglas 1973). in mapping out a series of contrasts between the male and female spaces, both within the house and between the exterior and the interior, bourdieu seems inclined to follow the principles of the structuralists, but in his view, more to see how the inhabited world forms become understandable without many problems for its inhabitants "habitus represents a conceptual framework of various social dispositions which, according to its principal logic, takes into account the cultural classification of the social world" (lee, 1993: 31). if it is possible to declare the term 'capital logic' derived from production, it is also possible to express 'consumption logic' which also points to socially structured ways in which objects, must conceal various items consumed or bought when increasingly many aspects of holiday time (including daily routine life activities as well as leisure activities) are characterized by commodity spending. discussion about the consumption of these objects also conceals the need to distinguish between durable consumable items (ie objects used for living and leisure activities, such as refrigerators, cars, hi-fi, cameras) and consumer objects which are not durable (food, beverages, clothing, body care products) and changes in the proportion of income spent on each sector over time. it should be paid attention to the ways in which some types of objects can move in and out of commodity status, and the length of time they are used by commodities is different when they change from production to consumption. food and beverages usually have a short duration of use, though not always. the dual symbolic aspect of things in contemporary western society: symbolism is not only visible in the design and similitude of the production and marketing process, symbolic associations of objects can be utilized and renegotiated to affirm the various lifestyle differences that limit social relations (leiss 1978: 19 ). based on an interview, kadek astridani stated as follows: “i buy exciting new products like rice cooker, refrigerator, gas stove, television, laptop, air conditioner and iphone e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 because it is influenced by mass media information or advertisement so i want to have those products” (interview, january 25, 2017). it can be said that citizens have a tendency to have modern material objects. the tendency is closely related to the influence of advertising which of course seeks to arouse the desire to have the objects or goods advertised. in such circumstances, ads condition people to feel outdated if they do not have the goods advertised, and thus the image of such a person becomes worse (out of date and less modern). since the ownership of the goods is very modern in nature then it means that the owners are very confident that by possessing the goods they have become modern people. conclusion and suggestion the lifestyle implications of post-sale communities in kutuh village are grouped into: (1) the occurrence of consumptive lifestyles; (2) the people of kutuh village can improve their welfare through improving the creative economy to support business capital; (3) the people of kutuh village are able to create gender equality in the distribution of their land sales through consensus and consensus between husband, wife and children; (4) the people of kutuh village are able to have modern household furniture; (5) the people of kutuh village are incapable of maintaining the inheritance of their ancestral lands. the role of local government is desirable to draft the local regulation on restrictions on selling land in kutuh village. it is advisable for the local people who have sold their land to be more careful in managing the money from the sale of the land in order to avoid the consumptive and hedonic lifestyle. bibliography audifax, 2006. “gaya hidup: antara alternatif dan deferensiasi” in alfathri adlin (ed.), resistensi gaya hidup: teori dan realitas. yogyakarta: jalasutra bagus, i gusti ngurah. 2004. mengkritisi peradaban hegemonik. denpasar: kajian budaya books. chaney, david. 2004. lifestyle sebuah pengantar komprehensif (nuraeni, translator) yogyakarta: jalasutra e-journal of cultural studies november 2017 vol. 10, number 4, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 danandjaja, j. (1988). antropologi psikologi, teori, metode dan sejarah, perkembangannya. jakarta: rajawali press. haryatmoko. 2003. membaca pikiran bourdieu. cetakan ketiga. yogyakarta: jalasutra ibrahim, idi subandy. 2004. “kata pengantar” kamu bergaya maka kamu ada”: masyarakat pesolek dan ladang persemaian gaya hidup” in d. chaney (ed)., lifestyle sebuah pengantar komprehensif. (nuraeni, translator). yogyakarta: jalasutra. keraf, gorys. 1985. argumentasi dan narasi. jakarta: pt. gramedia. lee, martyn j. 2006. budaya konsumen telah kembali arah baru modernitas dalam kajian modal konsumsi dan kebudayaan (nurhadi, translator). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. leiss,w. 1978. the limits to satisfaction. london: marion boyars. liestyasari, sianny indria. 2005. kaum muda dan konsumsi indentitas yogya dalam penghibur(an) masa lalu dan buadaya hidup masa kini indonesia (budi susanto, ed). jakarta: kanisius. pusat bahasa. 2011. kamus besar bahasa indonesia online (http://pusatbahasa.kemendiknas.go.id/kbbi/, downloaded 17 october 2017. microsoft word i wayan gede suacana 1 democracy and autonomy transformation in the governance of mengwi village in the transition era: a cultural studies perspective i wayan gede suacana1 , i gde paramartha2, ida bagus gde yudha triguna3, made pasek diantha4 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3hindu university of indonesia 4faculty of law, udayana university e-mail: iwayangedesuacana@gmail.com abstract this study discusses “democra cy and autonomy transformation in the governance of mengwi village in the transition era: a cultural studies perspective”. the problem investigated was the shift in the nation’s approach to the policy of villages after the reign of new order. in this era, the policy of democratization and decentralization appeared till the village level. however, the policy was not totally implemented in the villages. the aims of this study are: to describe democracy transformation in the village governance in the transition era, to clarify autonomy transformation in the village governance in the transition era, and to analyze the implication and the sense of democracy and autonomy transfor mation to the development of village governance. this study was conducted employing qualitative method. various forms of democracy and autonomy transformation in the village governance took place during the transition era. in the first stage, the primary and secondary data were collected. in the second stage, the theory applied for examining the data was chosen, and in the third stage, the collected and classified data were analyzed and interpreted. in the fourth stage the results of the study were reported and constructed. the theories applied in this study include; democracy, political democracy, substantial democracy, decentrali zation and political culture. the approaches applied were tranpolitic and post-structuralism. the results of the study showed that; first, the village democracy in the first transition era (1998-1999) was mostly still uniform, and there were not many choices in the implementation of the village democracy. the village autonomy was still blocked in centralistic pattern, homogeneous with hierarchical structure. second, in the second transition era (2000-2004) the role of the village representatives became so democratic accompanied by the extended village autonomy. third, in the third transition era (2005-2008) democracy became retransformed to the procedural pattern accompanied by the strengthening of supra village government power decreasing the autonomy of the villages. fourth, democracy and autonomy transformation contributed to the demand for the strengthening of democracy institutions, better community participation and more accountable public services, transparence and 2 responsiveness to what was needed by the people. fifth, democracy and village autonomy transformation, in addition to having the sense of involving the active participation of the society in the village governance, also had the sense of strengthening the civil and political society in every village social organization which actualized what was needed by the society. this condition at the same time functioned as the responses to nation’s hegemony through the supra village government which took place until the first transition era. key word: democracy and autonomy transformation, supra village power relation, dynamic of village governance, cultural studies. introduction this study discusses “democra cy and autonomy transformation in the governance of mengwi village in the transition era: a cultural studies perspective”. to understand this matter, the forms of village governan ce starting from the end of the reign of new order were investigated. during the transition era which started from 1998, there was a shift in government from the one oriented toward the nation to that oriented toward the society, from the authoritarian to egalitarian and from government to governance. this condition was accompanied by the policy of implementing democratization and decentralization up to the village level which shifted the pattern of power relationship between the centralregional government and the village government. however, some problems emerged in the implementation of the policy especially that in the village level. there were some gaps among realities (das sollen), and there were some problems in regard to the relationship of the dual village system and what was expected (das sein), that is, the realization of governance in the village level, and it is these which have encouraged me to carry out this study. the particular problem investigated was democracy and autonomy transformation in the village level which took place during the transition era – the era after the reign of new order collapsed (1998-2008). there are three main research problems in this study. first, how democracy was transformed in the village governance in the transition era; second, how the autonomy transition took place in the village governance in the transition 2 era; and third, what was the implication and sense of the democracy and autonomy transformation to the development of village governance. generally, the aims of this study are; to describe the democracy and autonomy transformation in the governance of mengwi village in the transition era; to clarify the extended management process of the village governance through the involvement of the stakeholders in the social and political aspects as well as the utility of the natural resources and the finance of the villages; and to analyze the application of transparency principles, accountability, and participation in the implementation of the village governance directed to what is needed by the society. specifically, this study aims at: describing the democracy transformation and the village governance in the transition era; second, clarifying the autonomy transformation in the village governance in the transition era; and third, analyzing the implication and the sense of democracy transformation and village autonomy to the development of governance. academically, this study has some benefits: first, it is able to discover a broader thinking frame work concerning the village governance with its democracy and autonomy transformation directed to the implementation of transparency principles, accountability and participation; second, to contribute a new way of thinking in the management of good and democratic village governance, and to contribute to the development of cultural studies; and third, to build the basis for further researches on democracy and autonomy transformation in the village governance by applying the perspective of cultural studies. furthermore, practically, this study is beneficial to the village government elements and all the stakeholders, such as the village heads and the village representatives (bpd). the civil society will able to know its responsibilities and functions by implementing transparency principles, participation, accountability, and responsibilities in order to develop the village governance. 3 material and discussion this study applied qualitative research method which illustrates democracy and autonomy transfor mation in the village governance in the transition era. various forms of democracy and autonomy transfor mation with their implication and the sense in the development of the village government were investigated. first, primary and secondary data were collected, and second, the appropriate theories were chosen for analyzing the data. third, the selected data were selected and interpreted, and fourth, the process of writing the report and constructing all the study results was done. in order to achieve the goal, various theories were applied such as; democracy theory, political democracy, substantial democracy, decentralization theory, and political cultural theory. in order to know the results of this study, the explanation is as follows: first, from the analysis of transition era based on the normative and sociological criteria which was focused on the early transition era, that is, from the end of the reign of the new order (1998) to the next government and the characteristic of power relationship between the supra village government and the villages manifested in the legislation controlling characteristic, the reality of the era transition can be divided into three. the first transition era (19981999) still left the strength of the central influence and standardization of the village government management and it was the end of the implementation of the regulations number 5/1979 concerning the village government; the second transition era (2000-2004) was the peak of the political liberalities when a wide autonomy for the regions and villages was provided by implementing the regulations number 22/1999 concerning regional government; and in the third transition era (2005-2008) there was a tendency to rearrange some rights for the regions and villages by the central government by implementing the regulations number 32/2004 concerning the regional government and regulation number 72/2005 concerning villages. second, from the analysis of democracy transformation in the village governance, in reality, the village democracy in the first transition 4 era was authoritarian-leviathan; there were not many choices in the implementation of the village democracy. the term, structure, function and mechanism in conducting the village government had been standardized. the paradigm of the authoritarian political arrangement did not give sufficient chance for diversity in pattern and management of the village government to emerge. in the second transition era, a basic shift occurred toward lilliputianlibertarian by replacing the village consultation body which previously had corporative characteristic with the monolithic power in the village head with the village representative body (bpd-1 = badan perwakilan desa) which was much more democratic so it could produce a more equal relation of power. this condition increased the freedom of the villages to be more creative in arranging the village policy which was adapted to the tradition, the need and aspiration of the community. entering the third transition era, the village democracy was retransformed to the pattern of proceduraldemocracy, that is, the reorganization of the institutional system and the process of democracy by forming a new institution called the village consultation board (bpd-2 = badan permusyawarahan desa) whose function was weaker than that of bpd1). third, from the analysis of the autonomy transformation in the village governance, the village autonomy in the first transition era was still centralistic – homogeneity which was constrained by centralistic pattern, homogenized by hierarchical structure making it difficult to keep it beyond the system previously determined by the central government. such a condition made it difficult to manage the village governance which still referred to dualistic pattern. in the second transition era, there was autonomy transformation which was centralistic – heterogeneity in which a wider autonomy was delivered to the village level. previously, the service aspects were de-concentrated on the village heads, while the strategic decision making related to villages was still concentrated in jakarta. transformation from the power of centralization to decentralization took place by developing the village governance based on plurality, participation, true autonomy, democra 5 cy, empowerment of the society. in the third transition era, the village autonomy was re-transformed toward the form of heterogeneity-decentralist with the strong controlling power of the state via the supra-village government over the villages through the policy on the villages especially in terms of formation, deletion, merging, arrangement of the village government and leaders, village finance and development. all of them were conducted by the regency government officials determined through the regional policy referring to the central government policy. fourth, from the analysis of the implication of the democracy and autonomy transformation, there were claims that the democracy institutions be strengthened, that the society participation be improved, that more transparent public services be created, and that accountability and responsiveness toward what was needed by the village society be needed. the village government does not run and control its own as it was practically done before, but it has been controlled and adapted to the condition of civil and political societies (bpd1 and bpd 2) which are active, articulative, and organized. transformation of democracy and autonomy means the implementation of the transparent principles, accountability, and participation in the village governance. the presence of civil society organized in various village social organizations which dare articulate what is needed by the village society is the feedback of the state’s hegemony taking place previously. the village apparatus, especially bpd 1, as political society has acted as the mediating structure which translates the state’s power in the lowest level to become legally based government, that is, the transformation from the rule of power to the rule of law. research novelty the novelty of this study: first, transformation occurred from the normative democracy which was authoritarian-leviathan in the first transition era to the substantial democracy which was libertarianliliput in the second transition era. this condition was followed by the minimization of the village bureaucratic domination which was 6 then equalized by the role of the village representation board (bpd-1 or the other village informal institutions, such as traditional banjar, traditional villages, and youth organizations. the equality in roles among the institutions in the second transition era was part of the social principles in which the participative values developed authentically. second, substantial democracy which was libertarian-lilliputi in the second transition era tended to be retransformed into the procedural democracy in the third transition era. the existence of the village representative board was replaced by the village consultation board as the new legislative board in the villages. the board still has the role of looking after the tradition, with the village heads, producing the policies of the villages, accommodating and delivering the society’s aspiration, and controlling the management of the village government, but it lacked the right of asking the village heads for their responsibilities. third, autonomy transfor mation occurred from that which was centralistic-homogeny in the first transition era into that which was decentralization-heterogeneity in the second transition era. the perspective of governance which minimized the state’s power was then implemented by minimizing the government intervention in the livelihood of the village society. the society has a wide autonomy to manage itself because the government role is restricted only as the regulator and facilitator. there has been a kind of mechanism, practice and system of government, and the villagers manage their resources and solve the public problems emerging. fourth, the decentralizationheterogeneity autonomy in the second transition era was retransformed into that which was centralistic-homogeny in the third transition era. the supra village government withdrew some of the village autonomy rights making it unable to create such an atmosphere as it likes that it can facilitate the political society in the village legislative institution; the civil and economic society in the village can synergize with the village government. fifth, the condition of the democracy and autonomy transformation which was dynamicfluctuant in that transition strongly influenced the development of the 7 village governance. the development of the village governance which had already been good in the second transition era became faint in the third transition era in line with the role of the supra village government, which within a certain limit—though not as great and strong as in the first transition—had taken part in restraining the progress of the democracy and autonomy transformation of the villages. it seemed that there was no consistency in commitment and political will of the government to implement the policy of democracy and autonomy that contributed to the realization of the village governance. research conclusion the conclusion of this research is that the democracy and autonomy transformation in the village gover nance which is in the forms of transparency principles, accountability and society participation commencing since the end of the first transition era, reached its peak in the second transition era, and restrained in the transition era. the transformation of the village democracy which is actually the changes in structure, function, mechanism of the village government can be made more democratic by paying attention to the institutionalization of the political participation of the society, the effective control of the village representative and critical strength, transparency in the process of the village policy, and the accountability toward the village society as the owner of the sovereignty. transformation of the village autonomy means high respect to the village duality, local genius in the village, implementation of decentralization and to give authority to the village to handle its cases which was originally its own rights in the frame of a united country. acknowledgement i would like to take this opportunity to express my great thanks to prof. dr. i gde parimartha, ma., as my promoter, prof. dr. ida bagus gde yudha triguna, ms. as co-promoter i and prof. dr. i made pasek diantha, sh, mh., as co-promoter ii who have attentively given me support, encouragement and guidance starting from the proposal writing to the last 8 process of completing this dissertation report. i would also like to deliver my high appreciation to the directorate of higher education of the department of national education who has granted me scholarship in the form of bpps, bali province korpri foundation of warmadewa university, the regional government of bangli district, rector of udayana university, director of post-graduate program udayana university and staff, and the head of cultural studies doctorate program of udayana university and staff. bibliography almond, gabriel a., dan verba, sidney, 1984. budaya politik: tingkah laku politik dan demokrasi di lima negara, jakarta: bina aksara. bennett, david (ed), 1993. cultural studies: pluralism and theory, melbourne, melbourne: univer sity literary and cultural studies, volume 2 berg, bruce l. 1989. qualitative research methodes for the social sciences, boston: indiana university of pennsyl vania. cheema, shabir g., dan rondinelli, dennis a.(eds) 1988. decentralization and develop ment: policy implementation in developing countries, beverly hill usa: sage publication. dahl, robert a.1971. polyarchy: participation and opposition, new haven, yale university. ___________, a., 1982. dilemmas of pluralist 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(eds), 1978. poltical power 9 and communications in indonesia, berkeley: universi ty of california press. karim, abdul gaffar, (ed), 2003. kompleksitas persoalan otono mi daerah di indonesia, yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar dan jurusan ilmu pemerintahan fisipol ugm. kautilya (canakya), made astana dan cs anomdiputro (penerj.), 2003. arthasastra, surabaya, penerbit paramitha. maddick, 1963. democracy, decentra lization and development, bombay: india, asia publis hing house. mawhood, philip, 1983. local government in the third world, chicester, uk: john wisley and sons. nordholt, henk schulte, 2006. the spell of power: sejarah politik bali 1650-1940, denpasar: pustaka larasan. piliang, yasraf a., 2005. transpo litika: dinamika politik di dalam era virtualitas, yogya karta: jalasutra. powel, jr, g. bingham, 1982. contem porary democracies: participa tion, stability and violence, cambridge: mass., harvad university press. ritzer, george, 1980. sociology: a multiple paradigm science, boston: allyn and bacon, inc. said, mas’ud, m., 2005. arah baru otonomi daerah di indonesia, malang: umm press. santoso, purwo dkk (ed), 2003. pembaharuan desa secara partisipatif, yogyakarta: program s2 politik lokal dan otonomi daerah ugm dan pustaka pelajar. smith, brian, 1985. decentralization, london uk: george allen and unwin sorensen, georg, 2003. demokrasi dan demokratisasi: proses dan prospek dalam sebuah dunia yang sedang berubah, yogya karta: pustaka pelajar. uhlin, anders, 1995. democracy and diffusion: transnational lesson-drawing among indonesian pro-democracy actors, sweden: departement of political science, lund university. warren, carol, 1993. adat and dinas: balinese communities in the indonesian state, kuala lumpur: oxford university press. 1 economic, political, and civil societies atpemuteran village, baliin coastal and marine environmental preservation i wayan mudana education university of ganesha jalan ahmad yani no. 67 singaraja e-mail: iwayanmudana75@yahoo.com abstract this study was focused on questions (1) what factors caused the economic, political, and civil societies to invest their social capital in the preservation of marine and coastal environments at pemuteran village? (2) what was the social capital invested by the economic, political, and civil societies in the preservation of coastal and marine environments at pemuteran village like? (3) what was done to discipline the maintenance of the social capital invested in the preservation of the coastal and marine environments at pemuteran village? some critical theories were used to analyze the answers to the problems. qualitative research method with the approach of cultural studies was employed in this study. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, and library research. the data were qualitatively and descriptively analyzed. the result of the study showed that the cooperation among the economic, political, and civil societies to invest their social capital in the preservation of the marine and coastal environments at pemuteran village was based on the awareness of the condition of the natural environment, ecological smartness, meaningfulness which was economic, political, sociological, and socio-religious in nature, and developmental policy. the social capital invested by the economic, political and civil societies was in the forms of the ideologies of tri hita karana, nyegara-gunung, menyama braya, kinship system, neighborhood relation, traditional village, and administrative village. it was maintained through cultural socialization process, and physical and spiritual disciplining process. keywords: economic, political, and civil societies, social capital, preservation of marine and coastal environment. 2 introduction buleleng regency has wide enough coastal and marine environments. from hasbullah’s perspective (2006: 18), the wide enough coastal and marine environments serve as the natural capital for the coastal society. such a natural capital can be used as a space where people can live. in relation to that, the coastal and marine environments are exploited to satisfy what people need. from bourdieu’s perspective (2004, 124), the coastal and marine environments are the arenas where people fight over limited sources or accesses. however, the coastal and marine environments are often fought over and used in an irresponsible fashion. such a phenomenon cannot be separated from the existence of the marine and coastal environments as collective belongings and the fact that the ideology of the economy of coboysm is developing (korten, 1993: 65) as part of the development of consumer culture (featherstone, 2001: 63; storey, 2007: 143).the fact that the existence of the sea as a collective belonging is also responsible for the environmental degradation. however, as far as what has happened at pemuteran village, gerokgak district, is concerned, the contrast has taken place. the marine and coastal ecosystems are preserved. the economic, political, and civil societies have worked together to invest their social capital at pemuteran village. the problems of the present study are formulated as follows. (1) what factors caused the economic, political, and civil societies to invest their social capital in the preservation of marine and coastal environments at pemuteran village? (2) what was the social capital invested by the economic, political, and civil societies in the preservation of coastal and marine environments at pemuteran village like? (3) what was done to discipline the maintenance of the social capital invested in the preservation of the coastal and marine environments at pemuteran village? this study was aimed at analyzing, understanding and describing the factors which caused the civil, political, and economic societies to invest their social capital in the preservation of the coastal and marine environments at pemuteran village, gerokgak, buleleng regency. research method qualitative method was used in the present study. the informants were determined using purposive and snow-ball techniques. the data were collected through observation, indepth interview, and library research. the data were descriptively and qualitatively described and were presented in a narrative fashion. 3 results and discussion pemuteran village is one of the oldest villages in gerokgak district, buleleng regency, bali. the area of the village is nyegara gunung in nature, and serves as a space for living for the villagers. various groups of people such as economic, political, and civil societies make use of it. at pemuteran village, they work together to invest and use their social capital. such investment and use of the three societies is a scarce phenomenon as they have different ideologies and are not accommodating to the social capital. the political society frequently sides with the economic society for the sake of development. they work together to repress, dominate, and isolate minor societies. however, as far as what has happened at pemuteran village is concerned, they work together for the sake of the local people’s interests, one of which is to preserve the marine and coastal environments in general, and the ‘terumbu karang’ (the ridge of rock exposed at low tide). the revitalization of ‘terumbu karang’ at pemuteran bay has been done since 2000 under the project of konservasi karang lestari. the national and international awards bestowed five times to the village have proved this. that cannot be separated from the support provided by the local people through their ‘desa pekraman’ (traditional village) and ‘pecalang laut’ (a group of local people who are supposed to be in charge of the security of the marine and coastal environments), the economic society which, in this case, includes taman sari hotel, amerta pondok sari hotel, and high academy dive shop which fund electricity, and the political society which, in this case, the village government, district government, regency government, provincial government, and central government in the forms of supervision, funding, and establishment of pokwaswas. this finding is contrary to various views which state that the social capital cannot contribute to the process of modernization and/or modernization causes the social capital to evade (schoeder, 2002: 155). as far as what has happened at pemuteran village is concerned, the social capital is getting stronger. the awareness that it is important to overcome the environmental degradation has caused the economic society, political society, and civil society to work together to invest their social capital in order to preserve the coastal and marine environments at pemuteran village. they develop the social capital to preserve the environment. ecological smartness the local people have cannot be separated from such ecological awareness. it is poured in the form of ecology-based local genius. the philosophy is that the universe is not the source which should only be exploited; it is also a huge collective space for living and, therefore, it should be protected, looked after, and organized; it is not to be degraded. the involvement of the three societies in preserving the coastal and marine environments cannot be separated from the ideologies of tri hita karana and 4 nyegara gunung. it seems that such texts have caused various social texts such as pecalang segara and pokwaswas to develop. the forms of the social capital invested include the ideologies of tri hita karana, nyegara gunung, menyama braya (brotherhood), kinship system, neighbourhood relation, desa pakraman (traditional village) and desa dinas (administrative village). the social capital is maintained through physical and spiritual disciplining processes involving the three societies. such disciplining processes are done through social construction process (berger and luckman, 1990). the involvement of the economic society is not only in the form of finance but also in the form of work force. it employs several security guards to protect the social capital and preserve the environment. the political society maintains the social capital and environment by getting involved in the socialization process, giving financial assistance, and establishing pecalang segara and pokmaswas. the civil society gives its contribution by maintaining the social capital, supporting the existence of pecalang segara by getting actively involved in the process of developing and maintaining the social capital and preserving the environment. through socialization process, the personality of the villagers is constructed, the social capital is strengthened, and the environment is preserved. the villagers attempt to discipline themselves through various social arenas to maintain the social capital and to preserve the environment. correcting and educating to grow are what the disciplining process is aimed at. the social arenas such as families, educational institutions, desa pakraman (traditional village), seka-seka (traditional groups), and the other societal rites at pemuteran village are used as the media of disciplining process. at pemuteran village, the disciplining process has taken place physically and spiritually. conclusions and suggestions the cooperation among the economic, political, and civil societies to invest the social capital in the preservation of the marine and coastal environments at pemuteran village are motivated by several factors; they are: the need to overcome the environmental degradation, the ecological smartness of the economic, political, sociological, and socio-religious societies, and developmental policy. the forms of the social capital they share are the ideologies of tri hita karana, nyegara gunung, menyama beraya, kinship system, neighborhood relation, traditional village, and administrative village. the social capital is maintained through cultural socialization process, and physical and spiritual disciplining process. through these processes, the personality of the villagers is constructed, the social capital is strengthened, and the environment is preserved. the local people make an attempt to discipline themselves through various social arenas by 5 maintaining the social capital, and preserving the environment. the disciplining process is aimed at correcting and educating to grow. observing the reality of social capital and environmental preservation at pemuteran village with its various challenges at the levels of arena, profession and practical activity of humans, domain, and habitus, it is suggested that attempts should be made and research should be conducted to strengthen the social capital and environmental preservation. acknowledgements i would like to thank prof. dr. nengah bawa atmadja, m.a. as the supervisor, prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as co-supervisor 1, and prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. as cosupervisor 2. bibliography baudrillard, jean. 2000. berahi. yogyakarta: bentang. berger, peter l dan thomas luckman. 1990. tafsirsosialataskenyataanrisalahtentangsosiologipengetahuan. jakarta: lp3es. foucault, michel. 1997. disiplintubuh, bengkelindividu modern. yogyakarta: lkis. hasbullah, jousairi. 2006. sosial capital, menujukeunggulanbudayamanusia indonesia. jakarta: mr-united press. korten, david c. 1993. menuju abad 21: tindakansukareladan agenda global. jakarta: sinarharapan. mudana, i wayan. 2013. “kolaborasimasyarakatekonomi, politik, dansipildalammenginvestasikan modal sosialuntukkelestarianlingkunganlautdanpesisir di desapemuteran, buleleng, bali”,disertation, program doktor, program studikajianbudaya, program pascasarjana, universitasudayana, denpasar. schoeder, ralph. 2002. max weber tentanghegemonisistemkepercayaan. yogyakarta: kanisius. storey, john. 2003. teoribudayadanbudaya pop, memetakanlanskapkonseptual cultural studies. yogyakarta: qalam. susilo, y. eko budi. 2003. menujukeselarasanlingkungan. malang: averroes press. 6 microsoft word artikel rodney final e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 the change in perception of submitting children to child welfare institutions in denpasar city in the period 2006-2014 rodney westerlaken1, i wayan ardika2, i ketut ardhana3, i nyoman dharma putra4 1,2,3,4cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1info@westerlakenfoundation.org, 2ardika52@yahoo.co.id, 3phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com, 4idarmaputra@yahoo.com received date : 07-03-2019 accepted date : 15-04-2019 published date : 31-05-2019 abstract terroristic events, like the bali bombings in 2002 and 2005, have major effects on a society. prior research towards those effects have focused on the financial, economic and social economic effects, however this study focuses on the social cultural effect in the aftermath of the terroristic effects. the changed social cultural perception of submitting children to a child welfare institution in the period 2006 to 2014 in denpasar city, bali. sub questions to this problem statement what the reasons are that children are living in child welfare institutions in denpasar city recently and whether it is possible to connect social cultural perceptions of submitting children to child welfare institutions in denpasar city to coping mechanisms of the society after the terroristic attacks in 2002 and 2005. this research has used a quantitative approach, interviewing 50 children and 23 parents / familial caretakers. the outcomes have been analysed with help of the computer assisted qualitative data analysis software nvivo. research indicates that the trend of submitting children to child welfare institutions, as a coping mechanism, in the first years after the second bali bombing instigated a change in the social cultural system on bali. the balinese kinship system partly fell apart as a result of the bali bombings, the keluarga besar is less considered to be asked for help and submitting a child to a child welfare institution became an easy solution that currently continues to exist. it is concluded that the ethos, the moral formation as described by foucault, is victimized by the failing system of aletheia and politeia, but that also ethos itself is victimized by contemporary forms of normalization. keywords: social cultural change, terroristic attack, coping mechanism, child welfare institutions. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 background denpasar city is the capitol of the island of bali. the research focused on denpasar city as reference area for the whole of bali. there are 863.600 inhabitants in the area and the area is 127,78 km2 wide (2,27% of the whole area of bali) and consists out of four kecamatan and 43 desa/kelurahan. the city is densely populated with 6.759 souls per km2. the neighbouring kabupaten are gianyar and badung (badan pusat statistik kota denpasar 2016). 648 children lived in child welfare institutions in denpasar city at the ommencement of the research, which makes up 0,07% of the total inhabitants. denpasar city can be divided in 4 subdistricts, denpasar selatan (south denpasar), denpasar timur (east denpasar), denpasar barat (west denpasar) and denpasar utura (north denpasar). south denpasar is the most densely populated area (31.8%), followed by west denpasar (29%), north denpasar (22.1%) and finally east denpasar (17.2%). denpasar city consists of 880.600 souls in 2015, comprised of 449.700 males and 430.900 females. the sex ration in denpasar city is 104. the illiterate rate in denpasar city is 2.04%. the school participation rate in 2014 can be seen below. after 16 years old the school participation rate declines. in total 675 schools (state and private owned) can be found in denpasar city, with 18.815 pupils and 2.399 teachers. in 2014 0.03% of the pupils dropped out of elementary school, the total number of enrolled pupils was 83.013. for 2014 only eleven pupils dropped out of high school, on a population of 36.160 pupils (0.03%) (badan pusat statistik kota denpasar 2016). 653.326 souls in denpasar city are in the working age population. the workforce consists of 472.103 souls of who 461.135 are indeed working and 10.968 souls experience difficulties in working. the main industrial origin for denpasar inhabitants is restaurant and hotel trade (42.3%), followed by social and industrial services (22.8%) and the processing industry (12.7%) (badan pusat statistik kota denpasar 2016). badan pusat statistik kota denpasar mentions that denpasar city is ‘a big city, with very complex social problems’ (badan pusat statistik kota denpasar 2016, p. 70). it notes prostitution of one of the problems, noting that there were 50 prostitutes active in 2015 in denpasar city. the government tries to solve this problem by coaching. interestingly enough badan pusat statistik kota denpasar mentions the child welfare institutes and children in foster care as a social problem as well (badan pusat statistik kota denpasar 2016). e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 every year the ministry of women’s empowerment and child protection hands out the price for the city / district most child worthy. kota denpasar has won the kota layak anak award in 2019 (tribunnews, 2019, republika, 2019, suara.com, 2019). the ministry of women’s empowerment and child protection looks at the following criteria for handing out the price: institutions basic health and well being family environment and alternative child care civil rights of freedom special protection education, free time utilization and cultural activities (kla.id, 2019) according to tribun news the mayor of denpasar that the award was given because denpasar was considered successful in terms of fulfilling the rights of children, one of which was giving benefit programs to the community. from the fulfilment of children's rights, both from providing creativity space to children in each government program to providing comfortable facilities for children when interacting outside their family environment (tribunnews, 2019). in the same article the head of the denpasar city women's empowerment and child protection agency i gusti agung laksmi dharmayanti said that the denpasar government had been able to meet the requirements of being a child friendly city as assessed by the central team so that the city of denpasar could rise in the rank of nindya (4 times in a row) to become winner of the main category. "we have tried our best. and the results of the assessment from the central team said, the city of denpasar has met various requirements so denpasar obtained the highest award in the event. of course we are very grateful for this achievement and in the future we will continue to try to maintain and improve it again", he concluded (tribunnews, 2019). child welfare institutions are not specified as a criteria measured in the evaluation of which city should win the kota layak ank award. pengasuhan alternatif is a criteria that is described as: e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 ‘the child has the right to have a substitute family or family so that his life and development can be fulfilled properly, the replacement family or family is responsible for fulfilling the basic rights of the child, while the state is obliged to take steps so that the right of the child to obtain a replacement family or family can be fulfilled and so that the family or surrogate family can carry out their responsibilities to the maximum’ (kla.id, 2019). the central team seems to expect a perfect implementation of the decree of the minister of social affairs of the republic of indonesia no.30/huk/2011 in which child welfare institutions should not exist in the form they are existing currently. discussion this research has been undertaken on a sample of 50 children living in child welfare institutions in denpasar city, on a population (2014) of 694 children (7,2%). to define the sample considerations have been made considering defined age groups in similar research by save the children, child welfare institutions located in denpasar city and their considered religions. 29 children in hindu child welfare institutions, ten children living in christian child welfare institutions, eight children living in multi religious child welfare institutions and three children living in muslim child welfare institutions were considered to be the interviewees for this research. nine child welfare institutions participated in this research, as well as the parents of sixteen children living in child welfare institutions. the topographical background of the interviewed children is karangasem (22%), denpasar (20%) and tabanan, gianyar and buleleng (14%). this means that 80% of the children living in child welfare institutions in denpasar city are not from denpasar city themselves, but from other kabupaten in bali. children and familial caretakers were asked about the way of submittance to the child welfare institution. research shows that several child welfare institution actively recruit children in underprivileged villages and in families with poor financial conditions. the main reason children are being submitted to child welfare institutions remains the possibility to follow education. other reasons being given are economic hardship, family situation / sickness, negligence and ‘to be independent’. recruitment is prohibited under the decree of the minister of social affairs: “child welfare institutions should receive referrals for children in need of alternative care but should not proactively recruit children in communities that do not require alternative care”. (ministry of social affairs of the republic of indonesia 2011, p. 30). e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 the decree of the minister of social affairs also responds to economic needs and educational needs: “where the primary issue faced by the family is financial inability, the child welfare institutions should provide support for the child in the family through financial assistance or economic empowerment of the family, or support the family in accessing existing social aid programs” (ministry of social affairs of the republic of indonesia 2011, p. 33). a. if the primary issue faced by the family is access to education, child welfare institutions should facilitate access to education through providing support for tuition costs, school supplies, and transportation. b.child welfare institutions must prevent the placement of children in their institutions for the purpose of accessing education (ministry of social affairs of the republic of indonesia 2011, p. 33). some children are referred to the child welfare institutions by government employees, sometimes doubling as family. the decree of the minister of social affairs stipulates referrals in practice (ministry of social affairs of the republic of indonesia 2011, p. 30) but the decree is not followed in practice. the hypothesis that some children are placed in child welfare institutions far away from their hometown on purpose cannot proved. the fact that 80% of the children living in child welfare institutions far away from their hometown is a strong indication towards this hypothesis. reason behind a placement far away are possibly feelings of guilt and shame. the interviews with parents were inconclusive towards the hypothesis. when looking at the reactions of the keluarga besar it can be concluded that the keluarga besar does not particularly mind the submittance of a family member to a child welfare institution. family relations are disrupted by submitting a child to a child welfare institution. contact with children is usually kept by phone and children usually go back to their hometowns during balinese holidays. big concern should be considered on the fact that parents / familial caretakers do not know what the child is experiencing psychologically and emotionally. kaur, vinnakota, panigrahi and manasa (2018) state ‘orphans and other vulnerable children and adolescents living in institutional homes are more prone to behavioural and emotional problems than others as they are deprived of a family's love and care’ (p.1). e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 the hypothesis that child welfare institutions are used as cover ups to spread religion is not proven, though strong indicators have been given towards the hypothesis. some familial caretakers note their fear of submitting children to a child welfare institutions of a different religion due to conversion, some children made statements towards this hypothesis. the word orphan / orphanage is commonly used in marketing outings of child welfare institutions, but research shows that 76% of the children in the sample cannot be defined as orphan as stipulated by unicef and her global partners. while is impossible to make a value statement on perceived poverty, research shows that many parents of interviewed children belong to the working class. other solutions, as stipulated in the decree of the minister of social affairs should be implanted to prevent those children from living in child welfare institutions. it can be concluded that child welfare institutions are considered an option or a solution, by some familial caretakers even as the only solution. violence and force are evident in child welfare institutions in denpasar city. during this research cases of violence or indications of violence were discovered. the media uncovered more cases relating to child welfare institutions in denpasar and bali, showing that issues are recurring. when asked whether familial caretakers would make the same decision to send their children to child welfare institutions the result was mixed. some parents show regret were others see the submittance as the best solution. new findings of the research the new findings of the research are as follows: 1. children in denpasar city are mainly submitted to child welfare institutions for the sake of education. 2. child welfare institutions in denpasar city mainly use education as factor for accepting children, or even recruiting children, though this is forbidden by the decree of the minister of social affairs of the republic of indonesia no.30/huk/2011. 3. forms of abuse are happening in child welfare institutions in denpasar city. 4. child welfare institutions often recruit children and funds under the name of orphanage, while in western perspective an orphanage is something else than a child welfare institution in indonesian perspective. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 5. after the bali bombings in 2005 and its economical aftermath submitting children to child welfare institutions has been a coping mechanism that still has its cultural effects till recent. 6. by submitting children to child welfare institutions balinese kinship ties are changing. conclusions the conclusions of this dissertation are twofold. on one hand conclusion are drawn on based on the position of children living in child welfare institutions, their parents / familial caretakers and the child welfare institutions themselves. on the other hand, conclusions are drawn based on the social cultural change in perception of submitting children to child welfare institutions. the position of children living in child welfare institutions, their parents/ familial caretakers and the child welfare institutions this dissertation has explored the position of children living in child welfare institutions. it can be concluded that 76 percent of the children researched still have both parents alive and another sixteen percent of the children have one parent alive and known. therefore the translation of orphanage for panti asuhan is incorrect even though the term orphanage is often used in the marketing of child welfare institutions. the sample of 50 children had the following demographic background: karangasem 22% denpasar 20% tabanan 14% gianyar 14% buleleng 14% it is expected that children are placed in child welfare institutions far away from home (80% of the sample) to hide the fact that they are submitted (feelings of guilt and shame) to a child welfare institution from villagers. this hypothesis could not be proven by data. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 main reason given for children living in child welfare institutions are the possibility to follow education, economic hardship, family situation / sickness, being neglected and learning to be independent. the decree of the minister of social affairs of the republic of indonesia no30/huk/2011 prohibits submittance to child welfare institutions for the sake of education. in this case child welfare institutions are supposed to provide support for the family through financial assistance (tuition costs, school supplies, transportation) or economic empowerment of the family or assist the family in accessing social aid programs. parents and familial caretakers are executing the ostrich syndrome, having no long term vision, but seeking solutions for short terms without wanting to see consequences. answers given by parents / familial caretakers about their feelings were diverse, possibly driven by feelings of guilt and shame. taken to the level of the keluarga and keluarga besar it is identified that the family does not care too much that one of the children is submitted to the child welfare institution, even members of the nuclear family refer to child welfare institutions. parents / familial caretakers see submittance to child welfare institutions as a solution, sometimes even an easy solution. in hindsight some parents showed regret, but the majority do not regret submitting their children to a child welfare institution. children are experiencing psychological and emotional stress as they are deprived from family’s love and care. family relations and the balinese kinship system are disrupted due to having children surrendered to the child welfare institutions. parents / familial caretakers do not (want) to see those consequences in the long run. physical, psychological and sexual abuse is happening frequently in the child welfare institutions. within this research cases of physical and psychological abuse are discovered. the hypothesis that child welfare institutions are cover ups to spread religion cannot proven by data, though there are indicators that this is in fact happening. some parents / familial caretakers showed reluctance to submit children to a child welfare institution of a different religion, some children made statements towards this hypothesis. to give this dissertation philosophical reserve the work of mainly foucault has been deconstructed, specifically looking at aletheia, politeia and ethos. when looking at aletheia, the production of truth, one can relate issues of short term vision by parents / familial caretakers, specifically relating to the child’s safety, one can conclude that aletheia is disturbed. the exercise of power, politeia, is binary. the prescribing authority, the directorate general, has executed its task well by a well thought through decree, though the implementation by means of the social service is inadequate. when deconstructing ethos, e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 the amalgamation of norms, morals and ethics, the discrepancy between the parents / familial caretakers and the child are compromised. foucault describes that the best place for a child to be is the nuclear family. submitting children to child welfare institutions has become part of a normalization, a rising norm (a natural rule) which can be considered dangerous seen the many cases of abuse and the estrangement of children to their nuclear family and kinship ties. it has to be concluded that the ethos, the moral formation, is victimized by the failing system of aletheia and politeia, but that also ethos itself is victimized by contemporary forms of normalization. the incline of children being submitted to child welfare institutions as a social cultural effect of the bali bombings. research has been undertaken to examine the social economic effects of the bali bombings. no research has been undertaken to examine the social cultural effects of the bali bombings nor any other terroristic attack. this research shows that when looking at the number of children being submitted to child welfare institutions on bali and in denpasar an interesting turning point can be discovered. the terroristic attacks launched an enormous decline in tourist arrivals and with that a crisis on the island heavily dependent on tourism and hospitality. as a coping mechanism people tried to decrease expenditures. one way to decrease expenditures is to submit children to child welfare institutions, a practice already happening prior to the terroristic attacks. by submitting children to child welfare institutions parents / familial caretakers can reduce costs of tuition fees, uniforms, books, stationary, food, clothes and hygiene. submitting children to child welfare institutions on bali actively happened in the aftermath of the second bali bombing and from 2008 onwards in denpasar city. the traditional kinship system in which everyone belonging or feeling to belong to a common ancestor is usually a system in which people help each other. due to everyone being in the same position of coping with a crisis instigated by the heavily decreased tourist arrivals the kinship system fell apart. there are indications that this is the moment in which child welfare institutions started to recruit more actively in less privileged areas. the vast submittance to child welfare institutions instigated a trend, possibly led by peer pressure and seeing an ‘easy’ solution to an existing problem. as explained before there e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 is no long term vision by parents / familial caretakers within submitting children to child welfare institutions. the trend of submitting children to child welfare institutions in the first years after the second bali bombing instigated a change in the social cultural system on bali. now the kinship system partly fell apart as a result of the bali bombings, the keluarga besar is less considered to ask for help and submitting a child to a child welfare institution became an easy solution. final conclusion child welfare institutions are often marketing themselves as ‘orphanages’, which would make a child living in such an institution an orphan. this is proven to be wrong, as 76% of the children researched still had both parents alive. main reason to live in a child welfare institution is receiving education and economic hardship. the decree of the minister of social affairs of the republic of indonesia no.30/huk/2011 prohibits that child welfare institutions are housing children for the sake of receiving education. the child welfare institutions should provide financial assistance and give help in accessing social aid programs instead. parents / familial caretakers do not recognize the danger for children living in institutions. research has proven that children suffer from being institutionalized and that abuse is happening. ultimately children also estrange from their familial ties, the kinship system, that is so important on bali. the financial and economic results of the second bali bombing have instigated a change in the social and cultural perception of submitting children to child welfare institutions. this trend is ongoing till date. references badan pusat statistik kota denpasar. 2016. denpasar dalam angka 2015, bps kota denpasar, denpasar kaur, r., vinnakota, a., panigrahi, s. and manasa, rv. 2018. ‘a descriptive study on behavioral and emotional problems in orphans and other vulnerable children staying in institutional homes’, indian journal of psychological medicine, volume: 40 (issue: 2, p. 161-168). e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 10-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 kla.id. 2019, indikator kla, kota laya anak, jakarta < http://www.kla.id/indikator-kla/ >. ministry of social affairs of the republic of indonesia 2011, decree of the minister of social affairs of the republic of indonesia no.30/huk/2011 national standard of care for child welfare institutions, jakarta. republika. 2019, denpasar raih penghargaan kota layak anak kategori utama, viewed 19 october 2019, < https://nasional.republika.co.id/berita/pva7tc456/denpasar-raih-penghargaan-kota-layakanak-kategori-utama >. suara.com. 2019, solo, surabaya dan denpasar raih penghargaan kota layak anak, viewed 19 october 2019, < https://www.suara.com/health/2019/07/30/054922/solosurabaya-dan-denpasar-raih-penghargaan-kota-layak-anak >. tribun news. 2019, pemerintah kota denpasar raih penghargaan kota layak kategori utama, viewed 19 october 2019, < https://wartakota.tribunnews.com/2019/07/28/pemerintah-kota-denpasar-raihpenghargaan-kota-layak-anak-kategori-utama >. microsoft word ahkmad marhadi 4 e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 23-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 power relation of punggawa-sawi on fishermen of bajo ethnics at tiworo archipelago, north tiworo district, west muna regency, south east sulawesi akhmad marhadi1, i ketut ardhana2, i nyoman darma putra3, ni luh arjani4 1faculty of art halu oleo university, 2 3 4 cultural studies program faculty of art udayana university email: 1ajie_np@yahoo.com, 2phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com, 3idarmaputra@yahoo.com 4arjani_psw@yahoo.com abstract after the coming of globalization flow and ideology of capitalism in ner order around 1970s and 1980s until reformation era in 1998 up to now, power relation of punggawa-sawi resulted in hegemony on the group of sawi that had the impact on economic imbalance in the life of bajo ethnics. this research is a qualitative method. next, this research used a qualitative method with technique of snowball according to the purpose and objective of research. result of this research showed that in forming power relation and hegemony of the group of punggawa is done not only directly in recruiting sawi as the worker to collect sea product, but also do the power and hegemony through another punggawa, through capital restriction and restrain of trade. in addition, manipulating regulation of government, power relation and hegemony through trader outside and through security apparatus are also done in recruiting sawi with the purpose of pursuing economic profit. ideology of capitalism and religiousity is the supporting factor of hegemony towards sawi to happen. in this case, power relation between punggawa and sawi has the implication on ideological aspect that also influences system of knowledge of bajo ethnics. besides, this thing also has the implication on economic aspect, namely inegality of incoming between punggawa with sawi, political aspect, namely the involvement of the group of punggawa in practical politic, and has the implication in practical poliytics and has the implicatin on the condition of social stratification in which the change on the system of socil stratification happens on the society of bajo ethnics. keywords: power relation, punggawa-sawi, bajo ethnics, ideology, and capitalist. introduction in the light of economic aspect, societal life of bajo ethnics at tiworo archipelago, north tiworo district, west muna regency constitutes the relation of patron-client between the capital owner and worker that is usually called with the term of “punggawa-sawi”. in analyzing the power relation between punggawa and sawi during new order in 1970s and 1980s and the coming of reformation era in 1998 up to now with globalization flow and capitalism that is increasingly strong did not make the change totally on the life of bajo ethnics. one of which that is still inherent in economic life as their cultural heritage is the e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 23-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 relationship of patron-client between capital owner/production leader and worker that is usually called by bajo ethnics in south and southeast sulawesi with the term of punggawasawi. the word of punggawa is similirized with leader or boss. this term is used to describe the relationship in the broad scope between superior and subordinate that is accompanied with personal bonds. the term of sawi is the complement of punggawa that can be interpreted as the subordinate or the person having personal relationship with the superior. the relation between pungawa-sawi on fishermen community of bajo ethnics at north tiworo forms the bonds of patron-client. initially, the relationship of punggawa and sawi in doing fish-catching and catching-product division ran in a balanced and fair manner between punggawa and sawi. but, the advent of capitalism flow causes the group of punggawa increasingly intensively builds the relations with other parties in doing management of sea product that, without being realized, arouse the power and hegemony to the group of sawi. this has the implication on economic condition of society of bajo ethnics. the main question in this research how the forms of power relation of punggawasawi in the activity of fishermen of bajo ethnics at tiworo archipelago, north tiworo district, west muna regency are. this research aims at answering the general problems that happen on fishermen of bajo ethnics at tiworo archipelago, north tiworo district west muna regency related to the power relation of the group of punggawa and group of sawi. whereas, the specific purpose of this research is to respond the problems in the problem formulation. this research uses a power relation theory of foucault to study the forms of power relation between the interest supporter namely punggawa (rural government and entrepreneur of sea product collector) and society of fishermen of sawi and influence of modernization towards ideology of group of punggawa and sawi. this research also employed a theory of capital of bourdieu. this theory is used not only to see the form of power relation, but also to study the implication that happens in power relation of punggawa-sawi on fishermen of bajo ethnics at north tiworo district, west muna regency. result and discussion the forms of the power relation of fishermen’s activities mentioned above are as follows. the form of working-relation also happens between small punggawa with his sawi. small punggawa is the punggawa given capital by big punggawa to be managed with the purpose of enlarging his working-area. the task of small punggawa is recruiting the group of e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 23-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 sawi or traditional small fishermen to work to punggawa. the direct recruitement of sawi that is done by small punggawa is the strategy done to create their own fishermen in their own region in collecting sea products like tasipi village, bero village, tiga village, and all villages at north tiworo district. this is carried out not only to expand working-relation, but also to fulfill their production necessity including how the small punggawa as the mediator of big punggawa can become the relation and hegemonize the distribution areas of fishermen of sawi to be made the worker in collecting sea products. the target of small punggawa in doing the recruitement of sawi to do the activity of fish-catching is the group of small fishermen that works individually either they who use traditional boat by using sticking-machine or traditional boat by using oar or they who do not have catching-tools. the way done by small punggawa is by giving additional capital loan for the fishermen of sawi who have had the business of catching previously according to their needs. whereas, for sawi who begins their business for the first time is given capital loan in the form of tools and equipment of catching-tool and is given money loan to fulfill their daily life needs. the strategy of direct recruitement of sawi by giving capital and loan for daily life needs aims to be easier to monitor and control their performance so that it makes the power and hegemony of punggawa towards sawi to be increasingly strong. it is due to the life pattern of sawi himself that tends to be pragmatical and irregular in the management of finance because of their mindset that regards that sea has provided their life needs. the relation formed by big punggawa to expand his business network is by forming small punggawa as the mediator of big punggawa in building power relation and hegemony towards sawi. one of the criteria in lifting small punggawa is done by being chosen a sawi that has worked for a long time and has obtained the trust, loyality and still owns kinship bonds with big punggawa. it is through the small punggawa that in turn recruites sawi to work to collect sea products either by using traditional boat or by using sticking-machine in all areas of north tiworo district to fulfill the necessity of market. the way of big punggawa builds the connections in enlarging his business expansion by creating small punggawa as the mediator of big punggawa. the group of small punggawa spreads in every island that also constitutes the villages at north tiworo district to facilitate the access of small punggawa and collect sea products from the fishermen (sawi). through the small punggawa that has been created by big punggawa aims at strengthening the power and hegemony of punggawa towards sawi. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 23-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 working-relation that happens between punggawa and sawi is carried out by giving the trust to manage capital with the purpose of binding the group of sawi in order to keep working and obeying towards the command of punggawa that is helped by small punggawa. the group of big punggawa expands their working-relation and develops business with the purpose of dominating sea products so that they can fulfill their production needs. in actuating this strategy, big punggawa depends on the capability of the small punggawa as their mediator in every village that spreads at north tiworo district. in choosing the person that is made as their working-partner, the group of big punggawa has their own requirement. this requirement is done to give the guarantee in order that the distributing of capital and loan to sawi can run well and make sure that the collecting of sea product can be dominated by big punggawa. this strategy is carried out in order that the cost is still in the control of big punggawa. the submission of authority in capital management and purchase cost determining towards catching-product of the fishermen of sawi is made use of by the group of small punggawa to do the purchase according to the cost established partially by the group of small punggawa, eventhough the cost does not exceed the standard of cost established by the group of big punggawa. this case becomes the space of the group of small punggawa to do the power and hegemony towards the group of sawi by means of giving capital according to the needs of sawi and on the aspect of product division and purchase are not greatly imbalanced and tend to lose the group of sawi. social bond between punggawa and sawi not only obtains the profit economically, but this relation in turn develops and is directed to reach a bigger political interest. its purpose is to strengthen the existence of punggawa in the middle of bajo ethnics by making use of social bond between punggawa and sawi for political interests with the hope of being capable of arranging and of actuating the aids given by both central government and local government to the group of fishermen of bajo ethnics. economic dependence of fishermen of sawi towards punggawa becomes moral bond with the obligations that must follow the will of punggawa in giving his political decision. the capability of punggawa in controlling his member becomes special attention both executive and legislative government. punggawa is in turn made as the connection of building communication with groups of fishermen that are controlled by the group of big punggawa. this condition opens the space in which power relation and hegemony paly in the midst of society of bajo fishermen. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 23-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 along with the socio-political development in the region, the group of punggawa in turn changes into the agent that guards governmental policy even becomes political connection in the midst of society of fishermen of bajo ethnics at north tiworo district. the group of punggawa plays a role not only as the capital owner in domination of economical assets, but begins entering in political fields. in addition to strengthening their existence in the society, the group of punggawa also protects and adds their economic assets through governmental policy both executive and legislative government. this progressively strengthens the power and hegemony of punggawa towards sawi by doing manipulation of governmental policy regulation both executive and legislative government. the group of punggawa to optimalize performance of sawi in collecting sea products in order to be able to get big profit by means of interlacing relation and collaboration with traders outside whether they who are in makassar, bali, surabaya, or jakarta. the relation that is built through the traders outside of north tiworo district is done in order that they obtain capital loan and make sure that the route of marketing of sea products can be overcome and can get bigger profit. the traders outside are also not reluctant to give the trust in the aid of capital for the group of punggawa to make them easier to obtain the supply of sea products. the relationship of power relation between big punggawa with trader of sea product collector from outside has had their each own route. the abovementioned trading-route may not be broken and if they break the rule that has been established will get sanction from the collectors of sea products from four cities in indonesia. in addition, they as the capital supplier, it signifies that it has happened the power and hegemony of traders outside towards the role of big punggawa. therefore, they cannot help but obliging to guard the relationship of fellow punggawa and do the power and hegemony towards sawi to work as well as possible for the survival and trust of their business from the sanction that they obtain whenever from traders outside. punggawa as the doer of business in the midst of society certainly always expects to conduct their safe and comfortable business and without any disturbance. principally, punggawa requires the security guarantee in doing their business according to what is expected without any disturbance from another person or from certain societal groups as the consequence of business competition. for that reason, the group of punggawa entrusts safety and protection of their business through security apparatus. in this case, institution of police matter is the best institution in ascertaining the safety of their business. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 23-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 there is mutualistic relation in which punggawa gets the sense of safety in one hand, on the other hand, the group of punggawa can also give the fear towards sawi that tries to do the bad things or opposition towards punggawa. based on this case, punggawa makes the security side as the tool to give the fear towards the group of sawi in order to guard and guarantee their obedience towards punggawa. the relationship of power relation and hegemony through security side also aims at guaranteeing the survival of fish-catching business and preventing conflict of inter fellow fishermen that depend his life form sea products. besides, power and hegemony through security apparatus also aims at avoiding and acting on emphatically the fishermen from out of north tiworo to conduct sea product catching in their area. closing the implication of power relation of punggawa-sawi on the fishermen of bajo ethnics at tiworo archipelago, north tiworo district, west muna regency is as follows. loyality and obedience of bajo ethnics are keeping ritual and pamali in the form of prohibition and forbidding and are keeping the belief to the existence of magical creature of sea guardian. the prohibition that must be obeyed both sawi and his family member when the husband is going in the sea may not break pamali. pamali is in the form of prohibition and forbidding that have been institutionalized in the self of every fishermen of bajo ethnics so that it forms the action and paradigm of bajo ethnics about surroundings. this implies on the action of balancing between human beings and papu (the god), between human and human, and between human and nature. pamali that is in the form of prohibition and forbidding is made use of by punggawa to influence sawi in doing his activity during going in the sea. the belief towards the sea guardian is considered as a truth. as a result, it arouses the high faith, loyality, and obedience from sawi towards punggawa. it is through this ideology that in turn punggawa instills and strengthens the power of his hegemony to obtain legitimation from society of bajo ethnics to persue his economic interest towards sawi. the portrait of life of fishermen of bajo ethnics at north tiworo district initially was still simple. they have not used modern catching-tools yet. the boat that they use was still driven by human’s energy (manual) by using oar (busae), catching-tool used is also the work of fishermen themselves. along with the time goes, the life of bajo ethnics at north tiworo e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 23-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 district begins being influenced by modernization, the coming of modernization results in the change of paradigm and knowledge of bajo ethnics. the change of life pattern in the society of fishermen of bajo ethnics appears on the using of means and traditional catching-tools that in turn becomes the using of means and modern catching-tools in the form of technological application of mini ship of pursein 5-10 gt with catching-tool of ring dragnet that is usually called with gae. the using of modern technology in fish-catching has the implication on plentiness and unplentiness of their catching-product. this condition is not only resulted in by the capacity of exploring-power means and modern catching-tools employed, but is also caused by the shift from human’s energy (manual) to machine. in addition, it is also due to specific skill from sawi in operating the abovementioned means and catching-tools. another implication is the change of social structure of fishermen. the fishermen of capital owner (money and production means) are categorized as punggawa, while the fishermen having capital of energy and skill of catching fish are called as worker or sawi. besides, the change of relational pattern that happens becomes hierarchical but does not direct to exploitative thing in which with his skill of catching fish, a sawi is employed by punggawa. the using of means and modern catching-tools that are given by punggawa to sawi is managed as maximal as possible by punggawa as the media to dominate and hegemonize for the sake of obtaining profit as much as possible. punggawa owns the strength of money and catching-tools. having capital strength and fish-catching-tools make punggawa to have many loyal followers in this case the group of sawi. it is the reality that makes the candidates in the election both in the level of village like the election of village head and general election such as: legislative election, regent election, governor election, and president election are more interested in approaching punggawa than sawi. punggawa can employ his influence (power) to organize and can make his sawi to be present to the place of vote-taking for electing one of the candidates required by the punggawa. the existence of punggawa is considered by the fishermen of sawi as the person having the right in deciding the direction of political support for the fishermen of bajo ethnics particularly for the group of sawi. the decision mentioned above has consequence if it is not followed. the real consequence on the denial of the abovementioned decision from punggawa is felt directly by sawi. some of the punggawa get involved in political spaces as the effort of strengthening the power by becoming the part of political party organizer or e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 23-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 success team. even, there are also some of them that have become the member of legislative by making use of his power towards their sawi. after the coming of economical interest of the traders outside of north tiworo district, it has the implication on the change of social stratification of society of bajo ethnics. initially, bajo ethnics knew three layers in social stratification, namely lolo bajo, sandro, and sesehe, but currently becomes four social layers of society. the position of punggawa as the capital owner becomes the top position or first layer, the second layer is lolo bajo (the noblemen), the third layer is sandro (the shaman), and the fourth layer is sesehe that changes into sawi (the worker) occupies the last layer. bibliography abdul hafid. 2012. kearifan lokal nelayan bajo. makassar. pustaka rekfleksi ---------2014. pengetahuan lokal nelayan bajo. pustaka refleksi. makassar. alias, 2012. kearifan lokal orang bajo dalam pengelolaan sumber daya laut. tesis. badan pusat statistik. 2015. kabupaten muna dalam angka 2015. badan pusat statistik kabupaten muna barat. ---------2015. kecamatan tiworo utara dalam angka tahun 2015. muna barat : badan pusat statistik kabupaten muna barat. baskara. 2016. islam bajo agama orang laut (banten: javanica). bourdieu, pierre. 2005. the social structures of the economy, cambridge: polity pres. --------1986, “the forms of capital”, terj. dari bahasa perancis oleh richard nice, dalam richardson, j.e. 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as a result, the access to their development was obstructed. the internal factors included competition and commitment and the external ones included patriarchal ideology, the government policy and less support from their colleagues and administrative staff at the schools where they work. the impacts of the marginalization of the female teachers were that they intended to improve themselves and to submit to their fate. the other impact was that they got disappointed and obstructed to realize gender impartiality. philosophically, the marginalization of the female teachers meant that there was no gender partiality and self actualization. keywords: marginalization, female teachers, and headmasters. introduction males and females have equal rights to various things (tilaar, 2002: 94). however, in fact, there are many partialities between males and females in various aspects of life in general and in education in particular. according to the data prepared by lembaga penjamin mutu pendidikan (lpmp) of bali province in 2010, the number of female teachers appointed headmasters was extremely limited. among 12 public junior high schools in denpasar city, only two were led by female headmasters; they were public junior high school 7 denpasar and public junior high school 12 denpasar. among 8 public senior high schools in denpasar, none was led by a female headmaster. in relation to that, the problems of the present study were what was the marginalization of the female teachersin the appointment of the headmasters of public junior high school 2 denpasar and public senior high school 6 denpasar like, what factors contributing to it, and what were its impact and meaning. in general, the present study was intended to reveal and understand the matters pertaining to the marginalization of the female teachers in the appointment of the headmasters of public mailto:citrawanwayan@yahoo.com 2 junior high school 2 denpasar and public senior high school 6 denpasar. in particular, the present study was intended to identify the form of the marginalization, the factors contributing to it, and its impact and meaning. it was expected that the present study would be practically and theoretically useful. theoretically, it was expected that the results of the present study could give contribution to the development of education in general, the aspects of the leadership of female teachers in particular. it was also expected that the results of the present study could be used as a reference in the next wider and deeper research particularly exploring the leadership of female headmasters. in practice, it was expected that the results of the present study could be used as input for female leaders in improving their professionalism as leaders, would give information and input to the department of education and related institutions in making decisions and appointing female teachers as headmasters in denpasar city, and could be used as one of the supporting materials for creating equality in gender. research method the study was conducted at smpn 2 (public junior high school 2) and sman 6 (public senior high school 6) denpasar. the consideration was that the number of the female teachers appointed headmasters in denpasar city was limited. the primary data were collected using the techniques of observation and in-depth interview, and the secondary data were collected through documentation study. the data used in the present study were qualitative and quantitative data. the qualitative data were in the forms of spoken and written statements or narrationsobtained from the interview and observation. the quantitative data were in the form of figures and used to support the secondary data. the quantitative data were taken from the documents prepared by lpmp of bali province, statistic data and the data prepared by the schools. the data were obtained from primary data source and secondary data source. the primary data were directly obtained from the informants whom were purposively selected. they were in the form of words, actions, and photographs. the secondary data were obtained from written sources such as the documents which were relevant to the problems of the present study. then the data were descriptively and interpretatively presented, and the results were formally and informally presented. the theories used in the present study were the theory of feminism proposed by simone de beavoir (arvia, 2003: 15) and the theory of hegemony proposed by gramsci (patrio & arief, 1999: 119). they were used to analyze the forms of the marginalization and the factors leading to it. the theory of power and knowledge proposed by fuocault(piliang, 2003) was used to identify the relation of power in the process of the selection of 3 headmasters. this theory was good to excavate the factors contributing to the marginalization of the female teachers in the appointment of the headmasters of smpn 2 and sman 6 denpasar. the theory of deconstruction proposed by derrida (barker, 2009: 406) was used to reveal the meaning why the female teachers were marginalized in the appointment of headmasters. result and discussion the marginalization of the female teachers in the appointment of the headmasters of smpn 2 and sman 6 denpasar could be seen from the facts that the government regulation was not optimally applied; in other words, the process of the appointment of headmasters was not in accordance with the applicable regulation. the government neglected the ability and experience the female teachers had in the process of the appointment of the headmasters. they were regarded as the second. from the social construction, they were regarded as being subordinate in various activities, including in the process of the appointment of headmasters. they were assumed that they could not be separated from domestic affairs; as a result, they were obstructed in the development of their career. they wished that they had been justly treated and played the same roles as males in their daily dimension to be headmasters. considering that they were considered subordinates in the schools where they teach, what they demanded for was reasonable. the factors causing the female teachers to be marginalized in the appointment of the headmasters of smpn 2 and sman 6 denpasar could be classified into two; the internal and external factors. the internal factors included competence and commitment. the headmasters should be competent in personality, management, entrepreneurship, and supervision. in addition, they should also be socially competent. they should highly be committed to sacrificing their time and labor for doing what they are supposed to be responsible for. the female headmasters are assumed not to be so highly committed to this thing as the male ones. the external factors included the patriarchal ideology, government policy and less support from the colleagues. the patriarchal ideology means that the males were more superior to the females and that the former dominated the latter. the balinese people still strongly adhered to this ideology. the actualization was that in social structure the males were seen to dominate the females in many ways. what is meant by the government policy in this case was that the department of education, youth and sports still treated the female teachers as what is referred to as “subaltern”; they were still regarded as “inferior”. they felt that they were dominated and were disappointed with the government policy in the recruitment process of the headmasters; the regulations were not fully referred to. 4 one of the positive impacts of the marginalization of the female teachers in the appointment of the headmasters of smpn 2 denpasar and sman 6 denpasar was that they desired to improve themselves although they failed to be the headmasters; they were not frustrated; they desired to take part in the process of the appointment of headmasters in the future. the other positive impact was that they submitted to their fate although they had been unfairly treated; they accepted the decision that they failed. one of the negative impacts was that they were disappointed and obstructed in creating gender equality. they felt that the decree of the department of national education number 162/u/2003 concerning the guidance of the selection of the candidates of headmasters was not entirely applied. the selection should have been done in two stages rather than in one stage. the fact that gender equality was not created was not in accordance with the presidential instruction number 9 of 2000 concerning gender equality, which has been intended to give equal access to both males and females to the process of development including the process of the appointment of headmasters. the meanings of the marginalization of the female teachers in the process of the appointment of headmasters are as follows. (a) philosophically, the marginalization of the female teachers in the appointment of headmasters was defined as something which was merely subjective. (b) gender equality; working as teachers/headmasters meant that the female teachers enhanced gender equality. the accessibility to being teachers and headmasters for males and females meant enhancing gender equality and giving contribution to the schools where they teach. and (c) the meaning of actualization; the female teachers were proud of being able to improve their quality by attending postgraduate studies (s2) and the training courses assigned by their superiors or voluntarily attended. although the female teachers failed to be headmasters, the knowledge and skill they acquired could be used to develop themselves as teachers, meaning that the quality of education would improve. conclusion and suggestion from what was described above, several conclusions could be drawn. first, there were several reasons why the female teachers were marginalized in the process of the appointment of the headmasters of smpn 2 denpasar and sman 6 denpasar. first, the government, in this case, tim pertimbangan pengangkatan kepala sekolah, did not fully pay attention to the guidance of the selection of headmasters as prescribed in the decree of the ministry of national education number 162/u/2003 and the regulation of the national government of the republic of indonesia number 13 of 2007 concerning the standard of headmasters. in addition, the female teachers were assumed to be the second in the 5 process of selection; they were assumed to be busy with domestic affairs; as a result, their career was becoming obstructed. second, the factors causing the female teachers to be marginalized in the process of the appointment of headmasters could be classified into two; the internal factors and external factors. the external factors included the fact that the government, in this case, tim pertimbangan pengangkatan kepala sekolah, was not convinced of the female teachers’ competence and commitment, the government policy, the patriarchal ideology, and less support from the colleagues where they teach. third, the positive impact of the marginalization of the female teachers in the appointment of the headmasters of smpn 2 denpasar and sman 6 denpasar was that they desired to improve themselves and submitted to their fate. the negative impact was that they were disappointed and obstructed in creating gender equality. first, it is suggested that the government, through tim pertimbangan pengangkatan kepala sekolah, should be more transparent in the process of the appointment of headmasters by paying attention to the guidance of the selection of headmasters prescribed in the decree of the ministry of national education number 162/u/2003 dated 24 october 2003 and the regulation of the national government of the republic of indonesia number 13 of 2007 concerning the standard of headmasters. if these were referred to, all the candidates of headmasters could present their competences before tim pertimbangan pengangkatan kepala sekolah. second, it is suggested to the teachers and administrative staff that they should give priority to objectivity when giving their support so the headmasters they select will be better. third, the candidates should prepare themselves so that they will be competent in management, personality, entrepreneurship and supervision.in addition, they should also be socially competent. in this way, they will be able to do optimally what they are supposed to do in the present global era. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank and highly appreciate prof. dr. i made suastika, su., prof. dr. wayan maba, and prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, as the main supervisor, co-supervisor i, and co-supervisor ii respectively for their correction, supervision, input and suggestion. bibliography arivia, gadis, 2003. filsafat berperspektif feminis. jakarta: yayasan jurnal perempuan. barker, chris. 2009. cultural studies teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. citrawan, i wayan. 2013. “marginalisasi perempuan guru dalam pengangkatan kepala sekolah: studi kasus di smpn 2 dan sman 6 denpasar”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. 6 departemen pendidikan nasional direktoratjendral pendidikan dasar dan menengah direktorat tenaga kependidikan. 2004. keputusan menteri pendidikan nasional republik indonesia nomor 162/u/2003. tentang penugasan guru sebagai kepala sekolah. patria, nezar dan andi arief. 1999. antonio gramsci, negara dan hegemoni. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. peraturan menteri pendidikan nasional republik indonesia nomor: 13 tahun 2007 tentang standar kepala sekolah/madrasah. piliang, yasraf amir. 2003. hipersemiotika, tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna. yogyakarta: jalasutra. tilaar, h.a.r. 2002. membenahi pendidikan nasional. jakarta: penerbit rineka cipta. 7 background pusaka budaya dan pengembangan pariwisata di kota medan: sebuah kajian budaya asmyta surbakti mytasurbakti@yahoo.com promotor: prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., ko-promotor i: prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., dan ko-promotor ii prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. abstrak penghancuran pusaka budaya berupa bangunan bersejarah di kota medan disikapi secara berbeda oleh pemerintah dan masyarakat setempat. pemerintah kota medan menyetujui penghancuran tersebut untuk pembangunan antara lain pusat-pusat perbelanjaan dengan alasan terciptanya lapangan kerja sekaligus peningkatan pendapat asli daerah kota medan. sebaliknya, masyarakat memperjuangkan kelestarian bangunan bersejarah sebagai bukti sejarah masyarakat medan yang plural dan multikultural. sebagai modal budaya, pusaka budaya tersebut memiliki potensi besar dalam mengantisipasi kecenderungan pariwisata global dan posmodern. penelitian ini dilakukan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif. format disain, pengumpulan data, dan strategi analisis datanya bersifat deskriptif-kualitatif. sumber data terdiri atas data primer yang diperoleh dari wawancara mendalam dan observasi partisipasi dan metode penelitian berganda sedangkan data sekunder diperoleh dari dokumentasi. hasil analisis disajikan secara informal melalui deskripsi induktif-analitik. hasil penelitian ini menunjukkan bahwa, dalam pembangunan kota medan, terdapat kekuatan pemerintah dan pengusaha/pemilik bangunan bersejarah yang mengorbankan pusaka budaya demi pendirian gedung-gedung bisnis modern, seperti pusat-pusat perbelanjaan. sebagai akibatnya, kota medan mengalami komodifikasi yang mengancam pusaka budaya dan pengembangan pariwisata. puluhan bangunan bersejarah yang sudah dihancurkan termasuk tiga yang dilindungi oleh perda nomor 6 tahun 1988. melalui diskursus kontra-hegemoniknya, masyarakat yang didukung oleh masyarakat sipil setempat, khususnya lsm seperti badan warisan sumatra (bws), di samping para intelektual dan media massa, melakukan perjuangan atas pelestarian pusaka budaya dan tuntutan terhadap hak azasi budayanya. pelestarian pusaka budaya di kota medan adalah terkait kepentingan praksis emansipasi masyarakat dan sesuai dengan cita-cita kajian budaya, yaitu praksis dan emansipatoris. kata kunci: pusaka budaya, komodifikasi, hegemoni, diskursus, pengembangan pariwisata. latar belakang kota medan di provinsi sumatera utara memiliki sekitar 600-an bangunan bersejarah berusia rata-rata lebih dari 100 tahun yang berdiri seiring sejarah perjalanan kota ini. bangunan-bangunan bersejarah tinggalan kolonial belanda tersebut terkait dengan aktivitas perkebunan tembakau deli yang produknya sangat terkenal di dunia pada masanya. berkat estetika arsitekturalnya, kota medan dahulu dikenal sebagai sebuah kota dengan citra parijs van sumatra. dalam perkembangan pembangunan kota medan selanjutnya, khususnya masa orde baru dan orde reformasi yang menetapkan desentralisasi melalui otonomi daerah di tingkat kota/kabupaten dengan semangat pendapatan asli daerah (pad)-nya, banyak bangunan bersejarah yang dihancurkan dan digantikan oleh bangunan baru dengan fungsi baru pula. fungsi menjadi utama dan bentuk bangunan yang mengikuti fungsinya (form-follows-function). hal ini disebabkan oleh lokasi bangunan bersejarah tersebut berada di tempat yang strategis dan memiliki nilai ekonomi yang tinggi. upaya perlindungan terhadap bangunan bersejarah di kota medan sudah dilakukan oleh pemerintah kota medan dengan menerbitkan perda nomor 6 tahun 1988 tentang pelestarian bangunan dan lingkungan yang bernilai sejarah, arsitektur, kepurbakalaan, serta penghijauan dalam daerah kota medan. namun, perda hanya mencantumkan 42 bangunan yang dilindungi. ironisnya, tiga di antaranya sudah dihancurkan. sementara puluhan bangunan bersejarah yang tidak dilindungi oleh perda juga sudah dihancurkan. misalnya adalah eks mega eltra (2002), eks bank modern (2004), dan kompleks perkantoran perusahaan perkebunan sipef (2004). sebagai reaksinya, masyarakat melakukan perlawanan dengan dukungan masyarakat sipil dari kalangan lembaga swadaya masyarakat, khususnya bws, sehingga terjadi perang posisi pemerintah melawan perang manuver masyarakat. dalam perlawanannya, masyarakat mengusung isu-isu pelestarian lewat konservasi dan pengembangan pariwisata yang selama ini diabaikan oleh pemerintah. dalam konteks makro, peran kebudayaan pada masyarakat global ditandai dengan lahirnya kekuatan masyarakat sipil yang dikenal dengan peristiwa battle of seattle pada tahun 1999 (perlas, 2000). kondisi sosial manusia kini ditentukan oleh tiga pilar di mana peran serta masyarakat sebagai pemilik kebudayaan harus diwujudkan. realitas penghancuran pusaka budaya lewat diskursus hegemoni pemerintah yang berhadapan dengan diskursus kontra-hegemoni masyarakat yang ingin melestarikan pusaka budaya dan melakukan pengembangan pariwisata layak diteliti sebagai sebuah kajian budaya. sebagimana dalam kajian ini, menurut fiske (barker, 2005: 87), konsep kebudayaan dalam kajian budaya adalah konsep yang politis yang menaruh perhatian pada persoalan kekuasaan. akibatnya, sebagian besar karya kajian budaya berpusat pada pertanyaan-pertanyaan tentang kekuasaan, pengetahuan, ideologi, dan hegemoni. pembahasan kota medan secara keseluruhan merupakan kawasan (pari)wisata kota berbasis bangunan bersejarah. kawasan-kawasan yang dibangun oleh pemeirntah kolonial belanda diisi oleh bangunan-bangunan bersejarah yang berfungsi sebagai penanda kawasan. namun, dewasa ini fungsi kawasan beserta bangunannya sudah banyak yang berubah. spesifikasinya yang berbasis bangunan bersejarah justru mengalami pengabaian di balik gencarnya diskursus modernitas pembangunan. proses modernisasi kota medan melalui pembangunan yang kapitalistik menyebabkan kota medan mengalami komodifikasi yang mengancam pusaka budaya dan pengembangan pariwisata. sebagaimana dikatakan oleh barker (2004: 408), komodifikasi adalah proses yang diasosiasikan dengan kapitalisme di mana objek, kualitas, dan tanda dijadikan sebagai komoditas dan komoditas adalah sesuatu yang tujuan utamanya untuk dijual di pasar. sementara kapitalisme melanggengkan hegemoni. diskursus penghancuran pusaka budaya di kota medan dilakukan melalui hegemoni dan demolition by neglection. protes masyarakat agar perda tersebut direvisi hanya dijawab oleh pemerintah dengan mengeluarkan sk penyempurnaan atas perda yang sama sekali tidak menyentuh esensi yang diharapkan. proses demolitin by neglection bergerak ke arah yang lebih modern karena terjadi perubahan fungsi pada beberapa kawasan yang mengancam spesifikasi kawasan tersebut. penghancuran bangunan bersejarah dan perubahan fungsi bangunan bersejarah di kota medan menyebabkan wajah dan estetika kota mengalami perubahan. sejarah panjang awal terbentuknya kota medan hampir dilupakan, termasuk kebesaran kerajaan haru yang mulai hilang dari peredaran sejarah lokal dan nasional. penghancuran pusaka budaya di kota medan berdampak secara signifikan, baik terhadap fisik arsitektural maupun keadaan sosial, ekonomi, dan budaya masyarakat setempat. gerakan kontra-hegemoni masyarakat yang didukung oleh kekuatan elemenelemen masyarakat sipil dilakukan untuk kelestarian pusaka budaya. kekuasaan pemerintah dan kekuatan modal (pengusaha) disebut sebagai penyebab penghancuran bangunan bersejarah di mana, di dalamnya, pemerintah sedang mempraktikkan politik ekonomi instan. pengembangan pariwisata jauh lebih menguntungkan bila dikelola dengan baik dan benar. realitas menunjukkan bahwa beberapa pusat perbelanjaan yang sudah ada akhirnya ditutup karena pusat perbelanjaan yang lebih modern didirikan. masyarakat kota medan mencoba mentransformasikan modal budaya berupa pusaka budaya (cultural capital) menjadi modal ekonomi (economic capital) dalam konsepsi bourdieu (harker, et al, 2005). richards (1996) menyebutkan bahwa kecenderungan pariwisata global ditandai dengan meningkatnya bentuk-bentuk pariwisata posmodern yang terkait dengan pusaka budaya tetapi sebelum dikembangkan menjadi sebuah city tour, misalnya, perlu dilakukan tindakan konservasi mengingat usia bangunan rata-rata di atas 100 tahun. salah satu teknik konservasi adalah pengembangan pariwisata karena konservasi tidak akan berarti bila tidak menguntungkan secara ekonomi. makna pelestarian pusaka budaya terkait dengan tuntutan hak budaya (cultural rights), baik untuk pelestarian itu sendiri maupun dalam kaitannya dengan pengembangan pariwisata dan manfaatnya bagi kehidupan dan kesejahteraan masyarakat. pusaka budaya merupakan sumber daya budaya yang memiliki berbagai nilai dan makna antara lain nilai dan makna informasi/ilmu pengetahuan, ekonomi, estetika, dan asosiasi/simbolik (ardika dalam surbakti 2004). sebagai sebuah kajian budaya, penelitian ini dapat dipergunakan untuk memperbaiki kondisi sosial-budaya masyarakat kota medan menjadi lebih adil dan manusiawi. realitas penghancuran bangunan bersejarah di kota medan yang diteliti dalam suatu proses ilmiah memberikan proses pencerahan yang bersifat damai atau non-kekerasan yang disebut sebagai diskursus praksis sosial. ada lima temuan dalam penelitian ini. pertama, pemerintah kota medan tidak memedulikan pelestarian pusaka budaya yang potensial dikembangkan sebagai modal pariwisata budaya. sebagai akibatnya, terjadi gerakan kontra-hegemoni masyarakat setempat berupa kontra-diskursus terhadap penghancuran tersebut untuk tujuan pelestarian pusaka budaya dan pengembangan pariwisata yang berbasis masyarakat. kedua, dalam pembangunan kota medan terjadi proses komodifikasi kota dengan berkolaborasinya kekuatan pemerintah dengan pengusaha yang menghancurkan pusaka budaya dan menghambat pengembangan pariwisata. ketiga, penghancuran pusaka budaya di kota medan dilakukan dengan dua modus, yaitu hegemoni dan demolition by neglection. keempat, perlawanan masyarakat kota medan merupakan wahana bagi kebangkitan masyarakat sipil kota berupa elemenelemen kelompok kritis (seperti organisasi masyarakat dan lsm, intelektual, dan media massa) yang membela pelestarian pusaka budaya dan pengembangan pariwisata. kelima, dipadukan dari konsepsi perlas (2003) dan arsworth dan tunbridge (1990), ada empat pilar (fourfolding) pengembangan pariwisata pusaka budaya di kota medan, yaitu (1) masyarakat, (2) pemerintah, (3) industri pariwisata, dan (4) bangunan bersejarah itu sendiri. simpulan dalam pembangunan kota medan, pemerintah setempat menjalankan politik ekonomi instan yang mengorbankan pusaka budaya dan pengembangan pariwisata, sehingga kota medan mengalami komodifikasi. penghancuran dilakukan melalui hegemoni dan demolition by neglection. akibatnya, wajah dan estetika kota berubah, sejarah terbentuknya mulai dilupakan, dan identitas kota menjadi kabur. diskursus hegemonik pemerintah terkait penghancuran pusaka budaya melahirkan diskursus kontra-hegemoni masyarakat yang ingin melahirkannya. dengan dukungan elemen-elemen masyarakat sipil, masyarakat menginginkan modal budaya tersebut dijadikan modal ekonomi. upaya pelestarian pusaka budaya merupakann perjuangan hak budaya dan kepentingan praksis emansipasi masyarakat kota medan. daftar pustaka ardika, i wayan. 2007. pusaka budaya & pariwisata. denpasar: pustaka larasan. ashworth, g.j. dan j.e. tunbridge. 1990. the tourist-historic city, retrospect and prospect of managing the heritage city. london: belhoven. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies, teori dan praktik (terjemahan). yogyakarta: bentang (pt bentang pustaka). buiskool, dirk a. 2005. “medan: a plantation city on the coast of sumatera 18701942” dalam columbijn, barwegen, basundoro, khusyairi (eds.) kota lama, kota baru, sejarah kota-kota di indonesia. yogyakarta: jurusan sejarah unair dan penerbit ombak, hlm. 273-300. dinas tata kota dan tata bangunan kota medan. 2003. ”laporan akhir rencana dan strategi revitalisasi kawasan dan bangunan bersejarah kota medan”. foucault, michel. 1980. power/knowledge, selected interviews and other writings 1972-1977 (c. gordon, ed.). new york: pantheon. gramsci, antonio. 1971. selections from prison notebooks. new york: international publisher. kompas. 2004. ”bangunan tua pun kian sirna”, senin 1 november. -----. 2005. “85 persen bangunan tua di kota medan memprihatinkan”, senin 9 mei. lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2006. dekonstruksi epistemologi modern, dari posmodernisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga cultural studies. jakarta: pustaka indonesia satu. nuryanti, wiendu. 1996. “heritage and posmodernism tourism” dalam geoffrey wall dan wiendu nuryanti (eds.) heritage and tourism, special issue, annals of tourism research a social sciences journal volume 23 number 2 issn: 0160-7383, hlm. 249-260. peraturan daerah (perda) kota medan nomor 6 tahun 1988 tentang pelestarian bangunan dan lingkungan yang bernilai sejarah arsitektur kepurbakalaan serta penghijauan dalam daerah kota medan. perlas, nicanor. 2000. shapping globalization civil society, cultural power and threefolding. new york: cadi and global network for social threefolding. sardar, ziauddin dan borin van loon. 2001. mengenal cultural studies for beginners (terjemahan). mizan: bandung. suarakarya. 2006. “pemda sumut membiarkan bangunan bersejarah dihancurkan pengusaha” (6 juni): suarakarya.online.com/news.html/?-id:40734. tarekat, hasti. t.t. “bangunan bersejarah yang mpp (mati pelan-pelan)”. ucapan terima kasih diucapkan terima kasih kepada rektor universitas udayana dan direktur program pascasarjana universitas udayana atas kesempatan dan fasilitas dalam mengikuti pendidikan program doktor di universitas udayana. ucapan terima kasih juga disampaikan kepada promotor prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., ko-promotor i prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., dan ko-promotor ii prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. bimbingan dan nasihat mereka sangat membantu dalam proses penulisan disertasi ini. akhirnya, ucapan terima kasih disampaikan kepada seluruh pihak lain yang turut membantu proses penelitian ini. cultural heritage and tourism development in medan a cultural studies asmyta surbakti mytasurbakti@yahoo.com promotor : prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., co-promotor i : prof.dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., and co-promotor ii prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. abstract demolition of cultural heritage in the form of historical buildings in medan has been responded differently by the government and local community. the municipal government of medan has approved the demolition so that things such as shopping centers can be constructed and consequently, job opportunities can be created and the original regional revenue can be increased in medan. in contrast, the community struggles that the historical buildings be conserved to prove that medan is a plural and multicultural community. as a cultural capital, the cultural heritage has the potential to anticipate the tendency towards postmodern and global tourism. this study was conducted by applying qualitative method. the format design, the data collection, and the strategy in which the data were analyzed were descriptive qualitative. the data sources are both primary and secondary. the primary data were obtained by conducting deep interviews, observation of participation, and multiple research method; while the secondary data were obtained from documentation. the results of analysis are informally presented through description of inductive-analytic. the findings show that in developing medan there has been the power of the government and the strength of the owners of the historical buildings who have sacrificed the buildings in order to be able to construct modern business buildings such as shopping centers. as a consequence, medan has undergone comodification threatening the cultural heritage and tourism development. tens of the historical buildings have been demolished including three which are protected by perda (regional regulations number 6 year 1988. through the discourse of contradictory hegemony, the community supported by the local civil community, especially non government organizations such as badan warisan sumatra (bws), in addition to intellectuals and mass media, has struggled that the cultural heritage be conserved, and has requested that their basic cultural rights be provided. the conservation of cultural heritage in medan is related to the practical needs for the community emancipation, and is in accordance with the objectives of the cultural studies, that is, being practical and emancipative. key words: cultural heritage, comodification, hegemony, discourse, tourism development background medan, which is located in north sumatra province, has around 600s historical buildings which are more than 100 years old following the history of the city. the historical buildings inherited from the dutch colonial are related to the deli tobacco plantation whose products were famous all over the world at the time. the architectural aesthetics of the city made it known as the city with the image of parijs van sumatra. in its development, especially during the new order and the reformation order, when decentralization through regional autonomy in the regency level which was inspired by the original regional revenue (pad), many historical buildings were demolished and then replaced by new ones with new functions. the functions of the buildings were the most essential and the forms followed the functions (form-followsfunction). the reason was that the location where the historical buildings were located is strategic and has high economic value. the attempt to conserve the historical buildings in medan has been carried out by the municipal government by issuing perda (regional regulations) number 6 year 1988 concerning the conservation of historical buildings and environment, architecture, archeology and reforestation within the city. however, only 42 buildings are included to be conserved in the perda. ironically, three of them have already been demolished. in addition, tens of the historical buildings which are not included in the perda have already been demolished. the ex-mega eltra (2002), the ex-modern bank, and the ex-office complex of sipef plantation company (2oo4) exemplify this. there has been a reaction from the community supported by some non government organizations, especially bws, resulting in position war of the government against maneuver war of the community. in their struggle, the community has raised conservation issues through conservation and development of tourism which have been neglected by the government. in a wider context, the cultural role of a global community is marked by the appearance of a civil community strength known as battle of seattle which took place in 1999 (perlas, 2000). the current social condition is determined by three pillars in which the role of the community as the owner of the culture should be brought into reality. the reality that the cultural heritage has been demolished through a discourse of hegemony from the government which is faced with a discourse of contradictory hegemony from the community which intends to conserve the cultural heritage and to develop tourism is worth researching as a cultural studies. as it is stated in this research and with reference to what is stated by fiske (barker, 2005: 87), the concept of culture in cultural studies is a political one which is concerned with power. as a result, most of the works in cultural studies are centered on the questions related to power, knowledge, ideology, and hegemony. discussion medan , as a whole, constitutes a historical building based tourism area. the areas which were constructed by the dutch colonial were filled with historical buildings functioning as the area markers. nowadays, however, the functions of the areas with their buildings have greatly changed. their historical building based specifications have been neglected behind the incessant discourse of developmental modernity. the process of modernity in medan , through its capitalistic development, has contributed to comodification threatening the cultural heritage and tourism development. as stated by barker (2004: 408), comodification is a process which is socialized with capitalism in which objects, qualities and signs are made commodities which are things for sales in the market, while capitalism eternalizes hegemony. the discourse of demolishing the cultural heritage in medan has been done by hegemony and demolition by neglection. the reaction given by the community that the perda be revised has only been responded by issuing a letter of decision which has not touched the expected essence at all. the process of demolition by neglection has been moved towards a more modern direction due to a change in functions in several areas threatening their specifications. demolitions of the historical buildings and the change in their functions have led to a change in shape and aesthetics of the city. the earlier long history of the city, including the greatness of haru kingdom which has disappeared from both the local and national history, has almost been neglected. the demolition of the historical buildings in medan has significantly affected both the physics of architecture and social, economic and cultural situation of the local community. the movement of the contradictory hegemony supported by the civil community elements has been conducted to conserve the cultural heritage. the power of the government and the strength of the entrepreneurs’ capital are stated to cause the demolition of the historical buildings, in which the government is applying the politics of instant economy. the tourism development will benefit more if well managed. the reality shows that some shopping centers have been finally closed due to construction of new ones. the medan community has tried to transform cultural capital in the form of cultural heritage into economic capital with reference to bourdieu’s conception (harker, et al, 2005). richards (1996) states that the global tourism tendency is marked by the increase in forms of postmodern tourism which are related to cultural heritage but before being developed into a city tour, for example, conservation needs to be done considering that the buildings average more than 100 years old. one of the techniques of conservation is developing tourism because conservation will be meaningless if it does not benefit economically. the meaning of cultural heritage conservation is related to the demand for cultural rights, both for the conservation itself and its relation to the tourism development and its usefulness for the life and welfare of the community. the cultural heritage constitutes cultural resources which bear various values and meanings such as those in information/knowledge, economy, aesthetics, and association/symbolization (ardika in surbakti 2004). as cultural studies, this research can be employed to make the socio-cultural condition of the community in medan more equitable and humanized. the reality of the historical building demolition in medan, which is under study in a scientific process, gives a peaceful or non violence process which is called social practical discourse. there are five findings in this study. the first finding is that the medan government does not pay attention to historical heritage conservation which is potential to be developed as a cultural tourism capital. as a consequence, there has been a contradictory hegemony from the local community in the form of contradictory discourse against such a demolition with the objective of conserving the community based cultural heritage and tourism development. another thing is that in the city development there has been a process of comodification in which the government’s power has collaborated with the entrepreneurs’strength demolishing the cultural heritage and hampering the tourism development. as well, the cultural heritage demolition in medan has been carried out in two ways; they are hegemony and demolition by neglection. yet another thing is that the opposition shown by the community in medan constitutes a means of resurgence of the urban civil community in the forms of critical group elements (such as community organizations and non government organizations, intellectuals and mass media) which defend the conservation of cultural heritage and tourism development. the last finding is that fused with the conceptions offered by perlas (2003) and arsworth and tunbridge (1990), there are four pillars (fourfolding) of development of cultural heritage tourism in medan; they are (1) the community, (2) the government, (3) the tourism industry, and (4) the historical buildings themselves. conclusion in developing medan, the local government has carried out the politics of instant economy sacrificing the cultural heritage and tourism development, making the city comodified. the demolition has been carried out through hegemony and demolition by neglection. as a result, the face and aesthetics of the city has changed, the history of its establishment has been neglected, and the identity of the city has been made vague. the hegemony discourse from the government related to the demolition of the cultural heritage has produced contradictory hegemony discourse from the community which intends to bear it. supported by the civil community elements, the community requests that such a cultural capital be made economic capital. the attempt of conserving the cultural heritage constitutes the struggle for cultural rights and practical need of emancipation of the community in medan. references ardika, i wayan. 2007. pusaka budaya & pariwisata. denpasar: pustaka larasan ashworth, g.j. and j.e. tunbridge. 1990. the tourist-historic city, retrospect and prospect of managing the heritage city. london: belhoven. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies, teori dan praktik (translation). yogyakarta: bentang (pt bentang pustaka). buiskool, dirk a. 2005. ”medan: a plantation city on the coast of sumatra 1870 1942” in columbijn, barwegen, basundor, khusyairi (eds.) kota lama, kota baru, sejarang kota-kota di indonesia. yogyakarta: history department publisher ombak, pp. 273-300. dinas tata kota and tata bangunan kota medan. 2003. ”laporan akhir rencana dan strategi revitalisasi kawasan dan bangunan bersejarah kota medan.” foucault, michael. 1980. power/knowledge, selected interviews and other writings 1972 – 1977 (c. gordon, ed.). new york: pantheon. gramsci, aantonio. 1971. selections from prison notebooks. new york: international publisher. kompas. 2004. “bangunan tuapun kian sirna”, monday november 1st. --------- 2005.”85 persen bangunan tua di kota medan memprihatinkan,” senin may 9th. lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2006. dekonstruksi epistemologi modern, dari posmodernisme, teori kritis, paskolonialisme hingga culltural studies. jakarta: pustaka indonesia satu. nuryanti, wiendu. 1996. ”heritage and postmodernism tourism” in geoffrey wall and wiendu nuryanti (eds.). heritage and tourism, special issue, annals of tourism research a social sciences journal. volume 23 number 2 issn: 0160-7383, pp. 249-260. peraturan daerah (perda) kota medan nomor 6 tahun 1988 tentang pelestarian bangunan dan lingkungan yang bernilai sejarah arsitektur kepurbakalaan serta penghijauan dalam daerah kota medan. perlas, nicanor. 2000. shapping globalization civil society, cultural power and threefolding. new york: cadi and global network for social threefolding. sardar, ziauddin and borin van loon. 2001. mengenal cultural studies for beginners (terjemahan). mizan: bandung. suarakarya. 2006. “pemda sumut membiarkan bangunan bersejarah dihancurkan pengusaha” (june 6th): suarakarya.online.com/news.html/?-id:40734. tarekat, hasti. t.t. “bangunan bersejarah yang mpp (mati pelan-pelan)”. acknowledgement i wish to thank rector of udayana university and director of postgraduate studies udayana university for the opportunity and facilities provided to me when completing my doctorate program at udayana university. i should also like to express my appreciation to my promotor, prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a;my first co-promotor, prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a; and my second co-promotor, prof. dr. i made suastika, m.a for their really helpful guidance and advice in writing this dissertation. finally, i am greatly indebted to all the other parties who have assisted me in the process of conducting the research. microsoft word e-journal kebayantini 1 comodification of ngaben gotong royong (mutually performed cremation ceremony) at gerya taman sari lingga banyuasri subdistrict, buleleng regency ni luh nyoman kebayantini1, i wayan ardika2, i gde semadi astra2, emiliana mariyah2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: s2kjbdyunud@yahoo.com abstract cremation ceremony is a ritual performed by bali-hindu followers when someone dies. it is classified as a big ceremony for the reason that it costs much money, labor and time. as community members, the bali hindu followers are faced with so many problems that many cannot perform cremation ceremony conventionally. as a response to this condition, the sulinggih (priest) residing at gerya tamansari lingga (griya = a particular residence where the priest resides) has planned to produce the mutually-performed cremation ceremony. basically, it is a practice of comodified cremation ceremony which is offered to be cheap, practical and to be easily performed. it is produced to obtain a profit. therefore, every material and manpower involved are commodities which have exchange values. as far as its production process is concerned, the consumers and the object are made not to be related. the habitus, that is, the belief of bali-hindu followers that a cremation ceremony should be performed when someone dies, the cultural and symbolic capitals in the forms of knowledge, status, and authority and the legitimacy of the priest residing at gerya taman sari lingga, and the domain that they are not able to perform the conventional ceremony have led to the performance of the mutually-performed cremation ceremony. it has various meanings such as the meaning of intensification of religious values, the meaning of tradition degradation, the meaning of egalitarian, the meaning of efficiency, the meaning of welfare, the aesthetic meaning and the meaning of image. keywords: comodification, mutually-performed cremation ceremony, gerya (a particular place where the priest resides), sulinggih (the priest). 2 i introduction what is frequently stated by the philosopher is that ‘death is a real life’. death does not only mean that the soul leaves the body, but it is related to the socioreligious life of the human beings who are left. in relation to that, the bali hindu followers give response to death by performing cremation ceremony. wita (putrawan, 2008) states that cremation ceremony is a highly heavy religious ritual as it costs much funds, time and labor. conventionally, there are several variants of names given to the cremation ceremony. the levels how it is organized also vary. as space, time, way of thinking and the attitude of the people change, a new and different way of organizing the cremation ceremony has been created which is termed as ngaben gotong royong (the mutuallyperformed cremation ceremony). it is produced as a response to the condition that the people have been made differentiated by many things such as occupation, income, family size and residence, making them not able to perform the conventional ceremony. the mutually-performed cremation ceremony is a discourse produced by the sulinggih (the priest) residing at gerya tamansari lingga as a way of conducting the cremation ceremony cheaply and collectively so that those coming from the lower class can afford it. it is produced, performed and led by the sulinggih (the priest) residing at gerya tamansari lingga. whoever may consume it provided he/she pays in accordance with the stipulation regulated. based on what is stated by pilliang (2004: 21), it can be stated that the mutually-performed cremation ceremony is a commodity as the other commodities, that is, it is produced for sale. based on the background described above, the problems formulated in this study are (1) what is the form of the comodification of the ceremony mutually-performed at gerya tamansari lingga, banyuasri subdistrict, buleleng regency?; (2) what factors have led to the comodification of the cremation ceremony mutually performed at gerya tamansari, banyuasri subdistrict, buleleng regency?; (3) what are the meanings of the cremation ceremony mutually-performed at banyuasri subdistrict, buleleng regency? the theories employed for analyzing the problems are eclectical in nature, a way of critical thinking referring to the theory of comodification, the theory of discourse of power/knowledge, the theory of practice and the theory of deconstruction. this study is designed to use qualitative method with the approach of cultural studies. the data used are the qualitative data in the form of narration and or expressions supported by quantitative data in the form of figures. the data were collected by observation, in-depth 3 interview, life-history, and documentary study. the data are descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively analyzed. ii discussion the results of this study can be explained in three main parts as follows. first, the form of the comodification of the mutually-performed cremation ceremony can be seen from the production activity, the distribution activity and the consumption activity (fairclough, 1995: 27). the production activity refers to the activity of producing various things needed for the cremation ceremony and involving many parties, which, if what is stated by marx is referred to, is termed as production relationships (pals, 2001: 217). every object is a commodity which is produced for sale. every production activity is performed with reference to how to organize labor based on responsibilities and functions, detailed job description, and to the financial incentive as the motivator. this is similar to the scientific management introduced by f.w. taylor (barker, 2005: 187). the workers work for wages as stated by marx (poespoewardojo, 1989: 167; lee, 2006: 182). the modern technology is applied to producing kajang and pengawak which are the sacred elements needed when the cremation ceremony is performed. the motives are human and material productivity, work efficiency and rational order of life. in relation to that, jaques ellul (poespowardojo, 1989: 88-89) states that it is such a community is termed as a technological community. distribution refers to the activity of introducing the mutually-performed ceremony in such a way that it is getting exposed and inspires people to consume it. this activity is carried out through many ways such as dharma-wacana (preaches) delivered at many villages around buleleng regency; printed mass media such as brochures and books so that it can be widely spread; and oral communication within and outside the gerya. as far as the consumption activity is concerned, it can be explained that the consumers of the mutually-performed ceremony vary in regard to their origin, occupation, income, education and traditional social status in the community. the consumers are never involved in the production activity, meaning that they are not different from the other market consumers who just come and consume what they buy. according to pilliang (2004: 182), the relationship between the subject and the object only takes place as the consumption relationship and extremely they are termed as consumers par-excellence. with reference to what is stated by raymond william (pilliang, 1994: 34; kasiyan, 2008: 188), they are termed as ‘the users’ rather than consumers as 4 they consume the mutually-performed ceremony to fulfill their basic need as the pratisentana (descendants) to perform the cremation ceremony for their ancestors. those who consume the mutually-performed cremation ceremony are labeled as those who are economically poor as they consume the cremation ceremony which is simply packaged (nista) and collectively performed. this means that in the consumption process an identity is formed and collectiveness and simplicity are communicated. second, there are three factors leading to the comodification of the mutually performed cremation ceremony. they are habitus which refers to the habit and the tendency of the bali hindu people to always perform cremation ceremony when someone dies. in their cognitive structure, the belief that a cremation ceremony is a ceremony of death, the symbol symbolizing the purification of the soul, and the form of devotion to the parents/ancestors is maintained. the cultural and symbolic capitals, as the next factor, refer to the capital owned by the sulinggih (the priest) residing at gerya taman sari lingga in the forms of scientific and religious knowledge, status, legitimacy and authority which allow him to plan, produce and at the same time to lead (muput) the mutually-performed cremation ceremony. by performing the mutuallyperformed cremation ceremony, he can compete over, win and convert the other capitals such as economic and symbolic capitals. the domain, as the last factor, refers to the development of social modernity, that is, the knowledge owned by the sulinggih (the priest) residing at gerya tamansari lingga and the characteristic of the buleleng community (the singaraja community in particular) which has been so accustomed to welcoming changes that the mutually-performed cremation ceremony is accepted. in addition, a number of individuals, having neither skill nor knowledge of making what is needed for the cremation ceremony, limited funds, time and labor, prefer performing the cremation ceremony mutually. the influence of market ideology cannot be neglected. the balinese people tend to prefer buying what is needed for performing religious ceremonies to making it by themselves. if the wish to obtain a benefit is referred to rather than the intensification of spirituality when performing a religious ceremony, then the image of capitalism cannot be neglected. according to boudieu (fashri, 2007: 164), the globalization which is loaded with neoliberalism, which assumes that everything can be traded for a benefit, has also been responsible for this. third, the meanings of the comodification of the mutually-performed cremation ceremony vary, starting from the meaning of deepening religious values, that is, the consumers are grateful 5 that they can perform, although differently (nista), the cremation ceremony; the meaning of degrading tradition, that is, there has been no exchange of labor (ngupon/ngayahang) and foods (patus/isin sok); the meaning of egalitarian, that is, the recognition of being equal among the consumers and the sulinggih; the meaning of efficiency, that is, being able to minimize the cost, labor and time spent by both the consumers and producers; the meaning of welfare, that is, being able to absorb workforce and to give wages as well as to give religious knowledge; the aesthetic meaning, which can be exemplified by the maperas ritual symbolizing the meeting of those who are dead and those who are still alive, in which mutual respect is shown in the form of kawangen (small offering) which can inspire the feeling of aesthetics and enjoyment (klangen) for those who perform it and those who enjoy it; the meaning of image, that is, the mutually-performed cremation ceremony is simply packaged (nista) and is created for those who are economically poor and; as a result, the priest residing at gerya tamansari lingga is referred to as ‘the fighter fighting for the poor’ for the reason that the consumers who are economically poor are provided with several facilities. there are four novelties as far as this study is concerned. the first novelty is that the mutually-performed cremation ceremony is one of the alternatives for performing the cremation ceremony. the second novelty is that in the cremation ceremony mutually performed, the kajang and pangawak are produced using modern technology, that is, the technology of sablon (silkscreening) for efficiency and effectiveness. the application of this technology shows that the balinese people, in performing their religious rituals, pay more attention to what is produced than to the process. the next novelty, which is the third, is that the cemetery at buleleng traditional village has been comodified. what is meant is that every user of the cemetery should pay to the village, although it is part of the pura dalem (the temple where god ciwa is worshipped) area which is considered sacred. the comodification of the cemetery shows its degradation and the degradation of the kahyangan tiga (the three main temples in every traditional village in bali) as everything is measured with money. the fourth, the last novelty, refers to the ownership of cultural capital and symbolic capital has caused the role of the priest residing at gerya tamansari lingga to become more complex. what is meant is that he does not only function as pangloka palasraya and guru loka, but also functions as a producer or an entrepreneur in religious rituals. 6 iii. closing the comodification of the cremation ceremony performed mutually at gerya tamansari lingga includes the production, distribution and consumption activities. it is this which has caused it, as part of the hindu religious culture in bali, to be treated as and considered the commodity which can be traded for a benefit. the cultural capital and the symbolic capital owned by the sulinggih (priest) residing at gerya tamansari lingga have been the important factor which has caused the comodification of the cremation ceremony mutually performed to take place. by the cremation ceremony mutually performed the sulinggih can acquire and convert the other capitals. the meaning of image as a helpful fighter who struggles for the poor has been created through the symbolic strategy. this type of image is becoming important as a means of promotion to attract more consumers. acknowledgements this writing is part of the writer’s dissertation. in this opportunity, the writer would like to highly thank and appreciate prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., as the supervisor; prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, as cosupervisor i; and prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s., as cosupervisor ii for their guidance, supervision and correction so that this dissertation can be completed in time. the writer would also like to thank the rector of udayana university, sp. p.d. (khom); the director of the postgraduate program of udayana university, prof. dr. a.a. raka sudewi, sp.s. (k); vice director i, prof. dr. made budiarsa, m.a.; and vice director ii, dr. i ketut susrusa, m.s., for the opportunity and facilities provided to the writer when attending and completing the doctorate program at udayana university. high appreciation is also extended to all the parties who have helped the completion of this study. rancangan proposal disertasi the struggle of the community of sedulur sikep for its identity in pati regency, central java eko crys endrayadi faculty of letters, jember university kalimantan street 37 jember email: ecocrys@yahoo.co.id abstract this study was intended to reveal the phenomenon of the struggle of the community of sedulur sikep in pati regency, central java province for its identity with the approach of cultural studies. the problems of the study can be formulated as follows (1) what was the struggle for the identity of the community of sedulur sikep like?; (2) what caused the struggle for the identity of the community of sedulur sikep to appear?; (3) what was the meaning of the struggle for the identity of the community of sedulur sikep to its existence. this study is a qualitative one with the researcher as the main instrument supported by an interview guide. the data were collected using the techniques of in-depth interview, observation, and documentary study. after the data were analyzed, the data were descriptively and narratively presented. the results of the study showed that the current identity of the community of sedulur sikep was the result of a dialogic discourse between the community of sedulur sikep and the non-sedulur sikep communities. based on the description above, it was found that the struggle made by the community of sedulur sikep for its identity was reflected in various forms of its daily life. the factors contributing to the struggle for the identity of the community of sedelur sikep were economic, political, social and cultural factors. the botoh sedulur sikep that was used as a model also contributed to it. the struggle for the identity of the community of sedulur sikep successfully deconstructed the old meaning and revealed the new meaning. keywords: struggle for identity, community of sedulur sikep, subaltern introduction the diversity in indonesian society can be found in geographical, cultural, religious, ethnical aspects and so forth; as a result, indonesia is referred to as a plural society (lubis, 2006: 166-169). this is in accordance with the slogan ‘bhinneka tunggal ika’ (unity in diversity) which is prescribed in article 36a of the 1945 constitution. the diversity in the indonesian society should be used as the main capital for developing indonesia; in addition it should be used to tighten the unity. however, pluralism and multiculturalism in indonesia still show the matters pertaining to identities and the recognition of the minority group (tsing, 1998: 50-51), mailto:ecocrys@yahoo.co.id 2 especially the community of sedulur sikep in pati regency, central java province. its people are frequently treated as the others in their social environment. belonging to the minority society, they are frequently treated as the people with low prestige; they are frequently hated, subject to ridicule and anger, and become the victims of violence. therefore, their existence in pati regency is always opposed to those who belong to the majority with a dominant position, high social status and a number of social peculiarities (http://www.interseksi.org., 20 march 2012). it is highly interesting to explore the phenomenon of the community of sedulur sikep which has struggled for its identity as inspired by the discourse of equality, freedom, and democracy in the reformation era. based on the phenomenon described above, the problems of the study were formulated as follows: (1) what was done by the community of sedulur sikep in pati regency, central java province to struggle for its identity? ; (2) what contributed to the struggle of the community of sedulur sikep in pati regency, central java province for its identity?; (3) what was the meaning of the struggle of the community of sedulur sikep in pati regency, central java province for its identity? the present study geographically covered patri regency, central java province, and explored what happened from 1965 to 2012. the present study was intended to explore the struggle of the community of sedulur sikep in pati regency for its identity as an adaptive strategy to maintain its existence. it was expected that the result of the present study would give contribution to what should be done to maintain cultural diversity and give input to the government as to what to do to develop the way of protection. in addition, it was also expected that the result of the present study would give acknowledgement of the rights of the community of sedulur sikep in its existence as a minority group. in this way, it was expected that its identity and culture would be strong and equal to the identities and cultures of the other ethnic communities. research method this present study is a qualitative one with the researcher as the main instrument (human instrument) supported with an interview guide. the data were qualitatively analyzed through three stages such as (1) data collection: the data were collected through in depth-interview, observation and documentary study; (2) analysis and interpretation; and (3) formal and informal presentation of the result of 3 data analysis, the result of data analysis was presented in narration, and using tables and photographs (strauss and corbin, 2003: 9-10). result and discussion the result of analysis showed that the community of sedulur sikep, as far as the context of ethnicity is concerned, is a sub of javanese ethnic group, meaning that in general their culture is identical with the javanese culture, which is agricultural and traditional in nature. physically, the people of sedulur sikep are not so different from the javanese people in general; their complexion, faces, hair, height and other physical characteristics are similar to what the javanese people have. however, they are categorized as a traditional, simple and honest people. they strongly adhere to the customs and traditions they have, referred to as anggerangger pratikel. their philosophy of life is the same as that of the non-sedulur sikep people; in addition, their physical features are not so different from those of the nonsedulur sikep. however, there is still an impression that their status is lower than that of the non-sedulur sikep. they are still stereotyped as being stupid, underdeveloped, atheistic, and so forth. a number of characteristics which are different from those of the non-sedulur sikep people which are differently interpreted have been responsible for such an impression. it is difficult for the sedulur sikep people not to accept being similarly labeled as the non-sedulur sikep people for two reasons. the first reason is that the religion they adhere to is adam and the second reason is that the way they undertake marriage is different from the way the non sedulur sikep people undertake marriage. the opinion that the sedulur sikep people do not belong to any religion is basically based on the fact that the non-sedulur sikep people do not know how the sedulur sikep perform their religious activities. therefore, it is necessary for adam, as the sedulur sikep’s belief, to show its ritual activities. in addition, it should be equally treated as the other official religions in indonesia. the stereotype given to them by the surrounding communities has caused then to struggle so that their identity will be equal to that of the non-sedulur sikep people. such a struggle for identity is the basis for developing a dialogic discourse so that a balanced relation will be created. in this way, the opinion that the sedulur sikep people are inferior to the non-sedulur sikep can be reduced, as stated by jeefrey weeks (kinarsih, 2007: 4) concerning what is equal between one to others and what distinguishes one from others. 4 specifically, the identity of the community of sedulur sikep gives emphasis on a story established after thinking over its identity. based on the description describing the appearance of the struggle of the sedulur sikep community for its identity, it was found that, as a subaltern, it made attempts to struggle that its position was not regarded as inferior to the position of the non sedulur sikep communities. its struggle was shown through daily practices such as education, societal interaction, marriage, religiosity, and conservation of natural recourses. based on the phenomenon of the marginalization of the sedulur sikep community, wallerstein (sanderson, 2003: 251) stated that it is reasonable if individuals or communities struggle for opportunities, progress, and independency. therefore, through the social interaction the community of sedulur sikep has made, it expects that the non-sedulur sikep communities will accept it. the factors contributing to the struggle of the sedulur sikep community for its identity are political, socio-cultural and economic factors. the fact that the botoh sedulur sikep used as a model has also contributed to it. the political aspect includes the pressure from the regional and central governments and from the nonsedulur sikep communities. it is them which have been responsible for its marginalization. the hegemonic practice of the government has been shown by making those who belong to the sedulur sikep community adhere to the official religion. in addition, the government of pati regency has also asked them to arrange for their identity cards (ktp) and marriage registration, and to send their children to formal schools. the government of pati regency, through the government of sukolio district, has never taken the existence of the sedulur sikep community into account. such a condition is referred to as a subaltern by spivak (morton, 2008: 159). what is meant is that the sedulur sikep community is treated as the marginalized, oppressed and powerless subject. the limited access it has reflects its position as a subaltern. the reality of life undergone by the sedulur sikep as described above shows that it has been victimized as far as the binary relation in modernism is concerned. it has pretended to satisfy the political policy applied by the government, just an attempt made to avoid conflicts. this is in line with what is stated by scott (2000) that basically farmers never stop showing disagreement with the unjustness they suffer from. such resistance shown by the community of sedulur sikep is identical with the “asian style” farmers’ rebellion, which includes the non formal, antonymous 5 and one-by-one coordination organization. it is a daily minor resistance which is shown patiently and carefully. the sedulur sikep people tend to be stupid; they say “yes”, but actually they say “no” to avoid direct confrontation, and the like. the struggle of the sedulur sikep community for its identity has successfully destructed the old negative meaning in order to reveal the new positive meaning related to the existence of it existence. in the context of the struggle of the sedulur sikep community for its identity, it is defined as an attempt made to explore more widely and profoundly what is behind it. the new meanings include the meaning of becoming a traditional group, the meaning of equality, and the meaning of solidarity. the rights to expressing opinion, democracy, achievement of welfare and conservation of environment, and the rights to religious freedom and practices show that the rights of the sedulur sikep community start to be acknowledged; however, their religious belief, as adam has not been acknowledged as an official language in indonesia, has not been significantly acknowledged yet. conclusion and suggestion several conclusions can be drawn as follows: (1) the identity of the sedulur sikep community in pati regency has been the result of the dialogic discourse between it and the non-sedulur sikep communities. the struggle the sedulur sikep community, as a subaltern, has been shown through daily practices so that they are not treated as inferior any longer by the non-sedulur sikep communities; (2) the factors contributing to the struggle for its identity are the political, economic and social cultural factors apart from the fact that the botoh sedulur sikep is used as a model; (3) the struggle of the sedulur sikep community for its identity has been able to deconstruct the old meaning and to reveal the new meanings which include the achievement of equality and solidarity strengthening, expressing opinion and democracy, welfare and environmental conservation, apart from religious freedom and performances of belief. based on what was concluded above, it is suggested that the related parties should pay attention to the existence of the sedulur sikep community so that the multiculturalism which has been dreamed of will come true. it is expected that the sedulur sikep community should maintain its special characteristics in order to strengthen its identity. 6 acknowledgement this present study could not have been completed without assistance from numerous parties. therefore, in this opportunity the writer would like to thank prof. dr. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u., as the main supervisor; prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, s.h., m.s., as co-supervisor 1; and dr. putu sukardja, m.si., as co-supervisor 2 for their patience, time, opinions and comments which were systematically given in the process of completing this dissertation. the writer would also like to thank all the informants, especially the key one, kang gunretno, for his assistance in giving the data needed for the present study. many thanks are also extended to those who were involved in completing this dissertation, whom cannot be mentioned one by one. bibliography endrayadi, eko crys. 2013. “perjuangan identitas komunitas sedulur sikep di kabupaten pati provinsi jawa tengah”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana universitas udayana, denpasar. http://www.interseksi.org, diunduh 20 maret 2012. lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2004. masih adakah tempat berpijak bagi para ilmuan. bogor: akademia. morton, stephen. 2008. gayatri spivak: etika, subaltern dan kritik penalaran poskolonial. yogyakarta: pararaton. sanderson, stephen k. 2003. makro sosiologi: sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosial. jakarta: pt. raja grafindo persada. scott, james c. 2000. senjatanya orang-orang yang kalah: bentuk-bentuk perlawanan sehari-hari kaum tani. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. strauss dan corbin. 2003. penelitian kualitatif: tata langkah dan teknik-teknik teoritisasi data. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. tsing, anna lowenhaupt. 1998. di bawah bayang-bayang ratu intan: proses marjinalisasi pada masyarakat terasing. jakarta: yayasan obor. 7 microsoft word artikel artajaya 3 e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 13-17 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 existential strugle of german language tou guide in pt. nusa dua bali tour and travel, tuban, badung made artajaya1, i gede mudana2 1politeknik pariwisata bali, 2politeknik negeri bali email: 1artajayamade10@gmail.com, 2igedemudana@yahoo.com received date : 18-03-2019 accepted date : 26-06-2019 published date : 31-08-2019 abstract the growth of new tour and travel agents in bali targeting the tourist market from germany has created intense competition among travel bureaus. this causes a decrease in the number of german tourists who use the services of a travel agency pt. ndbt. the purpose of this study was to analyze the existential struggle that occurred at pt ndbt conducted by german-speaking guides. the research problems are 1) how the hegemony and counter hegemony that occurred in pt. ndbt, the factors causing and the implications for the pt ndbt. this study uses a qualitative method. data collection techniques used were observation, interviews, and documentation studies. the theory used is the theory of hegemony, social practice theory and the theory of communicative action in an eclectic manner. the results showed that the existential struggle carried out by german guides on the corporate hegemony practice of pt. ndbt against guides as a coordinated party is a counter hegemony. supporting factors for the german-speaking touristic licensing struggle is the decline in the number of german tourists using pt.ndbt services in bali. as a result, the implication posed by the existential struggle is the desire to stimulate themselves in carrying out scouting work. in addition, guides must also increase knowledge of the german language and knowledge of the field of guidance. existential struggle also has implications for the meaning of communication for fellow german tour guides, keywords: existential struggle, german tour guides, tourists, germany, travel agency. introduction tourism has become one of the important sectors in the development and development of the island of bali. bali can become famous and attractive to tourists as it is today because it has something very special and interesting. this has led to a growing number of germanspeaking tourists coming to bali. the increasing number of german-speaking tourists visiting bali in the past six years has made bali one of the world's tourist destinations. the increasing number of german-speaking tourists visiting bali was also followed by the growth of new tour and travel agents targeting the german tourist market. the growing number of travel agents e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 13-17 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 is also influenced by the existence of a free market (global market) which gives authority to travel agents in germany to be free to choose travel agents that can be invited to work together. the decline in the number of german-speaking tourists using pt. ndbt, automatically causes a decrease in the intensity of the scouting work provided by pt. ndbt to german tour guides. therefore, travel agents are also required to develop new tourism markets in addition to tourists who speak german. formulation of the problem, what is the form of the german guides' existential struggle, what factors support the existence of german guides' existential struggle, what are the implications of the german guides' existential struggle. the general aim of the research is to know the german tour guides' activities. the specific objective is to obtain answers to the problem formulation. research is expected to provide theoretical benefits to increase academic insight in scientific development for universities. practical benefits are taken into consideration for people who are interested in becoming german-speaking guides, as contributions of ideas to the government, and tourism practitioners in badung regency. to analyze this problem, three theories are used eclectically, namely the theory of hegemony, the theory of social practice, and the theory of communicative action. the hegemony theory is used to analyze the form of existential struggle carried out by germanspeaking guides and the factors supporting the struggle, social practice theory is used to sharpen the analysis of the causes of existential struggle, while the communicative action theory is used to analyze the implications of german-speaking existential guides on nusa dua bali tours and travel. research methods this study uses qualitative and interpretive methods in cultural studies, with data collection techniques through observation, interviews, and documentation. the determination of the informants in this study was carried out purposively. the data obtained are sourced from primary data and secondary data. then the data is analyzed by presenting the results of data analysis and to further draw conclusions. results and discussion the results showed that the existential struggle carried out by german-speaking guides was the existence of hegemony on the part of travel agents who supplied german-speaking e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 13-17 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 tourists to pt. ndbt. furthermore, the hegemony of the corporation pt. ndbt to german speaking guides as a subordinate party in handling german-speaking tourism as stated in the tour packages that have been packaged by pt. ndbt starts from pick-up on arrival, tour, meeting service, or when sending german-speaking tourists back to their home country. this is where the hegemony theory works put forward by gramsci. pt. ndbt with their knowledge in the form of knowledge about tour packages and organizing the work of guides who have already set scouting scenarios in advance. with the hegemony carried out, both by the travel agents in germany against pt. ndbt, as well as the hegemony carried out by pt. ndbt to german-speaking guides creates counter-hegemony for guides to fight for their work as guides to continue working as germanlanguage tour guides, in response to german-speaking guides by working professionally according to the rules and ethical codes applied by hpi and the rules guidance applied by pt. ndbt. in addition, the guides also build new properties in the form of good communication to german-speaking tourists who are being guided, as well as communications made to other companies with the aim is if pt. ndbt assigns germanspeaking tour guides to reduced guides, guides continue to work to guide german-speaking tourists from private property guides that have been built or german-speaking tourists provided by other tour and travel companies that also have the same tourist market as pt. ndbt. another effort undertaken by tour guides in their efforts to maintain their work is to continually increase their knowledge in the form of german language knowledge, knowledge of tour guides, and other knowledge in the form of knowledge about balinese culture and other general knowledge which would be useful in carrying out their work by attending training good training conducted by dpd hpi or by other similar organizations. the supporting factors for the existential struggle are (1) the development of an increasingly globalized world tourism market and also the existence of a free market (global market), so that the development of world tourism is increasing. besides this, the supporting factors for the struggle carried out by german-speaking guides are (2) german language market share, (3) german-speaking countries, (4) german-speaking guides' abilities and (5) characteristics of german tourists. from the above review it shows that there is a link between ideology, cultural life and social formation. these are nothing but forms of social practice, the determination of positions in the form of ideological struggles or battles between interest groups that culminates in the form of a power that is taken over voluntarily by the dominated ones which gramsci claims e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 13-17 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 as hegemony and ways to defend it ( simon, 2004: xix). likewise, the view of bourdieu (fasri, 2007: 96) the group that controls and wins the ideological struggle means that they will gain mastery, this victory is called the victory of cultural capital which will determine its social relations. the implication of the existential struggle is its implication for guides in the form of awareness of german-speaking tour guides about the importance of working as a professional german-speaking tour guide, knowing and understanding ethics and guiding norms and being proficient in using german to remain employed as german-language tour guides at pt. ndbt, for the economic survival of the german-speaking tour guide and his family. in addition to the aforementioned impacts, another implication is the implications for the development of balinese culture which is increasingly increasing by the existence of a tour guide that leads german tourists to a tourist attraction. with the german-speaking tourists visiting a tourist attraction that is guided by german-speaking guides automatically awakens the passion of the arts and culture practitioners because it is a supporter of the development of tourism in the area of attractions being built. while other implications arising from the existence of existential struggle is the development of the meaning of communication from german-speaking guides who work to guide german-speaking tourists with the aim of achieving communicative welfare, as stated by max weber (hardiman, 1993: 74) that rationalization aims at formal ways in which people who work with this rationalization are only concerned with ways to achieve goals and do not heed the values that are lived as the core of awareness of ethical, aesthetic, and religious values. the concept of purposeful rationality proposed by weber is very suitable with the situation of modern society with a measure of one's achievement based solely on the material alone. another implication is the meaning of cultural transformation between germanspeaking tourists who come to the area of attractions, and vice versa between people who are in the area of attractions to german-speaking tourists who come to these areas. conclusions and suggestions the increasing number of german-speaking tourists visiting bali, was also followed by the growth of new travel bureaus that also targeted the german-speaking tourist market share. under these circumstances, pt. ndbt no longer relies solely on corporate revenues from german-speaking tourists, which causes the travel agency pt. ndbt must look at the e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 13-17 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 new tourism market share to remain operational. reduced number of german tourists using pt. ndbt in conducting tourist visits also influences german language tour guides suggestions to the government through the tourism service are expected to regulate german-speaking tour guides and provide protection for the tourism profession. to pt. ndbt employs german-speaking guides to provide protection both in terms of their profession and economic life. to german-speaking guides to always prioritize professionalism in carrying out their role. acknowledgement thank you to prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, sh., m.s as the supervisor i, dr. i gede mudana, msi. as a supervisor ii. all leaders and employees of pt. ndbt, and german-speaking guides who work at pt. ndbt. references barker, chris. 2009. cultural studies, teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. bocock, robert. 2007. pengantar komprehensif untuk memahami hegemoni, terj. ikramullah mahyuddin. yogyakarta: jalasutra. fashri, fauzi. 2007. penyingkapan kuasa simbol : apropriasi reflektif pemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta : juxtapose. foucault, michel. 2002. pengetahuan dan metode (karya-karya penting foucault). bandung: jalasutra. ginaya, gede. 2010. “pergulatan kepentingan antara representatif asing dan pramuwisata dalam penanganan wisatawan rusia pada pt. tiga putrindo lestari, nusa dua bali ”. (tesis) : program pascasarjana universitas udayana. habermas, jurgen 2009. teori tindakan komunikatif. rasio dan rasionalisasi masyarakat (terjemahan). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana hardiman, budi. 1994. menuju masyarakat komunikatif: ilmu, masyarakat, politik dan postmodernisme menurut jurgen habermas. yogyakarta: kanisius. muljadi, a.j. 2009. kepariwisataan dan perjalanan. jakarta: rajawai pers. muzairi,h.2002. eksistensialisme jean paul sartre. sumur tanpa kebebasan manusia.yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar udoyono, bambang .2008. sukses menjadi pramuwisata profesional. jakarta: kesaint blanc. microsoft word i nyoman arthanegara 1 conflict among parties in modernization of ecosystems at subaks located in buleleng and tabanan regencies of bali at irrigated by shaba river i nyoman arthanegara1 , i wayan ardika2 nengah bawa atmaja 2, nyoman sutawan3 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3faculty of agriculture, udayana university e-mail: nyoman-lppm@centrin.net.id abstract conflict among parties of subak ecosystem is a conflict of interests resulting from the modernization made by political community with regard to the subculture of pelemahan of ecosystem. the political and economic communities force modernization on the subak ecosystem leading to an ideological conflict between modernism and the philosophy of trihita karana. modernism has been responsible for the conflict among the parties of ecosystem in palemahan, pawongan and parhyangan of the subaks irrigated by sabha river. participation in group discussion, semi structured interview and transek were the methods employed in collecting the data. the triangulation including at least three relevant theories was employed for analyzing the data. political communities interfere with the development by applying the theory of hegemony. the political community in collaboration with the economic community dominates modernization which is sectoral in nature and the planning and implementation of the development. partial development approach, which contrasts with the theory of ecosystem (pollunin, 1996), causes the farming community life process and the cultural values existing in the ecosystem of the subak to degrade. the interference of the political community in collaboration with the economic community with the subak ecosystem is more dominant in the subculture of palemahan which is materialistic in nature so that advantages can be obtained by science and technology. consequently, the philosophical values of trihita karana are broken. such a conflict takes place due to the different interests in the subak ecosystem , which is full of cultural values for the farming community. alteration to the land status, the imbalance between the cost spent and the yields produced and the violation of the growing pattern are responsible for the conflict. the institution of subak, which constitutes the realization of subculture of the subak ecosystem, is swept aside by the political and economic communities. the farming community members that are the members of the subak institution are made not to be facilitated to take part in the development process in the subculture of palemahan . modernization in the subculture of palemahan of the subak ecosystem done by the political and economic communities is beyond the subak institution causing it to violate the traditional values of the subak institution which refer to togetherness regulated by the subak rules and regulations. modernization, which is done by the political and economic societies by science and technology, breaks the unified existence of trihita karana in the subak ecosystem environment. modernization in the development of the subculture of palemahan ecosystem 2 degrades the spiritual values attached to the subculture of parahyangan. the developmental intervention in the subculture of palemahan done by the political and economical communities is not begun from the implementation of the subculture of parahyangan. this contrasts with the cultural values existing in the subak ecosystem. the conflict of subak ecosystem among the parties results from the failure of modernization. the developmental intervention is only done in the subculture of palemahan, while the subcultures of pawongan and parahyangan of the subak ecosystem are marginalized from their habitats. the failure in developing the infrastructure of the subculture of palemahan of the subak ecosystem in the areas irrigated by sabha river results from the fact that the subaks are functioned to be the developmental objects. in this case, the theory of participatory can offer solutions to the conflict and the developmental failure, especially in the ecosystem of subaks irrigated by sabha river. the reason is that the parties play equal roles in developing the environment of the subak ecosystem. key word: sustainable, ecosystem, conflik, stakeholder, participatory and eguallity introduction the objective of using the conflict of the ecosystem of the subaks irrigated by sabha river located in tabanan and buleleng regencies among the farming, political, and economical communities as the title of this dissertation is to reveal the complexity of the ecosystem occurring there. the upper part of the river is located in tabanan regency, and the central and lower parts are located in buleleng regency. the inexplicitness of the data and information concerning the subaks irrigated by sabha river has inspired the writer to observe the validity of the data and information documented at the related government’s institutions representing the political communities. the number of the subak ecosystems spreading along the areas irrigated by sabha river available at the related government’s institutions varies. the writer has been motivated to conduct this study in order to get the validity of the number of subak ecosystems spreading along the areas irrigated by sabha river. intellectually and practically, subak refers to a traditional organization functioning to arrange water irrigation in bali. this definition has inspired the writer to conduct a deep research concerning subak. the reason is that subak does not only function to arrange irrigation water. the writer is convinced that subak is rich in sources of biotic and abiotic. it is this that has inspired the writer to conduct such a study as his dissertation. however, some problems why do conflicts take place among the political, economic and farming communities in the aspect of palemahan of the ecosystem of the subaks irrigated by shaba river, how do the conflicts among the parties in the aspect of pawongan of the ecosystem of the subaks irrigated by sabha river take place, what is the implication of the conflicts in the aspects of pawongan and palemahan on the ecosystem of parhyangan in the subaks irrigated by sabha river. the general objectives of the study concerning “conflict among farming, political and economical communities in the ecosystem of the subaks irrigated by sabha river” are 3 to find out the dynamics of growth and development taking place at the regions irrigated by a river in bali, to describe the condition of the elements of the subak ecosystem based on the values and various activities performed along the regions irrigated by sabha river in bali and to identify the relationship between institutional elements, water resources, agroeconomics, and irrigation technique and trihita karana. the specific objectives of the study are to identify the factors causing the conflicts in the ecosystem of the subaks irrigated by sabha river; to describe the interrelationship among the elements in the ecosystem of the subaks irrigated by sabha river; and to map out the pattern of relationships between the farming communities and god, among the members of the farming communities, and between the farming communities and their environment. material and discussion this study was conducted employing participatory method that refers to the following principles: a) giving priority to what is neglected, b) community empowerment, c) the local community is the doer and the outsiders are the facilitators, d) equality, learning from each other and appreciating differences, e) optimalizing results, f) practical orientation, g) sustainability and time interval, h) learning from errors, and i) ransparency. the strength of participatory method is situated on how data are collected and h analyzed. the data analysis was systematically done together with the community with the principle of triangulation, in which the data and information were checked and rechecked. triangulation was done through diversity in team members, sources of information and variation in participatory technique and method. the diversity in triangulation intended is as follows: a) the team members were composed of those who are multidisciplinary, male and female, locals and outsiders coming from different disciplines of science, b) the information sources are: the society, location, event or processe. the local community’s role is necessary. the roles of location, the analysis of process and event are too, and c) technique and equipment: interview, discussion, and transek. triangulation or multi-strategy was optically employed using at least five types of triangulation. they are triangulation of data, triangulation of discipline, triangulation of theory, triangulation of methodology and triangulation of analysis. the parties who have interests in the subaks irrigated by sabha river are the farming, political and economic communities. historically, the farming communities cannot be separated from the subak life. while the political and economic communities are the parties who have interests in the resources. the sources forming the subak ecosystem, which are investigated in the scope of this study, include the concept of trihita karana, which constitutes the forming elements, and functions as the ecosystem networks among institutionalization, agroeconomics, water resources, and irrigation technique. trihita karana constitutes a boundary frame, and binder binding all the realizations of every activity done by the farming communities around the subak ecosystem. all the elements forming the subak ecosystem are sorted in the concept of trihita karana. the subculture of parhyangan realizes the activities done by the farming communities associated to god. every activity done around the subak ecosystem starts from the subculture of 4 parhyangan. the subculture of pawongan realizes the harmonious relationships between man and his fellow-beings, and among institutions. as a whole, institutionalization, as one of the elements forming the subak ecosystem, is the real implementation of the concept of trihita karana. the subculture of palemahan constitutes the relationship pattern between the farmers and their environment around the subak ecosystem, which includes the relationship between the farmers and water resources, agro-economics, and irrigation technique, which are always in the corridor of religious cultural values. the intervention of the parties in the subak ecosystem causes a clash between local ideology and modernism. the conflicts over land in the areas irrigated by sabha river take place downstream, as the utilization of land for irrigation channels that takes place at gerogak distrik. the parties involved in such conflicts are the department of public work, bureau of land affairs, the farming , and the economic communities. the department of public work has built some irrigation channels to expand the farming areas at gerogak district. for this interest, the farmers’ land has been freed. the process of freeing the land has been done by paying for compensation. some of the landowners, in fact, have freed their land without any compensation for building irrigation channels violation of growing pattern is one of the things that have been responsible for the conflict that takes place among the farming community members. the intervention of the political communities in the growing pattern aspect is intended to increase growing intensity by applying technology including the use of shortage superior seeds, high dosage fertilization and the three-time a year growing frequency. wibowo (2007: 218) states that the growing pattern applied by the political communities has left every thing traditional and meaningful behind. the reason is that the three-time growing pattern a year has not given any opportunity to the land to reacquire its fertility. in addition, the three-time growing pattern a year has made traditional meaningfulness extinct in the subak ecosystem. this exceeds the post reality and negatively affects the environment. the conflict resulting from the violation of growing pattern has taken place in the subaks where heterogeneous plants are planted. the reason is that every type of plants has a different need. grape plantations need bigger rates of flow of water. the other second crops do too. in addition, the growing pattern among the subaks located in the upper part, the middle part and the lower part of sabha river has not been facilitated. this has been responsible for the conflict taking place among the subaks. the determination of growing pattern and the arrangement of rice and grape growing patterns should be immediately made, as this has created latent conflicts among the farming communities in the subak ecosystem (disimp, 2005, department of agriculture, 2004). water is one of the resources which has been the object of struggle among the the parties which have interests in it. the subak that is located at the upper part of the river and close to the water resources dominantly control the water. the arrangement of doors that are permanently installed is dominantly done by the subaks, which are located in the upper part. the unavailability of irrigation manage ment among the related subaks, which are bound to awig-awig (local regulations) made and approved 5 together, causes the conflict to take place among the subaks. competition taking place among the parties using the irrigation water flowing from one channel without any clear regulations frequently causes the conflict to happen. it is difficult to solve such a conflict. the reason is that there is no binding that can collectively facilitate the water allocation management. the subak ecosystem in the areas irrigated by sabha river has not been formally organized by a higher subak (subak gede). the conflict caused by the struggle for water resources, in fact, takes place between pdam and the farming communities. in a focused-group meeting attended by the subaks, it is shown that an organization in the form of a higher subak (subak gede) is really needed. it is hoped that the subak gede , as an institution, can facilitate the irrigation water management among the subaks. the subculture of pawongan of trihita karana in the subak ecosystem is in general binding in nature both inward and outward. what is meant by inward is that it is responsible for the pattern of relationship among the farmers or karma (members) in an institution. all the facilities and infrastructures unifying the farmers in the subak ecosystem are included in the awig-awig (local regulations). such regulations constitute a frame limiting and binding the farmers’ movement. in this way, any violation done by the farmers in a unified ecosystem of subak can be minimized. so can any violation among the subakgede (higher subak) members. what is meant by outward is that the members should also be responsible for the communities existing outside the subak ecosystem. the implementation of the subculture of pawongan corresponds to the pattern of relationship between the farmers and the communities outside the subak ecosystem. the development facilitated by the political and economic communities in the subak ecosystem along the areas irrigated by sabha river greatly contrasts with the theory of ecosystem. the development in the subculture of parhyangan done by the political communities is not made equal to the development done in the subculture of palemahan. imbalance facilitation of the development done by the political communities in the subak ecosystem has caused the existence of cultural values attached to the sub culture of parhyangan marginalized. in accordance with the theory of conflict (moor, 1996), the imbalance in development causes various types of clashes which potentially lead to conflicts. the parties have not paid any attention to the existence of holy places belonging to several subaks or to the holy places built for the subaks located in the same irrigation area. they have not paid any attention to the rituals performed for the interests of the subak ecosystem in the areas irrigated by sabha river either, where they have interests. the development that is unequally designed viewed from ecosystem badly affects the functions of the ecosystem network. this means that the function and meaningfulness of the subculture of parhyangan as the network of the subak ecosystem have been made damaged. research novelty the novelty of this study: first, a conflict of land function which is caused by the use of the farmers’ land for irrigation channels, a conflict of growing pattern among the subaks and non subak institutions, a conflict of water resources among the subaks and non subak institions, and a conflict of modernized subculture of irrigation 6 technique which is caused by partial approach take place in the palemahan sub culture of the subak ecosystem. this is not in accordance with the farmers’ knowledge and philosophically, a clash between modernism and traditionalism cannot be avoided. 1. the area of sabha river are tukad sabha, tukad bakah, tukad jehe, tukad getas, tukad panes, tukad titab, and it has 55 subak. 2. palemahan aspect develop by economic oriented and base by ideology of capitalism, and farmer community group did activities vase by philosophy of tri hita karana, 3. modernization is source of latent conflict of political community with farmer community, and source of conflict economic community with farmer community. and source of conflict inheren of subak and among subak, 4. pawongan aspect of subak-subak at area of sabha river like is human resourches not touch by develop 5. ment of political community and economic community, 6. participatory theory as once alter 7. native for used solving problem of conflict among stakeholder in modernization ecosystem subak by sabha river area. research conclusion modernization in the agricultural mechanism has marginalized the existence of the traditional agricultural equipment in the subak ecosystem. in addition, the economic communities more dominantly play a role in the modernized mechanism of agriculture, in which the farmers are treated as consumers. the collaboration of the political and economic communities has marginalized the farming communities in the development of irrigation infrastructure of the sub culture of palemahan. this is called collusion that is based on buraucratism and technocratism which synergy with capitalism referred to by the economic communities with the objective that great benefit will be gained. the modernization in irrigation infra structure of the sub culture of palemahan has swept the farming communities away from their environment, and has changed the forms of the local symbols created by the farmers. the consequence is that the transcendent values of the artefak realizations of the sub culture of palemahan at the subaks irrigated by sabha river have been made to disappear. the sub culture of pawongan at the subaks irrigated by sabha river bound to the awig-awig (local regulations) has collided with formal regulations, the governmental regu lations and the regional regulations. the awig-awig is local in naure, while the formal regulations are national in nature. interinstitutional conflict has been caused by the non-existence of a higher subak (subak gede) at the same irrigation area and the non-existence of an institution arranging the area of a river (subak agung). the sub culture of parhyangan has been marginalized in the subak ecosystem, because the modernization made by the political communities have only been done in the subculture of palemahan. the sub culture of parhyangan has not been touched by modernization, making modernized infrastructure of the sub culture of palemahan considered not to have religious values. because spirituality has been neglected by the economic and political communities, the subculture of paryhyangan has been marginalized. the philosophy of trihita karana has been destructed by modernization, resulting a conflict 7 among the parties at the subcultures of palemahan, pawongan, and parhya ngan. acknowledgement i would like to take this opportunity to express my great thanks to prof. dr. i wayan ardika, ma., as my promoter, prof. 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the perspective of cultural studies) luh riniti rahayu1, tjok. istri putra astiti2, i made suastika3, i gde parimartha3 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of law, udayana university 3faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: rin_iti@yahoo.com abstract this study discusses the balinese women’s political participation in the general elections conducted in 1997, 1999 and 2004. during these years, in spite of being supported by reformation, there was a gap with regard to the balinese women’s participation in politics, which was assumed to result from numerous factors. therefore, the problems formulated in this study are (1) how the balinese women politically participated in the general elections conducted in 1997, 1999 and 2004; (2) what factors affected their political participation in the general elections conducted in 1997, 1999 and 2004?; (3) what were the effects and meanings of their political participation in the general election conducted in 1997, 1999 and 2004 viewed from the values of equality in gender? qualitative method with multidisciplinary approach from the perspective of cultural studies was adopted in this study. several critical social theories were employed for sharpening the analysis. the results of the study show that the balinese women’s political participation in the general election conducted in 1997 was 11.11%; that the recruitment system still referred to the concepts applied in the new order, that is, through the women’s organizations established by the government with high nepotism. while their political participation in the general election conducted in 1999 decreased by 1.62% as a consequence of reformation, in the general election conducted in 2004 it rose by 7.27%, resulting from the changes in the general election regulations. the factors which encouraged the balinese women to participate in politics were that they were influenced by the men who were politicians and close to them such as their husbands and fathers, the women’s movements and the general election regulations. as far as the domestic domain is concerned, their political participation was positive. what is meant is that they were able to acquire asymmetric relation of power; however, negatively, they had multiple responsibilities resulting from the multiple roles they played. in the political domain, they were dominated by men; in addition, their political participation gave the meanings of equality, being constitutional and being prestigious. keywords: the balinese women, politics and general election 2 introduction the democratic life in indonesia cannot be separated from women as the citizens. in clause1 of article 27 of the 1945 constitution, it is stated that: “every citizen has equal position both in law and in the government which should be highly respected without any exception.” the clause above reflects that women as the men’s partners should have the same opportunities as the men in carrying out all aspects of development including voting and being voted for in democratic life. as far as the political rights of every female and male citizen, indonesia, as a state, is committed to implementing the beijing declaration and the declaration of the united nations that guarantee that every woman has the right to take part in the decision making institutions. such a commitment guarantees that the men’s political participation is equal to the women’s and this was followed up by stating in clause (1) of article 6 of the act number 12 of 2003 that the women’s representation was 30%. normatively, the participation of women and men in politics should not have been a problem. however, the fact shows that, although indonesia has been independent for 64 years and has conducted 10 general elections, the percentage of the women’s participation in politics is still left far behind compared to the men’s. the low participation of the women in politics and public positions was responsible for their being underdeveloped in numerous areas of life particularly in education, health, matters pertaining to manpower and discrimination and coercion, which affected the state’s welfare and progress as a whole (soetjipto, 2005). based on the background described above, this study aims at identifying the balinese women’s political involvement in the general elections conducted starting from 1977 to 2004. the problems in this study were formulated as follows: (1) how the balinese women politically participated in the general elections conducted from 1997 to 2004?; (2) what factors affected their political participation in the general elections conducted from 1997 to 2004?; (3) what were the effects and meanings of their political participation in the general 3 elections conducted from 1997 to 2004 viewed from the values of equality in gender? research method the multidisciplinary approach in the perspective of cultural studies and qualitative method were adopted in this study. the study was conducted in bali province. the data needed was obtained by in-depth interview, note taking and documentation. the data was interpretatively, qualitatively and descriptively analyzed using the theory of post feminism, the theory of hegemony, the theory of power relation/knowledge and the theory of communicative act. the results of the study were analytically and descriptively presented. results of the study the results of the study are as follows: (1) in the general elections conducted from 1997 to 2004 the women’s participation fluctuated resulting from the change in political system from the new order era into the reformation era; (2) the factors leading to the women’s political participation in the general elections conducted from 1997 to 2004 were their being close either to their husbands or their fathers who happened to be politicians, the women’s movements and the change in the general elections regulations; (3) the women’s political participation in the general elections conducted from 1997 to 2004 provided positive and negative effects. positively, the women were able to have asymmetric relation of power in the domestic domain. negatively, the women had multiple responsibilities. politically, the men dominated the women. the balinese women’s political participation in the general elections conducted from 1997 to 2004 provided several meanings; they are the meaning of being equal to the men in the society and the meaning of being prestigious. discussion the women’s representation in the bali province legislative assembly (dprd bali) obtained from the general election conducted in 1997 was 11.11%. this general election was conducted in the transition period from the new order era into the reformation era. the women were recruited with reference to the concepts applied during the new order era, that is, through the women’s 4 organizations established by the government such as darma wanita, darma pertiwi and pkk. the number of women recruited was based on the quota determined with nepotism through the golongan karya political party. in the process of the female legislative assembly candidates, the practices of hegemony were imposed by the government over the golongan karya party, which was the dominating party at that time. antonio gramci (1891-1937) in ritzer (1996) stated that hegemony refers to one group’s dominance over others with or without force, making the ideas given by the dominating group accepted by the dominated ones and considered as common sense. the men’s hegemony over the women in the golongan karya political party also affected the recruitment process. as opposed to the general election conducted in 1977, the women’s political participation decreased in the general election conducted in 1999 from 11.11% to 1.82%. the changes in regulations regulating how the general election should be conducted and the number of political parties taking part were responsible for such a decrease. no quota was made for the female candidates from the golongan karya political party. they freely fought within the 48 political parties taking part for being voted for as the candidates of legislative members. the system of general election in which the symbols of the political parties with the candidates of female legislative members were elected listed them with great numbers. such a numbering constituted the practice of the men’s hegemony over the women in the public space. the correlation between knowledge and power also causes hegemony to take place. foucult (1980: 130-131) states that knowledge contains power, meaning that power contains knowledge. both refer to the same process. the female politicians’ understanding and knowledge were still less developed than the male politicians’, making the relation of power/knowledge between the men and the women in political parties asymmetric. this was responsible for the inequity underwent by the women with regard to their numerical numbers and for their failure in being voted for. however, in the general election conducted in 2004 the women’s political participation went up from 1.82% to 7.27%. the reformation era leading to the changes in general election regulations led to this. one of the basic changes was that the first direct general election was conducted as far as the history of the 5 indonesian general election is concerned. the other change in regulation was that the least political representation of the women was 30% as prescribed in clause (1) of article 65 of the general election act number 12 of 2003. such an article was the form of affirmative action made to encourage that the women’s representation for the political parties submitting the candidates of their legislative members to the general election committee should be at least 30%. no sanction was imposed upon the political parties who did not implement the article, making the women’s representation in the bali province assembly increased by 7.27%; however, 30% participation was not achieved. the imposition of no sanction led to the men’s practices of hegemony over the women and caused the relation of power/knowledge within the political parties to be asymmetric. the factors which affected the balinese women’s participation in politics were external factors, the women’s movements and the changes in regulations. the external factors included the fathers or husbands who encouraged them to be politicians and who happened to be politicians, the women’s activities shown through the organizations established by the government such as pkk, dharma wanita and dharma pertiwi. unlike when the general election was conducted in 1999, when the general election in 2004 was conducted, the organizations established by the government did not play any role resulting from the reformation era. instead, families played an important role. what is meant is that the decisions pertaining to time, labor and the costs needed for conducting the general election in 1997 caused the women to be dependent on the support given by their families. the women’s movements to encourage their representation in the legislative assembly in the general election conducted in 1997 were still passive. as the reformation era started, they were becoming active. the changes in regulations which caused the affirmative action to take place nationally started when the general election was conducted in 1999. in bali the movements to encourage the women to get involved in politics started in 2000. such movements caused the awareness of the political parties to start being seen and the women who were politicians started being encouraged to fight politically in the general election. the increasing number of the women who were involved in politics can 6 be explained by the theory of post modern feminism, that is, being aware of being unconstitutional, being suppressed and exploited (arivia, 2003: 128). the movement to struggle for the women’s representation in politics can also be explained from the theory of the women’s communicative act which is intended to acquire equality. habermas in magnis suseno (2000: 221) stated that the very basic human act is the communicative or interaction act which is intended to acquire mutual understanding. the effects of the balinese women’s participation in politics on and its meanings to the values of equality in gender are both positive and negative. positively, the balinese women who got involved in politics were able to create asymmetrical relation of power in domestic domain. the women’s hegemony over their husbands in domestic domain took place gently. what is meant is that they used the strategy which was specific to them for resisting their being subordinate in patriarchal culture, that is, giving in in order to win. in domestic domain, they did not want to lose their power. in addition to being politicians, they still managed their domestic responsibilities. this is one of the negative effects resulting from their participation in politics; they had multiple responsibilities. however, they enjoyed having multiple responsibilities to maintain their hegemony over their partners as well as the asymmetric relation in domestic domain. the effect of their participation in political domain was different from that in domestic domain. in political domain, the women were dominated by the men and their relation of power was asymmetric. the reason is that the number of the women who were politicians was less than the number of the men who were politicians. the limited number of the women who were politicians was responsible for their low bargaining power and their inability in making important decisions and political agenda in the legislative bodies. in addition to giving positive and negative effects, the balinese women’s participation in politics also gave the meanings of being equal, being constitutional and being prestigious. the equal numbers of the men and women as the legislative members showed the meaning of equality. the asymmetrical numbers of the men and women who were politicians in the general elections conducted in 1997, 1999 and 2004 showed the meaning of asymmetry between 7 the women and men who were involved in public domain in general and in the political domain in particular. although the number of the women who were involved in political domain was asymmetrical with the number of the men who were involved in political domain, the attempts made to increase the number of the women’s representation in politics can be explained using the theory of postmodern feminism. this had the meaning of acquiring being constitutional in the societal life. to be constitutional in the societal life, the women should not have been left behind by their male partners. therefore, opportunities should have been given to the women to show that they were able to contribute economically to their families and to be the pride of their families. therefore, being politicians was highly meaningful to the balinese women themselves and their families. being politicians made them more confident and prestigious. research novelties the findings in this study are as follows: (1) the balinese women’s and men’s relations of power in domestic domain and public domain were found out to reverse. in domestic domain the relation of power between the women and the men was asymmetric; the women dominated the men using their specific strategy to resist their being subordinate in patriarchal culture. in political domain, the men dominated the women in such a way that the latter was not able to participate in making decisions and controlling political agenda; (2) the balinese women were motivated to participate in political domain by the women who were close to them such as their fathers or husbands who happened to be politicians; (3) the women’s partners and their families, their political and intellectual abilities, their network and finance enabled them to be successful in becoming politicians; (4) the balinese women were able to create specific strategies to resist their being subordinate in patriarchal culture. such strategies were applied so gently that they did not sacrifice others, always respected and appreciated the men, and gave in in order to win. 8 conclussion it can be inferred that the women were recruited in the general election conducted in 1997 through the women’s organizations established by the government with nepotism. the decrease in the women’s participation in the general election conducted in 1999 resulted from reformation. however, the increase in their participation in the general election conducted in 1994 resulted from the changes in the general election regulations. the factors which encouraged the balinese women to take part in politics are the influence of the men who were politicians and close to them, their movements and the changes in the general election regulations. in domestic domain their participation in politics was positive, that is, they were able to create asymmetric relation of power; however, negatively, they had multiple responsibilities resulting from the multiple roles they played. in political domain, they were dominated by the men; however, their political participation gave the meanings of being equal, being constitutional and being prestigious. suggestions based on the findings above, it is suggested that political comprehension should be socialized to people, the political laws should be revised, the women’s network organizations should be strengthened, and the role of the mass media to give impression that the women’s involvement in politics is positive should be created. bibliography arivia, g. 2003. filsafat berspektif feminis. jakarta: yayasan jurnal perempuan foucault, m. 1980. power/knowledge. editor collin gordon. new york: panthenon books ritzer, g. 1996. teori sosial modern.. edisi keenam. jakarta: kencana soecipto, ani widnyani. 2005. politik perempuan bukan gerhana, esai-esai pilihan. jakarta: penerbit buku kompas. suseno, frans magnis. 2000. 12 tokoh etika abad ke 20. yogyakarta: kanisius. 9 acknowledgements in this opportunity the writer would like to thank and highly appreciate prof. dr. tjok istri putra astiti, ms as the main supervisor; prof. dr. i gde parimartha, ma as co-supervisor i; and prof. dr. i made suastika, su as cosupervisor ii for their supervision, guidance and correction so this dissertation can be completed in time. the writer would also like to express being indebted to the rector of udayana university, prof. dr. i made bakta, sp.p.d.. (khom); the director of postgraduate program of udayana university, prof. dr. a.a. raka sudewi, sp. s (k); vice director i, prof. dr. made budiarsa, ma; and vice director ii, dr. i ketut budi susrusa, ms., for all the opportunities and facilities provided to the writer during the completion of her doctorate program at the postgraduate program of udayana university. many thanks and high appreciation are also extended to all the staff members of the postgraduate program and all the parties helping the completion of this study. microsoft word e-journal yuliawan religious transformation of seni dodod taking place at mekar wangi village south banten yuliawan kasmahidayat1, i wayan dibia2, a. chaedar alwasilah, i made suastika3 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2performing arts faculty, indonesian arts institute, denpasar 3faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: kasmahidayatyuliawan@yahoo.com abstract religious transformation of seni dodod taking place at mekar wangi village, saketi district, pandeglang regency, south banten, banten province enriches the analysis of the community cultural pattern based on the art characteristics born and developing in the community. in relation to that, this study describes the cultural phenomenon of religious transformation as the ideological basis of the pre-modern, modern and postmodern communities. multidisciplinary qualitative method was employed in this study and the data needed were collected by in-depth interview, participatory observation and documentation techniques. the findings show that the seni dodod has the belief or the religion adhered to by the people living at mekar wangi village as its religious background. such a belief affects the relation pattern between the individuals and their community, nature and god. this is used as the reference in what is done in the agricultural process, making seni dodod a cult and realizatrion. when the cultural transformation process was taking place, it was found that there was a point of contact between traditional arts and modern arts outside the domain of seni dodod . nowadays new compositions of seni dodod have been created functioning as instruments of wedding and khitanan rituals (khitanan = a feast celebrating a circumcision). the process of acculturation was formally performed at school by using its compositions as the learning material of art and culture. its application in its original form and composition was informally inherited through seni dodod studios, the youth and villagers. its religious meaningfulness was reflected from the country life performed by the people living at mekar wangi village. such meaningfulness was based on that given by the leaders of pondok pesantren (muslem boarding school) and on the explanation clarifying, showing, separating and elaborating seven clauses of al-qur’an. the meaningfulness provided resulted in intactness of movements, the costumes worn, the poem of lutung kasarung , the magic formula or the prayers used. in addition, it was also referred to as muslim art and culture. it seems that nowadays a shift has taken place as far as its function is concerned. it used to be employed as a means of agricultural ritual but now it has been an important part of wedding and khitanan rituals; however, it has not been employed as a secular art. keywords: transformation, religious, seni dodod background the realization of the relationship between tradition and religion determined by the intensity of the concepts of art works and religiosity has caused the religious transformation of seni dodod to take place. such concepts refer to those included in the teaching of sunda wiwitan . it is a teaching which was adhered to by the pre-modern community. based on the data obtained from the previous researches, it has been found out that in the last fifteen years cultural patterns of activities or daily behavior of the local community have changed and so have the art activities. in relation to that it is interesting to analyze deeply the discourse of religious transformation contained in a ritual art, based on the discourse of the shift and changes taking place in the pre-modern, modern and postmodern communities. this study discusses the religious transformational process, inheritance as an attempt made to preserve culture, and the religious meaningfulness of moslem art taking place on seni dodod performed at mekar wangi village, south banten. this study aims at describing to what extent the religious transformation on seni dodod has taken place in the pre-modern, modern and postmodern communities. the significance of this study is not only to give ideas and views on the transformation taking place on seni dodod, in which religiousity becomes the binding characteristic, but more importantly to give beneficial contribution to the development of science, especially cultural studies and arts. discussion the theory of semiotics, the theory of hermeneutics, the theory of deconstruction, the theory of religious transformation and the theory of power and knowledge are employed for analysis. the research findings show that a shift and change has taken place as far as the religiousity and ideology of seni dodod is concerned, from the ideology referring to dewi padi (dewi sri/nyi sri pohaci) to the ideology based on the moslem values. the development of era, which contributes to the strong thinking pattern of the community, as a moslem one, has been responsible for such a shift and change. the cultural pattern adhered to by the community members living in south banten is generally the same as that adhered to by the sundanese community, that is, the cultural pattern categorized as pattern three (pola tiga). the system of their belief is monistic-naturalistic in nature. what is meant is that human beings are only familiar with the god’s manifestation in the form of the nature. the mythologies expressed by the poem of lutung kasarung in seni dodod are considered sacred by the community members living at mekar wangi village. they talk about the existence of the three worlds such as the upper world, the middle world and the lower world. the upper world refers to the sky world, the middle world refers to the human world and the lower world refers to the world under the earth (the sea). the three worlds are real to human beings and are known as tilu sapamula (there have been three). what is categorized as pattern three above is used as the model or the cultural pattern of the community members living at mekar wangi village known as tripartit makrokosmos. such a model or cultural pattern is also applied by the farming communities all over indonesia. the upper world is the sky which is opposed to the earth; the wet sky (the rain, the female) and the dry earth (the hilly land, the male). the middle world refers to the human beings with their various farming activities producing various plants which can be used as food resources for maintaining life in the world. the middle world (known as buana panca tengah) refers to the world where the female and the male get united, that is, where the sky and the earth meet (where being wet and being dry meet; where the rain and the land meet). this means that the two transcendent worlds (the sky and the earth) get united in the immanent world of human beings. the middle world is paradoxical with the male as well as the female. the lower world refers to the earth (including the sky), that is, the nature where human beings are buried when they are dead. the rituals conducted when the people living at mekar wangi village, south banten, plant and harvest their rice reflect the cultural pattern three, that is, the early, middle and last journeys of human life in the world. the early stage refers to the existence of the early life of human beings in the earth, that is, the birth process. the central stage refers to the existence of human beings when they undertake their lives, and the last stage refers to the existence of human beings when they die. the ideology on which how the rituals are performed when the people living at mekar wangin village plant and harvest their rice is based is described as follows. the process of cultural contact undergone by seni dodod in this modern era has led to ideological contact which has basically responsible for the process of change in form and function of seni dodod nowadays. the process of contact has also resulted from the sustainable interactive process between its performers and their socio cultural environment. it has been observed that an intense shift has taken place in regard to its religious content. the extent to which the contact has taken place has not been deeply reflected but has also been made easier by the extent to which the adjustment of cultural pattern has taken place between the supporting individuals of seni dodod and the individual cultural pattern beyond their area collectively agreed. however, this means that every detail of the cultural contact taking place can be observed in order to observe the process of transformation taking place. this does not mean that all aspects of the contact can be understood through the other forms of seni dodod. by observing several aspects of change taking place and the data obtained at the location where the research was conducted, the researcher predicts that the contact had taken place for 15 (fifteen) years, that is, from 1994 to 2009. in this modern era, several groups of the community members are still identified to perform rasulan ritual. the activities performed at tetanen and ngalaksa rituals are also performed when the rasulan ritual is performed. however, the length of time during which it is performed nowadays is relatively shorter than when it was performed in the past. changes have also taken place in regard to role, function, form and structure of how it is presented and in regard to the meaning it contains. the shift in thinking pattern of the modern community has led to the creation of the new compositions of seni dodod which can be observed from the aspects of movement, the make-up, the costumes worn, the form of the floor pattern, and even the property and the instruments used in the intactness of its presentation. however, the sequence of the music accompanying it, that is, angklung dodod, tends to follow its original pattern. several works which are related to seni dodod are (1) garapan (production) kohkol dodod (2007), which is in the form of a musical attraction played by 20 adult musicians; (2) collaboration of original dodod and children (2008), which is in the form of performing attraction and music played by 15 supporting adults, and 12 supporting children; (3) skda (senam kesenian dodod angklung, 2009), which is a development of performing movements of seni dodod which is collaborated with health gymnastic movement. it is played by primary school and junior high school students. nowadays the people living in south banten are known to faithfully adhere to islam. they will do their best to always reform their environment in such a way that they are in line with the taudid (oneness of god) teaching implanted in the religion they adhere to. therefore, the meaningfulness of the process of religious transformation of seni dodod has been made to go to such a proper direction that it is in harmony with the principles, values and conceptions of islam. from the results of the research, it has been found out that the meaningfulness based on the principles, values and conceptions of islam can be observed in regard to (1) the intactness of movements; (2) the costumes worn; (3) the meaning of the poem lutung kasarung; (4) the meaning of the magic formula or prayers; and (5) the fact that seni dodod is considered moslem culture and art. the meaningfulness of the religious content of seni dodod as the art and culture islam, emphasizes, as far as its vision and mission to strengthen strong personality in maintaining moslem teachings is concerned, that its existence needs to be appreciated and maintained. in addition, if the religious transformation of seni dodod is employed as the means of berdakwah (missionizing) and maintaining good pre-modern culture, it will certainly be useful to both individuals and groups of the people living at mekar wangi village. the creativity of the people living at mekar sari village in repackaging seni dodod nowadays is appreciated in accordance with the degree of its values and usefulness. as far as the context of moslem art and culture is concerned, whatever the form and name of a creation is cannot be considered to contrast with the religious teachings. conclusions seni dodod is the only traditional cultural heritage which has been in existence and developing up to now at mekar wangi village, saketi district, pandeglang regency, south banten, banten province. it was predicted that it was born in the sixteenth century, when it served as a means of agricultural ritual. it is performed in three ritual stages such as tetanen, ngalaksa and rasulan. the tetanen ritual is a ritual performed by the people living in the country when they plant rice. the ngalaksa ritual is a ritual performed when the rice bears young fruit. the rasulan ritual is performed when the rice is harvested and when it is stored in what is called leuit (the rice barn). in this modern era ideological and religious shift has taken place as far as seni dodod is concerned, from being performed for the goddess of rice to being performed when wedding and khitanan (feast celebrating a circumcision) are conducted. such a cult refers to a belief influenced by the culture of the ancestors of the people living at mekar wangi village, which is known as sunda wiwitan tradition. the ideology on which seni dodod is based nowadays has been much influenced by the belief in islam. all the behaviors performed inn it are based on the consideration whether what is done is in accordance with the religion they adhere to, that is, islam or not. the process of cultivation, as an attempt made to inherit seni dodod, has formally and informally taken place. the informal inheritance has been undertaken from generation to generation, based on family relationship or genetic factors. in other words, the dancers and musicians are genetically related. the informal inheritance has been carried out by participating in performance and imitating. the formal inheritance has been done through formal schools such as primary school, junior high school and senior high school. it has been used as the learning material of art and culture which is expressed as one of the terms that culture is recognized as something which should be systematically inherited and expressed. this means that the ideas, behaviors and instruments created by the ancestors or predecessors of the people living at mekar wangi village should be systematically inherited to the next generation. the religious meaningfulness of seni dodod in the pre-modern community was based on the depth of the meaning contained in its performance and was always related to islam. the meaningfulness has been focused on the intactness of its movements , the costumes worn, the meaning of the poem lutung kasarung, the meaning of the magic formula or prayers and its existence as the culture and art of moslem. nowadays its new compositions will be in existence for a period of time as an art which strongly contains the religious teachings and ideology adhered to by the people living at mekar wangi village, south banten. microsoft word artikel dewa ayu e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 representation of kebaya fashion in jagatnatha temple denpasar i dewa ayu sri suasmini1, i wayan ardika2 ,sulistyawati3 ni made wiasti4 1institute of the arts of indonesia denpasar, 234 cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1srisuasmini@yahoo.com, 2ardika52@yahoo.co.id, 4mwiasti@yahoo.com abstract kebaya is a traditional balinese outfit worn during religious ceremonies. kebaya as a fashion boss today is experiencing rapid development. women in the city of denpasar tend to follow the trend of fesyenkebaya when offering worship to the temple. modern kebaya is a choice as a representation when going to the great jagatnatha temple. women always want to appear fasionabeldan want to be the center of attention. as if the great jagatnatha temple was used as a fashion show stage by women in denpasar city. this phenomenon is interesting to study in the formulation of the problem, which is the fashion style to agung jagatnatha temple as a representation of women in denpasar city. this study used descriptive qualitative method. the theory used is representation theory and consumerism. the results of this study indicate that the reason women represent kebaya to temple is because the development of kebaya today is very rapid. this development is due to the advancement of technology and information so that materials and models of kebaya can be quickly produced. this causes women to wear trendy kebaya so that it is not considered outdated. pura agung jagatnatha is a public temple and the largest temple in the city of denpasar is always crowded with visitors on hindu religious holidays. agung jagatnatha temple is used as a place to represent the performance during prayer. for contemporary women in the city of denpasar, not only when attending a reception, when praying to the temple must also be fashionable. keywords: representation, fashion kebaya to temple, fashionable. introduction the development of fashion can be seen from the fashion travel worn in every age. starting from primitive mankind, prehistoric times, modern times and this era of globalization definitely requires clothing. clothing is one of the basic needs in human life in order to provide comfort in activities. humans as social beings always have desires or needs that are always developing, one of which is the desire to decorate themselves to look more than others. kebaya as a fashion boss today is experiencing rapid development. kebaya is a traditional balinese outfit worn during religious ceremonies such as at a temple prayer e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 ceremony, while attending a reception for a religious ceremony. beside during religious ceremonies, kebaya is also often worn at graduation. kebaya models continue to change, as well as the colors of kebaya, accessories and accessories, they also experience growth. bali as a tourism destination cannot avoid cultural transformation that is very fast happening. the change in culture will lead to fundamental changes in the various lives of balinese people, including in terms of traditional balinese fashion. changes in socio-cultural aspects will affect traditional norms and dress codes that apply in the community. today women in the city of denpasar tend to follow the kebaya fashion trends to the temple. likewise, other kebaya fashion such as kamen and accessories are also experiencing development and are always represented when going to the temple. wome always want to look trendy and want to be the center of attention when making a prayer to agung jagatnatha temple. as if the great jagatnatha temple was used as a stage for fashion shows by women in denpasar city. seeing this phenomenon, this study discusses why the fashion kebaya to the great jagatnatha temple as a representation of women in the city of denpasar. this study used descriptive qualitative method. the theory used in this study is representation theory and consumerism. the purpose of this study was to find out the reason for the fashion kebaya to jagatnatha grand temple as a representation of contemporary women in the city of denpasar. research methods this research was designed using cultural study approach. the data collection process was conducted using in-depth interview, observation, dan document study. the deta analysis used descriptive qualitative method. the theory used is representation theory and consumerism. result and discussion the development of fashion from the era of ancient kingdoms to modern times looks different. the clothing worn by bc women was very simple namely berupakain which is wrapped around the body using the technique of pain. the function of clothing at that time in addition to protecting the body also to decorate the body, while in modern times in terms of practicality and comfort began to be considered when wearing clothes. the development of fashion fashion is influenced by the socio-cultural and environmental conditions of the local area. according to bourdieu that lifestyle is understood as a whole taste, beliefs that e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 characterize a class include political opinion, philosophical beliefs, moral beliefs, aesthetic tastes and also food, fashion culture (bourdieu, 2003: 9). development of kebaya in indonesia kebaya as traditional balinese clothing has a philosophy that contains life values, such as the value of obedience, refinement and actions of women who must be gentle. kebaya also has more meaning and function, which is seen from its simple form which shows the simplicity of indonesian people. in addition, the kebaya is always worn with a cloth that covers the wearer's body so that it will limit his movements to move quickly, this is synonymous with a graceful female personality. the beginning of the cultural history of dress in indonesia is inseparable from the cultural influences of other nations that have stopped and lived in indonesia in trade relations. nations that have stopped in indonesia include chinese, indian, arabic, portuguese, and finally from the netherlands. indonesia is a maritime country and is also a very old crossing area, which may be said to have existed since the beginning of the western orientalism tradition (lombard: 2008: 9). in the era of the majapahit empire, javanese traders had imported fashion materials such as cotton and silk textiles to be exchanged for spices which were then exported to chinese (pinardi and mambo, 1993: 185). it is estimated that when chinese traders who stopped in indonesia were already wearing clothes that covered their upper bodies. the traders brought influence in terms of dress and finally clothing to cover the upper body began to be known by the people of indonesia. perhaps in 1400 ad chinese immigrants from china took part in introducing kebaya to indonesia. this is known from clothes such as kebaya, which are loose-sleeved longsleeved clothes that are closed at the edges. this shirt is known as the bei-zi which is worn by women from lower social circles during the ming dynasty (triyanto, 2011: 4). it is estimated that the clothes made at that time were still very simple because the existing equipment was still very traditional like a loom that was moved by hand. over time and the development of technology is increasingly advanced, resulting in more fabrics being produced and clothing that is made can be easier. as well with clothes worn by chinese women also developed into fashion known as encim kebaya. after cultural adjustments that lasted for hundreds of years, kebaya clothing began to be accepted in indonesia and began to spread to malacca, java, bali, sumatra and sulawesi. in 1600 ad the kebaya was officially worn by the royal family. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 after the industrial revolution in england in 1760 ad, technology began to develop, machines began to be created, one of which was the creation of weaving machines using steam power in 1785 ad, and this resulted in fabrics being produced quickly and in large quantities. in 1800 ad kebaya materials have begun to be produced and better, such as velvet, various types of fine silk and woven fabrics began to appear and replace the cotton velvet material, various types of silk and other fine woven fabrics began to emerge in place of mori cloth which is simple woven fabrics from cotton. biku kebaya is kebaya material with motifs imported from europe, and the last is sulaya kebaya, namely kebaya with embroidery techniques which are characteristic of chinese clothing (gumulya and octavia, 2017: 24). in 1900, the kebaya began to recognize among the indigenous people, besides that chinese and dutch descendants made kebaya as their daily outfit. there are two types of kebaya known at the time, namely encim and kebaya kutubaru kebaya (kebaya nyonya). kebaya encim is a type of kebaya that is used by women of chinese descent, usually decorated with embroidery and embroidery. kebaya kutubaru is a short tunic-style kebaya with beautiful motifs and colors. at first the kebaya is worn with a beautiful sarong and shirt called "kasut manek" until it finally undergoes renewal. busana kebaya is combined with batik cloth as a subordinate (pentasari, 2007: 13). in 1940 president sukarno made kebaya as the national dress for indonesian women and until now kebaya is still worn by indonesian women, both official state events, and during religious ceremonies. development of kebaya in bali the development of clothing in bali is also due to the acculturation of other nations. before being known for fashion, female bosses only wore kamen (cloth), bulang (stagen) and kancrik (scarves), sometimes women wore towels wrapped around their upper bodies, or placed on their heads called tengkuluk to support their hair so that they did not come loose . the boss's outfit was already known during the reign of sri maharaja jayapagus, namely the king of the dalem balingkang kingdom who ruled in 1181-1269 ad this was seen from the clothes worn on barong landung astrid as a symbol of dewi kang cing we who was the wife of sri maharaja jayapagus. barong landed wife is made by wearing clothes that cover the upper body, so it was estimated at that time the boss's clothing was known in the kingdom. when the dutch expedition discovered bali in 1597 ad, it had an influence on how to dress but at that time the kebaya was not widely known by the balinese people. the boss's outfit is only known among nobles. this is due to the fact that it is still difficult to get fabric as e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 kebaya material, only the nobility can afford to buy cloth. the nobility began to wear kebaya and became a trendsetter at the time, so the kebaya began to be known by the wider community in 1900 ad in addition, dress ethics also began to be known by balinese women so that kebaya began to be worn a lot. the entry of the dutch into indonesia, especially to the island of bali, also brought a new trend in fashion. women began to think that the upper body must be covered with clothing, which is called clothes. from then on the clothes began to be worn by women in bali. in addition to the influence of western culture, the development of kebaya clothing in bali also has the influence of javanese fashion, this can be seen from the kebaya fashion models in the form of collars, sleeves and long kebaya. the frequent use of kebaya that provides comfort and is related to ethics, kebaya is finally used as traditional balinese clothing. kebaya began to be worn as everyday clothing and clothing for religious ceremonies. the kebaya model known at that time was kebaya with the kartini and kutubaru models. the habit of wearing a scarf or towel to cover the upper body is still worn by wrapping around the waist. until now, the cloth wrapped around the waist is known as the shawl. so that until now every wearing a kebaya is always equipped with a shawl. the kebaya model is initially divided into three (3), namely: a. kebaya with hand model ebar widened down or widened at the end of the hand, panjang kebaya to the center of the buttocks with front openings given joint gold pins or studs. b. kebaya with a long arm model of approximately 3-4 fingers above the wrist, but still widens at the end of the hand called the horse foot model. the front kebaya openings are given gold pins and buttons. c. kebaya with long straight hand pieces to the wrist. the front openings use safety pins or gold buttons. along with the development of the times, kebaya models in bali began to experience growth, namely using beef, namely cloth that is placed on the front opening. there are two types of beef, namely beef with one cloth and beef with two fabrics. judging from the materials used as kebaya are silk, chiffon, cotton, brocade, tille with various motifs and colors. kebaya clothing in bali has no sacred elements, but kebaya is one of the elements of culture adapted to the teachings of hinduism. besides that, in the use of clothing in bali based on the village of kala patrayaitu the use of kebaya is adjusted to the space, time and place of use. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 representation of kebaya fashion to women's temples in pura agung jagatnatha denpasar. many representations relate to cultural studies to examine the way in which meaning is produced in various contexts. in accordance with the opinion of barker (2006: 9), representation and cultural meaning have materiality, among others, can be objects. the development of balinese culture today has undergone a change from an agrarian culture to an industrial culture due to the process of globalization. the existence of globalism changes is the lifestyle of balinese women in choosing fashion when going to temple. pura agung jagatnatha is the largest temple in the city of denpasar, which is a temple of khayangan jagat. pura agung jagatnatha is always crowded with people on the holy day of purnama tilem and religious holidays such as saraswati day, galungan, kuningan, and ciwalatri. pura agung jagatnatha is a public temple without any difference in origin and sorrow from the tangkil people. this is what causes contemporary women in the city of denpasar to make the agung jagatnatha temple as a place to represent kebaya clothing. pura agung jagatnataha seems to be used as a caltwalk to demonstrate the trendy kebaya clothing worn by contemporary women in denpasar city. seeing this condition can be said by contemporary women no one wants to miss the current of globalization. the culture of globalism through various advertisements and electronic media has hegemony the minds of balinese women so that they have unconsciously become part of globalism (ritzer and goodman, 2010: 592). this has an impact on the confusion of balinese women in consuming so that balinese women do not consider the value of use and give priority to symbolic values (atmadja, 2011: 90). the impact is that balinese women cannot distinguish between needs and desires in dress. today many balinese women wear translucent kebaya brocade clothes, when they go to the temple. contemporary women prefer to follow fashion trends that are trending so that they can provide satisfaction after using a trendy product, as shown in the following figure 1.. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 figure 1. the representation form of women when praying source: suasmini, 2016. kebaya attire worn during worship to the temple as seen in figure 2.1 is a representation of contemporary women in the city of denpasar today. pink kebaya is worn in a trend today with design modifications to the shoulders and arms to show the shoulders and upper chest. the most important thing in appearance is the factor of beauty, elegance and fashion that is trending. the use of clothing that highlights body parts not only applies when balinese women are outside the temple, but also when going to the temple (atmadja, 2010: 245). kebaya for women in denpasar city does not only function as a wrapping of the body but has another meaning, namely to show class or social status. this can be seen from the development of kebaya worn by women in denpasar city when attending religious activities. today every religious activity of women always wears a trendy kebaya model and color. kebaya as a capitalist production, comes as if it has the power to define itself through itself and women in denpasar city adore kebaya clothing that can change their lifestyle they. this social phenomenon is fetishism as something that works in the traffic of social labeling. fetishism is the attitude that cults a particular object because the object is believed to have power or spirit. when this attitude is associated with the term "commodity", then what is meant is the worship of a product because of its enchanting charm. this means kebaya worn is believed to be a charm so that its use can look beautiful, sexy and fashionable when wearing a trendy kebaya. baudrillard (1981: 63) mentions objects as signs in the marking value rules that can be classified between two statements, functionality and reenactment which is actually exaggerated (ostention). both information can be part of the same object so that objects can be devices that combine "randomness with the appearance of a functionality". an object shows a demonstration that is exaggerated e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 (ostention), and if a sign of that value is what fosters someone's desire for the object, then the object turns into a fetish. due to the concept of capitalism that causes a person to have false needs, then to bring reality to imagination, capitalists create substitutions in the form of various lifestyles, aesthetics, rituals, prestige and symbolic identity behind the ownership of a commodity so that people get satisfaction that is not real but imagination. kebaya is a dress to cover the body when someone wants to do an activity. using models, colors and certain kebaya fabrics is a good consideration when coming to the temple and reception. women always want to look trendy when attending large ceremonial activities and offering worship to the temple. this can be seen in the appearance of contemporary women at the time of the kuningan holiday in agung jagatnatha temple, as seen in figure 2. figure 2. the representation of kebaya to temple in kuningan celebration source: suasmini, 2016 the representation of the kebaya in figure 2.2 shows this contemporary woman, very concerned about her appearance from the tip of her hair to her toes. the selection of white clothes that are tailored to the color of the necklace and the worn sandals are white, shawl, cloth (kamen) and the bag chosen in yellow. the choice of clothing is of course with the consideration of trendy looks on the kuningan holiday. every woman always wants to look beautiful, similar things are also expressed by goffman (in stolley, 2005: 70), every human being always wants to present himself into his environment. the appearance of kebaya clothing that is produced and worn and displayed in the beauty of illusion and illusion of instinct towards irrational, beauty and pleasure that can represent the contents of the heart in a kebaya fashion display. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 physical appearance as an attribute of lifestyle itself, will be symbolic or a sign that can be read. fashion choices in addition to showing the level of one's social status in society are also symbols of the lifestyle of someone who understands the development of the times. this kebaya fashion consumption is not based on use value but to mark wealth and social status. piliang (2011: 148) mentions consumption to be a phenomenon of language and signification. consumption of objects is not just to spend use value and utility value, but also to communicate or represent or mark messages or specific meanings. the representation of the kebaya fashion at the agung jagatnatha temple was carried out by women to show that pursuing prayers must also be fashionable and do not want to be considered outdated. the development of this kebaya has resulted in contemporary women not wanting to be outdated and always wanting to look fashionable. conclusion the reason for the fashion to go to the great jagatnatha temple as a representation of women in denpasar city is because the kebaya fashion today is experiencing very rapid development. this is due to the rapid advancement of technology and information. technological advancements have made fabric kebaya and kebaya colors easy to make, causing the trend of kebaya both material, models and colors to change rapidly. the kebaya fashion representation is carried out at the agung jagatnatha temple which is the largest temple and is always crowded with people for prayer. to be considered trendy and not outdated, women to the jagatnatha grand temple must also be fashionable. this temple seems to be a stage show so that a trendy appearance can be seen and noticed by fellow women or men in agung jagatnatha temple. it can be said that in order to show its status, prayer also must be fashionable and unwilling to be considered outdated. references atmadja, nengah bawa. 2011. ajeg bali gerakan, identitas cultural, dan gobalisasi. yogyakarta. lkis. bourdieu, pierre (haryatmoko). 2003. menyingkap kepalsuan budaya penguasa. jurnal basis. yogyakarta: bp basis. chaney, david. 1996. lifestyle. yogyakarta: jalasutra. lombard, dennys. 2008. nusa jawa: silang budaya jilid 2. jakarta: pt gramedia. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 pentasari, ria. , 2007. chic in kebaya. jakarta: erlangga. piliang, yasraf amir. 2011. dunia yang dilipat tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta: matahari. pinardi, slamet dan winston s.d mambo 1993. ”perdagangan pada masa majapahit”, dalam 700 tahun majapahit (1293-1993) suatu bunga rampai, surabaya: disparda propinsi jawa timur. ritzer, george dan goodman, douglas j. 2010. teori sosial modern. jakarta: kencana prenada media group. sutjiatiningsih, sri, dkk. 1997. banten kota pelabuhan jalan sutra kumpulan makalah diskusi. jakarta: depdikbud. triyanto. 2011. eksistensi kebaya dari masa ke masa. yogyakarta: pt. intan sejati klaten. witriasih, ayu. 2004. materi seminar tata busana adat bali. disampaikan pada seminar dalam rangka pemilihan putrid an ratu kebaya zarkhoviche, baha. 2015. laksamana cheng ho panglima islam penakluk dunia. yogyakarta: araska publisher. microsoft word artikel ida bagus suatama final e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 14-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 hegemony of modernity in the practice of usada bali treatment in denpasar ida bagus suatama1, a.a.ngurah anom kumbara2, a.a. bagus wirawan3, ni luh arjani4 1lecturer of unhi denpasar, 2,3,4cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1idabagussuatama@gmail.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3s2kjbdyunud@yahoo.com, 4arjani_psw@yahoo.com received date : 08-01-2019 accepted date : 12-01-2019 published date : 28-02-2019 abstract the phenomenon of the hegemony of modernity in the practice treatment of usada bali in denpasar city is interesting to observe. on the one hand, public interest in usada bali is still quite high, but also on the other hand modern medical dominance is so strong. through a postmodernism approach and a qualitative method that relies on the workings of critical theory, its causes, forms, and implications, reveal this phenomenon. the cause of the hegemony of modernity is due to state regulation, the modern and traditional medical dichotomy, the disposition of rationality, and the expansion of material energy. the form of modernity hegemony includes the formalization of medical practices, identity mimesis, praxis of praxis awareness, and commodification of usada bali. the implications of the hegemony of modernity includes the strengthening of the existence of usada bali, the competition of health services, the reproduction of medical discourse, and the ambivalence of spirituality. this study found that modernity has more power, than traditional values. the discourse of development and empowerment of traditional medicine has not targeted usada bali as autonomous knowledge. the violations of sasana balian undoubtedly due to the strong influence of materialism. the existence of usada bali is in line with the community’s belief in the etiology of sakala and niskala. keywords: hegemony, modernity, practice of medicine, usada bali introduction the modernity of the society is almost the entire order of social and cultural life of the people, the giant panzer juggernaut that moves wildly in every direction and blows the whole barrier in front (giddens, in ritzer and goodman, 2005:552). the analysis of modernity is primarily directed at the historical aspect and its influence in transforming traditional communities into a capitalist economic order (huntington, 2003; sanderson, 2011), ideas on e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 14-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 community progress (suhandji and waspodo, 2004; setiawan and sudrajat, 2018); principles of modern culture (haryono, 2005); modernity as an enlightenment project of rationality (kant and habermas, in hardiman, 2009); the city and the fnansial economy as an arena of dissemination and intensified modernity (simmel, in ritzer and goodman, 2005), as well as paradoxes of modernity in the life of society and humanity (lash, 2003; radhakrishnan, 2003; giddens, 2011). the hegemony of modernity encourages the emergence of the posmodern movement marked the rise of indigenous cultures and the sivilisrational consciousness as a new age (new age) of civilization (huntington, 2003; harisson and huntington (ed.), 2006). the revival of the role of local culture is expected to be counterbalancing, even contraction over the establishment of modernity. one of them looks at usada bali's treatment practice phenomenon in denpasar city. based on the strategic plan of the denpasar city health office in 2016 — 2021, the number of traditional medical treatment in denpasar has reached 362 people with a variety of skills. this phenomenon indicates that traditional functional treatment for the people of denpasar because if not functional, then it will disappear by itself (malinowski, in turner and maryanski, 2010). in addition, this phenomenon also proves the high interest and passion of society to pursue traditional medicine practices, including usada bali. with the hegemony of modernity, usada bali began to gain pressure from the modern medical system. usada bali's traditional treatment in health narrative performances due to the hegemony of modernity occurs in various aspects (sarad magazine, no. 48, april issue 2004, hal. 9). in contrast, usada bali practitioners also adapted to modern sociocultural environments to build and maintain their existence. usada bali's drug ability adapts and interacts with modernity as demonstrated by the use of technology and communication as a promotional medium. usada bali's development through modern educational institutions is also conducted with the establishment of a program of diploma iii usada which transforms into an ayurveda study program, faculty of health, universitas hindu indonesia. other modernity hegemony is characterized by state regulation governing traditional health. the phenomenon of modernity hegemony in the usada bali treatment practice in denpasar city is seen as an important theme of cultural study which is scientifically studied. this study became an effort as well as the posmodern intellectual movement to dismantle the hegemony of modernity in traditional culture including usada bali's practice. in addition, this research is also expected to stimulate the rise of indigenous cultures in response to modernity, thus raising the sivilisrational consciousness in order to face the future of world e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 14-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 civilization. on that basis, the research is focused on reviewing the hegemony of modernity in the usada bali treatment practice in denpasar city including causes, forms, and their implications. the purpose and objectives of this research is to uncover the facts on the hegemony of modernity in the treatment of usada bali so it is theoretically beneficial and practical. concepts and theories in this research, there are two concepts that are operationalized, namely hegemony of modernity, and usada bali's treatment practice. the hegemony of modernity consists of ' hegemony ' and ' modernity '. according to gramsci (in patria and arif, 2003; simon, 2000; maliki, 2004; piliang, 2004, and suyatno, 2010), hegemony is the dominant class of mastery over the lower class without violence, but through the consensual consent of the controlled community. meanwhile, modernity is a modern cultural construction that stands on the principles of ratios, subjectivity, identity, ego, totality, absolute ideas, linear advances, objectivity, otonomization, emancipation, and binary opposition (haryono, 2005). abraham (1991) stated that modernity marked economic growth, social mobilization, and cultural expansion. in this study, the hegemony of modernity is the entire phenomenon and reality which demonstrates the acceptance of modernity values in the usada bali treatment practice in denpasar city. usada bali is the application of usada bali by traditional balinese medicine (balian) in carrying out the action of treatment. in this case, traditional balinese medicine includes balian usada, balian katakson, balian kapaica, and balian mixed (nala, 1993; kumbara in sukarma and utama (ed.), 2008). modernizing practices of medicine, values and modern lifestyles of the balian, negotiating the power of the balian in his interactions with other modern social structures, as well as everything related to modern culture in the treatment of usada bali, operational is covered by the concept of modern hegemony in usada bali treatment practice. this research uses 4 (four) foundations of the theory, which is the theory of hegemony, power relations and knowledge, social practice, and health believe and explanatory model. the basic assumption of these four theories can be explained as follows. first, the theory of hegemony was submitted by gramsci (in muzani, 1999; simon, 2000; patria and arif, 2003) that hegemony is not a relationship of domination with the use of violence, but rather a conscious consensus or approval through moral and ideological leadership. second, the theory of power and knowledge relations according to foucault (in carette, (ed.), 1999; e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 14-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 barker, 2005; ritzer and goodman, 2005), that every knowledge implicates power within it is channeled through discourse. third, the theory of social practice was submitted by bourdieu (2010; harker, et al., 1999) in the generative formula "(habitus x capital) + realm = practice". fourth, the health believe and explanatory model theory is the theoretical family of health anthropology presented by rosenstock (1966) and kleinman (1980) that the choice of society in its treatment is determined by the popular sector, the folk (traditional) sector, and professional sectors. the four theories are used on an eclectic basis based on multivariate data in the field. research methods the study was designed as a qualitative study with the approach of posmodernism. the location of this research is denpasar. qualitative data types are gathered from primary and secondary data sources through observation, in-depth interviews, and document studies. the informant is determined by the criterion based selection, which is the actors involved directly in the theme of the research studied. researchers become the key instrument in this study assisted by supporting instruments, such as interview guidelines and data recording tools, both digital cameras and voice recorder applications on mobile phones, as well as laptops for data storage. data is analyzed through data reduction phases, data serving, and verification. interpretation of the data in a deep description (thick description) and presented descriptively-narrative. discussion the cause of modernity in the treatment practices of usada bali in denpasar, includes (1) the regulation of state health that becomes a state tool to channel the ideas of modernity in traditional health services through the mechanism of mastery with nonviolent coersive, as well as the formation of public consensus so that the public is moved to support and participate in complying with these regulations; (2) modern and traditional medical dichotomy created a hierarchy of binary opposition, dominant-subordinates, which eventually sped traditional medical attention in medical performances. this traditional medical marginalization encourages the country to overcome it through the regulative and discourse practices supported by educational institutions so that both participating to be a channel of the shaken hegemony in health discourse; (3) the disposition of rationality in line with structural differentiation and action rationalization has created alternatives for usada bali's drug to build e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 14-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 its existence. this alternative is considered rationally so as to give birth to the disposition of action that following modern social and cultural patterns is the most rational choice for their existence and interests; and (4) the expansion of material energy due to material enchantment has encouraged the desire of the drug usada bali to conduct treatment practices in order to gain material benefits, whether to fulfill the needs of life and identity markers, representations, and imagery. the expansion of material energy marked the influence of modernity that drove the shift of financial-material consumption to the realm of symbolic consumption and aesthesation of life. hegemony hegemony of modernity in the usada bali treatment practice in denpasar city appears in the form of, among others: (1) formalization of treatment practices in response to usada bali (balian) to state regulations so as to formalize the practice accordance with the conditions verified by the authorised institution. in addition, it is also in the discourse of legalization and formalization of traditional balinese medicine to utilize modern health facilities and to carry out the practice of modern medical joint treatment; (2) identity mimesis, an impersonation action that is driven with a mimetic desire for modern medical excellence. mimesis identity appears in the form of: (a) mimesis which refers to the ideal condition transcendental, which is mimicking the modern medical way in the implementation of treatment practices; (b) to make the establishment of a modern medical system as a traditional medical reflection to achieve a parallel establishment; and (c) the edification of the difference between modern and traditional medical so as to trust both as a method of treatment that is freely selected by the patient or combining them; (3) the capitalization of consciousness of the patient in seeking healing, was created a productive realm of habitus development and the capital of usada bali drug in carrying out the practice of treatment. this capitalization arises in physical accitivity and discourse to master the consciousness of the patient, both on the traditional pole of consciousness and modern consciousness; and (4). the commodification of usada bali, which makes usada bali's treatment practice as a commodity to reap material gains. this commodification appears in the form of health care services industry by building professional image, personal branding through public space mediation, and industrialization as well as the commercialization of usada bali medicines, both processing, packaging, and distribution. the implications of modern hegemony in the usada bali medicine practice in denpasar, including (1) the strengthening of usada bali's existence, as the implications arising from the state regulation, encourages the practitioners of usada bali to build its e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 14-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 existence in modern community structures supported by traditional and organic intellectuals, including cultural discourse that mainstream the revival of local cultural roles; (2) competition of healthcare services, due to personal autonomy and differentiation of economic structures, which encourages usada bali to represent the competitive advantages of the competition to win competitions in the service industry treatment services. competition through discourse strategy is the most rational way to achieve material gains; (3) reproductions of medical discourse, as positioning the position of balian in the presence of the patient in the healthcare service industry. the reproduction of a medical discourse is based on the subject's autonomy principle so that the free return is appropriate and builds medical discourse according to its importance, especially to demonstrate its competitive advantage, strengthen its position in the presence of the patient, and improve a bid in the competition for medical services; and (4) the ambivalence of spirituality when the expansion of material energy has made the profession of balian as an economical resource that can be negotiated in the treatment services industry. spirituality as the basis of a balian's ability traditionally does not escape mobilization and instrumentalization in order to seize the sympathy of the patient thus experiencing ambivalence in itself. in this case, it is difficult to separate the spiritual representation with a market mechanism based on material exchange. research findings firstly, modernity characterized by the rationality of bureaucracy and structural differentiation has encouraged the balian to enter the modern power structure. the modernization of traditional medicine is predicted to continue to evolve in line with the giddens theory of modernity as juggernaut's giant panzer which is difficult to dilute its power. secondly, the community makes usada bali a medical alternative for modern medicine (conventional) because it is still strong belief in the sakala-niskala ethology. the findings affirmed hobart's opinion that during the belief of the balinese (hindu) community on the sakala and the ratio is still strong, so long as the existence of balian will remain in the community. third, spirituality as the image inherent in a balian becomes a mobilized instrument and negotiated for material sake, and hence the violation of the sasananing balian becomes an inevitor. this encourages the shifting existence of return from the folk (traditional) sector to the professional sector, when balian has positioned itself as other professional health sectors. thus, the findings of this research confirm the theoretical view of explanatory model kleinmen that the existence of popular sectors, professionals, and folk in the e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 14-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 performance of public health moves dynamically along with the hegemony of modernity in the folk sector. references abraham, francis m. (1991). modernisasi di dunia ketiga: suatu teori umum pembangunan. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. antthony giddens. (2011). konsekuensi-konsekuensi modernitas. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. barker, chris. (2005). culture studies teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: bentang pustaka. bourdieu, piere. (2010). aneka produksi kultural sebuah kajian sosiologi budaya. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. carrete, jeremy (ed.). (2009). agama, seksualitas, kebudayaan esai, kuliah, dan wawancara terpilih michel foucault. yogyakarta: jalasutra dinas kesehatan kota denpasar. (2016). rencana strategis dinas kesehatan kota denpasar tahun 2016—2021. denpasar. foster, george m. & barbara gallatin anderson. (1978). medical anthropology. new york: john willey and son. giddens, antthony. (2011). konsekuensi-konsekuensi modernitas. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. hardiman, f. budi. (2009). kritik ideologi. yogyakarta: kanisius. harisson, lawrence e. dan samuel p. huntington (ed.). 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(2010). canang sari dharmasmerti: mengenang bhakti prof. nala. denpasar: widya dharma. turner, brian s dan t. maryanski. (2010). fungsionalisme. yogyakarta: ircisod, microsoft word artikel ida bagus surya suputra 1 e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 the struggle of united nusa dua in seizing tourism market in bualu customary village ida bagus putu surya suputra private entrepreneur idabagusputusuryasuputra@ymail.com received date : 10-03-2019 accepted date : 22-06-2019 published date : 31-08-2019 abstract this study discusses the existence of united nusa dua in its efforts to seize the tourism market in bualu village, benoa district, amid accelerating the tourism sector. the rapid of tourism in this area make the crisis for the peoples especially for their identity. now, these things being a problems when the tourism aspect doesn’t give the contribution for local peoples and for the latest, it raises the movement of united nusa dua. the issues appear in this study are (1) why united nusa dua doing the struggle to seize the tourism market? (2) how is the struggling process of nusa dua bersatu in seizing the tourism market? (3) what is the meaning of united nusa dua struggle for local communities in bualu village?. this study is using a qualitative research, in which the subject of this study discusses the occurrence of hegemony by the authorities (both local authorities and entrepreneurs capital), in its efforts toward reducing the local tradition into modern ideology that already bring with them. the results showed the initial formation of civil society organizations united nusa dua as a form of local resistance in an effort to maintain its presence in the midst of the development of the tourism industry in their region. as for the function of the united nusa dua is doing resistance to things that are not yet considered for the local community, and unite the indigenous villagers as a form of community resistance in the struggle to seize the tourism. keywords: struggle, united nusa dua, tourism market introduction the beginning of the development of tourism in the bualu indigenous village can be said to have started since 1976 which was built with the concept of an integrated tourism area that is far from residential communities. this area is known as the btdc (bali tourism development corporation) which has now changed its name to itdc (indonesia tourism e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 development corporation). in its development, the benefits obtained by the region, whether hotel entrepreneurs, renters, and other businesses in the area are not balanced with compensation and socio-cultural values that have been sacrificed by the community from the beginning of the area development planning. various pressures are also experienced by landowners. inevitably the land must be released with the calculation of getting compensation. however, the compensation process is felt to be very convoluted and even far from reality (madiun, 2010: 9-10). the development of tourism in the bualu indigenous village area is inseparable from the role of the community who have positive thoughts on the entry of tourism in the region. revenue of sufficient economic value in the lives of local people is a demand for achieving community welfare. on that basis, the involvement of local communities from the beginning of development until now needs to be considered by providing space in the involvement and contribution of tourism to local communities. development of excessive modernization is one of the factors causing the decline of the existence of local communities in nusa dua. modernization shows its focus on significant economic development through technology and patterns of luxury life, even fatal when modernization results in the uniformity of life patterns as in the west. economic demands are increasingly high with consumptive lifestyles, leading to turmoil over the struggle for employment under the construction of capitalist power. money becomes the desire to achieve desires. as said by burhanuddin that the present of tourism seems to move more towards industrialization and leaving culture-based tourism (burhanuddin, 2008: 67). utilization of natural resources is more dominantly carried out by the capital owner community. large economic capital facilitates entrepreneurs in building image in its development. in line with suryawan's view, now colonialism is still happening, no longer with weapons and war, but through sedition and tourism images through brochures, scientific works, and millions of romantic publications (suryawan, 2005: 21-22). problems in tourism led to the emergence of community movements in the form of a unity forum (nusa dua bersatu). nusa dua bersatu was established on march 11, 2012 with 650 members. the formation of nusa dua bersatu also shows the movement of the community in responding to the development of tourism in the area. the emergence of such an organization is a form of disappointment with local leaders in ensuring the welfare of their communities. in its movement nusa dua bersatu is dominated by efforts to find jobs for local people. e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 based on this explanation, the problems discussed in this study are (1) why does nusa dua bersatu struggle to seize the tourism market? (2) what is the nusa dua united struggle in capturing the tourism market? (3) what is the meaning of the nusa dua bersatu struggle for the local community of adat bualu village? research method the design of this study uses qualitative methods that emphasize ethical, emic, and holistic thick descriptions through cultural studies approaches. the location of the study was conducted in adat bualu village, kuta selatan district, badung regency, bali. the location was chosen based on the consideration that the bualu adat village is one of the villages in south kuta which directly impacts the impact of modern tourism. types and sources of data used in this study are qualitative data as primary data and quantitative data as supporting data and use two data sources, namely (1) primary data sources obtained directly from informants, (2) secondary data sources obtained from second sources or secondary sources of needed data such as textbooks, village documents and monographs. the technique of determining the informants is the informants (subjects) who are competent, have relevance to the social settings under study. the research instrument is equipped with interview guidelines, sound recording devices, cameras, and stationery. data collection techniques in this study data collection techniques used were observation, interviews, and documentation. data analysis was carried out during the research in a qualitative and interpretive manner. the theory used as the basis of analysis is the theory of power discourse from foucault which discusses the description and analysis of discourse that has a certain historical and material impact relating to discursive practices and discourse formation (barker, 2011: 21). in addition, the theory of hegemony by gramsci is a theory that discusses social classes that undergo social power and authority to gain leadership by means of strength and approval (barker, 2011: 63). hegemony creates a situation where the ruling group exercises social authority and also conducts leadership of the classes below it with a combination of power and agreement (barker, 2014: 119). result and discussion this research was conducted in the adat bualu village which is one of the villages affected by tourism in the nusa dua area of benoa village. bualu traditional village as the basis for the establishment of nusa dua bersatu. the background or factors that led to the e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 establishment of the unified nusa dua ormas are as a form of resistance and struggle of local people in utilizing the tourism market opportunities in the bualu traditional village. adat bualu village is a village that is affected by tourism more than villages in the benoa district. the nusa dua united struggle began with the intimidation felt by the local community from investors and local authorities in the field of tourism. the view of tourism development that promises economic opportunities for local residents is not always true. the case of bualu village shows that the economic opportunities provided by the development of tourism have failed to be exploited by local residents. this is due to the lack of disclosure of information provided by the authorities and the lack of maximum performance of local authorities in their efforts to protect and empower their people. this condition then causes local people to be increasingly left behind in competition in the world of tourism, especially in terms of getting decent jobs in the field of tourism. the demand for the contribution of tourism to local people becomes the main basis of the main struggle of nusa dua bersatu. the rapid development of tourism in the area has led to local people not willing to be a guest in their own area. referring to sukardika's opinion that globalization has affected the disintegration of socio-cultural life, melting in the swift flow of waves of western cultures (sukardika, 2004: 64-65). the development of tourism which is now rapidly making local people do various things in their struggle. tourism is a tour activity that touches directly on the local community, so that the activity has an impact on the local community (pitana and gayatri, 2005: 109). the formation of nusa dua bersatu as a form of existence of the local community will be its existence. the struggle carried out by nusa dua bersatu is dominated by seeking employment, besides carrying out social activities, and as an effort to unite villages. in addition, carrying out aspirations, cooperating with local authorities, and also entrepreneurs to take concrete actions in an effort to improve people's welfare. it is expected that local communities will be given space to get involved and get decent work so that people get experience in working, especially in star hotels. the meaning that can be drawn from the struggle of nusa dua bersatu is to make local people realize that local communities will be increasingly squeezed amidst the brunt of tourism. this awareness led to the emergence of new views in the community, namely the emergence of new paradigms in its efforts to improve the quality of self both in education and spiritual morals, the emergence of an awareness of loving one's homeland in an effort to maintain the existence of the village, and the community experiencing awareness of the e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 potential of the village it has that others can't understand. the impact of tourism causes local community resistance to the existence of tourism in the region to maintain and reach expectations that tourism in the region can further contribute to the community and village development. conclusion and suggestion the entry of modern culture into a polemic in terms of maintaining local identity in the bualu traditional village. cultural acculturation becomes problematic when differences become a differentiator in the role of the economy. changes start from lifestyle changes to the growth of high-level economic desires to the beginning of erosion of traditional identity. the role of local authorities and capital entrepreneurs is key in decision making. bitter impact when the development of tourism in the bualu traditional village does not prioritize local wisdom. the emergence of nusa dua bersatu as a form of local community resistance against businessmen and authorities. the business of seizing the tourism cake is dominating its movement. the desire to continue to exist in his native land is a fundamental reason for his movement. various views emerge from the elements of society. the growth of collective awareness becomes a new awareness in looking forward to its existence. the results of this study have not yet been said and are far from perfect. then it needs to be reviewed according to the development of community phenomena to raise public awareness of the need to care about the village as self-identity in order to exist independently. acknowledgement thank you to the author's parents for his blessing so that this research can be completed. thank you also the authors say to the supervisor and all lecturers who have guided and provided input in this research process. in addition, the authors thank all the friends and community who provided the aspirations of the authors in completing this study. . references barker, chris. 2011. cultural studies teori & praktik. bantul: kreasi wacana. barker, chris. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. sleman: pt. kanisius. e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 burhanuddin. 2008. bali yang hilang pendatang islam dan etnisitas di bali. yogyakarta: kanisius. gunawan. 2013. metode penelitian kualitatif teori & pranktik. jakarta: bumi aksara. madiun, i nyoman. 2010. nusa dua model pengembangan kawasan wisata modern. denpasar: udayana universitas press. sukardika. 2004. menata bali ke depan kebijakan kultural pendidikan dan agama. denpasar: cv bali media adhikarsa. suryawan i ngurah. 2005. bali narasi dalam kuasa politik dan kekerasan di bali. yogyakarta: ombak. pitana i gede dan putu g. gayatri. 2005. sosiologi pariwisata. yogyakarta: c.v andi offset. microsoft word artikel a.n. nerawati4 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 causal factors of the increase of religious contestation in bumi dalung permai housing complex ni gusti agung ayu nerawati i gusti bagus sugriwa state hindu university denpasar e-mail: nerawati@gmail.com received date : 26-12-2022 accepted date : 26-04-2023 published date : 31-05-2023 abstract the strengthening of diversity contestation in bumi dalung permai housing is caused by several factors, namely, first, the factor of regional origins and the original cultural transition of the inhabitants, in this case that the origins to the area brought by the bumi dalung permai housing community are still firmly attached as an identity. the identity, both in terms of the language and culture of the community. in addition, there is a cultural shift that was originally intact to be adapted to the surrounding conditions due to the influence of resources. second, the ideological and political factors adopted. in this factor every community has a different ideology even though it comes from the same area. likewise with the politics adopted, every society has different political choices according to the ideology they believe in and a feeling of panic towards one political party or vice versa. third, socio-economic factors, explaining how these factors greatly affect the bumi dalung permai residential community. as it is known that money and social status control the social life of all groups. fourth, the globalization factor that affects various fields in which its positive and negative sides cannot be denied. globalization is characterized by ethnoscape, mediascape, technoskip, financescape and every element of globalization affects the bumi dalung permai housing environment from various sides. keywords: globalization, religious contest, housing introduction badung regency is one of the leading tourist destinations in the province of bali. various facilities were built and developed to support tourism activities. the large number of entertainment centers, hotels, restaurants, shopping centers, and those engaged in services have an impact on economic development. these facilities require a lot of manpower so that it attracts various groups of people to come to this area. migrants and job seekers come from various regions in indonesia and bali and then settle in badung regency to be a factor causing very rapid population growth. this condition caused in the 1990s the badung regency government to build a new residential complex in the north kuta sub-district area with the name bumi dalung e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 permai housing. the development uses a fairly large area of paddy fields, namely the subak tegal pesedahaan yeh bolo rice fields. this residential complex is the first largest and widest residential complex in the badung area. the choice of location for the construction of the bumi dalung permai housing complex cannot be separated from the badung district government's plan to build a government center near the area. initially, the construction of this housing complex was specifically intended for employees of the badung district government who did not have a home or who worked for the badung government from other districts that were quite far away. however, in subsequent developments it was also opened to the general public. the opening of settlements for the general public caused the development of the construction of houses around it to expand so quickly and rapidly, that this area became a new city on the outskirts of denpasar and close to the center of the badung regency government. administratively, the bumi dalung permai housing complex is part of the dalung village area which consists of seven service banjars and part of the kerobokan kaja village area which consists of nine neighborhoods. the total population in 2016 was 10,513 people. the residents come from various races, ethnicities, and religions with diverse traditions and cultural backgrounds. it is recorded that the population adheres to the following religions: hindus (6635 people), muslims (2997 people), christians (483 people), catholics (332 people) and buddhists (66 people). based on this data, hindus are the majority residents. or those with balinese ethnicity, while other religions, such as islam, catholicism, christianity and buddhism are adhered to by immigrants or those with non-balinese ethnicity and are minority citizens. bumi dalung permai housing complex is a residential complex with a heterogeneous and multicultural population. the residents of bumi dalung permai housing come from various regions in indonesia, including other areas in bali. these various areas of origin make the residents of bumi dalung permai housing have various racial, ethnic, religious and cultural backgrounds. every person and family brings customs, beliefs, traditions and culture from their respective regions. all of them then meet and interact in one residential area so as to form a community group full of diversity and is called a multicultural society. speaking of multiculture, of course there are differences in both beliefs and culture, giving birth to religious dynamics that are not easy to manage and sometimes lead to conflict. adaptation between one culture and another takes time and in the process it is not uncommon for frictions to occur which lead to conflict. these conflicts exist in the latent realm as well as in the manifest realm. conflict is sometimes used as e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 a tool to strengthen interests. everyone who comes and settles in an area certainly brings their own mission. efforts to achieve this mission sometimes overlap with the missions of other residents and this friction or conflict occurs. the process of obtaining equality is carried out by contesting religious life in the life of the dalung permai community which is increasingly being felt. not only in the latent realm, but it has been clearly illustrated in the manifest realm even though on a small scale. in dalung permai housing complex, with a pluralistic society background, in general, a harmonious and peaceful religious life is depicted. however, if we look more specifically, there have been various frictions. religious contestation emerged as a response from the religious fanaticism of each community. small conflicts between two people or groups of different religions with a background of problems that are not related to religion will lead to negative sentiment towards the religion they adhere to. social jealousy in worship activities appears like ripples in people's lives. discussion bali as a tourist destination shows the ethnic diversity that inhabits the island of bali, people not only from ethnic backgrounds, but also languages, and cultural attractions. according to suparlan (2005: 196) indonesia is a pluralistic society or multicultural society that has differences in ethnicity, religion and race as well as diversity of customs and culture which is referred to as a state society consisting of ethnic communities that are united and governed by the national system of indigenous peoples. the country. the diversity of indonesian culture each has its own cultural style that is different from one another. the plurality of people living in bali in daily life is inseparable from the strengthening of the contestation of diversity in bali, especially the bumi dalung permai housing complex in the badung district. this contestation of reinforcement particularly concerns religious communities (hinduism, islam, catholicism, and christianity). strengthening identity seen from social identity theory concerns the existence of individuals and groups who feel isolated. factors of regional origins and indigenous cultural traditions of the residents bumi dalung permai housing complex is the largest and first housing complex, in the early 1990s. the purpose of the initial construction of the bumi dalung permai housing was built to meet the housing needs of the employees of the badung regency regional government, but in its development it is gradually being opened to the public. the bumi dalung permai housing complex in dalung village quickly developed and became a new e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 town on the outskirts of denpasar city and badung regency because of its relatively strategic location. residents of bumi dalung permai housing adhere to several belief systems or religions, such as hinduism, islam, catholicism and christianity. in the bumi dalung permai housing area, hinduism is the religion of the majority of residents or ethnic balinese, this is fairly natural because hinduism is the religion that is followed by the majority of the balinese population. whereas for minorities or for immigrants who are nonbalinese ethnically embraced by islam, catholicism, and christianity. balinese or ethnic balinese, namely the original residents of kerobokan and dalung village, as well as immigrant balinese from areas such as tabanan, karangasem, buleleng, bangli and jembrana. migrants from outside bali include sumatra, java, lombok, kupang and foreign nationals. as for ethnic diversity, it can be seen from the blending of balinese, sumatran, and javanese, sundanese, and arab descent, chinese and american descent. the livelihood sector for bumi dalung permai housing also varies, such as in the agricultural sector, civil servants, private employees, and others. so the bumi dalung permai housing complex can be said to be a plural environment with a plural society. this was confirmed by the results of an interview with the village head or village official named i gusti ngurah sudiastawan, the village secretary of dalung village on january 15, 2021, stating that: residents or people who live in bumi dalung permai housing do not only come from bali, but also come from outside bali. for the bali region, it includes almost all urban districts in bali, such as tabanan, jembrana, buleleng, karangasem, bangli, gianyar, klungkung, and especially the people of badung themselves. while those from outside bali include the regions of java, ntb, ntt, sulawesi, and even from abroad, there are some residents who come from abroad such as arabs, chinese and americans although some of them settle down and stay only a matter of months. the plurality of the residents of bumi dalung permai housing is inseparable from their area of origin. as it is understood that a pluralistic society is a society consisting of groups that live together in an area, but are separated according to their respective cultural lines. the plurality of society can be seen from two sides, namely cultural pluralism and social pluralism. cultural pluralism is determined by genetic-social indicators, (race, ethnicity, ethnicity) culture (culture, appropriate or inappropriate values, habits), language, religion, caste or region. meanwhile, social pluralism is determined based on factors such as class, status, institution or power. even though it's like that, the bumi dalung permai residential community always upholds the value of pluralism which encourages diversity in terms of politics, socio-economics, culture or tradition. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 according to badudu and sutan, muhamad zein (2001: 484) diverse or compound means conditions or circumstances related to obligations related to the beliefs and religion they embrace. meanwhile, in the opinion of raharjo and swandi (2003) (in buditha. s, 2016) defines "religiousness" is the condition or nature of religious people. a plural society or plural society can be understood as a society consisting of various social, economic, ethnic, linguistic, cultural and religious groups and strata. the results of an interview with a resident named i gede musti on december 1 2020 at bumi dalung permai housing related to the implementation of traditions such as in the region of origin on certain days that: i still carry out the traditions of the region of origin, because the traditions of origin cannot be easily erased as the identity of the region of origin. for now in accordance with the capabilities and resources found. if you return to your hometown, you will return to carrying out your original traditions completely because your resources and needs can be easily met. regional culture is part of the values of local wisdom that shows the identity of a region. on the one hand, regional cultural diversity is a source of national cultural wealth. maintaining the original tradition as practiced by the region of origin is indeed very difficult, many residents carry out the original tradition but there is already influence from tradition in the environment, which means there is a renewal of traditional elements in a new place. social identity is defined as an individual's knowledge that he or she belongs to a particular social group together with some of the emotional meanings and values of group membership. one resident from the island of java continues to carry out several traditions such as circumcision, but the implementation is not carried out as lively as it is carried out in his hometown. some details of the procession are adjusted to the place and the times. like having a circumcision at a doctor's office and then having a small celebration at home with relatives and inviting some neighbors. when compared to where it originates, activities like this can be carried out on a large scale. as for the indigenous people themselves or balinese people, such as the implementation of the ngejot tradition, it has experienced a slight change, given that jotan is not only hindus who are allowed to eat pork, sometimes food and drink are prepared specifically for jogging. in a plural society, traditions of origin become capital in building social identity in the environment, but these traditions will gradually fade to adapt to new habits that develop, related to the resources needed. some old traditions may be maintained but most of them have changed towards modern society. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 according to fredrik barth (1969: 9-38), ethnicity as a social group is characterized by its characteristics, namely: it is acquired ascriptively or simply obtained along with its birth or origin, and which appears in interactions based on recognition by members of the ethnic group concerned and by other ethnic groups. the characteristics of ethnicity are general and fundamental characteristics with regard to human origins, which are used as personal and group identity or identity, which cannot be discarded or abolished at will. it can only be stored or not used as a reference for identity in the prevailing interactions, because these characteristics are attached for life together with their existence since their birth. the bumi dalung permai housing complex has almost no significant clashes, although there are still many residents who maintain the traditions of origin as their identity, the problem of incompatibility in a pluralistic society is something that can be done, such as every traditional activity carried out by one of the immigrant residents has not been questioned or protested by natives or other immigrants as long as these activities do not disturb other traditions and undermine pluralistic shared relationships. this is because each individual occupies an identity as an active party in implementing his behavior and building social expectations in the environment. a pluralistic social environment does not deny the influence of social structure, but social structure cannot explain social behavior in society. something interesting is the actions of indigenous people or immigrants when looking at the traditions of other immigrants' areas of origin. the implementation of a unique and large origin tradition can trigger the interest of other residents. moreover, the tradition is carried out in a festive manner and can bring many residents to see and gather together. this condition has given rise to the interest of some opnums or residents, both native and other immigrants, to do the same thing through the traditional activities of their area of origin. the same activity is done to attract the same attention. cultural and religious preservation activities are prone to being attached to prestige which leads to identity competition. this is inseparable from the social and economic status of the community itself. this is in line with sherman's opinion (1993: 32) that identity is a self-definition to guide how a person conceptualizes and evaluates himself. so social identity includes many unique characteristics such as one's name and self-concept, in addition to many characteristics that are similar to other people. identity is not only influenced by genetic factors but also influenced by environmental factors, which can highlight self-identity or e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 self which is mostly based on interactions with other people that are learned and start from the closest family members, then extend to interactions outside the family. until now, native peoples look at immigrants when carrying out traditions as long as they do not interfere with the original traditions of the population, so the immigrants' traditions are not an issue. but on the other hand, the implementation of traditions is different and it is considered that the increasing intensity of the implementation of immigrant traditions will obscure the original traditions. the dominance of the original tradition as a community identity in general can be rivaled by immigrant traditions. to anticipate this, the original tradition must also be increased in intensity. this condition will end in contestation between housing residents in terms of the traditions of the population's origins. if native people can accept newcomers' traditions, and so can immigrants adapt to native traditions, new traditions that are moderate for all walks of life and religions will be born. contestation in a plural society is something that is commonly found in the surrounding environment, especially in the bumi dalung permai housing area, contestation in showing culture at certain events is a natural thing because everyone still maintains their identity in their environment. certain groups with their identities at one time will carry out group activities of traditions or habits such as the area of origin without involving other groups or people. group activities in carrying out the size of the event are related to the scope of the area they use (only one neighbor of origin or next door neighbor is known, or the entire neighborhood area, the number of group members involved, the festivities and the amount of material used. sometimes group activities using a sound system are considered excessive. looking at the regional origins and original cultural traditions of the residents of bumi dalung permai housing as a whole cannot be lost, because it is an identity for the residents of bumi dalung permai housing, from the actions taken it will reflect one's personal identity or identity. for every action or role performed by someone who is shown in interacting with people is a reflection of identity. in life in the environment, the more roles a person has, the more his identity is known, both good and bad, as well as those who interact, as personal identity is a concept developed by a person about himself that develops during life. ideological and political factors multiethnic societies or multicultural societies such as those in bumi dalung permai housing are the most complex and comprehensive societies because they consist of e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 different castes, ethnicities, communities, religions, languages, races, customs and different lifestyles. although there are differences in the housing community using indonesian, balinese and javanese. indonesian is used because it is the national language, because there are some residential communities who cannot speak balinese, while those who can speak balinese and javanese use these languages in daily conversations, both immigrants and natives also learn languages from each other without losing their identity of origin. . especially when there will be general elections. candidates who come to housing on average can use various languages to connect with other people emotionally even though they only understand a little of the language and with the identity they have. this closeness is psychological, not just knowledge of group attributes. identification with a social group is a psychological state that is very different from belonging to one social category or another. it is a real phenomenon and has important evaluative consequences. according to m. hogg (1998: 16) the social identity approach rests on certain assumptions about the nature of humans and society, and their interrelationships, not only knowledge of group attributes. identification with a social group is a psychological state that is very different from belonging to one social category or another. it is a real phenomenon and has important evaluative consequences. a "political society" in which there is no clear demarcation between religion and the state (as happened in several islamic regimes), public discourse does not demand political domination of religion or vice versa, but emphasizes the role of government to create relationships and responsibilities that follow demands’ values based on spiritual life. in social life, an ideology needs to contain three important dimensions, namely reality, idealism, and flexibility. in a pluralistic environment, especially in bumi dalung permai housing, identity politics, which is also known as identity-based politics, is an act that is widely used by political actors with various ideologies. political actors influence prospective voters with their political ideology. ideology is the basis for political work, requiring parties to be accommodative to multiple realities, based on values in society that are not necessarily fully acceptable to the public. in such conditions, it becomes important to examine how political parties position themselves in the midst of a pluralistic public reality. the emergence of identity politics is caused by there are many factors, such as structural aspects in the form of past economic disparities that are still continuing economic difficulties, thus providing reasons for justifying efforts to separate primordial groups linked to aspects of political and institutional representation. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 ideology is still a political tool and goal that is built systemically, planned and consistently across all structural and functional elements of political parties. the reality is that it is difficult to dismantle openly so that people are able to identify it for real. ideological and political conflicts between political parties are matters related to the differences contained in our society which really worry the people. there are ideological forces within these political parties that base their thoughts and views from a religious angle and some are based on pancasila. this turmoil in political power and ideological conflict can endanger political life in indonesia. miriam budiardjo (2008: 120) political ideology is a set of values, ideas or norms, beliefs or beliefs possessed by a person or group of people on the basis of which he determines his attitude towards the events and political problems he faces and which determines his political behavior. political ideology which contains values and ideas frames a person's way of thinking and political behavior which is then used to drive activities and actions. furthermore, macridis explained that political ideology has several functions (macridis, 1983: 4-13). socioeconomic factors differencelivelihoods in bumi dalung permai housing are inseparable from contestation, livelihoods are very influential on the socio-economic life of the community. as people now refer to money to determine one's social status, if one has a lot of money one can buy a luxurious lifestyle and one's status will also rise in society. this happens because money holds control in the social life of various groups. this fact cannot be denied, be it in subsidized housing, in elite housing, or even in villages. if a society has a good economic status, the social status will rise. but if the economy is not well-established or below the surrounding environment, then social status will not be seen, especially in the opinion because it will never be respected according to (supartono et al, 2011: 40) the influence on the characteristics that arise in the community in their environment both socially and economically. in this regard, it is necessary to have a variable to be able to see the socio-economic conditions of the community. to see the level of community welfare in an environment can be seen from the economic and social aspects. economic variables which include the level of income, the amount of monthly expenditure or spending or consumption, both for food and nonfood as well as the level of production, investment and so on. this problem is differentin the residential area of dalung permai. the community's social relations are still very strong, the community works hand in hand to help neighbors e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 who are in trouble, the people here highly uphold pluralism even though there is a small group that does not appreciate the absence of low social status and sparks small conflicts. this can be seen when there are residents of bumi dalung permai housing who experience a disaster, other residents will come voluntarily by bringing or providing assistance either in the form of material or in other forms. not only if there is a disaster, will the residents of bumi dalung permai housing complex come to help if there are events such as thanksgiving, voluntary preparation for hindu ceremonies. none of the contestations in the bumi dalung permai housing complex surfaced, although in general there are contests in society. the contest that took place at bumi dalung permai housing was related to the existence of social organizations. each social organization accentuates each other's strengths. such as ups and downs organizations that show each other's strengths, tribal group arisan, and the existence of individual competition, especially regarding competition for the shape of the house. not only from an organizational point of view, but there is contestation between socio-economic levels in residential communities, such as people competing in the fields of education, employment, and wealth for the sake of comfortable life and social status in society. despite the contestation in societythe bumi dalung permai housing complex exists but the social feeling in society is still strong. this can be seen that there is still respect for the socio-economic status of people with low incomes by providing assistance in the form of food, clothing and boards such as groceries, money, clothes. after the pandemic, the social life of the people in bumi dalung permai housing has changed drastically, people who can gather for social activities are no longer gathering, traders selling are selling well, but after the pandemic everything was limited, interactions occurred more frequently through social media. this is happening because people are afraid of being infected with the virus that is currently warm. in a multicultural society, such as bumi dalung permai housing, which is a satellite city of kab. badung, conflict and integration are a dialectical pair. tension, or in technical language is conflict, is one unit with pluralism (pluralism). there is no pluralism without tension, unless it is engineered in such a way that conflicts can be covered up. when people of different religions interact, at that time the possibility of tension becomes very open. tensions between religious adherents can occur for several reasons. first, due to factors outside of religion itself, such as social and economic factors involving inequality, poverty, and jealousy because social justice is not realized. in one place, it turns out that the economic level of a minority community of a religion is better and creates jealousy. this condition was then exacerbated by the unfair treatment of local authorities towards e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 residents according to the category of religious group. second, the internal factor. it cannot be denied that religion, within itself, contains no small potential for conflict. there are sacred texts that are often used as justification tools for committing acts of violence and intolerance against other religious parties or groups. thus, conflict can occur naturally as a logical consequence of the differences, although in many cases it can also be engineered. meanwhile, in the midst of these differences in beliefs, every adherent is required to compete in doing well, which in islamic terminology is known as "fastabiqul khairat". globalization factors now people are counting if the world is getting smaller, want to go anywhere can be in a matter of minutes. events abroad and within the country can be known quickly and easily, and even become hits. people chatting don't need to have to meet in person, just virtual. anyone can be connected to the internet without using it for a long time. the community now has all activities in one hand, the community does not have to bother coming to buy or visit in person. all you have to do is click, everything will be directly connected, and all of this is the impact of globalization. globalization is the spread of the influence of science and culture from every corner of the world to other corners of the world so that the clear boundaries of a country are no longer clear. or you could say that globalization is a comprehensive or worldwide process in which everyone is not bound by countries or regional boundaries, meaning that each individual can connect and exchange information anywhere and anytime through electronic or print media. the definition of globalization according to language is a worldwide process. this understanding can vary from different perspectives, such as experts see globalization from their respective perspectives. according to appadurai (1990, 295) the presence of globalization towards culture encourages the birth of five dimensions to explain how economic, political and cultural differences in global economic practices consist of ethnoscapes, technoscapes, finanscapes, mediascapes, and ideoscapes. these dimensions are also referred to as scapes which are described as having volatile or flexible properties, for example culture. each of these spaces certainly has its own reality which consists of ideas which can change their context according to the subject who experiences them. this flexible nature of adaptation indicates that cultural movements have competed with the interpretation of each individual's imagined world. appadurai's opinion can see the boundaries of the seven elements of koentjaraningrat culture. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 now globalization can create a new pattern in the process of human interaction. meanwhile, culture and identity are an inseparable part of each individual, so that in interactions and relationships between humans, of course, they also involve elements of culture and identity in them that affect all corners of the earth without exception, as well as in bumi dalung permai housing. the people in bumi dalung permai housing are familiar with the term globalization because every activity, food, clothing and lifestyle has been influenced by global civilization. in the world of globalizationculture is an important arena of contestation in the era of globalization. however, the intensity of the contestation that occurs in each region varies, depending on the level of mobility one has. on the other hand globalization can be an opportunity as well as a threat to the existence of culture and identity of global society in the arena of contestation. globalization has encouraged the creation of increasingly intense social interaction, causing disputes between cultural homogenization and heterogenization. in the first dimension, namely ethnoscapes which relates to the migration of people across borders and across cultures, and describes a picture of the world and the community within it, which is a form that is fluid, dynamic and not something static. ethnoscapes explains that there are shifts in world life, for example tourists, immigrants, refugees, individual and group workers who can influence politics. the state of stability can be achieved by analyzing the existence of movements of individuals and groups who carry out these movements by force or purely by their will. at bumi dalung permai housing since there were foreigners and people from outside bali who settled in the housing, there have been many business people coming from outside the residential area, there has been an increase in new residents in the housing. this condition can strengthen contestation because the increasing number of immigrant communities is accompanied by the emergence of new beliefs and ideologies. in this case, there was an influence on the first 7 cultural elements of the language system, the people in bumi dalung permai housing no longer fully use the balinese language in their interactions but already use various languages such as english, javanese and indonesian. even teenagers use more slang in interacting with each other. the people in bumi dalung permai housing no longer fully use the balinese language in their interactions but already use various languages such as english, javanese and indonesian. even teenagers use more slang in interacting with each other. both systems of knowledge are very broad in scope because they include human knowledge about various elements used in life. at bumi dalung permai housing, the e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 presence of immigrants from various regions has increased the local community's knowledge of pluralism. communities can respect each other and enhance each other's knowledge. the three social systems, in bumi dalung permai housing, even though there are immigrants from various regions and circles, do not necessarily change the social system of the housing community, especially the indigenous people. the social system of kinship and social organization in bumi dalung permai housing is still well maintained even though there is a bit of contestation going on in society. the community still maintains the balai banjar and gotong royong. mutual assistance is highly valued by the bumi dalung permai housing community. society does not look at ras in helping neighbors. immigrants from various regions have integrated with the surrounding community so that there are no blocks between indigenous people and immigrant communities. the three systems of living equipment and technology, in bumi dalung permai housing, the average community already uses digital systems which are influenced by immigrant communities who use a variety of the latest equipment and technology. in the past, many local people still survived by using a satellite dish to watch tv, now many have switched to subscription tv. the four livelihood systems for the people of bumi dalung permai housing have now changed many professions to become business people. sixth, the religious system, namely humans believeto the existence of a supernatural or supernatural power that is considered higher than humans, the bumi dalung permai residential community, especially hindus, have experienced changes in their religious activities. these changes can be seen from the gebongan offerings used for prayer ceremonies and activities related to ceremonies. previously, the people of bumi dalung permai housing, especially hindus, when there were religious ceremonies, used natural or self-made tools, but now everything is instant. gebogan in hindu ritual activities as a form of offering. gebogan or pajegan is an arrangement of fruit and snacks. in the past, this gebogan offering did not need to be made big and tall. the level of gebogan depends on the sincerity and ability of each individual to make gebogan, because the value of a gebogan is not measured by how high or low it is, but by sincerity in showing gratitude, and the rest is a form of art appreciation. but now, people seem to be competing to make big and tall offerings of gebogan only to show off to others until they are forced to seek debt just to make gebogan offerings. seventh, there are many things that make the island of bali a popular tourist destination for the community. one of them is the appeal of art, art in bali which seems to e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 be now formed from a blend of javanese hindu and buddhist religions and the traditions of the balinese people. art that can be found on the island of bali such as dance, sculpture, painting, sculpture. when people go to the island of bali, it is easy for people to see balinese art, both in urban areas and in rural areas without exception including at the bumi dalung permai housing complex. there are also several arts that are still maintained by the community, especially hindus. art in bumi dalung permai housing in general is still holding up well because of the existence of a banjar hall which teaches art education to the younger generation. several arts related to religious ceremonies still survive with their sacredness and some have been adapted to the needs of the community. this adjustment is influenced by the increasingly busy mobility of hindus. meanwhile, christians and muslims do not have a lot of art, because art for christians and muslims is used as entertainment, not as a means for religious activities. the second dimension is technoscapes which elevates a new model of cultural interaction and exchange through the power of technology. the development of technology and information at high speed across borders is unprecedented in the previous era. the increasing sophistication of technology is also closely related to the economic or financial landscape dimensions in the process of moving money at the global level. in this process, the movement of money makes it vulnerable to the emergence of a global crisis because it is increasingly difficult to control. the technoscapes dimension is not only a matter of the complexity of the movement of money, but also political practices and also the readiness of the workforce caused by the encouragement of political and market practices (appadurai, 1990: 297). the influence of technology in today's era cannot be stopped or even avoided anymore, all areas have been infiltrated by technology, every time technology continues to develop. like it or not, people have to keep up with technological developments if they don't want to be left behind with the others. the development of this technology has also had a major impact on bumi dalung permai housing. this technology has a huge impact on interaction and maintaining the identity of the people in bumi dalung permai housing. communities can maintain language arts, increase knowledge, change social systems, living equipment and technology, livelihood, religion, and art owned. developing technology does not look at religion at all. the entry of technology has made several changes to the bumi dalung permai residential community. the first occurred in the language system used by the bumi dalung permai housing community, many people have been able to use languages from other regions, even though it was only limited to light everyday conversations. this is e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 because now it is easy for people to learn languages from various applications on smartphones or on websites. some people, especially young people who cannot speak english, when a foreign national asks questions using english, the community or teenagers can immediately open a website on google to automatically translate the questions submitted. everything is now instantaneous by technology. second, in terms of knowledge systems, science and technology, which are more commonly known by their abbreviations, namely science and technology. this is the most rapid development experienced by society so far. every second this science continues to experience significant developments. science and technology has a very big influence in human life at this time. today's technology has become something that is mandatory for some people. because current technological advances are one of the conditions for using tools to help get the job done. this is indeed based on the benefits of studying for life which is very useful, not only at this time but into the future. the life that is felt today is nothing but the benefits of science and technology which continue to increase from time to time. currently, people live in an era of all-technology, all the work they do is very easy. the problems that were previously felt, now have found a solution so that they no longer feel these obstacles. with today's technology, people's knowledge develops faster, hot issues develop very quickly in society. people don't need to wait for other people to tell stories to get the information or stories they want, now people only need to open their smartphones and look for what they want to know. third from the side of social system of society, society and the social environment cannot be separated, humans are social beings who need each other. humans must communicate and interact directly with each other. however, if you look at the existing facts, the social life of today's society, it seems that the term social being which has elements of direct interaction and communication must be studied and re-examined. age and technology have changed the pattern and system of social life in modern society. technology that has experienced very significant growth has explicitly had a very large impact on today's human social life. the emergence of social media and all effective and efficient communication tools is one of the factors that has resulted in the birth of individual and selfish human beings. people tend to do things that are more pragmatic for social interaction. making direct social contact is assumed to be complicated, not profitable, a waste of time and even said to be out of date. one of the factors that causes social decline in society is the emotion of distrust of one's own environment, even in the closest circle such as family, neighbors and work environment, especially during the current covid-19 pandemic. this is because there are e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 many actions that generally occur due to people around the environment so that people tend to choose to do everything themselves or through communication tools to interact without having to meet and meet face to face. the four live equipment system sand technology, in bumi dalung permai housing now many people use technology assistance to help with daily activities, especially in the household. fifth, the religious system of society, human wholeness is essentially determined by the religious dimension. the religious dimension shows that basically humans are creatures that contain mystery, which cannot be reduced to mere factors. in this way, humans can be prevented from being made numbers, automatons or robots that are programmed deterministically, but on the contrary they still maintain their personality, freedom and dignity. with this dimension humans can be avoided from arbitrary treatment or attitude. but religion places science and technology as a tool, a means and not an end. strong and accentuate identity between people and regions that are getting stronger. sixth, the art system, as explained above that art on the island of bali is really needed, you could even say it's ingrained. with the existence of developing technology, art in society is increasing. everyone can enjoy art by simply searching on websites or on social media. at bumi dalung permai housing, when there is an art performance or art practice, people who don't have time to come don't have to bother looking for tapes or videos to the place where the art performance is being held. the public can enjoy just by looking at their smartphones, especially if one of the families is watching, one family can also watch shows only via smartphones sent via social media. the third dimension, namely financial landscape which focuses on the economy, where there is a rapid shift of capital in the global market. so it relates to the previous dimension, the need to control the shift between people, technology and financial transfers that facilitate relations between one another. increasing the financial or economy of a country makes the flow of money that is not limited to the country let alone the region so that everyone can do business. increased prosperity and wealth can affect the level of contestation in several fields in society. if you look at the influence on the bumi dalung permai housing complex, there are several elements that can be seen. first from the knowledge session, increasing financial income status influences the community to improve better education. in bumi dalung permai housing, it is not surprising that many residents have jobs and an established education because the average resident of bumi dalung permai housing has good finances so that it supports to increase their knowledge to a better level, many parents are competing for their children's education. better. second, from a social e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 perspective, the financial security of housing residents increases tolerance among residents. in this case, even though there is contestation in the financial life of the community, friction does not occur so that the social system runs well. third, from the religious side, for all groups and religions, finance also has a very big influence on life. the better a person's financial level will be shown when there is an event related to religion. muslims have a very good moment when eid al-fitr, on this holiday many groups who have wellestablished finances show luxury in various fields such as buying new clothes. if you look at buying new clothes every major holiday, it is more towards contestation between fellow believers to show off. in christians this moment also occurs at christmas and new year. christians also contested the issue of new clothes, and a christmas tree. hinduism consists of three frameworksthe main subjects are tattwa (philosophy), susila (ethics), and upakara (ritual). the third part, namely the ceremony, is the one that gets the most portion in the implementation of hinduism. meanwhile, hindus themselves also have contests when there are holidays. now the yadnya at bumi dalung permai housing has undergone many shifts in meaning. hindus do not understand what the ceremony they are offering means. in addition, the implementation of yadnya is also thick as a place to show their social class. the people are competing to carry out the big yadnya even though they are not really wealthy people. this is not merely a form of gratitude to god, but so that we are not less competitive with our neighbors. one culture that has shifted its meaning is the tradition of making penjor before galungan. penjor used to be very simple. the materials used are materials from the surrounding environment which are easy to obtain such as bamboo, coconut leaves, various agricultural products, coconut and leaves. the community will make various penjor ornaments themselves. figure 5. 8 traditional penjors dock. nerawati 2020 figure 5. 9 penjor now dock. nerawati 2020 e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 the picture above shows that now these elements are starting to be forgotten. modern penjor features more elements that do not exist in hindu religious literature. now penjors use lanterns or velvet which is used to wrap bamboo. some even put up a statue of a dragon, eagle, swan or ogoh-ogoh. today's penjor emphasizes beauty more than its philosophical meaning. people tend to focus more on the ornaments that will be attached to the penjor to make it stand out the most. the community is competing to make the penjor as grand as possible. contestation between religious communities does not stop there, penjor is often characterized as a person's social status in society. the more the menor penjor, the higher the economic level of the owner of the penjor. this contestation occurs in society but does not cause friction among fellow religious communities. bagus (in kebayantini, 2013: 3) states that hindu-balinese society has experienced a cultural shift from an agrarian society (traditional) to an industrial society and is called a posttraditional society which is characterized by strict arrangements of time, space, manpower, capital, and heterogeneous occupations of the community so that cultural transformation took place from an agricultural culture to a service culture. the ease and frequency of human movement around the world, and advances in communication and the 'global marketing of styles, places and images' can lead to a 'cultural supermarket effect' (cultural supermarket effect). people are no longer fixated on developing an identity based on where they live, but can choose from a wide range of identities. they can imitate the dress code, style of speech, values and lifestyle of any group they like (rahmaniah, 2012: 123). the fourth dimension is mediascapes which relates to the creation of distribution of information and images at all levels. the mediascapes dimension can be interpreted as a form of media from television, radio, newspapers and others that form opinions and then construct imagined worlds and individual interpretations of the phenomena and reality that are happening. using media such as narration and images is considered to facilitate the dissemination of information and for the public to understand an opinion about a place and culture. availability of various languages in the world result in an increasing number of social media visitors every day. the absence of social and language boundaries further enriches the development of language in society. a concrete example in bumi dalung permai housing which proves that social media has resulted in a change in language is the emergence of the use of alay language among teenagers. teenagers use a lot of language that is only understood by certain groups of teenagers. e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 conclusion based on the descriptions in the previous chapters, it can be concluded that religious contestation in bumi dalung permai housing complex, north kuta, badung, bali as a cultural study is seen from the strengthening of religious contestation which cannot be separated from the influence of regional origins and the indigenous cultural traditions of the penghuli. residents of housing that are heterogeneous, some still maintain regional origins and some have begun to decrease by adjusting to local conditions. something interesting about the actions of indigenous people or immigrants when looking at the traditions of other immigrant areas. the existence of the influence of the political ideology adhered to, with the existence of this factor creates contestation in various fields which can cause small frictions. especially when there is a general election each individual and group defended their own political views, although this small friction eventually disappeared after the general election was over. the influence of socio-economic factors, in this case in general there is no contestation on the surface, even though this contestation actually exists in society. especially with the existence of social organizations, because each social organization accentuates the strengths of each organization. references appadurai, arjun. 1990. “disjuncture and difference in the global cultural economy”, dalam theory, culture, and society, (7) pp. 295 310. barth, f. 1969. ‘introduction’. dalam fredrik barth (ed.), ethnic groups badudu & zein. 2001. kamus umum bahasa indonesia. jakarta : pustaka sinar harapan. budiardjo, miriam. 2008. dasar-dasar ilmu politik. jakarta : pt. gramedia pustaka utama buditha. s., i nyoman. 2016. esensi keberagamaan hindu dalam keluarga etnis bali di dusun kebaluan desa senaru kecamatan bayan kabupaten lombok utara provinsi nusa tenggara barat dalam desertasi. unhi hogg, m. a., & abrams, d. 1998. social identity theory: constructive and critical advances. london: harvester wheatsheaf. kebayantini, ni nyoman. 2013. komodifikasi upacara ngaben di bali. denpasar: udayana university press. macridis, roy c., 1983. contemporary political ideologies: movements and regimes. boston, toronto: little, brown and company e-journal of cultural studies may 2023 vol. 16, number 2, page 32-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 rahmaniah, aniek. 2012. budaya dan identitas. sidoarjo: dwiputra pustaka jaya. safei, agus ahmad. 2020. sosiologi toleransi kontestasi, akomodasi, harmoni. yogyakarta: deepublish. suparlan, p. 2005. suku bangsa dan hubungan antar suku bangsa. jakarta: yayasan pengembangan kajian ilmu kepolisian. supartono, khusnul, dkk. 2011. analisis variabel sosial ekonomi masyarakat urban terhadap kemandirian ekonomi dintinjau dari aspek keuangan,energi dan pangan di kecamatan singosari kabupaten pemalang. journal of indonesian applied economics vol. 5 no. 1. fakultas ekonomi.universitas brawijaya surabaya. microsoft word ni made ruastiti 1 newly-packaged bali tourist performing arts in the perspective of cultural studies ni made ruastiti1 , i gde parimartha2, edi sedyawati3, i made suastika2 1school for graduate study, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 2faculty of letters, indonesia university e-mail: ruastiti@yahoo.com abstract this research is focused on the newly packaged tourist performing arts; they are a new concept and seem to be different from the general tourist performing arts. they are packaged from various components of balinese arts and managed as large scale-tourist performing arts in terms of materials, space, and time of their performances. the researcher calls them new types of bali tourist performing arts because how they are presented is new and different from the traditional tourist performing arts which are simply performed. in this research, the newly-packaged performing arts are analyzed in the perspective of cultural studies. the research was carried out at three palaces in bali; they are mengwi palace in badung regency, anyar palace at kerambitan, tabanan regency, and banyuning palace at bongkasa, badung regency. there are three main problems to be discussed: firstly, how do the tourist performing arts emerge in all the palaces? secondly, are they related to the tourist industry developed in the palaces?, thirdly, what is the impact and meaning of them for the sake of the palaces, society, and balinese culture? the researcher uses a qualitative method and an interdisciplinary approach as characteristics of cultural studies. the theories used are hegemony, deconstruction, and structuration. the result shows that the tourism development at all the palaces has made the local society become more critical. the money-oriented economy based on the spirit of getting benefit has made the emergence of comodification in all sectors of life. the emergence of tourist industry at the palaces has led to the idea of showing all of the useful art and cultural potentials which at the palaces and their surroundings. theoretically, the palaces can be stated to have deconstructed the concept of presenting the bali tourist performing arts into a new one, that is, “the newly packaged bali tourist performing arts”. it has been observed that all the palaces have developed t “newly packaged bali tourist performing arts” but they are different in themes. at mengwi palace the theme is ‘procession of religious rituals’, at anyar palace, kerambitan, the theme is “ritual procession of welcoming the kingdom’s guests” and at banyuning palace, bongkasa, the theme is “ritual procession of wedding”. the differences can be seen in the components presented in the performances. key word: performing arts, tourism, palace 2 introduction among so many performing arts existing in bali, a “new” phenomenon appears, that is, various components of balinese traditional arts and ritual processions (those intentionally designed for the sake of tourism) are packaged into a large tourist performing art viewed from the form, space, duration of perform ance, which the researcher call “newlypackaged bali tourist perfor ming arts”, which are different from the balinese traditional performing arts in general. the balinese traditional per forming arts are generally packaged from one performing art, which are simply performed as the original ones. while the newly-packaged bali tourism performing arts are packaged from various types of performing arts and ritual process sions (which are intentionally de signed) into large scale ones which are presented from the beginning of the dinner program to the end. the research was conducted at the palace of mengwi, badung regency,the palace of anyar kerambitan, taba nan regency, and the palace of banyuning bongkasa, badung rege ncy, where the performing arts have appeared and developed. in this study, those performing arts are observed from the perspective of cultural studies. this research has the fol lowing as its scope of discussion: (1) how have the newly-packaged bali tourism performing arts appeared at the three palaces? (2) how have they developed in relation with the development of the tourist industry developing at the three palaces?, and (3) have they affected the existence of and what is their meaningfulness to the palaces, the society and the balinese cultural treasury? discussion mengwi palace, anyar kerambitan palace and banyuning palace have developed newly-packaged bali tourism performing arts, but if observed further, they have presented different themes. the theme of the performance at mengwi palace is “procession of religious rituals”, the theme of the perfor mance at anyar kerambitan pallace is “procession of welcoming the kingdom’s guests”, and that of the performance at banyuning bongkasa palace is “procession of wedding ritual”. the newly-packaged of bali tourist performing arts are an art 3 creativity related to the context of societal development which cannot be separated from art tradition. such an art is a cultural capital and a social one in the field of performing arts, especially in the newlypackaged of bali tourism performing arts. as stated by bourdieu, the cultural capital and the social one can be transformed into an economic one. the newly-packaged of bali tourism performing arts in the three palaces are a concrete step of the local community in facing the develop ment of tourist industry. the emergence of the new concept is to fulfill the fact that the tourist industry needs tradition-based performing arts without making any conflict. as stated in the theory of structuration, that is, a “structural duality” from giddens, a new struc ture in an existing structure does not only “limit” but also “enable”. it means that the structure of the newly packaged of bali tourism performing arts in the balinese performing arts “enable” to fulfill the gap of the needs of the tourist industry without causing damaging the existing art and cultural structure. although the members of art sekas (groups) in the newly-packaged of bali tourist performing arts have various professions, the tolerance among them can make a mechanical solidarity. this causes them as well as the society to keep committed in facing seriously the development of the tourist industry and to anticipate and conserve the authentic culture in order to avoid the practice of selling it as a tourist commodity. in terms of the relation they hold with the tourist industry, there is a variation among the palaces. mengwi palace which seems to keep the quality of performance holds cooperation with some art sekas from inside and outside the mengwi village. the reason is that in creating quality performances which are in accordance with what is needed, mengwi palace very frequently con ducts performances by inviting sekas from outside the village. while anyar kerambitan palace conducts the performing arts with their own concept and only invites sekas from the village. the palace never invites sekas from outside the village. banyuning bongkasa palace is passive. in creating the performing arts, the travel bureaus are made to be free to choose themselves the types of performances they want so that the performances can satisfy the tourists. 4 economically, the palaces gain profits from renting places and selling foods for the travel bureaus. the art sekas can earn fee from the performances which is distributed every galungan day, after a 10% donation for the banjar. each palace generally involves the members of banjar, both male and female, as supporting forces in every perfor mance. from what they support, they get a salary according to the role they play. the findings in this study show that there has been a change in the concept of presenting the performing arts in the context of tourism, that is, the concept of “bali tourist performing arts” which simply presents only one performing art (structural) has changed into the concept of “newly-packaged bali tourist performing arts” (poststruc tural) which packages various components of balinese traditional arts such as various types of perfor ming arts and ritual process sions which are intentionally designed as a large scale tourist performing art viewed from the material, the space, and the duration of the performance, which is always attached to the dinner program and is continuously presented (poststructural) from the beginning to the end of the program making the duration of the presentation really long and not constant based on the time when groups of tourists come for the dinner program. conclusion the newly-packaged bali tourist performing arts refer to the concept of a new presentation of the bali tourist performing arts which combine some components of bali nese culture such as various types of performing arts and ritual process sions which are intentionally design ned into one large scale tourist performing art viewed from the material, the space and the duration of the presentation. although in the performance performed there are not any new components, the concept and the way in which it is presented is “new” and is different from the general ones.the researcher calls it “newly-packaged bali tourist performing art”. the appearance of the newlypackaged bali tourist performing arts at the three palaces has resulted in the emergence of various forms of new creation or innovation of arts. this has been made to exist by the opportunities 5 resulting from the tourist industry in the villages where the palaces are located. the creation of the new model of performing arts has enriched the balinese performing arts, making it possible to combine them with the wider interests of the community, such as cultural tourism, economics, and the palaces’ prestige as the centers for the traditional arts, and to give meaningfulness to the existence of traditional elites of the palaces in a modern social intercourse. bibliography bandem, i made. 1992. sakral dan sekuler tari bali dalam transisinya. denpasar: sekolah tinggi seni indonesia. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. terjemahan cultural studies: theory and practice. yogyakarta: bentang pt. bentang pusaka. bourdieu, pierre. 1984. distinction: a social critique of the judgement of taste. cambridge, ma: harvard university press. dibia, i wayan. 1997. seni pertunjukan turistik dan pergeseran nilai-nilai budaya bali, dlm: mudra jurnal seni dan budaya, no.5. --------------1999. selayang pandang seni pertunjukan bali. yogyakarta: masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia. hasil-hasil seminar. 1971. seni sakral dan profan bidang tari, tanggal 24-25 maret 1971. denpasar: proyek pemiliharaan & pengembangan kebudayaan daerah bali. lunberg, d. e. 1990. the tuorist business. new york: van nonstrand reinhold. ruastiti, ni made. 2001. seni pertunjukan wisata pura taman ayun: sebuah kemasan baru. (tesis). denpasar: program pascasarjana universitas udayana --------------2005. seni pertunjukan bali dalam kemasan pariwisata. denpasar: bali mangsi press. sedyawati, edi. 1980. tari. tinjauan dari berbagai segi. jakarta: pustaka jaya. --------------1981. pertumbuhan seni pertunjukan. jakarta: sinar harapan seramasara, i gusti ngurah. 1997. sekulerisasi seni pertunjukan bali pada tahun 1920-1974. (tesis). yogyakarta: program pascasarjana universitas gajah mada. soedarsono, r.m. 1998. seni pertunjukan indonesia di era globalisasi. jakarta: direktorat jendral pendidikan tinggi departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. sumandiyo hadi, y. sumandiyo hadi, y. 2002. seni dalam ritual agama. yogyakarta: pustaka ---------------2005. sosiologi tari. sebuah pengenalan awal. yogyakarta: pustaka. wijaya, suasthi, n.i.n. 2002. i made kredek 1906-1979. kehidupan, karya dan pemikirannya. (tesis). yogyakarta: universitas gajah mada. microsoft word mangihut3 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 controversy over mangase udan ritual at sianjur mulamula district, samosir regency, north sumatra mangihut siregar a.a. ngurah anom kumbara, a.a. bagus wirawan email: msiregar22@yahoo.com abstract the mangase udan ritual is a batak tradition when they still embrace the parbaringin school. this ritual is done when they face a prolonged dry season. the entry of the dutch colonial to the tapanuli region, as well as the broadcast of religion make this ritual becomes a forbidden tradition. on october 10, 2016, the mangase udan ritual was performed again at dolok simanggurguri, sianjur district, mulamula district, samosir regency, north sumatera. the implementation of the ritual mangase udan experience pros and cons in society. to explore this pro and contra attitude, it is necessary to conduct research which is aimed to know how the implementation of mangase udan ritual does; why there is controversy about the ritual; and what are the implications of the mangase udan ritual controversy. the method used in this research is qualitative method. theories used to analyze the problems are power/knowledge (discourse) theory, postcolonial theory, and social practice theory. the results showed that the mangase udan ritual was carried out in sianjur mulamula district due to a prolonged drought. through the implementation of the mangase udan ritual, the stoning kings wanted to show their existence. the catholic church supports the implementation of the mangase udan ritual in order to broadcast the religion while the christian church rejects it for the reasons that it is in contrary with christianity. the implications of the mangase udan ritual controversy are the increasingly high polarization between the christianity and the catholicism. there is another implication that is the catholic religion has good relation with the government and the relationship between christianity and the government is not good. keywords: controversy, ideology, ritual, power, discourse. introduction the mangase udan ritual is a tradition performed by batak people to beg for rain to fall down on their so-called mula jadi na bolon. this tradition is done since the batak people still embrace the parbaringin school. the entry of dutch colonial to tapanuli as well as the e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 bringing mission and zending impact on traditions owned batak people. the dutch treat the batak people in accordance with the dutch’s wishes. after the dutch managed to control the area of tapanuli, batak people experienced a drastic change. this happens because the dutch in carrying out colonization brings three missions at once namely, spreading religion; looking for wealth; and gain glory and power. these three elements are complemented each other when the dutch colonized the tapanuli. all traditions that go against the invaders become a forbidden tradition. similarly the tradition of mangase udan becomes a forbidden tradition. this tradition became forbidden because of two factors that disrupt the position of the invaders because in the tradition of the mangase udan, the bond of the related community in the region is better and better. the second factor is the difference of beliefs possessed by the invaders. the tradition of mangase udan is a religious ritual performed by parbaringin school. research methods the method used in this research is qualitative. researchers conducted in-depth interviews with community leaders, adat (traditional system) leaders, christian and catholic religious leaders as well as the local kings. the data is obtained from primary data and secondary data. primary data were obtained through in-depth interviews guided by interview guidelines and developed during the interview. secondary data is used to support the primary data. to obtain complete data, this research uses purposive technique followed by snowballs technique (snowball). instruments in this study are the researcher himself assisted by other tools. data collection techniques are observation, interview, literature study, and document study. the analysis is done through data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion. the technique in presenting the results of data analysis is done informally. discussion the mangase udan ritual is a ritual performed by the batak people to beg for the rain to their god from mula jadi na bolon. the meaning of the word mangiase is to offer a sacrifice in the field and the udan means rain. so mangase udan is making offerings in the field so that mula jadi na bolon will bring the rain. this ritual is done when the community face a prolonged dry season. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 the samosir people are generally professing christianity and catholicism, but because of their prolonged drought, they want to do a long-lost tradition of ancestors. as durkheim says, religion exists because it can fulfill certain important social functions that can not be fulfilled without religion (sanderson, 2010: 554). there are unfinished needs through their religious beliefs, so they find another way of doing the tradition of their long-lost ancestors. on monday, october 10, 2016 the mangase udan tradition was held at the summit of dolok simanggurguri samosir. they gathered together with the king of bius and the public in dolok simanggurguri. the ritual was also followed by the district leadership council (muspika) and the village heads in sianjur mulamula district. the mangase udan rituals are performed at three locations, namely dolok simanggurguri, partukkoan ginolatan, and parbona-bonaan. the last procession is to open the piso solom debata from the glove. this knife is meant to have the solacle that can solve the problems faced by the community. after all the procession is done, they are sure that mula jadi na bolon will bring down the rain. the entry of the dutch colonial which carried the mission and zending was resulted in the lost of the tradition of mangase udan. this tradition is lost because it is no longer compatible with the religion they profess. as schreiner (2002: 11) says, the bataks open themselves to missions and zending and allow themselves to be colonized. the dutch succeeded in changing the batak religion to christianity and catholicism. in addition, the dutch also managed to replace the culture they already have. this cultural shift relates to western superiority and eastern inferiority. the dutch treat the batak people according to their wishes. as said (2016: 257) points out, europeans are trying to place the east as an imaginative stage that can be treated at any time as the westerners wish. all traditions that are not in accordance with the wishes of the invaders is made a forbidden tradition. as a result of the ban so that the tradition of mangase udan is disappeared from the life of the batak people. the prolonged dry season in samosir raises the discourse to re-do the mangase udan ritual. this discourse arose from the local archbishop. this is in accordance with what foucault (2016) says, discourse has a close relationship with power because discourse comes from people who have power and people who have knowledge or creative thinking. the discourse to perform mangase udan rituals responded positively to the other anesthetic e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 kings and some community leaders. implementation of mangase udan ritual becomes the truth to bring rain as foucault refers to. truth (knowledge) is related to power (ritzer, 2010: 94). implementation of mangase ritual udan accepted some people because the perpetrators are the king stoner. to smooth his wishes, the kings stood together in cooperation with muspika sianjur mulamula district. this cooperation needs to be done to increase the capital possessed by the kings. the goal of capital increase as bourdieu expressed to gain recognition that the self or his group is influential, and most entitled to follow (fashri, 2014: 3). the prolonged dry season becomes an opportunity to show the existence of the bius kings in sianjur mulamula district. the discourse on performing the mangase udan ritual into an arena as proposed by bourdieu (2015: 215). through the implementation of the mangase udan ritual, the existence of the bius kings was revived which had been lost due to the dutch ban on all the bius organizations. power in practice, as foucault says, does not always run smoothly. power and resistance to it are everywhere (ritzer, 2012: 621). the power possessed by the bius kings which is supported by the muspika of sianjur mulamula received resistance from the christian community. this disagreement is caused by the activity is considered animism. therefore the christians forbade his followers to follow the mangase udan ritual. in contrast to the attitude of christianity, catholicism encourages its people to participate in the mangase udan ritual. this attitude arises because the catholic religion do its mission through inculturation approach. what is meant by inculturation is to maintain the core of christian faith, especially christ, but simultaneously express it in the form and style of the local culture (sinaga, 2011: 116). the sacrifices made in the mangase udan ritual are addressed to mula jadi na bolon which is identical to the sacrifices addressed to god performed in catholic rituals. the implication of the mangase udan ritual is the increasingly higher polarization between the christianity and the catholicism. the christianity holds that catholics live in an animist tradition. catholicism, on the other hand, considers that christians are innocent and disrespectful to ancestral traditions. another implication is in relation with the relationship between the religion and the government. the relationship of the catholicism with the district government of sianjur mulamula went well because both agreed to perform the mangase udan ritual. but, the e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 christianity's relationship with the government is less harmonious because the christianity refuses to do the mangase udan ritual. conclusions and suggestions the mangase udan ritual becomes controversial due to ideological differences in each group. the kings of bius as the main agents are willing to carry out the ritual to show their existence in society. the catholic church supports the implementation of the mangase udan ritual and its purpose to broadcast catholicism. however, the christian church rejects the mangase udan ritual as it is against christianity. through this research it is suggested that the mangase udan tradition remains preserved. how to preserve this tradition is by giving space to parbaringin school to perform their religious rituals. if parbaringin school exist then the traditions of ancient batak people will be sustainable including the mangase udan. this ritual integrates with the parbaringin school. the mangase udan tradition needs to be preserved because in it there are many values such as the value of togetherness, the value of obedience, and the value of sacrifice. acknowledgements on this occasion the authors would like to thank the distinguished anak agung ngurah anom kumbara as the promotor, a.a. bagus wirawan as copromotor i, and putu sukardja, as copromotor ii who has been willing to guide the author in completing this study. to ejournal of cultural studies of universitas udayana, the authors would like to express a gratitude for publishing this article in. bibliography: bourdieu, pierre. 2015. arena produksi kultural: sebuah kajian sosiologi budaya. bantul: kreasi wacana offset. fashri, fauzi. 2014. pierre bourdieu: menyingkap kuasa simbol. yogyakarta: jalasutra. foucault, michel. 2016. arkeologi pengetahuan. yogyakarta: pelangi. ritzer, george. 2010. teori sosial postmodern. bantul: juxtapose research and publication studi club bekerjasama dengan kreasi wacana. said, edward w. 2016. orientalisme: menggugat hegemoni barat dan mendudukkan timur sebagai subjek. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. sanderson, stephen k. 2010. makro sosiologi: sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosial. jakarta: rajawali pers. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 19-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 schreiner, lothar. 2002. adat dan injil. jakarta: pt bpk gunung mulia. sibarani, robert. 2012. kearifan lokal: hakikat, peran, dan metode tradisi lisan. jakarta: asosiasi tradisi lisan. sinaga, anicetus b. 2011. “pengertian adat dan implikasinya terhadap agama” in bungaran antonius simanjuntak (ed). pemikiran tentang batak: setelah 150 tahun agama kristen di sumatera utara. jakarta: yayasan pustaka obor indonesia. microsoft word artikel wahyuni 5 e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 gocekan as a power relations in batuan village, gianyar, bali ni made dewi wahyuni1, industri ginting suka2,ni luh nyoman kebayantini3 1senior high school 3 denpasar,2,3cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1dewipingpong@gmail.com,2,3s2kjbdyunud@yahoo.com received date : 28-05-2019 accepted date : 10-07-2019 published date : 31-08-2019 abstract gocekan is a series of percussion rituals with brawls that are carried out routinely every year starting on the kajeng kliwon enyitan sasih kalima (mid-november) to ngembak geni, the end of the sasih kesanga (mid-march) in the puseh temple area in batuan village, gianyar, bali. in its development shocks have been influenced by various interests due to the power relations that occur in the implementation process. this study aims to address the main problems, namely regarding the forms of power relations, the driving factors for power relations, and the meaning and impact of power relations in shocks. based on research there are several forms of power relations in shocks, namely the relations of hegemonic ideological power, symbolic power relations, and the power relations of domination practice. the factors that encourage power relations in shocks can be divided into two, namely internal factors consisting of beliefs (religious), cultural sacralization, openness of traditional villages, and lack of understanding of religious and legal norms. external factors consisting of capitalism, tourism and the economy. in this regard, the meaning due to the power relations in shocks is the symbolism of religious ritual and impunity. as a result it will have an impact on the deviation of the implementation of hinduism, deviations of morality and power, and metajen habits as a subculture of the balinese. keywords: shock, clubbing, power relations, interests introduction gocekan as part of ritual percussion in hinduism in bali by using chicken as a sacrifice which is routinely carried out every year, starting on kajeng kliwon enyitan sasih kalima (midnovember) to ngembak geni, ending sasih kesanga (mid-march) in the area puseh temple, batuan village. scuff as a form of religious ritual in its development has been influenced by a variety of interests due to the power relations that occur in the implementation process. the development of shocks that seem lost control causes it to indirectly injure hindu values. this research on "gocekans as the power of relation practices in batuan village, gianyar, bali" e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 aims to analyze three problem formulations, namely: (1) the form of power relations in shocks, the factors driving power relations in shocks, as well as the meaning and impact of power relations that occur in shocks in the village of batuan, gianyar, bali. research methods this research, located in batuan village, was designed as a qualitative study with a cultural study paradigm. in line with this paradigm, data collection is done by observation, interview, and literature study. after primary and secondary data are collected, then analyzed using critical concepts and theories such as hegemony theory, the power of knowledge theory, and practice theory. all data were narrated and the results of the study were presented in analytic descriptive. discussion modernization and globalization that occur throughout the world has led to dynamics and changes in all aspects of life including hindu religious activities in bali, in relation to the megocekan tradition. after the problems formulated, this study found that there were some developments in the implementation of shocks which were ritual percussion in the village of batuan, which was caused by the various forms of power relations practices carried out by the agents involved in the implementation of shocks. the forms of power relations that occur in shocks are in the form of hegemonic ideological power relations, symbolic power relations, and dominating power relations practices. the hegemonic ideological power relation is a place for power holders in shocks, namely religious leaders (temple stakeholders) and the organizing committee organization assigned by the customary village by perpetuating the role of myths for the sustainability of megocekan. according to althusser (2010: 39), ideology is a representation of the relationships of imaginary individuals under the real conditions of their existence. systematically hegemony ideology force individuals and society with certain thoughts, certain biases, certain preference systems, where power tends to do hegemony of meaning to social reality. individuals and communities are accommodated by their values and ideas with a perspective that has been patterned, structured in terms of the meaning created and desired by power. various myths about the implementation of shocks in batuan village were deliberately used as a basis and shield in their implementation. another form of power relation is symbolic power relation, which is a relational game that is carried out by a group of shocks to the supporting aspects e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 of shredding (for example bebotoh and material aspects related to the implementation of shocks as a religious ritual). the form is in the form of the use of symbols to direct the view to interpret shocks as part of the rite. the material used in shredding seeks to be interpreted religiously and is related to religious rituals. furthermore, the form of power relations in the form of the practice of domination, in general social relations the rules that already exist and are made by 'a dominant group' will become a habit that has unwittingly become a symbolic capital for the continuation of power. the practice of dominance in shredding is particularly evident in the formation of a committee which is hereinafter referred to as sekaa shaking by customary village of batuan as the organizing committee for the whole series of shredding activities. the central role as a regulator of the implementation of shocks lies with sekaagekan which is an extension of the customary village government. the customary village as the protector of the execution of puts the chosen people in charge of organizing the shock every year. everything related to the execution of shocks is prepared and carried out by this organization. the dominance of the chosen people also influences the procedure for its implementation, in that it does not deny that the agent can include ideas or special interests in the process of implementing the shock. source: dok: dewi, 2017. second, developments that occur in shocks are influenced by several factors that accompany the implementation process so that the practice of power relations is encouraged. the factors that drive power relations in shocks consist of internal and external factors as follows. a. internal factors 1. belief (religion) e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 humans are homo religious, namely religious beings. characteristics of religious people include belief in supernatural creatures such as gods or demons (haryanto, 2015: 12). both are often positioned in opposing characters namely gods with good character, while demons have bad character. in anthropomorphism both are often manifested in the form of creatures that resemble humans while the other resembles a giant (weber, 2002 in atmadja, 2015: 128-134). the linkage between shredding with homo religious is seen in the way of love, the bhuta yadnya ritual which is based on the calculation of the moon. according to the balinese calendar. related to the implementation of shocks in batuan village according to mythology, it is an effort to avoid the danger caused by i gede mecaling. the implementation of tawur at puseh village in batuan temple is also a ceremony related to the distribution of sasih as shown in the table above. bhuta, according to the people of batuan village, is analogous to the figure of i gede mecaling who is both a negative force causing distress. the presence of percussion in every tawur/caru is an ideological conception that underlies the organization of the shock in batuan village. ritual activities that are one unit with a belief system (religious) are very difficult to be removed from the mindset of the community. so that whatever developments occur in the practice of the ritual, as long as it is still carried out it is likely that it will still be accepted by the community. moreover, it is equipped with relational practices in it which perfects power games in shocks. if it is allowed to develop, according to arifin (2005: 3), it indicates that religion (religion) will increasingly no longer be able to carry out its main function (functional imperative), because it’s main function is sacrificed for the benefit of other social institutions that have very different main functions. in such a trap, religion (religion) is no longer an institutionalizing force which is then systematically and systemically interpreted with human reason (arifin, 2005: 3, in arsana, 2011: 278-279). sakralisasi budaya culture is a fairly complicated and often debated word because this concept does not represent an entity that stands apart from the world of objects. culture should be understood as a flexible marker that enables a variety of ways to discuss clusters of human activity with various purposes. in other words, the concept of culture is an instrument or tool that is more or less useful as a frame of life (life form). the use of this concept and the meanings embedded in it are constantly changing because thinkers relentlessly seek to do a number of things with this concept (barker, 2014: 64). e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 based on the explanation above, shock is one of the culture which is sacred through various practices that have been carried out and inadvertently in the next development, it is trapped into a culture of subculture. this idea is based on the consideration that the balinese people in general and batuan in particular have balinese culture as a large culture that is dominant to the balinese. balinese culture includes the whole way of life and includes the mapping of meanings or meanings that affect how the world is lived or understood by balinese as reflected in their social actions in social life. in the midst of the dominant balinese culture, shocks can be positioned as a subculture. starting from its position as a subculture, shock tried to occupy a dominant position in society. one of the things done is trying to build confidence and legitimacy over the implementation of shocks through sacralization. profane sacralization is the theft of sacred values and sacred rituals into the identity of non-spiritual products to be interpreted by consumers as religious faiths (meinhold, 2005). in the current era of globalization, a culture that exists is a culture that can be emotionally attached to the equivalent of religion. 1. openness of indigenous village regarding the shock in batuan village, it shows the open attitude of the customary village to the developments that occurred in the shock. this open minded acceptance is the first step in an effort to accept the effects of modernization and globalization. an open attitude will make us more dynamic, not be shackled by old things that are old-fashioned, and will be more receptive to the changes and advances of the times. however, the lack of social control originating from indigenous villages can also lead to the development of shocks that were originally only in the form of ritual activities so as to lead to negative things. customary villages have awig-awig as a filtering of external influences that enter the village order. awig-awig have a very strong social control because it has been determined what rights and obligations should be exercised by indigenous people. after being able to open up from new things, the next step is to have sensitivity (anticipative) in assessing the things that will or are happening to the effects of modernization and globalization. anticipatory attitudes can show the effects arising from the current of globalization and modernization that lead to the ability to choose (selective). customary villages as a place for growth and development of a culture must be able to be a shield in preserving a culture from the effects of modernization and globalization. 1. lack of understanding of religious and legal norms norms are behavioral guidelines that must be done and should not be done in daily life, based on a certain reason (motivation) accompanied by sanctions. religious norms are rules of life e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 in the form of commands and prohibitions, which are believed by its adherents to come from god, the almighty. these rules not only regulate the vertical relationship, between humans and god (religious), but also horizontal relationships, between humans and fellow humans (widjaja, 1985: 168). scriptures rgweda x. 34. 13, rgweda x. 34. 10, rgweda x. 34. 3, expressly forbid hindus from gambling. gambling can make a family miserable. work on the fields and make ends meet and satisfy it, according to the contents of the vedic mantra. manavadharmaśāstrayang is a compilation of hindu law sloka ix. 221 to sloka ix. 227 also states about the prohibition of gambling (pudja and sudharta, 1996: 587-588). in essence gambling is also an act that is contrary to legal norms. the criminal code (kuhp) regulates gambling in article 303, based on the modern criminal law sanctions or reactions are given not only in the form of criminal, but also actions aimed at protecting the public from harmful acts (hidayat, 2011: 87 -88). based on the provisions above, basically both in terms of religious norms and legal norms both do not justify an activity that is a gamble or gambling. an understanding of religious and legal norms is absolutely necessary to guide one's person so as not to commit acts outside of these social norms. in connection with the development of shocks in batuan village that lead to gambling practices, the most basic thing that must be introspected is the understanding of religious norms and legal norms of the perpetrators of these activities. accepting the influence of modernism and globalization is okay, but consideration regarding the aspects of religion and law is needed in the preservation of a culture. a. external factors 1. capitalism regarding the shock in batuan village, the dominant capitalist practice is seen in its implementation. capitalists in relation to shocks are agents who have capital in them, both economic capital and social capital in the form of power. in terms of economic capital, which includes the bebotoh. bebotoh is a gambler. bebotoh certainly needs an arena to channel his gambling desires. seeing the existence of a gap as an arena, many bebotoh involved in shocks. whether or not there is a botoh affects the village's income. the number of bets that are in the flock depends on the number of bebotoh involved. if each fighting chicken is pegged at rp. 1,000,000, if the number of chickens has not yet been obtained, the chicken complaint will be postponed or canceled until it gets the specified amount anyway. every 5% of the amount after each complaint will be deducted as excise tax (abbreviated as cuk). thus, the e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 role of bebotoh in shocks is very important, namely as a contributor to income for traditional villages. in terms of social capital in this case in the form of power, traditional village leaders and their predecessors are the dominant shareholders. the power to regulate the course of the shock makes all the shock can receive input or entrust the interests of a party. based on a cultural perspective, power is an energy or strength that is able to maintain, preserve, transform culture in society. as an illustration, a person who has the capability as a ruler can instill the values in the body of the community. in connection with shocks, the power of traditional village leaders and their role plays a role in maintaining the existence of the implementation of shocks by hegemonying the community with built ideologies. the implementation of shocks that have evolved to become biased is protected by ideologies that are sparked for the sake of continuing shocks like today. 1. tourism bali is one of the famous tourist destinations with cultural tourism. the tourism industry is the biological child of globalization that produces cultural objects to be traded for financial gain. one form of cultural objects that has been commodified in the era of globalization is ritual (irianto, 2016: 213). increasingly expanding the promotion of bali cultural tourism packages through online media makes agents more creative to create new ideas to sell in the market. on several websites of online tourism agents found balinese cockfighting travel package promotions. this shows that there are efforts to include this activity as part of a cultural tourism package. (source: http://bayubalitours.com/article/bali-cockfighting/) e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 meanwhile in batuan village, the way to promote balinese cockfighting is done by direct communication with tourists. the management officers who took tourists around the temple also explained about the existence of shredding and staging the sutjang dance. 1. economy the implementation of shocks is closely related to providing employment for the community. work done by humans as a reflection that humans as homo faber means humans who create, namely making tools to increase work productivity (haryatmoko, 2014: 56-57). this linkage can be direct, in the sense that they are certain people who are directly and physically present in the arena to get a fortune, both as primary and additional income. they can be divided into two, namely first, the breadwinner outside the arena of shreds. they are traders around the arena who occupy a relatively fixed space which is good from the context of their work. most of the traders in the arena are food traders. second, the breadwinner is directly in the arena of shocks. they consist of spur owners and fighting chicken traders. those who are involved in shredding are never bored, but there are some people who specifically do certain activities to get a wage, so they come to the shocks as laborers. there are also earners who are not directly in the arena of shocks, however what they do is related to shocks. people included in this group are makers and traders of guwungan or confinement of chickens, makers and sharpeners of spurs, laborers who are paid specifically to raise chickens, and traders of chicken food and medicines. the role of traders in the arena is very important, namely as a supporter of excitement and enhancing the pleasure of people who come to the arena. traders indirectly take advantage of the "arrogance" of bebotoh, considering that if bebotoh wins, they do not take into account the value of money so that whatever the price of food, it must be bought. this fact raises the perception that money in the gambling arena (tajen in general) is money with no eyes or blind money. this symbolic statement is used to show the nature of bebotoh when using his money, it seems like it does not take into account its value. this condition causes the price of food or perhaps goods sold in the gambling arena to be relatively more expensive than the market price. e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 source: dok, dewi, 2017 third, the developments that occur in the implementation of shocks generate new meaning which also impacts the shocks themselves. meaning that arises as a result of the power relations in the implementation of shocks causes this ritual cannot be interpreted absolutely as a rite, but rather a symbolism of a religious ritual. other meanings arising from developments in shocks cause it to appear to be immune to the law, due to the fact that shocks have in fact been contaminated with gambling can continue to be carried out for quite a long period of time without firm action based on applicable law. as a result it will have an impact on the deviation of the implementation of hinduism, deviations of morality and power, and balinese culture (in this case the balinese metajen culture) as a subculture. conclusions and suggestions finally, by paying attention to all of the explanations above, it can be proven that there has been a power relationship in the shuffle in batuan village, gianyar, bali. this is most evident in the presence of anyway with the assistance of rupiah money not with uang kepeng. the game of power relations in this study can be seen in a series of discussions about the form, driving factors, meaning and impact of power relations that occur in shocks. the occurrence of power relations on shocks indirectly also disturb hindu religious values. the suggestion of this research is that the existence of a culture especially religious rituals must indeed be maintained and preserved. but if there is a deviation in its implementation let alone violating the law it should be dealt with firmly. in connection with the phenomenon that occurs in shocks, mediation should be carried out by law enforcement e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 24-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 agencies and customary village government in order to revitalize the implementation of shocks. acknowledgement the author would like to thank the supervisors, all teaching lecturers in cultural studies, and research informants who have contributed to this research, so that this paper can be realized. references althusser, louis. 2010. tentang ideologi. marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies. yogyakarta: jalasutra. atmadja, nengah bawa. 2010. tajen di bali perspektif homo complexus. singaraja: pustaka larasan dan ibbik undiksha. haryanto, sindung. 2015. sosiologi agama: dari klasik hingga posmodern. yogyakarta: arruzz media. arsana, i gusti ketut gde. 2011. sabung ayam (tajen) di bali: di antara ranah budaya dan hukum. jnana budaya. bali: balai pelestarian sejarah dan nilai tradisional bali. hal. 271-284. barker, chris. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: kanisius. haryatmoko. 2014. etika politik dan kekuasaan. jakarta: pt. kompas media nusantara. irianto, agus maladi. 2016. “komodifikasi budaya di era ekonomi global terhadap kearifan lokal: studi kasus eksistensi industri pariwisata dankesenian tradisional di jawa tengah”. jurnal theologia volume 27, nomor 1, juni 2016. semarang: fakultas ushuluddin dan humaniora universitas islam negeri walisongo. meinhold, roman. 2005. pop culture and consumerism. konigshausen &neumann, jerman dalam http://jurnal-s1. fsrd. itb. ac. id/index. php/product/article/download/85/76 diakses pada 7 maret 2017 pukul 15. 22 wita. microsoft word e-journal made ngurah dialogue of inter religious community members in the multicultural community of denpasar city i gusti made ngurah1, i gde semadi astra2, i made suastika2, i gde parimartha2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university e-mail: gustimadengurah@yahoo.co.id abstract the dialogue of inter religious community members in the multicultural community of denpasar has been beneficial to the organization of collective life. in relation to that, this study describes the phenomenon of cultural dialogues as an attempt to realize the idea of multiculturalism and to establish harmonious atmosphere in which differences are mutually accepted and appreciated. field qualitative method is employed in this study and the data needed were collected by the technique of observation, the technique of in-depth interview and documentary study. the results of the study show that the idea of the dialogue has been based on heterogeneity, frequent conflicts and enthusiasm in establishing harmony. the policies which are referred to by the dialogue are regulated in various regulations issued by several ministers, the governor and the major. such policies serve as the legal umbrella of the dialogue, while the dialogic programs are determined by the government and the communicative forum of inter religious community members (forum komunikasi antar-umat beragama, hereon abbreviated to fkub). the operating techniques of how the dialogue is conducted are organized by this forum. the dialogic fluency is motivated by the supporting factors which are hoped to bring much success. however, there are also some obstructions which may lead to failures. attempts are made to develop it into a successful one and to avoid/eliminate its negative effects. in addition, the dialogue is also philosophically, dialectally and dynamically meaningful. generally, the understanding of such meaningfulness can improve the quality of the multicultural life in denpasar city. it seems that the formal dialogue of inter religious community members has only been intensively conducted by the religious leaders and the leaders of the related institutions. it has not been averagely conducted in the grass root level yet. keywords: inter religious community members, harmony and multicultural background a dialogue of inter religious community members is a type of dynamic meeting attended by the followers of two or more religions, in which there is an exchange of religious values and information among the different religious followers. it is intended to establish a cooperation, to foster harmony, and to accept and appreciate differences as the realization of the idea of multiculturalism. the multilateral and international meeting of the “religious parliaments” was held in chicago in 1892, in which gists of thoughts “agree in disagreement” was agreed. such an international dialogue has made the world’s religious leaders, indonesia, and the local people of denpasar city aware that the dialogue or inter religious community members is really essential in the relationship among the religions. the one which has been conducted in denpasar has been inspired by the international and national dialogue of inter religious community members. in addition, it is really needed for organizing religious life in a heterogeneous community which is faced with many challenges. the challenges faced by the heterogeneous community internally appear from every religious community. the incidents such as the bomb blasts taking place on 12th october 2002 and on 2nd october 2005 are stated to be external challenges. attempts have been made to conduct the dialogue of inter religious community members as the answer to such challenges. it is also intended to more strongly establish the idea of multiculturalism in the multicultural community. this study discusses the dialogical basis, the supporting and obstructing factors, the effects and meanings of the dialogue of inter religious community members in the multicultural community of denpasar city. it aims at describing the cultural behavior and the harmonious and peaceful multicultural community. its significance is not only to strongly establish the understanding of the idea and implementation of the multicultural community but more importantly it is also intended to give beneficial contribution to the development of science in general and to the cultural studies in particular. discussion the communicative, hegemony, deconstruction and multicultural theories are used to analyze the problems. the results show that openness has taken place among the religious members, the tension among the different religious members has been decreasing, misunderstanding has been getting less, act of despising religions has been minimized, harmony has been getting more established and sara related conflicts have been able to be avoided. the last took place almost all over indonesia in the end of new order government, that is, in 1998. the plurality in denpasar city community is in layers marked by the existence of six religions such as hindu, islam, protestant, catholic, buddhist, and kong hucu. the followers of each religion come from different ethnic groups with different languages, traditions, characteristics, and social conditions. under each religion, there are further ideologies. in particular, the dialogic idea has been made to appear by plurality in the community, frequent conflicts and enthusiasm in creating harmony. these three things are used as the basis for the dialogue, which are then completed with policies in the form of regulations and the dialogic programs created by the government and the fkub as the references. the supporting factors such as (1) the essence of religious teachings which implies that every religion recommends to settle any problem through dialogues; (2) the values of balinese local genius ( menyama braya) are accepted to be the guideline when conducting a dialogue; (3) equality of religious community members refers to the equality in age, education, knowledge, experience and social condition of the participants of the dialogue; (4) models of behavior shown by the religious leaders; and (5) the development of science and technology which can be maximally used have contributed to the success of the dialogue as expected. the supporting factors are obstructed by the obstructing factors such as (1) unpreparedness of the participants of the dialogue; (2) the insufficient supporting facilities and infrastructures; (3) the policies considered unfair; and (4) the close attitude of the religious community members. however, the dialogue of inter religious community members has resulted in positive effects such as the harmonious life among the religious community members has been getting more established, the cooperation among the religious community members has been getting improved; and the mutual acceptance and appreciation have been getting better. however, negative effects have also been identified such as there has been an anxiety that the dialogue will result in syncretism, pressure from the majority over the minority and religious conversion. apart from the effects, the results of the research also show that the dialogue can give three meanings such as (1) philosophical meaning, as far as the material and mental spiritual development is concerned which will basically lead to harmonious and peaceful life; (2) dialogic meaningful, as far as the intensification of religious teachings and understanding other religious are concerned, which will lead to harmony or symmetry among the different religious community members; and (3) dynamic meaningful, as far as the dialogue conducted to give deep understanding of the idea of multiculturalism and to establish the implementation of the multicultural community. this is intended to anticipate sara related conflicts and to obtain solutions to the problems collectively encountered. the findings of the study are: first, the establishment of badan musyawarah umat beragama daerah tingkat i bali (another forum of the dialogue of inter religious community members in provincial level in bali) in 1975 has inspired the establishment of wadah musyawarah pusat (another central similar forum) and the establishment of fkaub bali in 1999 which then led to the issue of the pbm no. 9.8 of 2006, which has allowed the establishment of fkub in the provincial and regencial levels all over indonesia. second, the dialogue of inter religious community members continuously conducted in denpasar city can avoid sara related conflicts, which then can be used as the model referred to by the other provinces and regencies all over indonesia. third, the development of religious ideologies and the arrival of new migrants with their different cultures in denpasar city has not been included as part of the dialogue of inter religious community members, whereas in fact these two things will potentially lead to conflicts and affect the dialogue itself. conclusions the dialogue of inter religious community members in the multicultural community of denpasar city has been able to be conducted based on (1) the plurality of the community, frequent conflicts, and enthusiasm in establishing harmony; (2) policies and (3) the implementation of the programs created by the government and fkub have been getting more directed and fluent . the supporting factors such as the essence of each religious teaching, the values of local genius, the equality of religious community members, their social condition, the models given by the religious leaders, the development of science and technology can lead the dialogue to a success as expected. on the other hand, the obstructing factors such as the unpreparedness of the participants of the dialogue, the differences in cultural values, the close attitude of the religious community members, the policies considered unfair, and insufficient facilities and infrastructures will potentially lead the dialogue to a failure. the positive effects of the dialogue of the inter religious community members are that the harmony among the different religious community members are getting established, the cooperation among the religious community members are getting improved, the mutual acceptance and appreciation among the religious community members are getting better, and the awareness of establishing multicultural enthusiasm is developing. while the negative effects of the dialogue of the inter religious community members, based on the previous experiences, are that there is an anxiety that such a dialogue will lead to syncretism, pressure from the majority over minority, and religious conversion. in addition to the above mentioned effects, the dialogue has three meanings. the first meaning is philosophical, in which the mental and spiritual development to be able to live harmoniously and peacefully in diversity is implied. the second meaning is dialogic, in which intensification one’s religion which can be attempted by making comparison to another’s religion so that there is a mutual understanding is implied. the third is dynamic meaning, in which what is done by the religious community members in implementing their respective religion is implied. the understanding of the differences and similarities in religious teachings through the dialogue can develop the anticipatory behavior against sara related conflicts and at the same time can improve the cooperation among the religious community members in solving the problems collectively encountered. it is considered necessary to perfect the system of the management of the dialogue starting from the betterment of understanding of the base of the dialogue, the perfection of the policies, the perfection of the attempts made to prepare the facilities and infrastructures, and the allocation of the sufficient funds needed for the dialogue through apbn/apbd. improved supervision is also necessary in every religion. apart from the formal dialogue, informal dialogues also need to be intensified (work dialogue) to fasten the implementation of the dialogue in the grass root. bibliography ali, h.a. mukti.1976. agama dan pembangungan di indonesia. jakarta: biro humas dep. agama r.i. ali, mursyid. 1999. pluralitas sosial dan hubungan antara agama. jakarta: balitbang agama, proyek peningkatan kerukunan hidup beragama. aryadharma, suarpi. 2009. konversi agama “penyakit kronis di bali” manfaatkan kelemahan agama dan pelaksanaan adat. media hindu,november 2009, edisi 69. budiyono. 1983. membina kerukunan hidup antarumat beragama. yogyakarta: penerbit yayasan kanisius. darmaputra, eka. 1999/2000. “kehidupan beragama dalam masyarakat majemuk” dalam chairul fuad yusuf & muchlis. agama, generasi muda, dan intergrasi bangsa di masa depan. jakarta: badan litbang departmen agama ri. djauhari, h.a. zaidan. 1983/1984. pedoman dasar kerukunan hidup beragama. jakarta: proyek pembinaan kerukunan hidup beragama department agama ri. effendi, djohan. 1985. “dialog antaragama bisakah melahirkan teologi kerukunan” dalam prisma. agama dan tantangan zaman piluhan artikel prisma 1975 – 1984. jakarta: lp3es. hardawiyana, robert. 2006. dialog umat kristiani dengan umat pluriagama/kepercayaan di nusantara. yogyakarta: kanisius. hefner, robert w. 2007. politk multikulturalisme menggugat realitas kebangsaan. yogyakarta: penerbit kanisius. ruslani.2000. masyarakat kitab dan dialog antaragama. yogyarkarta :cv adipura. saidi, saleh. 1996. “perkembangan akulturasi islam dan hindu di bali” dalam aswab mahasin dkk. ruh islam dan budaya bangsa aneka budaya nusantara. jakarta. yayasan festival istiqal. schmann. 2008. dialog antarumat beragama membuka babak baru dalam hubungan antarumat beragama. jakarta: bpk gunung mulia. sundarajan. 2000. “model dialog antaragama menurut hindu”, dalam kamdani, agama untuk manusia. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar offset. acknoledgments in this opportunity, great indebtedness is extended to the rector of udayana university and the director of the postgraduate program of udayana university for the opportunity and facilities provided when attending the doctorate program (s3) in cultural studies at udayana university. high appreciation is also provided to the supervisor, prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, co-supervisor i, prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u., and co-supervisor ii, prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a., for their useful guidance and advice during the process of writing this dissertation. many thanks also go to all the parties whom cannot be mentioned one by one for their assistance in conducting this research. microsoft word artikel sri ratnawati 1 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 characteristics of madura jamu herbalist and traditional value preservation sri ratnawati erlangga university faculty of arts email: sri-r@fib.uniar.ac.id received date : 08-09-2019 accepted date : 21-12-2019 published date : 29-02-2020 abstract compounding herbal medicine that lives in modern times does not automatically release the traditional cultural values that have become a hereditary convention, which includes the value of folklore as a spirit of life. they continue to make new innovations to adjust to their times. innovation does not mean eliminating traditional values, but through traditional change begins. this is done not by setting aside traditional systems that have taken root for decades, but instead by using cultural thinking and traditional values tools to direct the vision, mission of madura herbal medicine from the past to the future. the herbalist of madura herbal medicine as an agent who sees the importance of putting madurese cultural values on every practice of making madura herbal medicine. local cultural values, such as genealogy, oral transmissions and folklore values have long given a color to madura herbal medicine. this means, that the practice of making madura herbal medicine, is one of the potential local wisdom traditions for the preservation of regional cultural identity in indonesia. keywords: herbal medicine, herbalist, local wisdom, transmission of values, cultural preservation introduction an herbalist is someone who has expertise in concocting various herbs as a legacy of the indonesian people related to the health system based on medical plants (shah et al, 2019: 2). an herbal medicine mixer must be good at recognizing plants that have aromatic content (farhan, 2018: 757) which are learned from his grandparents for generations. peracik madura until now has not been accustomed to finding sources of knowledge of medicinal plants from reading sources but is still dependent on the references of parents. madura herbal medicine mixers generally still follow their parents who are also herbal medicine mixers. from generation to generation in making herbs, they imitate from parents, so herbs produced from year to year tend not to experience significant changes. this tendency to imitate is a strategy that deliberately instilled parents to young compounding generations so that their local cultural values persist in the present. since the beginning of e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 learning to become herbal concoctors, parents provide direction to focus on making herbal medicine for the treatment of sexual organs. this type of herbal medicine is not just fulfilling the needs of its citizens for a healthy life, but there is a demand of patriarchal culture that pressures women to "serve" their husbands. furthermore, the herbal medicine was given the name rapet, empot-empot, paka 'fragrant. all the names of these herbs metaphorically express the strength, might of madurese women a strong herbal medicine is the identity or identity of madurese women. therefore, every compounder has a desire to maintain that identity at any time. although other mixers make herbs with a modern twist, local madura mixers still maintain the tradition of classical cultural elements, that is, each madura herbalist mixers will give the names of the same herbs as their predecessors. they have an internal desire to maintain their local values rooted in the elements of their folklore identity. like the name of a powerful herbal medicine, which was adapted from the character joko tole in babad sungenep. the figure gave positive energy to the local concoctors to make medicinal herbs of strength that later became the identity of the madura herbalist. the naming formed the madura culture. the term culture is that which gives the main characteristics of the madurese population who are now forming herbal concoctions to equip themselves with knowledge about traditional herbal-based herbal concoctions, so as to show differences with other traditional herbs in indonesia. interestingly, herbal medicine mixers in madura that exist today in the 21st century seem far from the world of technology. inevitably he will be dealing with modern mixers who use technology while inevitably becoming a problem in itself for traditional technology-blind mixers. the presence of modern mixers supported by human resources (hr) and capital influences the standardized herbal medicine products according to department of health standards, while traditional mixers are not. compound traditional herbal medicine to process ingredients manually so that the results are not standardized. even though the madurese did not hesitate to consume it, they even preferred herbal medicine made by local mixers rather than buying factory-made herbal medicine. the term traditional cultural preservation in madura herbalism is only a concept that gives the main characteristics of herbal medicine mixers in madura, which still maintains genealogy, oral transmission, which then forms cultural identity. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 research methods this research was conducted in the pamekasan area of madura in 2016. this study used a qualitative method, with data collection techniques through interviews and observations. interviews were conducted with informants as herbal medicine mixers who had knowledge of funding plants and how to mix herbs that lived in pamekasan, with a variety of expertise and how to make their herbs. the number of informants interviewed as many as 10 people, all women with characteristics, that can speak madura well, master the ins and outs of compounding herbal medicine for at least 5 years as well as selling herbal medicine, and aged over 18 years. results and discussion 1. characteristics of traditional herbal compounders people who are good at concocting various plants into herbs are called peracik or an herbalist. a madura herbalist sometimes concurrently works as a shaman (jordan, 1985: 116). according to the world healt organization (2013: 1-15), traditional herbal medicine mixers or can be called traditional healers, namely the knowledge, skills and practice based on theories, indigenious beliefs and experiences to differents cultures, used in the maintenance of healty and in the prevention, diagnosis, improvement, or treatment of psycically and mental illness. it comes from all walks of life that the expertise of gathering is obtained based on discovery or covered (beers, 2000: 115). this discovery by a group of people became known as the ethnomedical knowledge of indigenous comnunities (pivathra, 2018: 142). a traditional madura herbalist is demanded to be able to support himself autonomously and independently. therefore, he will market his products directly to consumers by being sold around the village, or sold in the stalls in front of his house. most local people buy herbs from herbal vendors to maintain their health and to overcome their illnesses. based on interviews with herbal medicine mixers in madura and observations while in the field obtained data on the characteristics of herbal medicine mixers, namely: according to the marital status, all stated that they were married. in terms of age or age, all informants aged over 40 years, with details, 41-46 years old 3 people (30%), aged 47-53 years as many as 6 people (60%), and aged 54-59 years only 1 person (10%). judging from their level of education, there are 4 elementary schools (40%), 3 junior high schools (30%), and 1 person e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 high school education (10%). judging from the source of knowledge about herbal compounding, 9 parents (90%), and 1 person (10%) stated that the source of their knowledge was obtained from other people. with this data condition, it is clear that the transmission of knowledge and practice of making herbal medicine has been carried out traditionally from generation to generation. from the above data, it can be explained that the condition of herbal medicine mixers is as follows: first, in general, compounding is dominated by women who are over 40 years old and are married. the dominance of women as herbal medicine mixers is inseparable from the education of the gendery which starts at home, so that it has a direct impact on the presence of herbal medicine mixers who are generally female. mixing herbal medicine is equated with cooking, which requires patience, accuracy and patience which has been perceived as women's work. such behavior is actually more on steriotypes (fakih, 2016: 13) which are influenced by local culture. secondly, human resources are still low. the level of herbal medicine education is still low, generally only graduates of junior high school level. low education and old age become obstacles in developing madura herbal recipe in the future. this regeneration did not run smoothly because many people changed professions. the presumption of herbal medicine children views that their mother's profession is very low, less prestigious, provides less economic prosperity, becomes a regeneration habit, and this condition continues from year to year. third, 90% of knowledge sources say that if knowledge is obtained by learning from its parents. they are old products formed by their parents. the world of traditional herbal medicine mixers in pamekasan still defines geneology. the willingness to become a herbal medicine mix only comes from one's own motivation and initiative to learn from parents. in this case parents become facilitators, experience becomes an important element in the process of teaching and prescribing herbal medicine. usually parents (herbal concoctors) will each process to make herbal medicine always invites their children to help, so that without realizing the child will understand it by itself. sources of knowledge 90 percent comes from parents. knowledge transformation system that is carried out is still using and influenced by inherited factors, especially regarding the method of knowledge transfer still using verbal transmission. oral transmission systems are recognized as having many positive and ideal values in maintaining the "heritage" of traditional herbal medicine compounding culture. in addition, there is a negative value where e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 the old way which is applied in modern times, will experience the problem of submission to a modern authority that has penetrated the entire social structure and intellectual development, herbalists to maintain their existence 2. elements of local culture retention conceptually, defense can be formulated as a strategy to maintain local cultural identity and adapt to changes in the environment or new culture. compounders cannot deny what else they reject the new culture, on the contrary it must be able to integrate it, so that local culture continues to live in harmony with modern culture. maintaining local cultural values in madura herbal medicine as an effort to provide a distinctive identity that is different from other traditional herbal medicine in indonesia. the preservation of local cultural elements in madura herbalism should see local culture as a living organic object. that is, culture must be seen as a building created by the ancestors who lived, developed and managed its supporters. like the value of genealogy, the value of joko tole's folklore. these values are not dead, but still live in the soul of the compound. these values are elements of living organic culture, such as a human body that is resistant to disease. humans will fall ill if they do not drink herbal medicine. body endurance will be reduced and easily fall ill. trust in herbal medicine is not only usually da 3. genealogy the genealogy system is a part of the existence of traditional herbal medicine mixers in indonesia which must be placed as part of the dynamics of social change rather than outside of social dynamics. in kbi (2012: 439) genealogy, namely human bloodlines in blood relatives. in another sense, genealogy or nasab science is a branch of science that studies a person's bloodline and family history (fikri, 2019: 2). genealogy that takes place in the compound family is supported by the condition of the family condition in indonesia, generally acting nepotism, which is to prioritize the interests of family or relatives, even close friends. therefore, becoming a perura madura herbalist. genealogy in the compound family is nothing but to maintain legitimacy (foucault, 1976: 321) as a family of herbal medicine for generations. even if a compounder is found that is not from the compounder's family, it can be ascertained that the person is doing an apprenticeship or becoming a medicinal compound helper for years, so that the knowledge gained from an old compounder can be practiced by opening his own herbal stall. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 in contrast to modern concoctors who develop herbal recipes are professionalism. it is certain that the grandchildren who run the family herbal medicine business are based on their intellectual abilities not because of inheritance. these modern mixers will integrate traditional values with a touch of modern technology, so that the appearance as a traditional herbal medicine is not visible. 4. oral transmission the madurese community environment was built up by indigenous scientific research in the form of symbolic messages, customs and socio-culture that had not been formalized, (van sina, 2014: 11), so that in explaining herbal recipes, verbally explained. the use of oral transmissions in reducing herbal recipes for their children and grandchildren, is not because they cannot read and write. however, oral transmission becomes part of the daily activities of the madurese community. according to the explanation from the informant, that maintaining oral transmission related to making herbal recipes is one of the ways to maintain the confidentiality of herbal formulas that had been made by his grandparents first. oral transmission is another form of verbal communication that contains a corpus of knowledge consisting of knowledge that has been stored in memory (radjudurai, 2009: 39). maintaining collective memory is very important in the context of orality, because memory as a resource to maintain awareness of collective identity (collective identity) from generation to generation today. the still running oral transmission system when passing down herbal recipes prescribes as one of their submission and hierarchical obedience to the figure of parents based on the principle of the form of 'babu' ghuru rato (adib, 2011: 116). madurese are the main figures that the hierarchical obedience of madurese people manifests the nature of their socio-cultural life (wiyata, 2003). doctrinal teachings, the rules of various types of herbal medicine that are given by mixers become the framework of historical references for the next heir. the role of herbal medicine mixers in providing madurayang herbalism identity has been a historical legacy of his ancestors. although the inheritance of his heir is no longer a contemporary of him, but they can still understand the elements taught by his grandparents. therefore, they have the same cultural values and beliefs, so the values represent the past in the present. evident from the names of the same herbal medicine that has not changed since then until now. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 5. value of kemururaan madurese herbal medicine mixers domiciled in madura generally develop herbal products based on their local wisdom. they do not just pass down or distribute knowledge and teach the skills to make herbal medicine, but they always include the ideology of kemururaan in every herbal medicine product they make. inserting values. this is considered important in order to give the identity color of madura herbal medicine which is then able to differ (the other) from other herbs, especially with the javanese herbal that is the reference. madurese concoctors who live in the madura region, named the herbal medicine as a powerful herbal medicine. the selection of the name has to do with the local folklore story, namely joko tole is a fictional character in the babad sumenep. a strong, strong identity will make the fame finally remembered by the public and even popular throughout indonesia. here the importance of building traditional jhemo has an identity. all traditional jhemo in indonesia have an identity, but not as strong as madura jhemo. jhemo madura is different from other traditional jhemo, because it is built on its local folklore which until now is still believed to be true and settles in the realm of local thought in the form of myths. myth according to bathes is a kind of speech, everything can be a myth as long as it is conveyed through discourse (barthes, 2010: 342). myth has an important role in the knowledge and practice of jmemo madurese so that this tradition still survives in the vortex of modernity. conclusion the practice of jamu in madurese still exists in the midst of the vortex of modernity because, herbal medicine represents health, beauty, courage, and identity wrapped in the wrapping of myth and modernity. every madura herbal medicine mix has a manifestation of identity rooted in the elements of its local cultural identity. maintaining the element of genealogy, oral transmission and the value of "madura-ness" as an effort of overall structural integration for madurese culture is a necessity that needs to be instilled throughout time. interested in jhemo madura, besides having economic value for local life, it also has the potential of local wisdom that needs to be maintained in relation to health, beauty, courage, and madura's identity. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 references farhan , ahmad faiz, et al. 2018. cultural construction of herbalism as a mode of healing of brara kahu, islamabad-pakistan, pakistan journal of social sciences vol 38 no.2. barthes, r. 2010, membedah mitos-mitos budaya massa, yogyakarata. jalasutra beers, jean-susan, 2000, jamu the ancient indonesian art of herbal healing, singapore, tuttle publishing. chinnasamya, pavithra et al,(2019:142): “in silico validation of the indigenous knowledge of the herbal medicines among tribal communities in sathyamangalam wildlife sanctuary, india”. journal traditional and complementary medicine,volume 9. departemen pendidian nasional, 2012. kamus besar indonesia , edisi 4, jakarta. gramaedia fakih. mansour, 2016. analisis gender dan transformasi sosial. yogyakarta, insist. fikri, a. 2016. “kajian geneologi dan perkembangannya di sdunia modern,” https://islamindonesia.id/kajian/opini-genealogi-dan-perkembangannya-di-duniamodern.htm,diakses pk 13.00, 12 desember 2019 foucault, michel. 1976. arkeologi pengetahuan. jogjakarta, divapress jordaan, roy edward. 1985. folk medicine in madura, leiden, poerwadarminta, 2012. kamus besar bahasa indonesia,jakarta, gramedia rajudurai, m.et al.2009.” ethno-medicine pants used by the traditional healears of pachamalai hills” ,tamilnadu-india, journal ethno medicine , volume 3(1) shaf shipra, jahangeer a. bhat. 2019. ”ethnomedicinal knowledge of indigenouscommunities and pharmaceutical potential of rainforest ecosystems in fiji islands,” journal of integrated medicine,volume 17. wiyata, a. latief. 2002. carok konflik kekerasan dan harga diri orang madura, jogyakarta, penerbit: lkis world healt organization, who traditional medicine strategy 2002-2005. genewa, 2002. microsoft word bambang parmadi 4 e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 24-30 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 transformation of dol music in the musicality of tabot ritual, bengkulu city bambang parmadi, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara a.a. bagus wirawan, i gede arya sugiartha email: bepevanbencoeleen@gmail.com abstract originally, dol music was used as means of religious musicality to spread moslem religion in bengkulu. as time goes by, through the process of acculturation and assimilation, dol music becomes a sacred musicality to accompany the ritual procession of tabot, sipai tribe (tabot family) in bengkulu city. globalization and the interference of power bring the change complexity of dol musicality as tabot ritual music in the socio-culture of bengkulu society. the aim of this research is to understand and explain the occurrence of dol music transformation and its implication to the socio-cultural system in bengkulu society. the approach implemented is cultural studies with qualitative analysis technique. it is applied critical and popular culture theories to uncover the focus of the problem in this study. the result shows that dol music undergoes musical transformation as tabot ritual music into a secular and profane music, resulting in the expansion of function and form. therefore, dol music is legitimized into traditional music icon of bengkulu, in a wider and freer scale, shifting the tabot’s popularity and sacred rituals as the “heritage of the world in the trust” of bengkulu’s folk art culture. this has implications for all socio-cultural joints of the people in bengkulu city, triggering a qualitative change in socio-cultural evolution to the form of divergence. it means that dol music was originally a sacred/ religious music tradition, developed following the increasingly complex transformation as a mass culture in bengkulu. keywords: transformation, dol music, implication, globalization, power relations introduction the transformation of dol music as the sacred musicality of tabot ritual into secular or profane music is a phenomenon that needs to be revealed. basically, dol sacral music is used as a musical media in some of stages of tabot ritual procession performed on 1 to 10 muharram year of hijjriah in bengkulu city. the complex change of dol musicality as the music of tabot ritual makes it a new identity of performing arts with all its problems. besides, the creativity of artists exploiting, exploring, and performing co-modified dol’s music is freed to be expressed. on the other hand, this is supported by policy that issues the supporting rules of the activity that impersonate the preservation of traditional culture. it shows that the dynamics of globalization and power relations with all its practices have influenced the e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 24-30 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 transformation of dol music with complex issues, both socially and musically, which apparently have implications for the socio-cultural system of the city and province of bengkulu. research method this study applied qualitative method with cultural studies approach. researcher conducted in-depth interview of community leaders, customary figures, tabot families and dol performers. source of data was obtained from primary and secondary data. primary data were obtained through in-depth interviews guided by interview guidelines and developed during the interview. secondary data is used as supporting data of the primary data. the data obtained in this study apply purposive technique which is collaborated with snow ball technique based on certain criteria. the main instrument is the researcher himself and the supporting instruments are audio video recorder and block note. the techniques of collecting the data are observation, interview, and document study techniques. the data analysis techniques are data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion drawing. the technique of presenting the analysis results is done by identifying, classifying, and connecting data units from the field. discussion as tabot ritual religious musicality, dol music was initially used as means of spreading moslem religion. through the process of change, acculturation, and cultural assimilation, dol became a ritual music instrument of tabot family tradition in bengkulu city. by tracking down the ideological roots of dol music in the tabot ritual in bengkulu, it is believed that dol music was originated from the immigrants of madras-bengali india and punjab pakistan. they were technicians and workers in fort marlborough fortress who were imported by the british east india company (eic) to bengkulu in 1714. from the historical journey of tabot ritual, dol music was used as musical instrument of conveyor and to accompany several stages of the procession in the tabot ritual. the sacred role and function of dol music in tabot ritual procession, is a necessity of sacrality by playing the grip of the binding tradition. dol music performance is in form of procession. globalization brought dol’s musical shift as traditional music in rituals, socially and musically. the effect of this change is due to co-modification, power relations, and popular cultural creativity by putting aside the meaning of sacredness. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 24-30 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 based on the above explanation, this research is focused on the problem occurring in the dol music transformation and its implications in tabot ritual musicality on socio-cultural system of bengkulu city society. over time, the practice of transformation occurs on dol musicality so that it changes into secular or profane as an entity which is previously a part of a religious and spiritualistic ritual. the influences of globalization and power relations on dol music reach a complex development process in bengkulu city. globalization makes dol music as a means of cultural industry serving popular cultural products under the guise of local wisdom. in addition, it provides creative opportunities for artists to explore and exploited dol music into a medium of creativity in creating popular music. this is also supported by the interests of power relations for the purpose of imaging, capitalist, tourism, and formal an non formal education. in the observation of this research, globalization and power relations influence the occurrence of transformation, making dol music packed into two forms; as sacred traditional music and as secular or profane music. thus, dol’s music becomes a product of two-faced art and culture but it makes dol music as a new local identity (local genius). it means that the dominance of dol music legitimized into traditional music icon of bengkulu, shifting the popularity and the sacred ritual tabot as “heritage of the world in the trust” art of bengkulu people’s folklore culture. this phenomenon stimulates the religious aesthetic change of dol music towards the aesthetic socio-culture of bengkulu society. in picture 1 and picture 2 below, there is difference between dol music as a means of dharma tabot meradai ritual procession and dol music as a means of creativity in performing arts. picture 1 dol music accompanying the dharma tabot meradai ritual (sacred) source: documentation of bp 2013 e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 24-30 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 picture 2 dol music as a performance (profane) source: documentation of bp 2016 the discussion of the basic elements of the implications of dol’s musical change in the socio-cultural system (superstructure, structure, and infrastructure) as an analytical scheme in this section including; (1) the superstructure aspect of dol music has a strong implication on the ideology of identity and religious values, causing some responses from religious and customary figures as well as tabot families itself. this phenomenon turns dol into secular or profane music prioritizing the ideology of goals and selling points as popular culture, the implication of the desacralization of dol music. (2) structural aspects have implications for the occurrence of the social scale extension in which dol music was originally possessed and is the responsibility of the tabot family, but nowadays anyone can have it and perform it, musically and socially. this opens the possibility of interference of other individuals or the power of government and institutions, thus it makes the customary boundaries set in the tabot family to be false and ambiguous. practices of power relations and popular culture also have implications to dol music material in education in bengkulu city as a subject matter of local arts. the implication is, (a) the rampant performance of dol music performed by the students at school, (b) the school and the related government make a container and accommodate the creativity in learning art or cultural art as means of inheritance and tourism, (c) materials of dol music learning is more to a form which has been changed or modified than its traditional form, (d) the emergence of conflict between the school/ government and the parents/ guardians of the students on the curriculum policy related to the art performances policy, (e) the conflict between then school and the e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 24-30 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 government about giving help to schools in form of a set of dol ensemble musical instrument that is not on target. (3) aspects of economic infrastructure make dol music as a means of entertaining, tourism promotion, and main orientation is creativity as local identity to the world to produce financial selling power (welfare of life). the main implication on the economic infrastructure aspect is the development of tourism and social welfare in the socio-cultural community in bengkulu. conclusion and suggestion the transformation of dol music in bengkulu city is caused by globalization and power relations. the influence of globalization makes dol music as a cultural industry media designed to produce commodity products worth the local wisdom. related to this, the practice of power relations makes dol music as a destination of tourism promotion and for purpose of imaging. besides, the artists’ creativity contributes to the dynamics of change by producing works of popular cultural products derived from dol music. the phenomenon of this power practice does not only occur in tourism sector and the purpose of interest, but also in the field of education. the influence of globalization and power relations on dol music as a trigger for the implications on socio-cultural system, on: (1) aspects of ideological and religious superstructure, making the dol music secular or profane as a new art identity and resulting in desacralization of the arts; (2) structural aspect, the occurrence of social scale expansion and application of dol music material in regional arts curriculum in the dimension of formal education; (3) aspects of economic infrastructure, results in the development of tourism and social welfare of most people of bengkulu city. this led to a qualitative change in the sociocultural evolution that led to the form of divergence, when dol which was originally a sacred/ religious music tradition, growing increasingly complex as a medium of the importance for mass culture purposes and products. through this research, it is suggested that the government together with the tabot figures, community and religious leaders, artists, and intellectuals should be able to have discussion together to formulate sustainable strategy program of dol music as a moreorganized sacred music as well as secular or profane music, so that it would not be false based on the ideology of local identity, and not too wild and free in its creativity development. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 24-30 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 acknowledgment on this occasion, the authors would like to thank the honorable prof. dr. a. a. ngurah anom kumbara, m.a. as the promoter, prof. dr. a. a. bagus wirawan, s.u. as the first copromoter, and prof. dr. i gede arya sugiartha, s.s.kar., m.hum. as the second co-promoter who has been willing to guide the authors in completing this research. to the manager of ejournal of cultural studies, udayana university, the authors express their gratitude for the willingness in publishing this article in the journal of cultural studies, udayana university. gratefulness is also conveyed to the rector of udayana university, the dean of the faculty of arts udayana university, as well as the coordinator of doctoral program in cultural studies, faculty of arts, udayana university. references ammer, christine. 1973. harper’s dictionary of music. new york, hegerstown, san francisco, london: barnes & noble books. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: pt bentang pustaka. bourdieu, pierre. 2015. arena produksi kultural: sebuah kajian sosiologi budaya (terjemahan). bantul, yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. bungin, burhan (ed), 2008. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. jakarta : raja grafindo persada foucault, michel. 2002. power/knowledge. wacana kuasa/pengetahuan. yogyakarta: bentang budaya. giddens, anthony. 2003. masyarakat post-tradisional. yogyakarta: ircisod. mack, dieter, 2001. pendidikan musik antara harapan dan realis. bandung: upi / mspi. marsden, f.r.s. william. 2016. sejarah sumatera “the history of sumatera”. yogyakarta: indoliterasi. merriam, alan p. 1980. the anthropology of music. evanston , illinois: northwestern university press. nettl, bruno and philip v. bohlman. 1991. comparative musicology and antrophology of music. chicago and london: the university of chicago press. sanderson, stephen k. 2011. makrososiologi. jakarta : raja grafindo persada strinati, dominic. 2007. popular cultural: pengantar menuju budaya populer (terjemahan). yogyakarta: penerbit jejak. storey, john. 2004. teori budaya dan budaya pop: memetakan lanskap konseptual cultural studies (terjemahan). yogyakarta: cv. qalam. e-journal of cultural studies may 2018 vol. 11, number 2, page 24-30 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 __________. 2010. cultural studies dan kajian budaya pop. yogyakarta: jalasutra. supanggah, rahayu (ed). 1995. etnomusikologi. yogyakarta: yayasan bentang budaya. waesberghe, f.h smits van. 2016. estetika musik. yogyakarta: thafa media zacky, antony. 2003. menguak tabir misteri tabot lewat naskah kuno. bengkulu: pt rakyat bengkulu. microsoft word artikel budiasih terbit4.docx e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 36-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 utilization profanization heritage of petitenget pura culture in the traditional village of kerobokan, kecamatan kuta utara, badung ni gusti ayu nyoman budiasih academy of tourism (akpar) denpasar email: gustiayubudiasih86@gmail.com received date : 2-05-2020 accepted date : 12-08-2020 published date : 31-08-2020 abstract the study discusses the profanation of the utilization of cultural heritage of petitenget temple in the traditional village of kerobokan, sub-district of kuta utara, regency of badung, amid the rapid development of the tourism sector. the problems under study in this research pertaining to (1) the form of profanation of utilization of cultural heritage of petitenget temple in kerobokan, (2) the factors that led to the profanation of the utilization of cultural heritage of petitenget temple in kerobokan, (3) the impact and meaning of profanation of the utilization of cultural heritage of petitenget temple in kerobokan. the research uses descriptive qualitative method of analysis, using several theories namely (1) theory of practice, (2) theory of deconstruction, (3) theory of commodification. data collection in this study was conducted by using observation, interviews, and document research. the research results show that petitenget temple as the cultural heritage has undergone profanation over its use as a cultural attraction in the traditional village of kerobokan. the problems are due to several factors including (1) the appeal factor of petitenget temple as the heritage attractions, (2) the development of the tourism industry factors, with increasingly famous beaches around petitenget temple, (3) the factors of economic necessity in the management of petitenget temple. while the impact included (1) economic impact, (2) environmental impact, (3) social impact, (4) the impact of culture. while the meaning of profanation including (1) the meaning of sanctity of the temple, (2) the meaning of the ritual, (3) the meaning of moral, (4) the meaning of welfare. keywords: profanation, cultural heritage, petitenget temple, and cultural tourism. introduction tourism and global cultural phenomena tend to continue to develop, affecting the economic, social and cultural life of local communities (ardika, 2007: 29). the development e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 36-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 of the tourism industry has a positive effect and can also have a negative impact that the community needs to be aware of (sirtha, 2007: 62). foreign tourists who come to bali tend to seek experiences about something authentic or authentic, including cultural heritage objects. bali as a tourist destination has a relatively large number of cultural heritage, namely cultural heritage objects / buildings from the classical hindu and buddhist periods. one of them is “pura petitenget” which is located in banjar batu belig, in front of petitenget beach, in kerobokan traditional village, north kuta district, badung. petitenget temple is one of the sacred dang heavenly temples. dang khayangan temple is a place of worship for the services of a pandita or holy teacher who has provided religious teachings to his people (suadnyana, 2010: vi). at this time in the area around pura petitenget, many have been built and surrounded by facilities and infrastructure to support tourism, and tourists visiting petitenget temple can freely enter the holiest courtyard area (offal) of this temple, which should only be used as a place. prayers, and the radius of the sacredness of pura petitenget, both inside and outside the temple, should be maintained and maintained. the profitability of the utilization of the cultural heritage of pura petitenget in the kerobokan traditional village has an impact on socio-economic and socio-cultural aspects, slowly but surely the sacredness of the temple is starting to be neglected. all of the above have strong implications in causing a shift in the value and meaning of the main or original function as well as the religiosity of the sanctity of the old temple, in accordance with its long and unique historical history when it was first built. in this case, it is necessary to ask: 1) what is the form of profanization of the utilization of the cultural heritage of pura petitenget in kerobokan traditional village? 2) what factors lead to the profanization of the utilization of the cultural heritage of pura petitenget in kerobokan traditional village? 3) what is the impact and meaning of the profanization of the utilization of the cultural heritage of pura petitenget in kerobokan traditional village? research method this research was conducted at petitenget temple which is located in banjar batu belig, kerobokan kelod village, north kuta district, badung regency. this research uses qualitative methods, using qualitative descriptive analysis. source of direct data (primary) in this study, namely data obtained directly from the object of research in the form of observations in the field and from informants through interviews and in-depth observation. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 36-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 sources of indirect (secondary) data in this study are data obtained indirectly from the object of research obtained from journals, papers, research results, libraries, and government agencies. result and discussion in this study, found the profanization of the use of offal and jaba tengah of pura petitenget. since it is functioned as a cultural tourism object, foreign tourists visiting petitenget temple can freely enter the holiest courtyard area (offal) of this temple, which should only be used as a place of worship for people. this condition causes the sanctity of petitenget temple to no longer be sacred in accordance with the historical history of the existence of this temple when it was first built, which should have been preserved and maintained, but is currently experiencing changes in value and meaning as a holy place. in addition, there is also the use of the petitenget temple wantilan for the general public. the temple's wantilan which is quite large and clean, which is located in the outer courtyard or nista mandala (jaba) temple, is used for things that are usually related to all activities and activities at this temple during religious ceremonies (odalan / piodalan), as well as performance venues in the form of profane arts that entertain and entertain the public, such as the art of balih-balihan. another form of profanization is the use of jaba pura petitenget as a vehicle parking area with economic propositions for additional income for the sake of preserving this cultural heritage and increasing the level of welfare. the profitability of pura petitenget occurs due to several factors, including: 1) the attractiveness of pura petitenget as a cultural heritage tourism object. pura petitenget as a local cultural resource that has archaeological value which functions as a cultural heritage tourist attraction. 2) the development of the tourism industry with the increasingly famous beaches around pura petitenget. and 3) economic needs in the management of pura petitenget. various socio-economic impacts have occurred due to the propanization of pura petitenget. economically, the commercialization of pura petitenget provides economic income in the form of a sum of money that goes into the treasury of the petitenget temple management committee as a real effort to increase income for the preservation and maintenance of pura petitenget's cultural resources for the use of pura petitenget jaba as a vehicle parking area for the community and tourists. the use of pura petitenget wantilan for e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 36-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 the general public if anyone uses it, as well as community and tourist donations in the form of punia funds (sesari) when visiting petitenget temple. the activities of the tourism industry in kerobokan traditional village, especially around pura petitenget, have unwittingly influenced the behavior and emotions of the local community regarding changes in the physical environment and social life of the local community. these changes include changes in the work structure of the kerobokan traditional village community, especially the people around pura petitenget, from traditional farmers to the tourism sector due to the increasingly limited agricultural land, changes in the character of the local community due to the emergence of creative enthusiasm for entrepreneurship in the tourism sector, the development of consumptive lifestyles in local communities due to changes in thinking towards a modern direction, the occurrence of displacement or population growth due to new arrivals from outside the area of bali, as a result, the local balinese population will be increasingly under pressure. as well as the occurrence of air pollution and traffic jams due to the high frequency of motorized vehicle use. changes in the mindset of the kerobokan traditional village community that are increasingly modern and actively participate in the tourism sector. the development of commercial areas for the sake of tourism is inevitable and leads to the conversion of agricultural land. this has an impact on the quality of the environment around the temple, due to the development of facilities and infrastructure for tourism facilities such as the construction of hotels, inns, villas, restaurants, cafes, restaurants, mini markets, and so on, as well as various businesses or businesses related to the world of tourism. it has changed the local environment to beyond the limits of its carrying capacity. for example; construction of swimming pools, excessive groundwater extraction, disposal of waste from the construction of tourism facilities, and pollution caused by the use of technology. besides the rapid use of land transportation that connects one place to another, it has caused environmental damage. from a cultural perspective, the commercialization of pura petitenget allows cultural exchanges between tourists and local cultures. this raises the excitement of excavating, maintaining, and developing aspects of local culture that will be preserved and sustainable. the phenomenon of the profanization of pura petitenget regarding its use in terms of meaning, is not only considered an economic meaning but there are meanings that develop e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 36-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 over time. new meanings that emerge include the meaning of temple sanctity, and the meaning of ritual, the meaning of morality / ethics. conclusion the form of profanation of the utilization of the cultural heritage of pura petitenget in kerobokan traditional village in the context of cultural tourism in bali, is to make cultural resources owned by the people of kerobokan traditional village by turning them into cultural heritage tourism objects. where it gives freedom to tourists visiting petitenget temple, freely entering petitenget temple up to the temple's holiest courtyard area. the influence factor of the attractiveness of pura petitenget as a cultural heritage tourism object, the development factor of the tourism industry with the increasingly famous beaches around pura petitenget, the factor of economic needs in the management of pura petitenget for the preservation of cultural resources is a factor that dominates the profanization of the utilization of the cultural heritage of pura petitenget. the economic impact is the main impact of the profanization of the utilization of the cultural heritage of pura petitenget in kerobokan traditional village in the development of cultural tourism, to bring practical economic resources to improve the welfare of the administrators and administrators of pura petitenget, as well as the surrounding community. the environmental impact caused by the development of tourism facilities, has changed the local environment to beyond the limits of its carrying capacity. social impacts, changes in livelihoods, local communities who were originally farmers, now take an active role in the tourism sector due to the conversion of agricultural land to physical structures. while the cultural impact, the process of decreasing the quality of cultural values, is due to the commercialization of the sacred building of pura petitenget itself. the shift in the economic meaning to the meaning of petitenget as a holy place, the meaning of ritual, the meaning of morality / ethics, and the meaning of welfare for the utilization of the cultural heritage of pura petitenget in kerobokan traditional village due to the global culture that is included in it. suggestion for local government and tourism actors, to pay more attention to the socio-cultural value aspects of the utilization of the cultural heritage of pura petitenget in kerobokan traditional village as a cultural heritage tourism object. to jointly maintain the relationship e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 36-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 between the world of religion and culture with the world of tourism, in order to maintain the sanctity of the temple, in this case the petitenget temple, so that it is well preserved and maintained without reducing the sanctity of pura petitenget. acknowledgement praise the writer to pray to god almighty, because for his love and grace this thesis can be completed. the author realizes that this thesis still has many shortcomings, it is solely a result of the writer's own limitations and abilities. the author also realizes that this thesis can be completed thanks to the help of various parties. my gratitude goes to prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, and dr. i gede mudana, m.si as the supervisor and examiner lecturers who have provided constructive input and criticism, as well as all parties who cannot be named one by one and the whole family who have provided moral encouragement and prayers. refferences ali, helmy. 2012. pemanfaatan sumber daya budaya sebagai atraksi wisata dalam pembangunan pariwisata. widyaiswara madya bkpp aceh: http//www.bkpp.acehprov.go.id/simpegbrr/artikel.com. alwi, hasan. dkk. 2001. kamus besar bahasa indonesia (cetakan pertama edisi iii). jakarta: balai pustaka. aminuddin. 2002. pengantar apresiasi karya sastra. malang: sinar baru. anom, i putu. dkk. 2010. pariwisata berkelanjutan dalam pusaran krisis global.udayan university press: denpasar-bali. ardika, i wayan. 2007. pusaka budaya dan pariwisata. pustaka larasan: denpasar-bali. baker, chris. 2005. cultural studies, teori dan praktik. cetakan pertama. yogyakarta: bentang pustaka. barthers, roland. 1983. mythologies. new york: hill and wang. bourdieu, pierre felix. 2009. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik. (terjemahan). editor: harker, richard. mahar, cheelan dan wikes, chris. yogyakarta: jalasutra. darmiati, ni made. 2011. “pura kebo edan sebagai daya tarik wisata budaya di desa pejeng kecamatan tampaksiring kabupaten gianyar”. tesis, program pascasarjana universitas udayana: denpasar-bali. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 36-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 edkins, jenny and williams, nick vaughan. 2010. teori-teori kritis menantang pandangan utama studi politik internasional. edisi indonesia. yogyakarta: pustaka baca. eliade. sakral dan profan.http://imronfauzi.wordpress.com/2009/07/16/membacanalarstudi-agama-sakral-dan-profan-karya-mercia-eliade/. endraswara, suwardi. 2008. metodelogi penelitian sastra; epistimologi, model, teori, dan aplikasi. yogyakarta: media presindo. giddens, anthony. 2004. runaway world: bagaimana globalisasi merombak kehidupan kita. (terjemahan) jakarta: gramedia. jaya, sapta ida bagus. 2012. “penerapan ilmu pengetahuan undang-undang republik indonesia nomor 11 tahun 2010 tentang cagar budaya dalam perlindungan situs arkeologi”. jurusan arkeologi, fakultas sastra universitas udayana: denpasarbali. online source htpp://www.babadbali.com/piodalan/piodalan.htm. http://www.badungkab.go.id www.badungkab.go.id. http://hardisanatana.blogspot.com/2013/05/kosmologi-pura.html. http://history1978.wordpress.com/pengetahuan-candi/pura-di-bali/. http://makalah85.blogspot.com/2008/12/upacara-dan-kebaktian.html. http://sitidharma.org/menjaga-kesucian-pura/ http://suryadistira.blogspot.com/2008/07/pemedek-penyungsungdanpengemong.html?m=1). microsoft word nurul hasanah 3 e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 17-22 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 discourse on kafoampe in the traditional marriage of muna ethnic in muna regency, southeast sulawesi nurul hasanah, i made suastika, i gusti ketut gde arsana master program of cultural studies, faculty of cultural sciences, universitas udayana email: nurulhasanah_hasanah92@yahoo.co.id abstract this study aims to reveal and understand about the discourse on kafoampe in the traditional marriage of muna community in muna regency, southeast sulawesi province. this is a qualitative research, which is categorized into cultural studies. the result of study shows, kafoampe symbolized by the amount of money given by the family of the bride to the family of the groom to be used to finance the marriage. kafoampe is a form of appreciation of the groom's family to the family of the bride, which can be given either in the form of money as a whole or by including livestock, and other food items in accordance with the agreement of the two great families. in addition to being regarded as a form of awards, kafoampe also has a meaning to tighten the bond and strengthen the familial relationship between the two big families in a marriage as well as strengthening the familial relationship with the surrounding community. keywords: discourse, kafoampe, indigenous marriage of muna ethnicity. introduction marriage is one of the important phases in society and in shaping generations that are the successors of a country, region, and culture in its social environment. through the marriage it is expected to be born a good and civilized generation. in the indigenous peoples, marriage aims to build, nurture, and maintain peaceful, harmonious family relationships and kinship. marriage also contains the purpose of fulfilling passions in social life such as social standing, prestige, and sometimes even to fulfill political and economic interests (walinono, 1979, 48). muna people regard marriage customs as a norm of courtesy and as well as a moral norm that is upheld by adat (traditional) leaders and the whole community because it gives a sense of comfort to all parties, these norms then become customary rules that become the reference in marriage implementation on muna community. in its development muna's customary marriage continues to show new characters and mindsets in various aspects. if muna's first marriage was organized on the basis of the level of social stratification of muna e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 17-22 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 society, then now with the development of people's mindset in various aspects of life, the physical condition, educational level, and career of a woman to be married become the consideration in the process of determining the main custom determination of kafoampe. kafoampe which is actually done as a form of respect and respect for women and to strengthen the familial relationship between parties that will marry, is now a battle of an ego and ideology, because what happened lately with kafoampe shows the existence of transactional symptoms to show the existence of society. this is evidenced by the proliferation of cases that make the provision of kafoampe value as a reward for women based on the level of human resources (women), such as recent education, work and even the (physical) appearance of women. research methods this is a cultural study using qualitative methods with descriptive-qualitative analysis techniques that seek to understand and interpret the meaning of an event in a given situation according to the researcher's perspective. researchers will observe, interview, conduct documentation studies, and analyze data so as to find descriptive data either in the form of written or spoken words and in the form of observed behavior thoroughly. discussion the occurrence of discourse on kafoampe in adat marriage of muna ethnic in muna regency is caused by the condition of the muna community where the current population inhabiting muna island does not only comes from ethnic muna, but from various ethnic both originating from sulawesi and other ethnic originating from outside the island sulawesi. this homogeneous condition of society then led to a variety of forms of discourse on kafoampe in muna ethnic customs in muna regency, southeast sulawesi. the various forms of kafoampe in marriage show how muna society today understands the nature and philosophy of kafoampe in muna's traditional (adat) marriage. the form of discourse on kafoampe sees how the position of women in the kafoampe tradition and in the marriage custom of muna ethnic. the kafoampe discourse in muna's traditional marriage in muna regency saw us the kafoampe tradition in the muna ethnic’s customary marriage system. kafoampe in marriage today has become a central issue in the culture and traditions of the muna community. the kafoampe tradition which has cultural values contained in it that should be preserved, turns e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 17-22 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 into a frightening specter, the preservation of tradition in the name of cultural preservation colored by new contents of the meaning of a tradition. in muna society a rule of marriage law is difficult to understand without accompanied by a review of familial law of the indigenous peoples concerned. the practice of marriage in muna society is governed by customary rules which have been going on for generations and have become a habit to this day. the marriage of the muna people is governed according to adat (traditional norm) based on the social stratification of the muna people. this phenomenon is a logical consequence of human life in society, especially those having social coating system, where muna society consists of several levels of community groups, the kaomu group which is the king of muna, a walaka group that is a class of people who have positions in the kingdom or in other words is a group of high-ranking royalty, anangkolaki class who is a class of merchants, maradika class which is a group of slaves (batoa, 1992). it can not be denied that the existence of groups based on the social stratification in the muna people is very influential on the determination of kafoampe tradition in muna ethnic marriage custom in muna regency. the social stratification of society is indirectly made by society as a symbolic capital in the practice of tradition. bouerdieu describes capital as a social resource that is an accumulation that allows individuals to benefit. in the realm of culture, a person will place himself based on the function and amount of capital he has and also based on the relative capital he has. the higher the level of social stratification of the female family, the higher the number of kafoampe the male family will give to the female family. the way of determining that has been done for generations is not able to stem the misunderstandings that occur in the determination of the main kafoampe in inter-group marriages, this is suspected by the difference of class which higher class will not budge and tend to retain his thoughts. especially if women come from a higher class of men, because they consider that lowering kafoampe is the same as lowering self-esteem. it is in these circumstances that the delegation of both parties to mediate and the success to reach agreement in kafoampe is very dependent on the delegation of both parties. in an environment with hemogeneous societal conditions, intergroup marriages often occur and can not be avoided, as well as in muna society. inter-ethnic marriages in muna regency often occur, either between tribes in sulawesi or among other tribes such as java, manado, ambon, and others. basically the inter-ethnic marriage process in muna regency will be implemented based on the custom of the female family if the marriage takes place with e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 17-22 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 the female couple coming from the muna tribe and the male partner from another tribe the process will use the muna custom as the custom of the woman, men will look for customary leaders to ask for help during the marriage process from the initial stage of the application until the final stage of the process of ijab-qobul. marriage between the tribe with the bride from the ethnic muna does not change the customary marriage tattoo because generally men will follow the custom of the women. in the determination of kafoampe, the women will still apply the determination of the social classification and social class of women but by adding other capital owned by women such as education level, occupation, and other things considered as female capital, be they capital, culture, social and economic. while in the marriage of male ethnic from muna ethnic and women from other ethnic, then men will follow the custom of the women. marrying different ethnic couples does not mean that customary issues will become easier, because following other ethnic customs with all its provisions is not as easy as talking about ethnic customs. kafoampe discourses is not only applied to muna's marriage but when inter-tribal marriage takes place, similar discourse persists. in these circumstances the involvement and participation of the delegation is urgently needed. patience and sincerity and negotiation ability of the delegation play a very important role, because some cases where the delegation can not refrain it will impact on the marriage. the fundamental thing that every community understands besides analyzing its culture is to know the food of every culture of the region, because without knowing the meaning of a tradition, then society will not understand about the tradition and culture itself. so the meaning and culture itself will shift slowly and will disappear. kafoampe as part of the marriage process that existed in the muna community has a meaning that needs to be understood by every muna community not only the parents but the whole layer/level of society is mainly teenagers. in the kafoampe tradition is full of cultural meaning and social meaning that must be understood and guarded by the muna community as the owner of culture and traditions of kafoampe. community interaction through kafoampe can restore, even develop humanity in interpreting various things of life through social communication contained in various symbols of social interaction before marriage begins. one such communication is by presenting cigarettes and sweets on the messengers who came to the women's house to apply, in addition the envoys also came bringing some money for the preparation of the next men visit. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 17-22 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 and in the procession of marriage, the form of communication becomes bigger that is with a meal with both family and invited guests. this tradition is a symbol of sense mutual cooperation, tolerance, and solidarity to show the bonds of the family. kafoampe and togetherness are two different traditions but interrelated because in kafoampe there is a togetherness. conclusions and suggestions kafoampe is actually a form of appreciation towards the women, as well as an important thing to strengthen the familial relationship between the two big families, and the surrounding community. but along with the technological developments, and the education that has permeated every sector of life resulting in the emergence of new ideologies in determining the value of kafoampe, the current kafoampe determination is often associated with the social, economic, and cultural capital of the bride, so that the current kafoampe tradition is like a battleground of ideology and causes a shift in the meaning of tradition. kafoampe discourse in muna ethnic marriage custom occurs due to several things, seen from the forms that affect the discourse and ideologies that affect the occurrence of kafoampe discourse. the forms of discourse on kafoampe in muna ethnic marriage in muna regency are muna ethnic customs but with different groups, this can be seen from marriage between women of high class with men of low class, or between men of high class with women of low class. second, ethnic tribal marriages within the muna community. with homogeneous people conditions causing many cases of inter-ethnic marriage in muna society, such as women from muna ethnic married to men of other ethnicities, or muna ethnic men married to other ethnic women, both ethnic originating from the island of sulawesi and comes from outside the island of sulawesi. there is also a marriage between different faith (religion) in muna. muna society carry out the marriage based on existing traditions that are based on the teachings of islam, this is due to the religion of islam as the first accepted by the muna community at that time so that the entire ordinance of marriage is implemented based on the teachings of islam. different religious marriages in muna society are not allowed, and based on the rules of marriage implementation so if the couple decides to move away from the islamic religion then the marriage will not be done based on muna marriage tradition, the marriage will be delegated completely to the church or based on religious teachings chosen by the couple. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 17-22 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 it is suggested that the muna can keep the traditions and do not involve in private interests in the name of tradition, so as not to conflict with the national rules and not to violate the true meaning of tradition. this will indirectly maintain and strengthen the unity of both muna fellow and other ethnic communities residing in muna regency and not in conflict with national life. acknowledgement i would like to thank all those who have helped to publish this article, such as i made suastika and i gusti ketut gde arsana as well as e-journal of cultural studies. bibliography batoa, la kimi. 1992. history of muna. raha: jaya press. bell, daniel. 2001. matinya ideologi. magelang: indonesia. ratna, nyoman kutha. 2010. metodologi penelitian kajian budaya dan imu sosial umumnya. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. sindhunata. 1982. dilema usaha manusia rasional. jakarta: gramedia. wulansari, dewi. 2010. hukum adat indonesia: pengantar. bandung. pt. refika aditama. microsoft word bambang dharwiyanto 5 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 32-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 practice of power of medical authority of the mental hospital on the psychiatric patient with stigma bambang dharwiyanto putro aa ngurah anom kumbara a.a. bagus wirawan faculty of arts universitas udayana email: bdharwiyantoputro@yahoo.com abstract the matters pertaining to mental disorders are complex as they are not only related to the medical professionalism, patients, their families and society but they are also related to the stigma they have and the protection of their dignity and status. stigma is like a prison in the social relation constructed by the apparatuses that contribute to development, the regime of knowledge, and modernism on behalf of normalization. by applying the point of view of cultural studies, namely siding with those who are suppressed, this present study is intended to identify the form of the stigma which the psychiatric patients have resulting from the practice of power of the medical authority implemented by the mental hospital. observation and in-depth interview methods were employed in the present study. the data were collected through life story and library research. the collected data were analyzed descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively using the relevant critical theories such as the theory of discourse, the theory of deconstruction, and the theory of hegemony. the result of the study shows that there are two forms of the stigma which the psychiatric patients suffer from; they are the public stigma (the stigma brought about by society) and the self-stigma (the stigma brought about the patients and their families). the factors which contribute to the stigma of mental disorders can be classified into two; they are the external and internal factors as the translation of the hegemony of power and the domination of the authority of social and medical apparatus over the psychiatric patients leading to the social and identity gap. this shows the form of the struggle involving power in order to strengthen the domination of the apparatus in different aspects of life. the psychiatric patients cannot speak and are so marginalized that they have almost never been heard. the society’s social control through the saving mission of the mental hospital is implemented through the nursing practice and the controlling mechanism it performs in which the authority of the medical doctors is dominant enough to show that they have power in the mental hospital. keywords: public stigma, self-stigma, mental disorders, mental hospital. introduction the data prepared by badan penelitian dan pengembangan kesehatan ri tahun 2013 (the research and development center of health of the republic of indonesia of 2013) e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 32-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 shows that bali province is listed in the first five regions with people of mental disorders in indonesia. they are yogyakarta (2.7%), the special territory of aceh (2.7%), south sulawesi province (2.6%), bali province (2.3%), and central java province (2.3%) (riskedas, 2013: 126). the only mental hospital of bali province, located in bangli regency, stated that the number of people with psychiatric patients increased from year to year. in addition, the number of psychiatric patients with bad stigma always went up (http://www.halocities.com/7948). this proves that a number of people are still embarrassed if their family members are psychiatric patients; therefore, they are not exposed, causing them not to be optimally taken care of. both the psychiatric patients who are still medically treated in the mental hospital and those who have returned to their families are still discriminatively treated by the environment where they stay. the reason is that their identities have changed since the medical doctor diagnosed them as dangerous individuals (foucault, 1994:176). different forms of the people’s inappropriate attitude as the response to the existence of the psychiatric patients result from the construction of the way of thinking following from the public unawareness. a psychiatric patient usually faces stigma, discrimination and marginalization. the stigma he/she has causes his/her family to be embarrassed and people get afraid of them. the implication is that he/she will be marginalized from his/her social environment; therefore, he/she delays treatment; as a result, he/she is getting more miserable, and the healing process is getting slower. these all hamper him/her to return to the society (suryani, 1999: 16—18). research method this present study was designed to use the qualitative method that gives emphasis on the in-depth, emic, ethic and holistic description based on the field research intensively conducted in the social stigmatization that the psychiatric patients suffer from, meaning that it was not designed to use the quantitative method which gives emphasis on measurement or testing. the data were analyzed from the perspective of cultural studies. result and discussion stigma is a multi-component concept involving labeling, stereotype and social isolation, loss of status, and discrimination which play roles in different strengths between those who suffer from stigma and those who contribute to stigma. finally, the families of the e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 32-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 psychiatric patients move from one medical doctor to another to treat them. they do this as an attempt to find the medical doctor who suits their members who suffer from mental disorders (in the balinese community it is well-known as the conception of suitability). as far as the conception of suitability is concerned, every culture has it. the balinese term ‘pertemuan’ (suitability) or the javanese term ‘jodhon-jodhon’ (suitability) represents the balinese people’s emic expression used to express hunting for health. in relation to the attempt which is made to hunt for health recovery, the balinese people say ‘sire uning drike wenten pertemuan’ (who knows that suitability can be found there). actually, the maintenance of the conception of suitability ‘pertemuan/jodhon-jodhon) cannot be separated from knowledge and medical experience. a mental disorder in the people’s social arena is labeled as something which is strange, frightening, endangering and a disgrace; in other words, it is viewed as a deviation (disharmony). therefore, a system and mechanism is needed to normalize the people’s life directed in the implementation of the discipline of health power in the social control produced and spread through the institution of the mental hospital. the controlling power of the mental hospital is employed in the clinical meeting between the medical doctor and patient. it is also used by the nurses, patients and their families when they have something to do with diseases. control is a type of symbol symbolizing the rhetoric of treatment and a pseudo-tool of the equipment used to reproduce the rhetoric of the social policy in the change of the patient’s status. the change in the patient’s status results from the opposite discourse which society has. the binary opposition discourse of both being normal and being abnormal and being healthy and being sick is established by the medical doctor’s authority through the diagnosis he makes and through the continued health treatment provided by the mental hospital. in addition, the binary opposition discourse of both being normal and being abnormal and being healthy and being sick is also a strong social control which contributes to stigma. in relation to that, the ethic condition of treating the psychiatric patient is derived from the moral principle which suits the non-psychiatric disease. as a result, conflict takes place whether appreciating the patient’s autonomy or taking care of the patient paternalistically. historically, the psychiatric practice was regarded as being identical with power and mythological forbearance packaged as a paternalistic coercive intervention in the 18th century (bertens, 1996: 301-310). the fact that man was getting aware of his existence as the autonomous moral agent and the fact that there was a movement which opposed the psychiatric practice of the 18th century which did not treat the psychiatric patient humanly led e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 32-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 to the claim that the schizophrenia patient be treated in such a way that human rights were not violated. however, the fact shows that the struggle for empowerment in the society’s domain has not worked. it turns out that the psychiatric patient whom is stated to have medically/clinically recovered from the psychiatric disorder by the medical doctor of the mental hospital is still considered “mentally sick”. the social distance between those who were medically diagnosed to have suffered from mental diseases and those who are not is maintained. this situation proves that the authoritative power model implemented by the mental hospital to treat the patient has not been effective enough. the strong image of the mental hospital is that although the patient is stated to have clinically recovered from the psychiatric disorder he has suffered from, the stigmatization process and social control in the society’s domain does not disappear. according to kartono (1999:1), the psychiatric patients, both those who are still in the treatment process and those who have recovered from the disease, are justified not to be mentally healthy as far as the people’s terminology is concerned. people define insanity or not being mentally healthy as an improper or strange behavior which is not in accordance with their standard of value and expectation. in relation to that, link and phelan state that stigma cannot be separated from being differently labeled, cultural domination, differently labeled social position or the category of who belong to us and who belong to them (link and phelan, 2001: 367). the stigmatization process attributes to a certain label which identifies that the negative characteristics of the disease which the psychiatric patient suffers from are his. in fact, it is highly difficult to eliminate this. the control identification also indirectly takes place through the discourse which develops in society in general and through the mass media in particular which importantly contributes to the perception of the knowledge of the psychiatric patient who is physically isolated and marginalized, and treated in the mental hospital with its special image. finally, people develop their social stigma (public stigma) made up of refusal, isolation, and violence. in addition, the physical discipline power over stigma follows closely the patient (self-stigma) made up of prejudice, feeling guilty, fear and anger. such a condition affects the internal and external factors which contribute to the patient’s stigma. the external factor includes disgrace, any myth of the mental disorder, and the people’s belief in the role played by the shaman; the internal factors include the family’s knowledge of the etiology of the mental disorder, no support from the family, and embarrassment. these all eternalize the process of reproducing e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 32-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 the mental disorder (madness) as the consequence of the strategy of power and social regulation applied in society. conclusion and suggestion although it is stated that the patient has medically recovered from the mental disorder he suffered from, people still regard him as “being mentally disturbed” and “sick” as they are contaminated by the opinion that the object treated by the medical doctor is the patient himself instead of the disease he suffered from. the stigma given by people to the patient, as a product of the mental hospital, is so strong that he is too weak to eliminate it in every aspect of his life. as a reflection to us all, the equilibrium which we encounter in everyday life when we look at the world should be used as the main thought of departure to the critical way of thinking that there are hidden relations of power here and there for the interest of a few of people. this is in line with what is stated by michel foucault who criticizes the power spread by sciences through what is thought to be true in order to discipline the human body which can contribute to the disciplinary society. acknowledgements the writers would like to thank prof. a.a. ngurah anom kumbara, m.a., prof. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u., and dr. putu sukardja, m/si. for their patience and supervision during the completion of this study and leading the writer to the critical way of thinking. it is hoped that almighty god will reward you all for what you have done. amin. references bertens k., 1996. filsafat barat abad xx. perancis. jakarta: pt gramedia. foucault, michel, 1994. “governmentality”, in james d. faubion (ed.), power essential work of foucault 1954-1984, london: penguin books. http://halocities.com/7948. 2012. “jumlah pasien gangguan jiwa di bali meningkat”, accessed in 15 september 2016. kartono, kartini, 1999. patologi sosial. jakarta: pt raja grafindo persada. kasniyah, naniek, 2003. “sinten ngertos jodho, mbokmenawi mantun”, in harian minggu suara merdeka, 20 juli. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 32-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 link, bruce g., phelan, jo c., 2001. “conceptualizing stigma”, in the sociological review. suryani, l.k., 1999. pendekatan bio-psiko-spirit-sosiobudaya di psikiatri fk unud. denpasar: laboratorium psikiatri fk unud rsup sanglah. microsoft word i ketut ardhana 1 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 the temple of besakih, sukuh, and cetho: the dynamics of cultural heritage in the context of sustainable tourism development in bali and java i ketut ardhana1, sulandjari2, i ketut setiawan3 123faculty of arts universitas udayana email: 1phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com abstract besakih is one of the biggest hindu temple in bali and the temple of sukuh and cetho are the hindu temple that still existing in central java. these temples have their similarity and differences in the context of how to develop the sustainable tourist development in indonesia. however, there are not many experts who understand about the cultural relation between the temple of besakih in bali, sukuh and cetho in central java. this becomes important since the indigenization process that took place in the past of history in the two islands are significant to be understood in terms of social cultural, economic and political development in which their influences can be seen at the modern and postmodern balinese culture. the development of balinese temple of besakih can be considered in the 11th century, while for sukuh and cetho temple after the fall of majapahit kingdom in the 15th century. therefore, it can be said that hindu did not only develop in bali, but also in central java, in which the development of hindu for the beginning already took place indeed in the 7th to 8th in the context of hindu mataram namely in the era of king sanjaya. the main questions that are need to be addressed in this paper are how was the process of the end of majapahit culture that caused the cultural indigenization in the central java such as shown in the temple of sukuh and cetho? secondly, in which cultural context that occurred since the javanese kingdoms did not influence the strength of the hindu culture in the later period? thirdly, how can it be compared the similarity and the difference between the indigenization in bali and in central java?and lastly how the balinese and the javanese interprete their own culture in terms of local wisdom? by addressing these questions, it is expected to have a better understanding on how both communities can strengthen their own culture in the context of their prosperity. keyword: indigenization, besakih, sukuh, cetho, balinese and javanese culture. introduction one of the impacts of globalization to ask us to think about on how we can improve the prosperity of the local people, since the globalization process has caused positive and negative impacts. it accordingly causes the emergence of a variant related to the functions e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 and roles of the temple. from the archaeological and historical accounts it is noted that a temple is considered as place for praying and due to the globalization it adds other function such as economic function due to the tourist industry development (ardhana, 2016). therefore, a temple can improve the prosperity of the local communities where the temple is located. despite of that it does not mean that the economic function will weaken the cultural heritages, in which by introducing this function cause the balinese cultural heritages have been recognized as a world cultural heritage and also as important world tourist destination, particularly in order to promote the temple as holy places and will appreciated not only in terms of religiousity, but also profant values (ardhana, 2017). from this perspective, it can be said that tourist sector is not only encourage the economic aspect, but also creating new job opportunities. in general, the hindu javanese temple has the same function as in bali as happened in the dutch colonial era, islamization, and indonesian independence, though there are some changes due to the globalization processes cf. (ramstedt, 1999 see also: covarrubias, 1986). due to the willingness to encourage the economic aspect it is understood that economic aspect is related to the tourist industry. from this picture it can be considered that there are some different perspectives between the temple in bali and in java. at this time, the total number of population in the berjo village is around 41 members and in the surrounding temple are only nine (9) members. it seems that the limited members do not actively in managing the tourist industry sectors, though it is noted that most of them already informed about the tourism industry since 2003. this can be understood since the total number of population who reside in the surrounding temple is very limited and most of them work as the tea farmers. around the temple it is noted there are around seven (7) coffee shops and the tourist facilities are managed by the local people. in addition to this, the government income from the entrance tickets to the temple from the tourism office bureau in the central java, managed by the bpcb jawa tengah (interview with sugeng, local officer of the dinas pariwisata kabupaten karanganyar, september 15, 2017, see also: yoeti, 1985). the communities in the cetho village for instance is around 80% of them are hindu adherents, who preserve and maintain the temple as a place for hindu worship. in order to understand the issues regarding “the temple of besakih, sukuh, and cetho: the dynamics of cultural heritage in the context of sustainable tourism development in bali and java” the analysis will be focused on firstly: the geographical and historical e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 background of the temple besakih, sukuh and cetho, secondly: besakih, sukuh, and cetho as cultural heritage, thirdly: besakih, sukuh, and cetho as cultural heritage, fourth: besakih, sukuh, and cetho as ritual and tourist destination. by discussing these issues, it is expected to have a better understand about how the local people in bali and java in particular, and in indonesia in general, to encourage the strengthening of their local culture to be promoted to the both domestic and international tourists in order to achieve the goal in terms of prosperity of the local people (ardhana 2010, ardhana, 2012). result and discussion geographical and historical background of the temple besakih, sukuh and cetho the besakih temple in bali is located very close to the mount agung, in the rendang sub-district, in karangasem regncy, in which is considered as one of the world tourist destination and also has significant function in the context of ancestor temple (stuart-fox, 2010: 125, see also: surpha, 1979). the besakih temple was built in the 11th century, while for sukuh and cetho temple were built after the fall of majapahit kingdom in the 15th century. the besakih temple symbolizes the tri hita karana consep in which there is a balance and harmony between man and god, man and man and man with its nature. the temple of sukuh, well known as candi sukuh is a complex of hindu temple, located very close to the mount lawu in the ngargoyoso sub-district and karanganyar regency in central java. meanwhile, the temple of cetho is located in the cetho area, gumeng village, jenawi sub-district, karanganyar regency, central java province. the temple of sukuh is considered as the youngest hindu temple in indonesia and it was built in the 15th century in the era of princess ratu suhita from 1429 to 1446. while, the temple of cetho is located nearby temple of sukuh and moreless 11 km. the temple of sukuh itself was found by johnson, a resident from surakarta in 1815, that java was under the general governor of stamford raffles. it is noted that the temple of sukuh has already promoted to the tourists in the dutch colonial era. the temple of sukuh was built to the west orientation, consists of three levels symbolize the way to enter the perfectness. these levels are symbolized with the indian epics namely bima suci, ramayana, garudeya, cuddhamala, and swargarohanaparwa reliefs. this means also on how the people would enter the heaven. it is important to note that what happened with the besakih temple, the temple of sukuh, and cetho were built in the context of megalithicum period, are symbolized with the so called punden berundak (in the form of e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 terraces) as sign of the previous period from the prehistoric time. with this concept, it means that the upper area is considered as the most holy place to the mount of lawu (circa 1976 m from the sea level), in which is believed that the peak of mount lawu to be a places for ancestors. in this context there is acceleration between the hindu religion and the balinese culture, in which the mountain as the places for gods. there is different condition in compared to the temple of sukuh namely the cetho temple. the temple of cetho which was built in the 15th century as a hindu worship in the end period of majapahit and still using as a place for ritual and religious activities both for the hindu javanese and the local javanese believers or the kejawen, who are the followers of the old javanese culture and tradition. the cetho temple was found at the first time by van de vlies who was a dutch archeology in 1842. according to local tradition, this temple was built in the context of protection against the magic power, called tolak bala or ruwatan. it can be understood since in the downfall of the majapahit kingdom in the 15th century, there were social, economic and political turbulences in the context of domestic affairs of the majapahit kingdom. due to this unstable political situation, this place accordingly used by the last king of majapahit, bravijaya as a place for meditation. it is believed that the king was in here to avoid meeting with his son, raden patah who had been adhered to islam. in addition to this, according to the local information based on the types of the stones and statues it is believed that the cetho temple was built before the downfall of majapahit (interview with winarno, the temple manager september 15, 2017 in the cetho temple). in addition to this, based on the spiritual aspects as a foundation of this temple this becomes a reason why we can in this temple about the local tradition and hindu javanese culture. therefore, the function of this temple can be used as a tourist destination for culture and ecotourism. besakih, sukuh, and cetho as cultural heritage in the peak of the sukuh temple as places for offerings in which is used as the place for meditation. the uniqueness of the sukuh temple, that this temple has many reliefs and statues in the form of lingga and yoni as symbols for penis and vagina. this indicates that the sukuh temple as a hindu temple in which lingga and yoni symbolize the philosophical values in the man life based on the hindu beliefs. in addition to this, the lingga and yoni reliefs are related to the examination to a woman on how she is loyal to her husband. it is believed that for a woman, who was examined she had to walk to pass the lingga-yoni. if she was e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 successful to pass and did not show to her body it meant that she was passed the examination. it is already mentioned previously that the besakih, sukuh and cetho as place for hindu worships, based on the reliefs that exist in the building of those temples. the richness of the local tradition that is mixed with the local myths will encourage positively the function of the sukuh temple. one of the uniqueness of the sukuh temple becomes more interesting for young people to visit this temple in relation to the myths. this can be seen at the style of the building, forms of the statues and messages in the form of penis and vagina that emerged at the end of the majapahit period. though the temple of sukuh and cetho as a hindu temple in central java, however the intensity of the visitors who visit the temples have decreased, and it is even the most people who reside in the surrounding of the temples are non-hindu and this picture is different in compared to the temple of besakih in bali. in the javanese culture it is difficult to separate between local culture or adat and hindu religion. this becomes the main reason to develop the temple area of sukuh and cetho to be a tourist destination. there are similarities between the temple of besakih, sukuh, and cetho. the hindu holyday namely the galungan, the kuningan, and the nyepi day are celebrated by the hindu adherents in the temple of cetho, by conducting ritual and hindu ceremony in the temple. in the besakih temple is commonly held once a year in relation the biggest ceremony in bali, the eka dasa rudra or centennial purification of the universe (eiseman, 2000: 235, see also: vickers, 1989: 167). in the celebration they wear the javanese cloths. this indicates that they are the javanese hindu who descended from the majapahit. however, the temple of cetho does not have any philosophical and religious or ritual link with the temple of besakih. in other words, it means that in the context of religious concept the hindu communities do not have any link and religious worship in the family temples in bali. they do pray and worship only to the god in the context of trimurti (interview with jero mangku in the temple of cetho, september 15, 2017). in addition to the religious ritual, some people come to the temple of cetho for instance to hold modosionan that is a ceremony based on the javanese calender, namely tuesday or selasa kliwon. later it is followed with the togetherness or bersih desa, which means to hold ceremony in accordance with the thankful to the god and their ancestors, since they are successful in managing their agricultural sectors. in certain days, there are many balinese visitors to come to this place in order to hold a ritual or ceremony activities (interview with winarno in the temple of cetho, september 5, 2017). e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 besakih, sukuh, and cetho as ritual and sustainable tourist development the temple of besakih, sukuh and cetho are located in convenient places regarding the tourist development. besakih is one of the tourist destinations that have been promoted to the domestic and international tourists and the temples of sukuh and cetho temples are very close to the solo city and often visited by domestic tourists from bali and jakarta. most of the tourists who visit the sukuh and cetho temple are: (1). cultural and eco-tourism in which the tourists need to enjoy the beauty of the cultural richness and cultural heritage, and ecological or environment aspects (2). some researches that have been carried out by the local and the foreign tourists (3). ritual, in which the tourists hold ritual ceremony most of them are the balinese, the kejawen communities from inside or outside the village of sukuh. most of them visit these temples on saturday and sunday, especially in the holydays around june, july and august that can reach 1000 tourists a month. (interview with gunawan, september 15, 2017 in the temple of sukuh). in encouraging the tourists visit to the sukuh and cetho temples the central java local government through the cultural division (dinas pariwisata, balai pelestarian cagar budaya, the bpcb) hold many trainings and guiding on how to sold the souvenirs to the tourists. in this context, it is expected that the local people should be involved in the tourist industry and preserve and maintain the self-belonging, called handarbeni. the aims is to maintain that the temple of sukuh as a cultural heritage that consisting of local wisdom. therefore, the efforts to preserve the temple of sukuh is not only a responsibility of the local government (dinas pariwisata/ bpcb), but also for the people in the region. it is important to note, since the sukuh temple as tourist assets that it can contribute to improve the income of the local people (interview with sugeng, staf member of bpcb the temple of sukuh, september 15, 2017). regarding the sustainable tourist development, those temples have represented the strengthening of the local heritage, hindu religion and the diversity. the temple of besakih that is rich in terms of hindu religion and the local culture both tangible and intangible culture become interesting cultural aspects in bali. in addition to this, the besakih temple has its function and role as a center for worship in bali and outside bali (widia, 1979/ 1980). it is accordingly the besakih develop as a live monument. it is possible, since the dominant of the people in bali is the balinese who are adherents of hindu. the ability to anticipate the impacts of globalization in the context of dynamic of tourist development we can see in the temple of besakih in which bali has been recognized as one e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 of the world tourist destination. the function of the temple besakih as the hindu worship affects this temple as a magnet for the tourist both domestic and international tourist destination. the hindu adherents from outside karangasem, and even from outside bali come to the besakih temple to ask holy water called, nunas tirtha. as a center for hindu worship from all regions in indonesia, the temple of besakih symbolizes as the center for unity and diversity. therefore, the temple of besakih can strength the hindu religion and also to develop the sustainable tourist development in bali in particular, and in indonesia in general. in contrast to this, it is hard for the temple of sukuh, in which most of the people who reside in the surrounding of the people are muslim adherents. this means that they are different in compared the temple of sukuh which is related to the hindu temple. in compared to the temple of sukuh especially regarding the concept of live monument, the temple cetho is possible, since most of the people who reside in the surrounding temple of cetho are the hindu adherents. to anticipate such condition, the bpcb as a representative of the local cultural division (dinas pariwisata) to empower the local human resources to work as security to maintain and preserve the cultural heritage in the temple of sukuh and cetho. therefore, it is a way on how to ask the people to have self-belonging to their cultural heritage, handarbeni to strengthen their ancestor cultural heritage. as a result, the effort to maintain the temple of sukuh and cetho as a representation of the hindu javanese culture can be maintained in terms of its function and roles. conclusion the main issue to develop tourist industry in the temple of besakih, sukuh and cetho is to try to involve to the local people in terms of self-belonging the cultural sites, in order to be able to improve their prosperity. in compared to the tourist management it seems that the management of the temple besakih more advanced than the temple of sukuh and cetho). however, the management of the sukuh and cetho seems to be organized at the recent time. there is a difference in terms of how to develop the temple of sukuh and cetho. it is important to note that if the people who reside in the surrounding temple have the same tradition it is easier to develop it in terms of sustainable tourist development, since they have the same religious spirit. however, both temple of sukuh and cetho have already strengthened the hindu cultural heritage, and also strengthening the unity and diversity. however in compared to the temple of sukuh, the temple of cetho has more potentiality to be developed as a living monument since the people who reside in the surrounding temple of e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 cetho, are the hindu adherents, though not similar to the temple of besakih which has already recognized as one of the world tourist destination. in contrast to the temple of sukuh, in the temple of cetho seems to be able to be done since most of the people who reside in there are the hindu adherents. it means that the local people perceive that the temple of cetho is important for them as a hindu ritual and ceremony activities. this is one important aspect that need to be developed in terms of the function and role of temple. as living monument it is accordingly easier to develop the cultural and religious sites to be promoted as sustainable tourist development. in this case, the temple of cetho can be created as a favorite place to be visited by the balinese who conduct the spiritual journey to this temple, called tirtayatra. to develop religious tradition and cultural heritage is significant for the temple of cetho that has its uniqueness and characteristic in terms of spiritual and high culture and also the important hindu place for worshipping not only foe the hindu javanese, but also for other hindu adherents fron all of the indonesian regions. by promoting this religious sites and cultural heritage, it is accordingly will be able to develop the temples in terms of improving their prosperity based on the sustainable tourist development. selected references ardhana, i ketut. 2017. “religious teachings on sustainability in the context of hinduism in bali”, in international journal of sociology. (web of science) istanbul-turkey. ardhana, i ketut. 2016. “archeological sites in the context of heritage cities”. paper presented at the 2nd international conference of seameo regional centre for archaeology and fine arts (spafa), bangkok, may 30 to june 2. ardhana. i ketut. 2012. “cultural relationships between india and indonesia: viewing from the collective memories”. paper presented at the india-asean academic seminar on “india and indonesia-shared history & culture and opportunities for deepening people to people contacts held by indian embassy in jakarta, cultural consulate of india in denpasar and university of udayana, in denpasar bali, 30 october. ardhana, i ketut. 2010. “cultural heritage in bali”, in bali internship fieldschool 2015: towards sustainable cultural landscape of subak system. gianyar 2nd –8th august. covarruabias, miguel. 1986. island of bali. london and new york: kpi. eiseman, fred b. 2000. bali sekala & niskala. volume i: essays on religion, ritual and art. singapore: priplus. ramstedt, martin. 1999. ”hinduismus und naturkulte”, in bernhard dahm dan roderich ptak (eds.). sudostasien-handbuch: geschichte, gesellschaft, politik, wirtschaft, kultur. munchen: verlag ch beck. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 stuart fox, david j. 2010. pura besakih: pura, agama, dan masyarakat bali. jakarta: kitlv press. surpha, i wayan. 1979. menyongsong karya eka dasa rudra di pura besakih. surabaya: yayasan bank naskah indonesia. vickers, adrian. 1989. bali: a paradise created. singapore: periplus editons. widia, wayan. 1979/1980. pura agung besakih. denpasar: proyek sasana budaya bali direktorat jenderal kebudayaan departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. informants: no. name address profession 1. budiartha, wayan besakih village archive officer (pegawai kantor kearsipan dan perpustakaan) 2. gunawan sukuh village local manager (juru pelihara candi sukuh) 3. kartika, wayan besakih village local officer (pegawai kantor kepala desa besakih) 4. sudarsana, wayan besakih village local officer (pegawai kantor kepala desa besakih) 5. sugeng sukuh village local officer (pegawai dinas pariwisata kabupaten karangasem) 6. suwardi, heri (jero mangku) cetho village local hindu priest (pemangku candi cetho) 7. winarno cetho village juru pelihara candi cetho microsoft word artikel komang sri marheni final e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 36-43 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 character value discourse in bali's pop song and denpasar city’s public reception komang sri marheni1, a.a. bagus wirawan2, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara3, i nyoman suarka4 1,2,3,4cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1s2kjbdyunud@yahoo.com.com, 2baguswirawan@yahoo.com, 3anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 4nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id received date : 12-01-2019 accepted date : 15-01-2019 published date : 28-02-2019 abstract character discourse surfaced in response to globalization. balinese pop songs also contribute to discourse of character values in the context of the mass culture industry. this study reveals the ideology, form, and reception of people in denpasar on the discourse of character values in balinese pop songs. through a qualitative method with a critical discourse analysis approach based on the semiotic theory, deconstruction, and reception aesthetics, it was concluded that the ideology that constructs the discourse of character values in balinese pop songs includes religious ideology, ajeg bali, capitalists, and mass media within the scope of industrialization of mass culture. forms of character value discourse in balinese pop songs include the value of religious, nationalist, independent, mutual cooperation, and integrity in various song themes. the public reception in denpasar on the discourse of character values is relatively diverse and ambiguous, both to the meaning of song, capitalist power, producer power, and to the power of the mass media. this study found that the discourse of character values in balinese pop songs reflects ideological construction in the mass culture industry. there is a tendency to shift from the meaning of the song to the aesthetic and artistic realm in accordance with consumer responses. the theory of moral criticism of mass culture is confirmed that the discourse of character values in balinese pop songs can be developed by negotiating meaning, aesthetics, and artistic. keywords: discourse, character values, balinese pop song, reception of community introduction globalization struck communities in various parts of the world through five mainstream, namely ethnoscape, technoscape, financescape, mediascape, and ideoscape (appadurai, 2006). globalization is the process of creation of a single world (robertson 1995) e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 36-43 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 and the infinite world (borderless world) (ochame, 1999) thus giving a challenge to the existence of local cultures due to the weakening of the traditional reference system (abdullah, 2006). the loss of the dominant value creates a sense of personal and alienation (giddens, 2005). in the end, identity and character are important problems in globalization, although globalization also provides a variety of space for local cultures to articulate themselves. in fact, the character has an important role for individuals and a nation, especially in the global culture, to demonstrate the superiority of cultural values and community personality so as to get positive response from the outside community (armando, et al., 2008). the struggle of this character is seen in the popular bali pop song fenonema nowadays, as in the song bungan sandat, taksu, ngassumariang bali, also other balinese pop songs in various themes. this confirms that bali's pop song can be used as a media character forming nation. although it is not undeniable that the pop culture song as a pop culture contains paradoxical and ambiguous problematics in itself (lash, 2004). the ambiguous nature and paradoxical culture of pop can be examined from the criticism of adorno and hoggart (in tester, 2003) that following the pop culture at its most favorable point only implications is simple, but at the most detrimental point it can be an attack to the possibility of meaningful enlightenment. given that pop culture targets the sensational world of audiences that are more aimed at satisfying the eye, rather than enlightenment for human intellectuality and morality. the criticism confirms the importance of community receptions as an audience of balinese pop songs in the assessment and assess the character value discourse. that is, the success of balinese pop song in building discourse character value also depends on community reception. jauss (1974) stated that literary work was an orchestration that voiced new voices among his readers. the difference in understanding and appraisal of a literary work is a necessity for the influence of space, time, and socio-cultural background of its readers (seegers, 1978). therefore, the community reception in denpasar to the discourse of character value in balinese pop song is also interesting to be examined in depth. based on the explanation above can be identified some problems as background of this research. firstly, globalization provides a challenge for the establishment of cultural identity and community character especially due to the weakening of the traditional reference system. secondly, character values play an important role for individuals and citizens to manage themselves and their social world. thirdly, local cultures have the potential to respond to global cultures in order to strengthen character values. one of them is through the e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 36-43 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 cultural industry of the mass or pop culture, including balinese pop song, although the pop culture is ambiguous and paradoxical which can precisely inhibit the emergence of enlightenment. fourth, the pop culture gives audiences greater power to the audience and the balinese pop song so that it provides a diverse reception. fifth, the community in denpasar that has been touched by globalization is seen to have a specific response to the character value discourse in balinese pop song. on that basis, the research is focused on the ideology of constructing discourse, discourse form, and reception of community in denpasar against value discourse characters in a balinese pop song. with all three problems revealed, this research reached a general purpose and in particular to explain the scientific facts about the discourse of character values in balinese pop song and community reception in denpasar city according to the science of cultural studies . concepts and theories in this study there were three concepts that were operationalized, namely the discourse of character values, balinese pop song, and community receptions. character discourse is interpreted as a discourse that functions to build character values, namely religious character, nationalist, independent, mutual assistance, and integrity. balinese pop songs are popular songs that use the language and background of balinese culture in composing the lyrics. meanwhile, the community reception is defined as the acceptance or response of the public (readers or consumers) to a literary work which in this case is a balinese pop song. these three concepts are operationalized to assert and limit the scope of the discussion. then, to analyze the data used three theories, namely the semiotic theory, deconstruction, and aesthetic receptions that can be explained succinctly as follows. first, the semiotic theory is used to analyse the ideologies that construct a discourse of character values in a balinese pop song in the realm of mass culture so that a semiotic or semiological theory of barthes (2007) was chosen. assuming the fundamental theory is that everything represented by the mass culture carries a conotative sign that divides a particular message – as a way of creating myths – so that ideology is naturalized in public consciousness. so, the discourse of character values in balinese pop songs is never free of ideological practice channeled through language as a sign system. by reading and interpreting signs in the lyrics of the balinese pop song, the ideology is undoubtedly undisclosed. e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 36-43 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 secondly, derrida's deconstruction theory is used to uncover the form of character value discourse in balinese pop songs. according to deridda (in al-fayyadl, 2005), deconstruction was a strategy for parsing the meaning of the text by unpacking the hierarchical binary opposition relationships; reject centralized packaging mode, as well as single-truth claims (logocentric); and that the meaning of the text is open to give birth to other different truths (difference), ambiguous, even unpredicted. so, a discourse of character values in balinese pop songs can not only be found in songs that are themed on certain characters, but are also found on all theme songs, even those that seem to be contradictory. thirdly, the aesthetic theory of receptions or literary receptions is used to uncover community receptions in denpasar city against the character value discourse in balinese pop song. according to the iser (1980), the text always creates gaps (gaps) and empty spaces (blanks) so that readers can use their imagination to fill the gap and the void. the difference in the reader in the literary text is determined by the time, social, and also determined the horizon of hope based on three basic criteria, namely (a) the norms that are reflected in the text read, (b) the knowledge and experience of the reader to texts that have been read before; and (c) the conflict between fiction and the reality of life (seegers, 1978). so, this theory gives the reader greater power to respond to the discourse of the character value in a balinese pop song. research methods the study was designed in qualitative research with a critical discourse analysis approach. the research site is denpasar city with a number of logical considerations. this type of qualitative data is descriptive and narrative-dug from primary and secondary data sources. data is collected through observation, interviews, and document studies. the informant is determined by the technique of purposif or specified, the informant that has capacity and meets the criteria as a viable source of information. researchers became a key instrument in this study and supported other instruments, such as interview guidelines, recording tools, and data storage tools. data analysis is done in three stages: data reduction, data presentation, and withdrawal of sympulsion or verification. the analysis of meaning is done in a descriptiveinterpretive basis through interpretation and use (verstehen) by following the steps of literary text research. data analysis results are presented in a descriptive-analytical basis to the scientific writing systematics. e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 36-43 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 results and discussion based on the data in the field can be described in general that the balinese pop song entered industrialization in the year 1960-an, namely when the work from a.a. made cakra with the son of dewata band began to enter the kitchen recording. classical balinese pop songs took place until the 1990 's, characterized by music technology still simple. after the 1990 's, the development of balinese pop song has entered a modern era characterized by the use of more modern music technology in the recording industry. a discourse of character values, arose and drowned in the development of balinese pop song industry that was energised capitalism and placed it in commodification widest. based on the analysis of the data in the field according to the problem defined by this research, it can be concluded as follows. firstly, the ideology that constructs the discourse of character values in balinese pop songs includes (1) religious ideology, i.e. belief, views, teachings, and values derived from hindu religion; (2) the ideology of bali ajeg, namely the view, attitude, and the value of maintaining the survival (ajeg) of the environment, social, and culture of bali; (3) capitalist ideology, which is the view and attitude of the capital owner (record industry) on bali's pop song in the capitalist economic system; and (4) mass media ideology, which is the view and attitude of the owners of the mass media about the balinese pop song industry, both within the financial and cultural economic sphere. the four ideologies constructed a discourse of character values in the context of the industrialization of balinese pop songs aimed at influencing and directing consumers according to the interests of the producers so that the exchange of meaning or value, the exchange rate ( change value) for the manufacturer and the use value for the consumer. second, the discourse of character in balinese pop song refers to the values of the nation character in strengthening character education (2017), including: (1) the value of religious character, namely faith and fear to god almighty, appreciate the difference religion and worship, as well as maintaining the harmony of relationships between individuals and god, our fellowmen, and nature-environment; (2) the value of the nationalist character, the love of homeland and nation; respecting the environment, social, and cultural areas; polite and dignified politics; and placing community interests above personal or group interests; (3) an independent character value discourse, i.e. not relying on others, working hard, creative, professional, and mencita-citakan a better future; (4) a discourse of the character value of gotong royong, which is to appreciate ethnic and cultural diversity, cooperation, solidarity, e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 36-43 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 sympathy, humanitarian empathy, please help, and volunteering; and (5) a discourse of character integrity values, namely moral, honest, disciplined, trustworthy in his thoughts, words, and works, and faithful to the values of humanity. these five character values are found in the lyrics of the balinese pop song on various themes, either directly or indirectly related to the value of the character referenced. in this case, the values are negotiated with the market acceptance so that the quality of the musical and the popularity of the singers also determines the theme of the song marketed, while the meaning remains the property of the consumer. third, the community reception in denpasar to the discourse of character value in balinese pop song, includes (1) reception against the meaning of the song that classical balinese pop songs (1960-1990) tend to be responded positively because of the thicker character value than modern balinese pop songs (1990 – present); (2) the reception against capital power that bali's pop song is prioritizing market demand so that it pays less attention to the character's value. songs that are worth the character in the production realm depend on the musicality and popularity of the singing, not on the meaning of the song; (3) the reception against the power producers that balinese pop song producers (songwriters, singers, and musicians) are tied to capital power so it tends to produce the songs of the more accepted recording studios and consumers. balinese pop songs containing character values are ultimately less prominent in the modern balinese pop song industry as they are deemed to be less suited to market tastes; and (4) the reception of the mass media powers that the mass media has presented a classical to modern balinese pop songs that are accessible to all connoisseurs to cater for aesthetic, artistic, and didactical tastes. the public response in denpasar city to the discourse of character value in the balinese pop song that was constructed by power of mass media tends to be ambiguous. research findings first, the discourse of the character value in bali's pop song is an ideological construction involving capital power, producer, and mass media in the mass culture industry marked the shifting value of the use value to the change value more consumer-oriented (market). this fact affirmed the althuser ideology theory and the mass culture of adorno, that the ideology in balinese pop songs has no legitimacy in itself, but serves as a tool of legitimacy of mass culture production to influence and direct the interests of the ideological group. e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 36-43 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 secondly, the study found that character discourse tends to be more viscous in classical balinese pop (1960 – 1990) songs, rather than modern balinese pop (1990 – present) songs. this fact confirms the shift in power from producers (songwriters, musicians, and singers) to capital power and mass media. the tendency to degradation of balinese cultural elements and character values in the industrialization of balinese pop songs demonstrates strong influences of modern and global cultures, especially the weakening of traditional reference systems. in turn, the ambiguity and paradoxical meanings cannot be avoided in the acceptance of the community's connoisseur of balinese pop songs. ideological groups (capitalistic, producer, and mass media) play a role in creating a single audience like adorno's views, so that character values are replaced by their dominant trends of aesthetic and artistic value. thirdly, balinese pop song is a text that is open to the reader's response, giving birth to a reception or ambiguous response and paradoxical. industries that prioritize market acceptance tend to prioritize aesthetic and artistic value so that meanings tend to be ignored. nevertheless, the public tendencies were found to negotiate an aesthetic, artistic, and meaning in balinese pop songs so that the balinese pop songs were worth the character, but were aesthetically and artistically accepted the market. this affirmes the view that richard hoggart is required to develop moral criticism of the impact of the mass culture of educational 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(2003). media, budaya, dan moralitas. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. religiosity in art inspired by samuan tiga and tejakula, bali: unity in diversity 1 religiosity in art inspired by samuan tiga and tejakula, bali: unity in diversity diane carol butler1 i wayan ardika2, edi sedyawati3, i gde parimartha2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2doctoral program in cultural studies, faculty of letters, udayana university 3doctoral program in cultural sciences, faculty of letters, university of indonesia, depok e-mail: dianecarolbutler@gmail.com abstract at the dawn of this third millennium, growing numbers of forums worldwide are focused on the issue of how to sustain the diversity of the nature and of cultures for the well-being of the earth and humanity. concurrently, intercultural and interreligious dialogue is deemed essential for social cohesion. this dissertation advances the contributions of religiosity in art through a qualitative reflective account and chronicle of the art and dialogues offered by people of diverse cultures and faiths from 1999 to 2004 during sharing art & religiosity in the vicinity of pura samuan tiga in bedulu, bali and sharing art ocean– mountain at the seacoast village of tejakula, north bali; seen in tandem with creative transformations that occurred through sharing art in and with other cultural environments of the world. methodologically this study stemmed from and demonstrates the merits of public participatory practice-based art programs whereby activities are conceived by and implemented with the people of a locale. participants generated the data and interpretations via mutual cooperation, dialogue, and creative praxis. the balinese principle of tri hita karana, that aims toward a harmonious human-nature-god/source of life relationship in accord with the place-time-conditions, provided a holistic perspective to analyze and derive meaning from the results. findings indicate sharing in the arts, religiosity, and nature fosters a common field such that traditional and modern cultures can study and engage in creative dialogue together. moreover, interreligious innovations that have continued to develop since the seminal deliberation of reconciliation between bali aga, çiwaist, and buddhist faith groups at samuan tiga circa ce 989 to 1011 and intercultural egalitarian innovations since the seventeenth century dialogue of indigenous and migrant mountain and maritime cultures in tejakula – constitute a model for furthering bhinneka tunggal ika unity in diversity in the world today. recommendations outline how the findings can be used for cooperative exchanges between villages and between villages and cities of diverse regions and countries to support interculture in cultural environments. appendices provide two video compact discs; seventynine reflective essays by artists, religious/spiritual leaders, scholars, and educators from across the world; and nine transcriptions of initial public dialogues. keywords: religiosity in art; local genius; intercultural and interreligious creativity; interculture in cultural environments; tri hita karana; unity in diversity; bhinneka tunggal ika; samuan tiga; tejakula; bali; indonesia; sharing art; pasamuan seni; srawung seni; participatory practice-based methods 2 introduction at the dawn of this third millennium, growing numbers of forums worldwide are focused on the issue of how to sustain the diversity of the nature and of cultures for the wellbeing of the earth and humanity. concurrently, intercultural and interreligious dialogue is deemed essential for social cohesion. in light of these efforts it can be beneficial to ask what is the contribution of religiosity in art? for many people across the world art is a medium of offering to renew the accord between humankind, nature, and god/the source of life. as each place, time, and condition invokes distinct means – artforms are also unique. while religiosity (a feeling of reverence for the limitless nature of god) has inspired art in every era; discussions on how both traditional and modern creative practices enrich the tangible and intangible aspects of cultural environments and can support a common field for intercultural creativity are rare. this dissertation advances the contributions of religiosity in art in a growing body of literature on intercultural and interreligious dialogue and education through a qualitative reflective account and chronicle of the art and dialogues offered by people of diverse cultures and faiths from 1999 to 2004 during sharing art & religiosity in the vicinity of pura samuan tiga in bedulu, bali and sharing art ocean–mountain at the seacoast village of tejakula, north bali; seen in tandem with creative transformations that occurred through sharing art in and with other cultural environments of the world. samuan tiga’s local genius is notably interreligious; demonstrated in the seminal deliberation of reconciliation between bali aga, çiwaist, and buddhist faith groups from circa ce 989 to 1011 that resulted in the formulation of the bali hindu three village temples system while ritual arts still evolve according to each village’s customs. tejakula’s local genius is notably intercultural; demonstrated in the seventeenth century dialogue among the bali mula aborigines with migrant mountain and maritime cultures that resulted in the creation of an intercultural coastal temple, a reconciliation among castes, and new ritual arts. yet, samuan tiga and tejakula, bali not only gave birth to interreligious and intercultural creativity centuries ago. beginning in 1999, in the context of sharing art / pasamuan seni, local and visiting youth, adults, and elders; accomplished and developing artists, religious/spiritual leaders, and scholars from bedulu, tejakula, and villages and cities of bali; central, east, and west java; south and central sulawesi; sumatra, and kalimantan, indonesia; south-eastern and eastern asia, oceania, europe; northern, central, and south america shared, studied, and created varied approaches to religiosity in art. of particular significance is that although people had diverse perceptions, understandings, and practices of religiosity in art – they could also create together. 3 to convey the practical and ideological merits, this study looked back at the results via three main questions: 1) what can be learned about the meaning and role of religiosity in art through the dialogue of people from diverse fields, cultures, and faiths? 2) what are some of the ways in which religiosity is a source for both traditional and modern creative practices? and 3) how, then, does sharing in the arts, religiosity, and nature support interculture in cultural environments? research method methodologically this study stemmed from and demonstrates the merits of public participatory practice-based art programs whereby activities are conceived by and implemented with the people of a locale. participants generated the data and interpretations via mutual cooperation, dialogue, and creative praxis. the balinese principle of tri hita karana, that aims toward a harmonious human-nature-god/source of life relationship in accord with the placetime-conditions, provided a holistic perspective to analyze and derive meaning from the results. results an analytic description of the results of sharing art / pasamuan seni is presented through three views: 1) art offerings rooted in singular cultural traditions, art emerging from collaborative dialogue among traditions, and art in which people from multiple cultures, each in their respective tradition, co-created new offerings. 2) widening the scope to show the progression of sharing art in other regions of indonesia and regions of the world from the perspective of the place, times, and conditions. 3) portraying creative transformations and a creative synergy among people from traditional and modern cultures and diverse faiths actualized as art embodying bhinneka tunggal ika unity in diversity. discussion the dialogues evidence that although people’s reflections differed in worldview and terminology each address the contributions of religiosity in art for socio-environmental-religio well-being; hence, echoing the principle of tri hita karana. also, that the wisdom of ekaaneka / one-many in dialogue can be a fertile ground from which new shared understandings of religiosity can be deepened. the art offered by individuals and groups from villages and cities of bali; other indonesian provinces, and countries show that religiosity has inspired a myriad of art genres. clearly the vertical dimension is at the core of customary ceremonial and ritual arts. yet it is also a source for traditional artists practicing inherited artforms, evolving new approaches to 4 them, or working in modern artforms stemming from their cultural traditions as well as modern artists working in tradition-inspired forms or exploring the connection of the arts and religiosity in new genres. so too, it has inspired the creative process of people whose feeling of religiosity is associated with a religion and for those who do not identify themselves with a specific religious tradition or faith group. it is also interesting that the human-nature relationship in art praxis is prevalent in many of the art offerings, while the landscape and elements were often a link for creative collaborations. creative transformations that occurred through the millennium sesaji gong samuan tiga followed by ritual kalahayu circulating the world; collaboration asia-europe in art and environment 2000 rong in tejakula; sharing art & religiosity in assisi, italy; celebration ethnic art in time at xochicalco, mexico; art human nature in the coastal redwood forest of california; other programs in indonesia and regions of the world, infinite humanity: world religions & art for peace and respect of life opening 21 december 2001 at 12 noon in the united nations meditation room followed by interreligious art and prayer circulating the world trade center site in cooperation with parallel programs in thirty-five villages and cities worldwide; the creation of barong pa-hayu buwana / world peace barong at samuan tiga initially adorned with materials gifted by fifty-six individuals/societies of twenty-three nations; and the new intercultural ritual dance tri yoni saraswati presented at the universal forum of cultures in barcelona for the 2004 parliament of the world’s religions – evidence that people can and do create both traditional and modern art offerings based upon their cultural roots, sense of community, connection to the nature, and feeling of religiosity in a variety of contexts together with people of other cultures and faiths. the implication is that the emergence of a common field for intercultural creativity came about through their mutual engagement in the arts and religiosity. also, the genius loci and local genius of a place can be a source of creative inspiration and spiritual meaningfulness for people from diverse cultures and faiths. in this way the interreligious spirit of samuan tiga and intercultural spirit of tejakula, bali are far-reaching and have continued to be catalysts for creativity. conclusions dialogue among cultures and faiths via religiosity in art, of course, is not a new idea. however, the reconciliation process 1,000 years ago at samuan tiga resulted in a unique and perhaps pioneering paradigm. that being a deliberation whereby ethnic faith groups and three religions, each with their beliefs and means, co-created new socio-cultural-religio forms to include the diversity of their offerings and a three village temples system in which ritual arts 5 also developed according to each village’s customs and manners. then in tejakula, in the seventeenth century, indigenous and migrant mountain and maritime cultures laid aside their social statuses and co-created an intercultural coastal temple and new ritual arts. as both are living cultural environments still embodying these values, we may thus conclude that the interreligious and intercultural creative paradigm of samuan tiga and tejakula, bali is a model for furthering bhinneka tunggal ika unity in diversity in the world today. key international guiding documents such as the assisi declarations: messages on man & nature from buddhism, christianity, hinduism, islam & judaism (1986), unesco’s “declaration on the role of religion in the promotion of a culture of peace” (1994) and “universal declaration on cultural diversity” (2001), parliament of the world’s religions “towards a global ethic” (1993), and millennium world peace summit of religious and spiritual leader’s “commitment to global peace” presented at the united nations (2000) have highlighted the need for concrete practical steps to enhance mutual respect and exchanges between people of different cultures, traditions, and beliefs to ensure social cohesion, environmental sustainability, prosperity, and peace on the earth. sharing in the arts, religiosity, and nature contributes to all of these aspects of life and is how people in places and circumstances of ethno-cultural, spiritual, and linguistic diversity have mutually exchanged wisdom and skillful means and been able to engage in creativity together since the beginning of human history. in this era, as the world grows more complex due to the increasing speed of modernization, cultural and environmental changes, and crosscultural interactions hastened by the movement of people between rural and urban areas, regions, and continents; this study offers evidence that art in connection with religiosity and the nature is also how east, west, south, north cultures and particularly traditional and modern societies can mutually share, study, and interact interculturally through varied disciplines with the value of unity in diversity – thereby contributing to the enrichment, natural transformation, and longevity of cultural environments. recommendations in view of the above, the programs documented in tables 1, 2, 3, and videos of appendix a, and insights in the reflective essays by participants of sharing art and associated programs contributed for appendix b and in the dialogues of appendix c constitute a ground for future cooperative activities in the theme of sharing in the arts, religiosity, and nature to support interculture in cultural environments. this recommendation stems from an awareness that: 6 1. the language of art is a primary gauge of cultural diversity; embodying the variety of worldviews and spatial-temporal kinesthetic cultural and spiritual values and knowledges, and innumerable creative practices of humankind in relation to the nature of each place, time, and conditions, and; 2. to enrich the tangible and intangible aspects of cultural environments and ecological wellbeing of the natural world, it is vital that culture-specific traditional knowledges and creative practices can continue to be innovative and dynamic; and it is vital that east, west, south, north cultures and particularly traditional and modern societies can mutually share, study, and interact interculturally through varied disciplines with the value of unity in diversity. the participatory practice-based approach to interculture in cultural environments presented throughout this study indicates that sustained genuine intercultural creative dialogue can be more fully supported by: 3. continuing to conduct the public sharing art programs cited in this study; which can also serve as models for new cooperative initiatives to support exchanges between villages and between villages and cities of diverse regions and countries. 4. cultivating intercultural art gardens that reflect the genius loci of a cultural environment as cultural educational facilities where the synergy of traditional and modern cultures and diverse faiths’ creativity can flourish together. 5. developing a dialogue of informal and formal education based on the contribution of the arts & religiosity for the world’s living environment, life-long learning, the sustainable transformation of diverse cultural environments, and a culture of peace; which in time can serve as a basis for on-going curriculum to form an accredited school dedicated to the field of intercultural and interreligious dialogue and creativity. 6. nourishing growth based on traditional market spiritual capital whereby mutual cooperation and the exchange of materials in daily life is aligned with the cycles of the nature and spiritual life of a community; such that the manner of life is for the earth’s prosperity and humanity’s well-being as a path toward enlightenment. the author hopes that this re-presentation of religiosity in art inspired by samuan tiga and tejakula, bali and the wider scope of sharing art in other regions of indonesia and of the world will generate further sharing, dialogue, and creativity among people of diverse cultures and faiths and the blossoming of many intercultural art gardens to foster bhinneka tunggal ika unity in diversity in the world for the benefit of infinite humanity and the earth. 7 references ardika, i. w. and bellwood, p. 1991. “sembiran: the beginnings of indian contact with bali”. antiquity 65, pp. 221–232. astra, i gde semadi. 1998. “lembaga pemerintahan tingkat pusat pada massa gunapriyadharmapatni-dharmodayana warmadewa”. paper presented at diskusi ilmiah arkeologi xi, denpasar, 20 juni. published in jurnal humaniora, vol. xiv, no. 2/2002. yogyakarta, universitas gadjah mada. http://i-lib.ugm.ac.id/jurnal/download.php?dataid=2222 (accessed 25 may 2007.) bagus, i gusti ngurah. 2001. “aplikasi pola ilmiah pokok kebudayaan di universitas udayana dan prospeknya di tengah perubahan paradigma ilmu”. paper presented for postgraduate studies program, universitas udayana, 31 august. published in bagus, i gusti ngurah. 2004. mengkritis peradaban hegemonik. i gede mudana (ed.). denpasar, kajian budaya universitas udayana, ch. 13. butler, diane. 2003. “celebrating world ethnic art in time”. the jakarta post. june 10. 2nd impr., impressions: international magazine of sharing movement, no. 9. sharing movement, 2005. butler, diane and suryodarmo, suprapto. 2001. “articles of incorporation of international foundation for dharma nature time”. drafted may/june in solo, central java. council for a parliament of the world’s religions. 1993. “towards a global ethic: an initial declaration”, signed by assembly of religious and spiritual leaders attending 1993 parliament. chicago, 4 september. hans küng (ed.). http://www.cpwr.org/resource/global_ethic.htm (accessed 4 october 2001.) mantra, ida bagus (ed.). 2002. çiwa-buddha puja di indonesia. denpasar, bali, yayasan dharma sastra, [especially on bhinneka tunggal ika in the kakawin sutasoma by tantular]. millennium world peace summit of religious and spiritual leaders. 2000. “commitment to global peace”, presented at the united nations, august 29. http://www.millenniumpeacesummit.com/resources/mwps/commitment%20to%20glob al%20peace.pdf (accessed 4 october 2001.) mizzi ofm conv., fr. maximilian. 1996. “genuine faith in one’s own religion and interreligious dialogue”. dharma world for living buddhism and interfaith dialogue, nov./dec. japan, magazine of rissho-kosei kai. http://www.assisimission.net/uk/articles/archives/genuinefaith.doc (accessed 13 september 2006.) norberg-schulz, christian. 1980. genius loci, towards a phenomenology of architecture. new york, rizzoli padepokan lemah putih archives. 1986–. mojosongo, solo, java, indonesia. panikkar, raimon. 1978. the intra-religious dialogue. new york, paulist press. parimartha, i gde. 2004. desa adat, desa dinas, dan desa pakraman di bali: tinjuan historis kritis. i wayan ardika and darma putra (eds), politik kebudayaan dan identitas etnik. denpasar, fakultas sastra university udayana and bali mangsi press, pp. 13–43. patera, i wayan. 1999. “sekilas pura samuantiga”. bedulu, bali. [also quotes ardana, i gusti gde (1999), goris, r. (1954), kemenuh, ida pedanda putra (1977), nala, ngurah (1997), soebandi, ktut (1983), soeka, i gde (1986), stutterheim, w.f. (1929)]. available on yayasan bali galang website. http://www.babadbali.com/pura/plan/samuantiga.htm http://www.babadbali.com/pura/plan/samuantiga/samuantiga_sejarah.htm (accessed 28 july 2002.) posey, darrell addison (ed.). 1999. cultural and spiritual values of biodiversity: a complementary contribution to the global biodiversity assessment. london/nairobi, intermediate technology publications/unep. 8 sedyawati, edi. 2006. budaya indonesia: kajian arkeologi, seni, dan sejarahi. jakarta, pt rajagrafindo persada. sharing movement. 1992–. impressions: international magazine of sharing movement. [especially no. 5–no. 9]. berlin, beate stühm (ed.). soebadio, haryati. 1986. kepribadian budaya bangsa. ayatrohaedi (ed.), kepribadian budaya bangsa (local genius). jakarta, pustaka jaya, pp. 18–25. suantika, i wayan et al. 1991–1992. ekskavasi situs bangsal desa tejakula, kecamatan tejakula, kabupaten buleleng, no. 1 and no. 2. laporan penelitian arkeologi, balai arkeologi denpasar. sudiarta, i wayan, and dibia, i wayan. 2004. tentang pasamuan seni & ketuhanan iv: sesaji barong pa-hayu buwana. circular letter and program invitation. yayasan dharma samuan tiga, bedulu, bali. sulistyawati, a. 2000. “tri hita karana sebagai local genius”. in kumpulan makalah seminar internasional: konsep dan implementasi tri hita karana dalam pembangunan bali menyosong pelaksanaan otonomi daerah dalam era global, [no. 31]. 9 august, denpasar, pusat kajian bali (pusaka bali). suryodarmo, suprapto. 1997. “web art garden – an idea”. padepokan lemah putih, solo, central java. published in uk by sandra reeve (international facilitator 1997–99), in ace: art, culture, environment initiative for annual worldwide cultural events for the june 5th world environment day. sutrisno, mudji. 1993. estetika filsafat keindahan. yogyakarta, kanisius. unesco. 1994. “declaration on the role of religion in the promotion of a culture of peace”, affirmed during the meeting the contribution by religions to the culture of peace. unesco centre catalonia, barcelona, 12–18 december. (published online) http://www.unesco.org/cpp/uk/declarations/religion.pdf _______. 2001. “universal declaration on cultural diversity”, adopted by the 31st session of the general conference of unesco. paris, 2 november. (published online) http://unesdoc.unesco.org/images/0012/001271/127160m.pdf world wildlife fund international. 1986. the assisi declarations: messages on man & nature from buddhism, christianity, hinduism, islam & judaism. 29 september. switzerland, gland. excerpts available on unep website. http://www.nyo.unep.org/eaf/eafadec.pdf (accessed 1 january 2005.) yayasan dharma samuan tiga archives. 2001–. bedulu, bali, indonesia. yayasan tejakukus. 1998. “sejarah desa tejakula dari sejak dulu sampai sekarang” and “sejarah singkat kehidupan kesenian di tejakula”. tejakula, north bali. 23 mei. video archives sharing art & religiosity 2001–2003. edited video of art and dialogues presented at the mandala wisata samuan tiga, bedulu, bali; sharing art ocean-mountain at taman seni cili emas and candi teja amerta, tejakula, north bali; vision of barong pa-hayu buwana. 2004 [video:vcd] ©yayasan dharma samuan tiga and dharma nature time. sharing art in tejakula, bali 2001–2003. edited video of art and dialogues presented at taman seni cili emas, candi teja amerta, pura ponjok batu, and les waterfall. 2004 [video:vcd] ©yayasan tejakukus and dharma nature time. tari sesaji tri yoni saraswati with barong pa-hayu buwana. premiere at pendopo ageng institut seni indonesia-surakarta, central java, 4 july 2004. danced by gusti koes murtiyah (karaton surakarta), ni wayan sekariani (bali), nurlina syahrir (makassar). music by i wayan sadra, waluyo sastro sukarno, misbach, galih naga seno, subjha ilham, and suprapto suryodarmo. second showing 13 july 2004, parliament of the world’s religions, universal forum of cultures, barcelona, spain. [video:vcd] ©yayasan dharma samuan tiga, padepokan lemah putih, and yayasan pawiyatan kabudayan karaton surakarta. 9 acknowledgements the author thanks the rector of udayana university and director of postgraduate studies for the facilities and opportunities provided during my doctoral studies in kajian budaya (cultural studies) at udayana university. gratitude also goes to my promoter professor i wayan ardika and co-promoters professor i gde parimartha of udayana university and professor edi sedyawati of university of indonesia, depok for their sustained encouragement and scholarly guidance from the development of the initial proposal to the completion of this dissertation. finally, deeply felt appreciation to all of the people who shared art, prayer, ideas, questions, dialogue, skills and materials that made the sharing art programs at samuan tiga and in tejakula, bali; other indonesian provinces, and in so many contexts and countries in the world chronicled in this study possible. microsoft word artikel fahmy dalimunthe 3 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 15-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 politics of identity and the case of ahok’s religion blasphemy in the 2017 dki jakarta election syairal fahmy dalimunthe1, i wayan ardika2, i nyoman darma putra3, i gst bagus suka arjawa4 1 medan state university,2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1 fahmydalimunthe@gmail.com, 2ardikawayan52@gmail.com, 3idarmaputra@yahoo.com, 4 suka_arjawa@yahoo.com received date : 21-12-2019 accepted date : 20-01-2019 published date : 29-02-2020 abstract identity politics are often used in political contestation. primordialism in similar religious and ethnic contexts creates the division and color of whose groups and supports whom. the purpose of this study is to understand and explain the politicization of religion and ethnicity in the dki jakarta 2017 elections. this study uses a cultural study approach with interpretive analysis techniques. the case of blasphemy by ahok triggered the politicization of religion and ethnicity in the 2017 dki jakarta elections. mass mobilization in the form of boycotts and the use of holy verses in choosing leaders was very massive carried out during the campaign period to increase the electoral effect. identity is no longer purely a social movement to fight for a positive change, but rather a tool for the political elite to compartmentalize the masses in an effort to achieve their group goals. the identity politics that was triggered by the case of blasphemy by ahok created a process of group exclusivity towards other groups on the basis of religion and ethnicity in winning a political battle. keywords: identity politics, blasphemy of religion, ahok, primordialism introduction dki jakarta regional election was attended by 3 candidate pairs namely agus harimurti yudhoyono-sylviana murni who got sequence number 1, basuki tjahaja purnamadjarot saiful hidayat got sequence number 2 and pair anies baswedan-sandiaga uno got sequence number 3. the election was warm with primordial issues loaded with identity politics by bringing up issues of religion and ethnicity. the 2017 dki jakarta governor election can be said to be a campaign full of the most hectic political intrigues of identity when compared to other regions. the case of blasphemy by ahok which happened deliberately continues to e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 15-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 be "fried" in the hope that it can have a snow ball effect so that it can have a positive electoral impact on ahok's political opponents. the case of blasphemy on ahok, which is more brought to the domain of religion and ethnicity than to the realm of violation of the law itself, causes the community to be increasingly segmented against certain groups. these identities become clusters that are used by political elites as weapons to win public sympathy, especially for the people of dki jakarta who simultaneously carry out the governor election. identity politics provides a clear line to determine who will be included and who will be rejected. because the lines of determination appear to be irreversible, the status as a nonmember member necessarily appears to be permanent. so that we can interpret that identity politics is a politics of difference. in general, identity is divided into two categories, namely, social identity which includes class, race, ethnicity, gender, and sexuality. this determines the position of the subject in the relation or social interaction. second, political identity regarding nationality and citizenship (citzenship). this determines the position of the subject in a community through a sense of ownership (sense of belonging) and at the same time marks the position of other subjects in a distinction (sense of otherness) (setyaningrum, 2005). so, in this context there is an emphasis between groups that are recognized and groups that are not recognized. so it is not surprising that identity politics are always used by dominant groups to maintain and even seize power domination. this further crystallizes differences and seems to confirm the existence of certain social groups based on the identification of primordialism. research methods based on the background of the problem, this study uses a cultural study approach with qualitative analysis. the qualitative approach chosen aims to understand phenomena about what is experienced by research subjects holistically, and describe phenomena in the form of words and languages, in a special natural context and by utilizing various scientific methods (moleong, 2007: 6). sources of research data are primary data and secondary data obtained from various data sources, namely from the video reporting on the blasphemy case by ahok and the results of interviews with related parties. secondary data in the form of information originating from online media, related websites, youtube, social media and other media that are still related in reporting the blasphemy case by ahok. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 15-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 discussion in the current political context, identity is no longer only used as a means of mobilizing social movements to achieve change but is also widely used as a tool to gain political office. the ahok case which correlates with the dki jakarta elections as a practice of identity politics which will be elaborated further on the basis of religious identity and ethnic identity. ahok's controversial speech turned into a mass-raising issue behind a religious and ethnic blanket that was packed by political elites in fighting for the electability of candidates. 1. politics of religious identity one of the dominant discourses that has always been raised in identity politics is the issue of religion. the war of religious discourse in politics is not the first time this has arisen, but has existed even before indonesia's independence. the relation between the political power of religious identity and the state in indonesia is present in four parts of our state era, starting from the period before independence, post-independence, new order and postreformation that indicated the presence of islamic-based movements. at the beginning of its emergence, the issue of identity politics was mainly driven by the oppressed and left groups who fought for the promotion of justice and equality. in its development, identity politics then experienced an expansion where the right group also began to play an identity politics in which religious entities, ethnicity and nationality were used as political tools to mobilize movements and seize power (afala, 2018: 3). at the end of 2016 a mass mobilization movement emerged that demanded law enforcement against ahok. this condition was triggered by the dissatisfaction of the protesters against the government's reaction in cracking down on the ahok case. starting with the islamic defensive action i which was held on october 14, 2016, then at its peak occurred the islamic defending action iii which is quite well known as "peace action 212" on december 2, 2016. islamic actions i, ii and iii that occurred showed the show of force of muslims in addressing the conditions of the blasphemy case. in addition to the pure intention to defend the faith in carrying out the action, the demonstration was also infiltrated by the political elite to achieve certain goals because at the same time the 2017 dki jakarta election campaign was held. christian governor. identity politics is carried out by mainstream groups, namely majority religious groups, with the intention of getting rid of minorities whom they deem deviant or deviate (mulia in maarif, 2012: 45). e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 15-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 the political strategy of highlighting islamic identity is expected to reduce the incumbent's power that has always campaigned for the performance it has done while serving as governor. the existence of the ahok case makes a justification that dki jakarta needs leaders who come from islam. in accordance with the opinion of gerry van klinken that local political movements in the reform era, colored by the phenomenon of identity politics whose formation is religious and ethnic. this phenomenon does not only occur at the level of local politics, but also at the level of national politics. (klinken, 2007) a group of masses from different parties also took counter-action by mobilizing a mass with the theme of indonesian unity called the diversity parade. the action that took place on december 4, 2016, 2 days after the islamic defender action volume 3 put forward the importance of unity by embracing differences. the parade, which was attended by thousands of participants, was filled with exhibitions of various indonesian cultures on 10 stages spread along jalan mh thamrin-jalan sudirman. but it is unfortunate that the event was filled with political overtones with many political attributes, such as party flags and hundreds of visitors wearing party logo. various narratives were created by both parties to wrap up the discourse in achieving certain goals. the formed discourse is a form of knowledge in order to seize power in the form of justification of the issues that are formed. the discourse is then understood in a uniform perception within the same identity group. identity is then used to achieve certain interests of the group concerned (burke 2003: 1). religious issues that are pitted with nationalist issues continue to rise to the surface, and develop into soft products in the election political campaigns in dki jakarta. the issue of identity in the name of religion became a popular issue to win 2 governor candidates who happened to be muslim. donald l morowitz implicitly said that identity politics is a political categorization that determines access to politics. in other words, identity politics is understood as a power mechanism to exclude other groups (afala, 2018: 32). campaigns that use religious identity are no longer a taboo political activity to be displayed in front of the public. kemala chandakirana who stated that identity politics is merely a political rhetoric that is used as a tool to fulfill the interests of the elite (afala, 2018: 32). e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 15-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 figure 1. provocation in dki jakarta election 2017 (from various sources) the power of religion is made a motivating factor in maximizing the electability of candidates in winning contestation. ahok, the only candidate from outside islam, was constructed as a candidate for governor who had to be removed. even more extreme is the form of discourse up to which candidate is chosen, as long as not ahok. 2. ethnicity politics politics with the issue of ethnicity is inappropriate to do in political contestation, but in its implementation it is a matter that is commonly used to win voters' sympathies. ethnic boxing is one of the political strategies of identity in increasing the electability of candidates. the case of blasphemy by ahok led to an exclusive political attitude by ahok's political opponents. the 2017 dki regional election contest last showed the strong identity politics sentiment in which the indigenous ethnic specializes and rejects the existence of non-native groups. issues developed around the economic sector where minority chinese (chinese) control most of the wheels of the economy in indonesia. based on historical facts in the era of dutch colonialism it was stated that after being given a favorable position by the dutch, the chinese dominated the indonesian economy and oppressed indonesian society and prevented native people from wanting to become entrepreneurs (coppel, 1994: 26). the incumbent ahok figure is a citizen of chinese ethnicity and christianity came from bangka belitung who was the deputy governor of dki jakarta accompanying joko widodo in 2012. identity politics in indonesia, as quoted by ma'arif in his book "politics of identity and e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 15-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 the future of indonesian pluralism "explains that especially in indonesia, identity politics is more related to ethnicity, religion, ideology and local interests represented generally by political elites with their respective articulations (ma'arif, 2012: 55). figure 2. some action against ethnic chinese regarding the ahok case source: https://www.kaskus.co.id the post-1998 reform era made this difference even more complicated. the riots that arose in various cities in indonesia due to economic disparities between ethnic groups were too conspicuous so that social jealousy ensued resulting in chinese community groups becoming the target of hatred. no different from the case of blasphemy by ahok, the jakarta regional election which fried ahok's case was considered as a momentum for the rise of political islam and the natives who were described as the majority and left behind from the economic side. the government is described as being a tool of the economic rulers of that ethnicity to perpetuate their capitalism practices. freedom of politics and equality of citizenship positions, especially ethnic chinese since the era of president gusdur, created a movement to support fellow ethnic groups in jakarta. the spirit of ethnic chinese politics re-emerged and formed chinese political parties, but most peranakan chinese leaders wanted to take the path of assimilation with indigenous parties and groups with the aim that chinese identity was still firmly rooted among the chinese in general (suryadinata, 2010: 187). conclusion the democratic party in the 2017 dki jakarta regional election contestation which brought ahok to court on blasphemy charges is a strong indicator that primordialism and identity politics in indonesia are still very strong and have the potential to interfere with e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 15-21 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 idealized democratic development. religious and ethnic identity should be the potential wealth of developing democracy for a pluralistic country. identity politics, which should have been used as a tool to fight backwardness and marginalization, turned into a weapon that divide the indonesian people into divisions. the exclusivity of certain groups that ignores other groups creates polarization with the aim of getting support from homogeneous groups for the achievement of temporary goals. ironically today, the interest of certain groups / parties in winning a political contestation is more important than maintaining the integrity, unity and tolerance in indonesia with its diversity. references afala, laode machdani. 2018. politik identitas di indonesia. malang: ub press. burke, p. j. 2003. “introduction”. dalam in p. j. burke, t. owens, r. t. serpe, & p. a. thoits (ed.), advances in identity theory and research. new york: plenum publishers. coppel, charles a. 1994. tionghoa indonesia dalam krisis, jakarta: pustaka sinar harapan. klinken, gerry van. 2007. perang kota kecil: kekerasan komunal dan demokratisasi di indonesia. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. maarif, ahmad syafi dkk. 2012. politik identitas dan masa depan pluralisme kita. jakarta, democracy project. moleong, lexy j. 2007. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. suryadinata, leo. 2010., etnis tionghoa dan nasionalisme indonesia, jakarta: kompas. setyaningrum, arie.2005. memetakan lokasi bagi politik identitas dalam wacana politik poskolonial dalam politik perlawanan. yogyakarta: ire. microsoft word artikel trias susanti terbit2.docx e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 polemics of religion and love: discrimination of different religious couples in indonesia trias susanti cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university e-mail: triassusanti@gmail.com received date : 29-05-2020 accepted date : 28-08-2020 published date : 31-08-2020 abstract interfaith couples in indonesia are classified as marginalized couples. this is due to the polemic of interfaith marriage in indonesia. in practice, interfaith couples have complex problems in carrying out the marriage process in indonesia. disciplining on state regulations as stipulated in the law of the republic of indonesia number 1 of 1974 concerning marriage is a single point of truth. the single truth that marriage is valid if it is carried out according to the law of each religion and belief. this of course curbs freedom and does not take sides with interfaith couples. interfaith couples become bound by state legal counsel. interfaith couples experience complexity in terms of maintaining love, religion and state law. this study used conventional ethnographic methodology with qualitative sources. the sources of this research were couples of different religions. the theory applied in this research is michel foucault's theory of power relations and knowledge. this theory is used to expose the existence of discipline and power in state regulations against interfaith couples. this research generates a new perspective in cultural studies research on the polemic of interfaith couples. the binding legal power of the state forms interfaith pairs as subalterns. key words: marriage, different religions, power relations introduction marriage to interfaith couples is a polemic in indonesia. the marriage law does not clearly regulate interfaith marriages in indonesia. this is what makes marriage for different religions in indonesia relatively difficult and complex. law number 1 of 1974 concerning marriage states that marriage is declared valid if it is carried out according to the law of each religion and belief. for interfaith couples, the declaration of the marriage law in indonesia restricts their freedom of choice. interfaith couples are bound by state regulations which state that the e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 validity of marriage depends on the laws of their respective religions and beliefs. this binds and restricts interfaith couples from getting married. in the 1974 legislation, there is no mention of the material legality provisions of an obligatory and absolute marriage to be carried out with religious equality. this statement can be understood that marriage cannot take place if there is no religious equality between the groom and the bride. the law on marriage is the single truth that restricts interfaith couples from getting married. this is evidenced by the complexity of interfaith couples in managing marriage administration. in practice, interfaith couples carry out more complex administrative procedures than do religious couples. this is closely related to the public services received by interfaith couples. interfaith couples have to go through a longer process than couples of religion. on the other hand, the state guarantees the right of citizens to embrace their respective religions and beliefs. this is stated in the 1945 constitution article 29 paragraph 2, "the state guarantees the freedom of each resident to embrace his or her own religion and to worship according to his religion and belief". meanwhile, in article 1 of law no. 39 regarding human rights states that human rights are a set of things that are inherent in the nature of human existence as god's creatures and are a gift from god that must be respected, upheld and protected by the state, law, government, and every person for the sake of honor and protection of dignity and human dignity. state regulations relating to the rights of citizens can be understood that every couple is entitled to equal treatment. in this case, interfaith couples have the right to marry and receive the same public service. for interfaith couples who experience the complexity of getting married is a discriminatory act that is not in accordance with the principles of human rights. in this study, researchers focused on the description of discrimination for interfaith couples who should be entitled to the same treatment as couples of the same religion. state power in the form of law restricts the freedom of interfaith couples and has to go through a long process in carrying out state administrative procedures regarding marriage. concepts and theory in this study, there are two concepts that are operationalized, namely interfaith couples and power relations. the concept of interfaith couples is meant by the polemic of interfaith e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 couples who tend to experience difficulties in carrying out the marriage process in indonesia. in practice, interfaith couples have to go through a long process if they want to get married in indonesia. the existence of the marriage law does not clearly state the validity of interfaith marriages in indonesia. professor of civil law at the university of indonesia, professor wahyono darmabrata, explained that there are at least four ways that interfaith couples can marry in indonesia. the four methods include requesting a court ruling, marriage to be carried out according to each religion, temporary submission to one of the religious laws and marrying abroad. this makes it difficult for interfaith couples to decide to get married. in this research, michel foucault's theory is applied. this theory emphasizes power and discipline which forms a new knowledge. power is understood as a form of complex strategy in a society, which in general can be recognized as more engaged in operations. power according to foucault emphasizes domination that is maintained by certain classes (haryatmoko, 2016: 15). the power of the state in the form of laws and regulations binds the colors of the country to obey and be disciplined which then produces new knowledge. this new knowledge is used to form new truths. this new truth is then used as a strategy to bind the interests of the owners of power. in this case, laws and regulations become a new truth and part of a strategy to create state stability in avoiding interreligious conflicts. the new truth that becomes a single truth is the power of the state that dominates the entire legal system. this legal system is used for community discipline towards society, including interfaith couples. interfaith couples do not have freedom because of the new truth which becomes a single truth. this is what makes interfaith couples part of a society that is confined to this single truth. method this study was designed as a qualitative research conducted using conventional ethnographic methods. the location of this research is in bali province. the location selection was based on the finding of an interfaith couple who decided to stay in bali because bali is believed to be the owner of a multicultural culture. this supports interfaith couples to avoid interreligious conflicts. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 types of qualitative data obtained from primary and secondary data sources, namely the results of interviews, observations and literature studies. informants are determined based on their competence in providing information, namely the perpetrators of interfaith couples who are married. data collection techniques were carried out through the process of recording the results of interviews and literature studies that were relevant to this research. the data presentation is done in the form of an in-depth description and presented in a descriptive-narrative. results of analysis interfaith couples become polemic because they become part of the subaltern group and lose their freedom. sri wahyuni's writing entitled "marriage of different religions in indonesia and human rights" generally discusses the description of marriage in indonesia to interfaith marriages. in addition, sri wahyuni emphasized more on human rights in relation to interfaith marriages in indonesia. this paper is used to see an overview of interfaith marriages in indonesia. another article from sri wahyuni in his book entitled "marriage with different religions why go abroad?" describes in general the philosophical values of marriage law in indonesia. however, sri wahyuni emphasized the philosophical and historical aspects of the struggle for marriage regulations in indonesia which are linked to religious law. a different view presented in this study is the perspective of cultural studies looking at power relations in interfaith couples who consciously move on behalf of new knowledge which produces a single truth, namely state rules. in addition, another perspective shows that there is discrimination against interfaith couples in their struggle to defend their freedom. the discussion in this study is divided into two, namely the first discussion related to the complexity of interfaith couples in indonesia. this analysis discusses the workings of a single truth generated by the power relation and knowledge of state rules against interfaith couples through law. the second analysis discusses the freedom of interfaith couples which is limited by this single truth. the discussion of the two analyzes is carried out by applying michel foucault's theory of the power relation of knowledge. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 the complexity of couples of different religions discrimination between interfaith couples can be seen in the practices carried out by interfaith couples in carrying out administrative processes. in having a marriage in indonesia, interfaith couples must undergo several stages that are completely more complex and lengthy than couples of the same faith. this complex administrative process cannot be separated from the existence of laws and regulations. this statutory regulation regarding marriage has an impact on interfaith couples. interfaith couples are indirectly positioned as marginalized. with the existence of marriage law no.1, 1974, interfaith couples are positioned as partners who are oppressed by state regulations. this is evidenced by the existence of a statement in the law that a marriage is declared valid if it is carried out according to the law of each religion and belief. couples of two religions experience discrimination because there are two different religious laws. in this case, the state does not provide legal certainty because it raises ambiguity regarding which religious law regulates interfaith couples. these laws and regulations can give birth to new knowledge for couples who are getting married in indonesia. foucault (2011: 377) states that knowledge can be trusted by everyone. knowledge is a way of how power imposes itself on the subject without giving the impression that it comes from a particular subject, because the criteria of science seem independent of the subject. even though this claim is part of a power strategy (haryatmoko, 2016: 17). konrad kedung in basis (2002: 33) states that foucault's opinion about knowledge arises from arguments and works of reason, but there is also knowledge contained in life, work, conversation, and events. in this case, statutory regulation becomes a claim that is unconsciously part of the power relationship created by the government through state law. the marriage law is believed to be new knowledge to give birth to a single truth. this new knowledge is what a single truth becomes. truth created from the knowledge of a power. apart from statutory regulations, religions in indonesia also do not facilitate interfaith marriages. according to sri wahyuni (2017: 164) most indonesian religions do not accommodate interfaith marriages. based on religious law, it ideally emphasizes that adherents of a religion must submit and obey their respective religious laws, including in the matter of marriage. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 the marriage law is more likely to be integrated with religion. thus, religion can also be said to be a philosophical foundation in the formation of a state regulation. this should be in a different realm. in this way, it can be said that religion integrates the government by dominating the laws and regulations through the religion or belief of each party. article 2 (1) of the marriage law no. 1 of 1974 states that a marriage will be valid if it is carried out by humans who have the same religion. this shows that interfaith marriages must be chosen in only one religion. non-islamic marriages must be registered at the civil registry, with islamic marriages recorded at the religious affairs registry (kua). furthermore, this statement confirms the interpretation that interfaith marriages appear to be impeded and obstructed. however, this law does not explicitly prohibit interfaith marriage. due to the polemic and complexity of interfaith marriages, not a few couples decide to obey the existing rules of law. interfaith couples do not have the power not to follow the applicable law, whether in religion or state law. this has become a reference for interfaith couples to take several steps in maintaining their relationship. interfaith couples have to do several processes that are quite long. one form of discrimination that is accepted is the complexity of the interfaith marriage process, in which a couple can enter into an interfaith marriage if they request a court order. in the public service, interfaith couples can carry out and record marriage at the civil registry office if an interfaith marriage couple requests a court order to carry out a marriage at the civil registry office. for interfaith couples who want to get married in indonesia, there are several things that can be used as a reference. as explained by professor of civil law at the university of indonesia, professor wahyono darmabrata, there are at least four ways to marry between religions in indonesia, namely as follows. first, interfaith marriage couples ask for a court order. this is in line with what was conveyed by dimaz yogi as one of the following interfaith couples. "to be able to marry between religions, we have to take a longer and more complicated bureaucratic path. in addition, this lengthy process cannot be carried out in all cities in indonesia. for interfaith couples in indonesia, we also have to get a court order and based on my wife's and my experience, when we registered our marriage at the denpasar city civil registry, the staff there did not have enough information about the interfaith marriage” e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 the legal basis for this court ruling is the jurisprudence of the supreme court in the form of decision number 1400 k / pdt / 1986. the ruling, among other things, stated that the civil registry office was allowed to enter into interfaith marriages with the following procedure. 1. choosing to marry a religious institution. 2. prepare all the files that are determined to be married in the same religion. 3. direct the marriage with the inauguration of the relevant religious leaders. 4. request a marriage stipulation to the local district court with proof of marriage certificate from the religious institution concerned. 5. bring the court order letter to the civil registry office to issue the deed wedding. furthermore, in the second stage, marriage is carried out according to each religion. this process tends to make it difficult for couples because not all religions accept or even approve of interfaith marriages. third, interfaith marriage couples take temporary submission to one of the religious laws. this shows that couples who are married to different religions must and are forced to obey (submit) the religious law. fourth, interfaith marriage couples get married abroad. one of the interfaith marriages can be held abroad. however, this choice is an option for couples who can be categorized as couples who are materially capable. as was done by dimaz yogi and his partner decided to marry abroad because the process was much easier. “after finding out and gathering enough information, my partner and i decided to get married in singapore because we wanted to defend our respective religions. not only that, the marriage process that we did in singapore was relatively much easier” dimaz yogi and his partner take easy steps, however, this step cannot be done by all interfaith couples. dimaz yogi admits that the long process of getting married to different religions also has an impact on the high costs that will be incurred. as one of the interfaith couples in indonesia, dimaz yogi and his partner admit the difficulties when it comes to managing their marriage in indonesia. "it's a bit complicated to manage it in indonesia and it costs more. we chose to save and get married in singapore” the existence of new knowledge that gave birth to single truth prevents interfaith couples from getting married in their own country. the decision to marry abroad is part of an act outside of power. however, couples who are married abroad still have to register their marriage at the civil registry office. even though interfaith couples have married overseas, e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 they still have to take care of administration in accordance with state regulations in indonesia. it is this marriage registration that is a discipline for interfaith couples. dimaz yogi and his partner's body discipline through marriage registration is part of the control and power of state regulations. however, this is different from the interfaith couple noviana kusuma and erwin who chose to carry out a religious marriage. noviana kusuma, who has a muslim background, chose to formally change her religion to christianity so that it would be easier for her to carry out the marriage process with erwin. "i don't like being complicated. so, instead of spending too much energy taking care of the administration, i prefer to change religions like my husband. and also my decision to change religion did not affect my faith in god” noviana's discipline of body positions interfaith couples in the marginal arena. the single truth about state regulations affected noviana's decision to change her religion so that she could marry a spouse. a single truth born from the power system puts noviana and her partner under the control of state law. noviana became a symbol freedom of couples of different religions the birth of new knowledge that becomes a single truth, namely state regulations, makes interfaith couples increasingly under state control and power. in addition, interfaith couples are also oppressed by the laws of their respective religions. this further limits the freedom of interfaith couples to marry in indonesia. through the marriage law, government officials are able to exercise social control by implementing laws and regulations that must be obeyed by the community. this is of particular concern in this analysis, namely social control. social control born of a single truth of state power restricts the freedom of interfaith couples. in practice, the social control created by the state apparatus through the marriage law gives rise to different treatment or, namely discrimination. this discrimination is an impact that arises from the power that creates social control. this is what makes interfaith marriage couples seen as a community group hegemony by the power over the system created by the government. the impact of this discrimination can be seen in public services for interfaith couples who have to carry out a longer process than couples of same religion. in addition, interfaith e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 couples do not get the same facilities as couples of the same religion in terms of managing the marriage process. if it is related to the existence of a power relation of the government, fully the state apparatus is the owner of the power to control the colors of the country through regulations. this regulation is the law and statute in force. thus, citizens are required to obey and follow the rules that become the single truth. as for interfaith couples, it is part of the country's colors that must comply with the regulations made. the existence of discrimination in public services against interfaith marriage partners cannot be separated from a system formation in state law that gives the impression that there is no element of self-coercion. in this case, the procedures for implementing interfaith marriages and regulations made by the government which are considered to be quite difficult for interfaith couples, are considered something that naturally exists with the argument that the strength of state law has been regulated in statutory regulations. in addition, the marriage law tends to be integrated with religion. thus, religion can also be said to be a philosophical foundation in the formation of a state regulation. this should be in a different realm. in this way, it can be said that religion integrates the government by dominating the laws and regulations through the religion or belief of each party. article 2 (1) of the marriage law no. 1 of 1974 states that a marriage will be valid if it is carried out by humans who have the same religion. this shows that interfaith marriages must be chosen in only one religion. non-islamic marriages must be registered at the civil registry, with islamic marriages recorded at the religious affairs registry (kua). furthermore, this statement confirms the interpretation that interfaith marriages appear to be impeded and obstructed. however, this law does not explicitly prohibit interfaith marriage. based on foucault's power relations, through the laws and regulations on marriage, state officials are seen to exercise social control over society, especially in this case interfaith marriage couples. the state apparatus through state law and religious law creates domination in a government system. this has an impact on interfaith marriage couples who do not have the freedom to choose. conclusion interfaith couples have the same rights as indonesian citizens, including in getting married. however, in practice, the freedom of interfaith couples is under the control of state power in the form of statutory regulations. interfaith couples do not have freedom in terms of e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 public services and facilities provided by the state. the laws and regulations do not facilitate and clearly state the law of interfaith marriage. this is what makes interfaith couples not have many choices. the existence of a single truth that is born on the basis of state regulations requires interfaith couples to obey and follow the state law system. laws and regulations that do not take sides with interfaith couples increasingly position interfaith couples as marginal parties. differences in state services that prevent interfaith couples from carrying out marriage are a form of discrimination. the process that must be taken is longer and tends to be more complicated, making interfaith couples not in the same position as couples of the same religion. with the polemic of interfaith marriages, the government should make regulations that clearly accommodate interfaith couples like couples of the same religion. in the legal system, it is necessary to have legal certainty and create inner justice public. with this, it is hoped that the government will make improvements to law number 1 of 1974 concerning marriage so that in relation to public services, interfaith marriage couples get equality. in addition, providing an understanding of the interpretation or interpretation of public service officials regarding the marriage law is very necessary so that interfaith marriage couples can carry out marriages like same-religious couples. furthermore, the separation between religion and state law will be able to prevent religious problems associated with marriage. references agatha arumsari dewi tjahjandari. 2008. aspek hukum perkawinan beda agama dikaitkan dengan hak asasi manusia. tesis. depok: universitas indonesia. foucault, michel. 1980. power/knowladge. london: travistock publication limited. _____________. 2011. pengetahuan dan metode: karya-karya penting faucoult. yogyakarta: jalasutra. haryatmoko. 2016. membongkar rezim kepastian. yogyakarta: pt kanisius kebung, konrad. 2002: kembalinya moral melalui seks dalam kekuasaan melahirkan antikekuasaan. basis menembus fakta. nomor 01-02, tahun ke-51, januarifebruari 2002. yogyakarta: yayasan bp basis. moenir, a. s.1995. manajemen pelayanan umum di indonesia. jakarta: pt bumi aksara. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 8-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 moh. syamsul muarif. 2015. legalitas perkawinan beda agama dalam undnag-undanga nomor 1 tahun 1974 tentang perkawinan dan undang-undang nomor 23 tahun 2006 tentang administrasi kependudukan. tesis. malang: universitas islam negeri maulana malik ibrahim. prawirohamidjojo, r. soetojo. 2006. pluralisme dalam perundang-undangan perkawinan di indonesia. surabaya: airlangga university press. wahyuni, sri. 2011. perkawinan beda agama di indonesia dan hak asasi manusia. sunan kalijaga. vol.1, no. 1, hlm: 131-150. ___________. 2017. nikah beda agama kenapa ke luar negeri?. tangerang selatan: pt pustaka alvabet. microsoft word artikel dewa ayu e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 representation of kebaya fashion in jagatnatha temple denpasar i dewa ayu sri suasmini1, i wayan ardika2 ,sulistyawati3 ni made wiasti4 1institute of the arts of indonesia denpasar, 234 cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1srisuasmini@yahoo.com, 2ardika52@yahoo.co.id, 4mwiasti@yahoo.com abstract kebaya is a traditional balinese outfit worn during religious ceremonies. kebaya as a fashion boss today is experiencing rapid development. women in the city of denpasar tend to follow the trend of fesyenkebaya when offering worship to the temple. modern kebaya is a choice as a representation when going to the great jagatnatha temple. women always want to appear fasionabeldan want to be the center of attention. as if the great jagatnatha temple was used as a fashion show stage by women in denpasar city. this phenomenon is interesting to study in the formulation of the problem, which is the fashion style to agung jagatnatha temple as a representation of women in denpasar city. this study used descriptive qualitative method. the theory used is representation theory and consumerism. the results of this study indicate that the reason women represent kebaya to temple is because the development of kebaya today is very rapid. this development is due to the advancement of technology and information so that materials and models of kebaya can be quickly produced. this causes women to wear trendy kebaya so that it is not considered outdated. pura agung jagatnatha is a public temple and the largest temple in the city of denpasar is always crowded with visitors on hindu religious holidays. agung jagatnatha temple is used as a place to represent the performance during prayer. for contemporary women in the city of denpasar, not only when attending a reception, when praying to the temple must also be fashionable. keywords: representation, fashion kebaya to temple, fashionable. introduction the development of fashion can be seen from the fashion travel worn in every age. starting from primitive mankind, prehistoric times, modern times and this era of globalization definitely requires clothing. clothing is one of the basic needs in human life in order to provide comfort in activities. humans as social beings always have desires or needs that are always developing, one of which is the desire to decorate themselves to look more than others. kebaya as a fashion boss today is experiencing rapid development. kebaya is a traditional balinese outfit worn during religious ceremonies such as at a temple prayer e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 ceremony, while attending a reception for a religious ceremony. beside during religious ceremonies, kebaya is also often worn at graduation. kebaya models continue to change, as well as the colors of kebaya, accessories and accessories, they also experience growth. bali as a tourism destination cannot avoid cultural transformation that is very fast happening. the change in culture will lead to fundamental changes in the various lives of balinese people, including in terms of traditional balinese fashion. changes in socio-cultural aspects will affect traditional norms and dress codes that apply in the community. today women in the city of denpasar tend to follow the kebaya fashion trends to the temple. likewise, other kebaya fashion such as kamen and accessories are also experiencing development and are always represented when going to the temple. wome always want to look trendy and want to be the center of attention when making a prayer to agung jagatnatha temple. as if the great jagatnatha temple was used as a stage for fashion shows by women in denpasar city. seeing this phenomenon, this study discusses why the fashion kebaya to the great jagatnatha temple as a representation of women in the city of denpasar. this study used descriptive qualitative method. the theory used in this study is representation theory and consumerism. the purpose of this study was to find out the reason for the fashion kebaya to jagatnatha grand temple as a representation of contemporary women in the city of denpasar. research methods this research was designed using cultural study approach. the data collection process was conducted using in-depth interview, observation, dan document study. the deta analysis used descriptive qualitative method. the theory used is representation theory and consumerism. result and discussion the development of fashion from the era of ancient kingdoms to modern times looks different. the clothing worn by bc women was very simple namely berupakain which is wrapped around the body using the technique of pain. the function of clothing at that time in addition to protecting the body also to decorate the body, while in modern times in terms of practicality and comfort began to be considered when wearing clothes. the development of fashion fashion is influenced by the socio-cultural and environmental conditions of the local area. according to bourdieu that lifestyle is understood as a whole taste, beliefs that e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 characterize a class include political opinion, philosophical beliefs, moral beliefs, aesthetic tastes and also food, fashion culture (bourdieu, 2003: 9). development of kebaya in indonesia kebaya as traditional balinese clothing has a philosophy that contains life values, such as the value of obedience, refinement and actions of women who must be gentle. kebaya also has more meaning and function, which is seen from its simple form which shows the simplicity of indonesian people. in addition, the kebaya is always worn with a cloth that covers the wearer's body so that it will limit his movements to move quickly, this is synonymous with a graceful female personality. the beginning of the cultural history of dress in indonesia is inseparable from the cultural influences of other nations that have stopped and lived in indonesia in trade relations. nations that have stopped in indonesia include chinese, indian, arabic, portuguese, and finally from the netherlands. indonesia is a maritime country and is also a very old crossing area, which may be said to have existed since the beginning of the western orientalism tradition (lombard: 2008: 9). in the era of the majapahit empire, javanese traders had imported fashion materials such as cotton and silk textiles to be exchanged for spices which were then exported to chinese (pinardi and mambo, 1993: 185). it is estimated that when chinese traders who stopped in indonesia were already wearing clothes that covered their upper bodies. the traders brought influence in terms of dress and finally clothing to cover the upper body began to be known by the people of indonesia. perhaps in 1400 ad chinese immigrants from china took part in introducing kebaya to indonesia. this is known from clothes such as kebaya, which are loose-sleeved longsleeved clothes that are closed at the edges. this shirt is known as the bei-zi which is worn by women from lower social circles during the ming dynasty (triyanto, 2011: 4). it is estimated that the clothes made at that time were still very simple because the existing equipment was still very traditional like a loom that was moved by hand. over time and the development of technology is increasingly advanced, resulting in more fabrics being produced and clothing that is made can be easier. as well with clothes worn by chinese women also developed into fashion known as encim kebaya. after cultural adjustments that lasted for hundreds of years, kebaya clothing began to be accepted in indonesia and began to spread to malacca, java, bali, sumatra and sulawesi. in 1600 ad the kebaya was officially worn by the royal family. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 after the industrial revolution in england in 1760 ad, technology began to develop, machines began to be created, one of which was the creation of weaving machines using steam power in 1785 ad, and this resulted in fabrics being produced quickly and in large quantities. in 1800 ad kebaya materials have begun to be produced and better, such as velvet, various types of fine silk and woven fabrics began to appear and replace the cotton velvet material, various types of silk and other fine woven fabrics began to emerge in place of mori cloth which is simple woven fabrics from cotton. biku kebaya is kebaya material with motifs imported from europe, and the last is sulaya kebaya, namely kebaya with embroidery techniques which are characteristic of chinese clothing (gumulya and octavia, 2017: 24). in 1900, the kebaya began to recognize among the indigenous people, besides that chinese and dutch descendants made kebaya as their daily outfit. there are two types of kebaya known at the time, namely encim and kebaya kutubaru kebaya (kebaya nyonya). kebaya encim is a type of kebaya that is used by women of chinese descent, usually decorated with embroidery and embroidery. kebaya kutubaru is a short tunic-style kebaya with beautiful motifs and colors. at first the kebaya is worn with a beautiful sarong and shirt called "kasut manek" until it finally undergoes renewal. busana kebaya is combined with batik cloth as a subordinate (pentasari, 2007: 13). in 1940 president sukarno made kebaya as the national dress for indonesian women and until now kebaya is still worn by indonesian women, both official state events, and during religious ceremonies. development of kebaya in bali the development of clothing in bali is also due to the acculturation of other nations. before being known for fashion, female bosses only wore kamen (cloth), bulang (stagen) and kancrik (scarves), sometimes women wore towels wrapped around their upper bodies, or placed on their heads called tengkuluk to support their hair so that they did not come loose . the boss's outfit was already known during the reign of sri maharaja jayapagus, namely the king of the dalem balingkang kingdom who ruled in 1181-1269 ad this was seen from the clothes worn on barong landung astrid as a symbol of dewi kang cing we who was the wife of sri maharaja jayapagus. barong landed wife is made by wearing clothes that cover the upper body, so it was estimated at that time the boss's clothing was known in the kingdom. when the dutch expedition discovered bali in 1597 ad, it had an influence on how to dress but at that time the kebaya was not widely known by the balinese people. the boss's outfit is only known among nobles. this is due to the fact that it is still difficult to get fabric as e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 kebaya material, only the nobility can afford to buy cloth. the nobility began to wear kebaya and became a trendsetter at the time, so the kebaya began to be known by the wider community in 1900 ad in addition, dress ethics also began to be known by balinese women so that kebaya began to be worn a lot. the entry of the dutch into indonesia, especially to the island of bali, also brought a new trend in fashion. women began to think that the upper body must be covered with clothing, which is called clothes. from then on the clothes began to be worn by women in bali. in addition to the influence of western culture, the development of kebaya clothing in bali also has the influence of javanese fashion, this can be seen from the kebaya fashion models in the form of collars, sleeves and long kebaya. the frequent use of kebaya that provides comfort and is related to ethics, kebaya is finally used as traditional balinese clothing. kebaya began to be worn as everyday clothing and clothing for religious ceremonies. the kebaya model known at that time was kebaya with the kartini and kutubaru models. the habit of wearing a scarf or towel to cover the upper body is still worn by wrapping around the waist. until now, the cloth wrapped around the waist is known as the shawl. so that until now every wearing a kebaya is always equipped with a shawl. the kebaya model is initially divided into three (3), namely: a. kebaya with hand model ebar widened down or widened at the end of the hand, panjang kebaya to the center of the buttocks with front openings given joint gold pins or studs. b. kebaya with a long arm model of approximately 3-4 fingers above the wrist, but still widens at the end of the hand called the horse foot model. the front kebaya openings are given gold pins and buttons. c. kebaya with long straight hand pieces to the wrist. the front openings use safety pins or gold buttons. along with the development of the times, kebaya models in bali began to experience growth, namely using beef, namely cloth that is placed on the front opening. there are two types of beef, namely beef with one cloth and beef with two fabrics. judging from the materials used as kebaya are silk, chiffon, cotton, brocade, tille with various motifs and colors. kebaya clothing in bali has no sacred elements, but kebaya is one of the elements of culture adapted to the teachings of hinduism. besides that, in the use of clothing in bali based on the village of kala patrayaitu the use of kebaya is adjusted to the space, time and place of use. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 representation of kebaya fashion to women's temples in pura agung jagatnatha denpasar. many representations relate to cultural studies to examine the way in which meaning is produced in various contexts. in accordance with the opinion of barker (2006: 9), representation and cultural meaning have materiality, among others, can be objects. the development of balinese culture today has undergone a change from an agrarian culture to an industrial culture due to the process of globalization. the existence of globalism changes is the lifestyle of balinese women in choosing fashion when going to temple. pura agung jagatnatha is the largest temple in the city of denpasar, which is a temple of khayangan jagat. pura agung jagatnatha is always crowded with people on the holy day of purnama tilem and religious holidays such as saraswati day, galungan, kuningan, and ciwalatri. pura agung jagatnatha is a public temple without any difference in origin and sorrow from the tangkil people. this is what causes contemporary women in the city of denpasar to make the agung jagatnatha temple as a place to represent kebaya clothing. pura agung jagatnataha seems to be used as a caltwalk to demonstrate the trendy kebaya clothing worn by contemporary women in denpasar city. seeing this condition can be said by contemporary women no one wants to miss the current of globalization. the culture of globalism through various advertisements and electronic media has hegemony the minds of balinese women so that they have unconsciously become part of globalism (ritzer and goodman, 2010: 592). this has an impact on the confusion of balinese women in consuming so that balinese women do not consider the value of use and give priority to symbolic values (atmadja, 2011: 90). the impact is that balinese women cannot distinguish between needs and desires in dress. today many balinese women wear translucent kebaya brocade clothes, when they go to the temple. contemporary women prefer to follow fashion trends that are trending so that they can provide satisfaction after using a trendy product, as shown in the following figure 1.. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 figure 1. the representation form of women when praying source: suasmini, 2016. kebaya attire worn during worship to the temple as seen in figure 2.1 is a representation of contemporary women in the city of denpasar today. pink kebaya is worn in a trend today with design modifications to the shoulders and arms to show the shoulders and upper chest. the most important thing in appearance is the factor of beauty, elegance and fashion that is trending. the use of clothing that highlights body parts not only applies when balinese women are outside the temple, but also when going to the temple (atmadja, 2010: 245). kebaya for women in denpasar city does not only function as a wrapping of the body but has another meaning, namely to show class or social status. this can be seen from the development of kebaya worn by women in denpasar city when attending religious activities. today every religious activity of women always wears a trendy kebaya model and color. kebaya as a capitalist production, comes as if it has the power to define itself through itself and women in denpasar city adore kebaya clothing that can change their lifestyle they. this social phenomenon is fetishism as something that works in the traffic of social labeling. fetishism is the attitude that cults a particular object because the object is believed to have power or spirit. when this attitude is associated with the term "commodity", then what is meant is the worship of a product because of its enchanting charm. this means kebaya worn is believed to be a charm so that its use can look beautiful, sexy and fashionable when wearing a trendy kebaya. baudrillard (1981: 63) mentions objects as signs in the marking value rules that can be classified between two statements, functionality and reenactment which is actually exaggerated (ostention). both information can be part of the same object so that objects can be devices that combine "randomness with the appearance of a functionality". an object shows a demonstration that is exaggerated e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 (ostention), and if a sign of that value is what fosters someone's desire for the object, then the object turns into a fetish. due to the concept of capitalism that causes a person to have false needs, then to bring reality to imagination, capitalists create substitutions in the form of various lifestyles, aesthetics, rituals, prestige and symbolic identity behind the ownership of a commodity so that people get satisfaction that is not real but imagination. kebaya is a dress to cover the body when someone wants to do an activity. using models, colors and certain kebaya fabrics is a good consideration when coming to the temple and reception. women always want to look trendy when attending large ceremonial activities and offering worship to the temple. this can be seen in the appearance of contemporary women at the time of the kuningan holiday in agung jagatnatha temple, as seen in figure 2. figure 2. the representation of kebaya to temple in kuningan celebration source: suasmini, 2016 the representation of the kebaya in figure 2.2 shows this contemporary woman, very concerned about her appearance from the tip of her hair to her toes. the selection of white clothes that are tailored to the color of the necklace and the worn sandals are white, shawl, cloth (kamen) and the bag chosen in yellow. the choice of clothing is of course with the consideration of trendy looks on the kuningan holiday. every woman always wants to look beautiful, similar things are also expressed by goffman (in stolley, 2005: 70), every human being always wants to present himself into his environment. the appearance of kebaya clothing that is produced and worn and displayed in the beauty of illusion and illusion of instinct towards irrational, beauty and pleasure that can represent the contents of the heart in a kebaya fashion display. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 physical appearance as an attribute of lifestyle itself, will be symbolic or a sign that can be read. fashion choices in addition to showing the level of one's social status in society are also symbols of the lifestyle of someone who understands the development of the times. this kebaya fashion consumption is not based on use value but to mark wealth and social status. piliang (2011: 148) mentions consumption to be a phenomenon of language and signification. consumption of objects is not just to spend use value and utility value, but also to communicate or represent or mark messages or specific meanings. the representation of the kebaya fashion at the agung jagatnatha temple was carried out by women to show that pursuing prayers must also be fashionable and do not want to be considered outdated. the development of this kebaya has resulted in contemporary women not wanting to be outdated and always wanting to look fashionable. conclusion the reason for the fashion to go to the great jagatnatha temple as a representation of women in denpasar city is because the kebaya fashion today is experiencing very rapid development. this is due to the rapid advancement of technology and information. technological advancements have made fabric kebaya and kebaya colors easy to make, causing the trend of kebaya both material, models and colors to change rapidly. the kebaya fashion representation is carried out at the agung jagatnatha temple which is the largest temple and is always crowded with people for prayer. to be considered trendy and not outdated, women to the jagatnatha grand temple must also be fashionable. this temple seems to be a stage show so that a trendy appearance can be seen and noticed by fellow women or men in agung jagatnatha temple. it can be said that in order to show its status, prayer also must be fashionable and unwilling to be considered outdated. references atmadja, nengah bawa. 2011. ajeg bali gerakan, identitas cultural, dan gobalisasi. yogyakarta. lkis. bourdieu, pierre (haryatmoko). 2003. menyingkap kepalsuan budaya penguasa. jurnal basis. yogyakarta: bp basis. chaney, david. 1996. lifestyle. yogyakarta: jalasutra. lombard, dennys. 2008. nusa jawa: silang budaya jilid 2. jakarta: pt gramedia. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 25-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 pentasari, ria. , 2007. chic in kebaya. jakarta: erlangga. piliang, yasraf amir. 2011. dunia yang dilipat tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta: matahari. pinardi, slamet dan winston s.d mambo 1993. ”perdagangan pada masa majapahit”, dalam 700 tahun majapahit (1293-1993) suatu bunga rampai, surabaya: disparda propinsi jawa timur. ritzer, george dan goodman, douglas j. 2010. teori sosial modern. jakarta: kencana prenada media group. sutjiatiningsih, sri, dkk. 1997. banten kota pelabuhan jalan sutra kumpulan makalah diskusi. jakarta: depdikbud. triyanto. 2011. eksistensi kebaya dari masa ke masa. yogyakarta: pt. intan sejati klaten. witriasih, ayu. 2004. materi seminar tata busana adat bali. disampaikan pada seminar dalam rangka pemilihan putrid an ratu kebaya zarkhoviche, baha. 2015. laksamana cheng ho panglima islam penakluk dunia. yogyakarta: araska publisher. microsoft word artikel ginaya 5 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 the struggle of symbolic capital in russian tourist market of bali tourism gede ginaya1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, i nyoman darma putra3, i nyoman sukiada4 1tourism department politeknik negeri bali,2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: ginaya@pnb.ac.id, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id,3idarmaputra@yahoo.com, 4nyomansukiada@yahoo.com received date : 19-12-2019 accepted date : 25-01-2019 published date : 29-02-2020 abstract a professional tour guide is regarded as a front-liner of the tourism and the ambassador of his/her country. therefore, the performace of a tour guide is very important as a quality assurance of services in order to fulfill the tourists’ satisfaction. one of the important things to satisfy the tourists is through mastering the language, because if the tour guide speaks the language fluently and accurately, the commucation will be well maintained and all information can be successfully delivered. in this case, mastering russian language, which is categorized into one of the latest foreign languages in the tourism business of bali, is deemly needed by the russian tourists in order to get sufficient information about the culture of the indigenous community. this study aimes at investigating the mastery level of the tour guide’s russian language related to the struggle of symbolic capital between foreign representatives and local tour guides. by applying a descriptive qualitative research, the data was collected through observation, interview, and document review. the theory used to undertake this study is bourdieu’s social practice theory which involves capital, habitus, and field. the data that has been classified is analyzed by qualitative descriptive method with an inductive-metodological paradigm which is seting up the discussion from particular principles to the general in order to obtain a conclusion. the result of data analys is presented by formal and informal method. the study reveals that the mastery of russian language for a professional tour guide has been proven to compete with foreign tour guides in preserving the balinese culture and empowering local community in tourism participation. keywords: russian language, professional tour guide, capital symbolic. introduction tourism in indonesia has now increased from year to year in line with the government's commitment, especially the ministry of tourism to promote indonesia, which consists of thousands of islands, so that there are several well-known and newly introduced tourist e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 destinations. some of these tourist destinations are spread from the western to eastern parts of indonesia, such as north sumatra with lake toba attractions and samosir island, bangka belitung (babel) as new tourist destinations, kalimantan island with its mascot of orangutans and dayak culture, bali and beyond (bali) such as ntb, ntt, maluku, and papua, which are incorporated in corridor vi for eastern indonesia. especially for bali, which already has a name as the best tourist destination in the world, it is expected to help promote other tourist destinations, as this goal of tourism development was exibited at the bali and beyond travel fair (bbtf) 26-29 june 2018. the annual event took place in bali nusa dua convention center (bndcc) cooperated with other tourist destinations in indonesia including 10 newlydeveloped destinations. bali is famous as a tourist destination, because it has a variety of tourism potential such as natural beauty, cultural uniqueness, and the social life of the majority of the hindu community. balinese culture as an asset or attraction has made bali a lot of foreign tourists visiting from asia, australia, africa and europe. today lots of tourists from eastern europe, especially russia, also come to bali. russia's new tourist visit is relatively new after the collapse of the communists from the soviet union in the era of the 90s (fadillah, 2006: 1) which made the russian country open to its citizens to travel abroad and this proves the existence of a global cultural flow, especially the ethnoscape proposed by appadurai. compared with other tourists, especially from western european countries, america and japan, russian tourists are classified as new tourists visiting bali. additionally, the arrival of russian tourists to bali is a breath of fresh air amidst the saturated market share of western and japanese tourists. the community enthusiastically studied russian at foreign language course institutions so that they could handle russian tourists at a travel agency that handles russian tourists. not only limited to guides who have experience learning russian, young people who do not have a license guide also learn russian. after they master the russian language and take part in a training guide at a travel agency, they attend a tour guide training organized by the provincial tourism office to obtain a tour guide identification card or license. mastery of russian language (bagarić and djigunović 2007: 95) by the tour guides is very influential on the assessment of russian tourists as service users who make visits to a tourist destination and ultimately encourage maintaining the company’s image and even increase the number of tourist visits. one important factor in maintaining the company's reputation is the quality of service. service is an action taken to fulfill the customer desire for a product or service they need, this action is done to give satisfaction to customers to fulfill what they need. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 the purpose of each service company is to provide what customers or consumers consider quality feelings. 'feelings' means that the quality expected is already in the minds of consumers (prihatno, 2010). businesses in the service sector that want to be able to compete based on service quality must feel they have better service than their competitors. business profits are usually due to the relatively better quality of the product or service. the satisfaction of russian tourists is determined by some of the quality of services received by these tourists. the quality of service received by russian tourists can be provided by airlines that transport tourists, travel agents through office staff, guides, tourist transport and drivers, hotels where tourists stay, restaurants, objects and tourist attractions when tourists do tour activities. in this case, the tour guide’s delivering speech in russian language is a very important factor to provide the counter from negative stigma made by foreign tour guides as russian native speakers that the local tour guides are lack of mastering russian language. as a matter of fact, there is an imbalance of the management of the russian tourist market in bali tourism, as it is according to bourdieu (2012) social domination occurs. a communication that takes place between the local community and foreign investors originating from russia in the development of bali's tourism can just happen symbolically with a party that is consciously or unconsciously dominated. likewise with those who dominate, of course, have several factors or strong reasons so that the process of domination occurs. in interacting or communicating, there is usually a party that engages in an attitude of dominance with the aim that the party that is dominated obeys to the dominant. this attitude of domination can be the basis of an act of social violence that results in injustice towards the dominated party. haryatmoko (2010: 3) said that the covert attitude of domination produces obedience, critical attitude, skepticism, which covers or justifies injustice. if domination continues, it will result in discrimination, violence, and injustice. covert domination that occurs in social interaction can not just happen. there is a reason why an attitude of domination can occur from those who dominate against those who are dominated. the background of the dominant party can be the reason because in the life of the community since the past until the present there is already a name strata or levels of society. there are differences in the elements of society from the highest to the lowest, that the highest elements of society such as the owners of travel businesses and tourist accommodation will symbolically have the highest authority as well. these reasons can be strong why the attitude of dominance can occur in the management of the russian tourist market in travel agencies and tourist accommodation. this is in accordance with the opinion e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 of haryatmoko (2010: 17) that all people are always in control and controlled. this dominance takes place in the situation, resources (capital), and the actor's strategy. mapping the relations of power and capital composition. therefore, the key concept of pierre bourdieu's thought about symbolic domination is divided into four parts namely, capital, class, habitus, and symbolic power or violence (alfianto, 2017). from the description of the background above, in order to be able to examine more deeply the mastery of russian language from the point of view of service quality and tourist satisfaction, a study was conducted to investigate the improvement of the tourguide russian language mastery as a quality service that gives satisfaction to tourists. research metodology research on improving russian language mastery and tourist satisfaction is qualitative descriptive. the data used are primary and secondary data. primary data is data that is directly obtained based on observations when guides explain some of the tourist objects in bali, and direct interviews with 25 russian-language guides as respondents of this study determined based on snowball sampling techniques. snowball sampling technique is one of the non-probability sampling techniques in qualitative research by looking for key informants in field research that helps researchers find other key informants or open access to respondents to be studied (bungin, 2001). in making observations, in addition to observing guides in explaining tourism objects, it is also possible to observe competent involvement techniques (muhammad: 207), namely researchers involved in the discussion and observing the use of the language of the speakers. whereas secondary data is data obtained from the search results of questionnaires in several travel agents that handle russian tourists in bali. this questionnaire is usually filled by russian tourists before leaving for their country. subsequent data were analyzed with qualitative descriptive methods based on an inductive methodological paradigm. that is, a paradigm that departs from something specific to something common (ginaya, 2018). with descriptive analysis method, the data that has been collected in the form of an increase in mastery of russian language and tourist satisfaction is described in full so that finally obtained a conclusion regarding the increase in mastery of russian language by guides and factors that influence the increase in mastery of russian language including service dimension factors against russian tourists in determining tourist satisfaction. the results of the study are presented with formal and informal methods. according to sudaryanto (1993: 145) informal presentation methods are presenting the e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 results of analysis with descriptions or ordinary words, while the formal presentation method is the formulation with signs and symbols according to muhammad (ginaya, 2018) symbols or signs are used for present or formulate the results of the analysis so that the meaning of the method, the relationship between the methods, and the characteristics of the method can be known and understood. results and discussion russian tourists who visit bali as an international tourist destination have hopes of experience about natural charm and especially cultural uniqueness. as a customer or customer service tourism industry in general, the hope of russian tourists is a motivation to satisfy the needs of tourists themselves. in this case russian tourists who come to bali have traveled very far so that they have high expectations of quality of service in order to get satisfaction. the expectations of tourists can be illustrated as the motivation to purchase a product and service related to basic human needs and desires, as stated by maslow in his motivation theory. this section will describe the results of the study obtained through direct observation and interviews of guides in handling russian tourists in bali and the results of document studies. the results of the study were described in a descriptive qualitative manner by describing the mastery of pramuwista russian language which increased along with the dynamics of the confusion of russian tourists over the years and the factors influencing the increase in russian language instruction by guides in relation to the dimensions of service for tourist satisfaction. 1. russian language mastery of the tour guide the satisfaction of russian tourists towards the services provided by guides is directly related to the performance of guides themselves, especially from aspects of language acquisition. if the level of mastery of russian is low, then the performance of guides is below expectations and tourists are not satisfied. conversely, if the level of mastery of russian is high, then the performance of guide guides meets expectations and satisfied tourists. the arrival of russian tourists to bali about 20 years ago with the dynamics of his visit on the island of the gods requires guides with russian language specialization to handle them. the role of the russian-language tour guide is very important whose job is to provide information e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 services to tourists where their russian language mastery has experienced dynamic development if traced from the beginning of its arrival to the present. at the beginning of the arrival of russian tourists in bali mastery of their russian language is so minimal, but tourists still understand it and try to do a communication in the context of survival where guides try hard to make tourists understand the information conveyed, on the other hand tourists also try to capture the idea delivered with language media that is still minimal. apart from the perfection of a language communication tourists have been well served. this is evidenced by the increasing enthusiasm of tourists to buy optional tours and visit various attractions with guides. complaints in the form of language acquisition delivered by russian tourists at the beginning of his arrival in bali were the lack of mastery of russian language guides. this is considered normal considering that russian language is a foreign language that is classified as very new among tourism actors in bali. but over time these assumptions are refuted because guides have learned a lot to improve their russian language skills through intensive practice with tourists and the help of digital technology to access material in russian and with google translate is easy in vocabulary mastery. even through social media they can interact with tourists or fellow guides with russian-language text literacy. this is a very positive development in mastering russian language. to determine the level of satisfaction of russian tourists on the quality of tour guides through mastering russian language in bali, it was analyzed descriptively from the results of field observations and direct interviews with guides who handled russian tourists as primary data sources. the results of this observation and interview were also supported by the results of the document study as secondary data in the form of questionnaire forms completed by russian tourists before they departed to their countries. every travel agency that handles russian tourists in bali must provide the questionnaire form and give it to guides who pick up russian tourists for transfer-out. based on the results of observations and direct interviews with 25 russian-language guides as respondents to this study, it was found that the guide had mastered russian at the intermediate level (advanced) to advanced level. this was demonstrated through the results of their performance when explaining information on tourist attractions such as the batuan temple, goa gajah, tirta empul, besakih, tanah lot, taman ayun, uluwatu, and natural attractions such as the batur geo-park site, frequent terrace cultural heritage jatiluwih, ubud monkey forest, bedugul botanical garden. the tourist attraction has been worldwide and requires an explanation of the philosophical, religious, historical aspects that relate to e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 balinese culture and cannot be separated from the beliefs held by the balinese people, namely hinduism. explanations provided by guides are carried out in russian fluently and complete information. they explained the various functions and grammar of russian language. this is the focus of this research considering that russian language has 6 types of case forms, namely nominative (n), accusative (a), datif (d), genitive (g), instrumental (i), and prepositional (p). the use of the case form in a sentence context will show how varied russian-language guides are in terms of accuracy. therefore, the expression of sentences that are expressed will experience a change in the context that is subject to a case form both in the noun and adjective. the imposition of this case will be more complex because the russian language noun is classified in masculine, feminine, neutral form and each gender noun is divided into singular and plural. in addition, the verb undergoes conjugation depends on the subject and changes occur in accordance with the form of the times and aspects of both the perfective and imperative aspects. table 1 below shows changes in noun forms in 6 types of case forms. tabel 1. the form of noun in russian cases case noun masculine feminin neutral singular plural singular plural singular plural n билет /bilyet/ слoвaрь /slowar/ мyзeй /muzei/ билеты /bilyetiy/ слoвaри /slawari/ мyзeй /muzei/ гaзетa /gazeta/ нeдeля /nidyelya/ плошaдь /ploshad/ гaзеты /gazeti/ нeдeли nidyeli/ плошaди /ploshadi/ делo /dila/ yпрaжнeниe /uprazheneniye/ имия /imiya/ делa /dila/ yпрaжнeния /uprazhneniya/ имeнa /imena/ a билет /bilyet/ слoвaр /slovar/ мyзeй /muzei/ билеты /bilyetiy/ слoвaри /slavari/ мyзeй /muzei/ гaзетy /gazetu/ нeдeлю /nyedelyu/ плошaдь /ploshady/ гaзеты gazetiy/ нeдeли /nyedeli/ плошaди /ploshadi/ делo /dyela/ yпрaжнeния /uprazheniya/ имия /imiya/ делa /dyela/ yпрaжнeний /uprazhenii/ имeнa /imena/ g билета /bilyeta/ слoвaря /slavarya/ мyзeя /muzeya/ билетoв /bilyetov/ слoвaрeй /slavarei/ мyзeйя /muzeiya/ гaзеты /gazetiy/ нeдeл /nyidel/ плошaдь /ploshady/ гaзет /gazet/ нeдeли /nydeli/ плошaди /ploshadi/ делa /dyela/ yпрaжнeния /uprazhneniya имeни /imeni/ дел /dyel/ yпрaжнeний имeн /imen/ d билету /bilyetu/ слoвaрю /slawaryu/ билетaм /bilyetam/ слoвaрям /slavaryam/ гaзетe /gazetye/ нeдeлe /nidelye/ гaзетaм /gazetam/ нeдeлям /nidelyam/ делy /dyelu/ yпрaжнeнию /uprazhniniyu/ делaм /delam/ yпрaжнeниям /uprazhninyam/ e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 tabel 2 below shows the resembled meaning for the variant of nominative case. tabel 2. the resembled meaning of noun in nominative case masculin feminin neutral singular plural meaning singular plural meaning singular plural meaning билет /bilyet/ слoвaр /slowar/ мyзeй /muzei/ билеты /bilyetiy/ слoвaри /slawari/ мyзeй /muzei/ tiket kamus museum гaзетa /gazeta/ нeдeля /nidelya/ плошaдь /ploshad/ гaзеты /gazeti/ нeдeли /nidyeli/ плошaди /ploshadi/ koran minggu lapangan делo /dila/ yпрaжнeниe /uprazhneniye/ имия /imiya/ делa /dila/ yпрaжнeния /uprazhneniya/ имeнa /imena/ bisnis latihan nama the use of the noun variant in the context of sentences in different cases (6 cases) is as follows. 1. n : skolka bilyet stoit dlya tanets kecak? how much does the ticket cost for the kecak dance? 2. a : viy mozhetye kupit bilyetiy zdyes. can you buy the tickets here? 3. g : miy khotim kupit pyaty bilyetov dlya tanets kecak. skolka oni stoit vmyestye? we want to buy 5 tickets for kecak dance. how much are they altogether? 4. d : daitye mnye etu bilyetu. ya budu smotrety eta tanets. give me the ticket i want to see the dance. 5. i : davaitye payekhat v uluwatu se etom bilyetom. miy budyem smotrem tanets kecak tam. let’s go to uluwatu with this tcket. we can see kecak dance there. 6. p : skazhitye mnye pozhaluista dyebushka. mnye nuzhno podpisith v etom bilyetye? excuse me, lady. do i need to sign on this ticket? improved mastery of russian language by guides is also found in written litrations when guides interact with social media such as the whatsapp (wa) application. the progress мyзeю /muzeyu/ мyзeям /muzeyam/ плошaди /ploshadi/ плошaдям /ploshadyam/ имeни /imeni/ имeнaм /imenam/ i билетом /bilyetom/ слoвaрeм /slavarem/ мyзeeм /muzeyem/ билетaми /bilyetami/ слoвaрaми /slavarami/ мyзeями /muzeyami/ гaзетoй /gazetoi/ нeдeлeй /nidelyeii/ плошaдью /ploshadyu/ гaзетaми /gazetami/ нeдeлями /nidelyami/ плошaдями /ploshadyami/ делoми /dyelom/ yпрaжнeинeм /uprazhneinem/ имeнeм /imenem/ делaми /delyami/ yпрaжнeинями /uprazhneinyami/ имeнaми /imenami/ p билетe /bilyete/ слoвaрe /slavare/ мyзee /muzye/ билетаx /bilyetakh/ слoвaряax /slavaryakh/ мyзeяax /muzeyakh/ гaзетe /gazetye/ нeдeлe /nidelye/ плошaди /ploshadi/ гaзетax /gazetakh/ нeдeлиxи /nidelikh/ плошaдяx /ploshadyakh/ делe /delye/ yпрaжнeним /upradnenim/ имeни /imeni/ делax /delakh/ yпрaжнeнияx /uprazhneniyakh/ имeнax /imenakh/ e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 of the level of mastery of russian language by guides significantly influences the quality of service to satisfy russian tourists as shown in a questionnaire where russian tourists on average give a range of values 1 2 about mastering russian language guides which means excellent for value 1 and good for value 2. the value given by russian tourists is certainly very beneficial for all parties not only to tour guides but also companies or travel agents that employ guides, so that the sustainability of visiting russian tourists is guaranteed. 2. russian-speaking tour guide and service dimension factors that influence the level of mastery of russian language tour guides can be stated that besides russian tourists who have the motivation to get satisfaction from the quality of services provided by guides on the other hand tour guides have the motivation to improve their russian language mastery to provide quality service which is prime to tourists and makes them still exist from the tight competition in dealing with russian tourists. the competition does not only occur among guides themselves as healthy competition, but also from the large number of foreign representatives from russia, ukraine, uzbekistan who take part in handling russian tourists in bali. this competition with foreign representatives becomes unhealthy, besides the foreign representatives as native speakers are also exhaled by the issue that mastering russian language guides is minimal. this competition is what triggers guides to strive to improve the mastery of russian language in order to dismiss these unfounded issues otherwise they only become spectators in their own country. increased mastery of russian language guide as a quality of service that gives satisfaction to russian tourists is inseparable from the dimensions of service to tourists who have their respective influences in determining tourist satisfaction on service quality, namely tangibility, reliability, responsiveness, assurance, and empathy. tangibility factor is shown through the physical appearance of guides who characterize professional people and imbued with the local cultural work ethic, namely guides wearing traditional balinese clothing. this appearance is certainly a positive impression for russian tourists who have come to bali to gain experience about local culture. reliability factors are determined by providing information according to needs, timely service, and avoiding errors when providing services. communication errors will not occur along with the increasing level of mastery of russian language guides. the responsiveness factor is done by appreciating tourists, professionals in providing services, helping tourists with deftness, and attitude when serving. guides should be more appreciative of tourists in providing services especially for russian tourists who have e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 different characteristics from tourists from australia, america, and other western european countries. the assurance factor can be done through the use of clear and easy-to-understand russian language, knowledge of guides about extensive tourism products and culture, security of russian tourists during the handling of guides, as well as being honest and clean in serving. communication is important in handling russian tourists, because the use of russian language is good and right coupled with knowledge about tourism products and culture can increase tourist confidence in guides, especially in the purchase of optional tours and can provide accurate and accurate information to tourists. in terms of emphaty factors, namely respecting russian tourists with the use of language that is polite, friendly, and always smiling in serving, and paying attention to tourists' requests. conclusion mastery of russian language tour guides have experienced a very significant increase along with the increasingly intensive interaction between guides and russian tourists in addition they have also utilized the development of information and communication technology. in addition, competition with foreign representatives who also handle russian tourists in bali has spurred guides to improve russian language mastery. increased mastery of russian language by guides has a positive impact on the quality of service that gives satisfaction to russian tourists. the service quality includes five service dimension factors, namely tangibility such as the physical appearance of guides who impress russian tourists, reliability with the communicative competence of guides can improve services to tourists, responsiveness by understanding the characteristics of russian tourists can satisfy tourists, assurance with knowledge of tourism products and culture can increase russian tourists' trust in guides, and empathy with the use of polite language, friendly attitude, and respect for tourists provides a special satisfaction for russian tourists. it can be suggested to guides to keep maintaining the mastery of the russian language that has been achieved so far and even improved to provide excellent service quality to the satisfaction of russian tourists and cling to honesty as the most important aspect of the service dimension, thus building a positive image among guides as the spearhead (front-line) tourism and ambassadors (ambassadors) of countries and nations in the tourism sector. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 36-47 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 references alfianto, d. 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(2008). service management mewujudkan layanan prima. yogyakarta: andi. marginalization of departments of social sciences and languages in senior high school in denpasar i wayan winaja the university of hindu indonesia denpasar jalan sangalangit, tembau, penatih, denpasar w.winaja@yahoo.com abstract learning should be focused on the social and cultural development of intellectual ability, and encourage the learner’s comprehension and knowledge in order to produce intelligent and educated society. from the data collected from public senior high school 1 denpasar and dwijendra senior high school denpasar, it was found that the departments of social sciences and languages were seriously marginalized, indicated by the time allocated for social sciences and languages. the time allocated for natural sciences such as chemistry, physics, and biology averaged three hours a week. the additional ‘extra’ time allocated for natural sciences made the overall time allocated for them double the overall time allocated for social sciences such as economics, history sociology, and geography. furthermore, the time allocated for one of them was one hour a week. the knowledge presented by the books of natural sciences was highly “instrumentalist-positivistic”; unlike the books of social sciences which only provided academic normative information. the modernity contained in “instrumentative positivism” was the philosophy which gave more priority to practical things and hard work with financial success as the main criterion. it was concluded that the marginalization of the departments of social sciences and languages in public senior high school 1 denpasar and dwijendra senior high school denpasar resulted from modernism, the culture of image, and the image that natural sciences were more advantageous than social sciences and languages. keywords: marginalization of social sciences and languages, senior high school, education. introduction that the indonesian educational institutions are weak has resulted from the fact that they do not have any cultural development as the basis. they are only developed based on economic libido model to produce workers which are already integrated in accordance with capitalistic economic values. the graduates of educational institutions become powerless job seekers (“they go to school to seek after jobs”). they do not become creative employment creators, meaning that they do not contribute to the welfare in the cycle of significances which should be the most essential in education and learning process (purwasasmita, 2002; piliang, 2004; suwati, 2008; winaja, 2012). the capitalistic economic libido is a product of the “idolization” of the ratio of running after growth, as a consequence of the “great narration” of natural sciences. the educational institutions are also snared in the imperialistic great narration of natural sciences over social sciences and languages, as indicated by the departmental choice in senior high school (katu, 2002). this study was intended to explore the factors causing the departments of social sciences and languages to be marginalized in public senior high school 1 denpasar and dwijendra senior high school denpasar. in theory, it was expected that this study would be beneficial to the development of sciences in general and educational science in particular, which is particularly related to the factors contributing to the marginalization of the departments of social sciences and languages in public senior high school 1 denpasar and dwijendra senior high school denpasar. research method this study was conducted using qualitative method with the perspective of cultural studies (bennet, 1998). the informants were purposively determined and were developed using snowball technique. the data were collected through in-depth interview, documentation, and library research. the data used were qualitative data as well as quantitative data. the primary data were obtained from the informants and through observation, and the secondary data were obtained from documents. the data were descriptively, qualitatively, and interpretatively analyzed and the stages included data reduction, data presentation, and final conclusion drawing. results and discussion from the data collected from public senior high school 1 denpasar and dwijendra senior high school denpasar, it was found that the departments of social sciences and languages were seriously marginalized. that was indicated by the time allocated for each lesson. the time allocated for natural sciences such as chemistry, physics, and biology averaged three hours a week. the additional ‘extra’ time allocated for natural sciences made the overall time allocated for natural sciences total four hours a week, meaning that the overall time allocated for natural sciences doubled the time allocated for social sciences such as economics, history, sociology, and geography. the time allocated for social sciences averaged two hours a week; even the time allocated for one of them was one hour a week. the knowledge presented by the books of natural sciences was highly tendentious and encouraged “instrumentalist-positive” modernism. unlike the books of social sciences which only gave academic normative information. the “instrumentative positivism” modernity was the philosophy which gave more priority to practical things and hard work with financial success as the main criterion (katu, 2002; winaja, 2012). in relation to that, the students and society made the natural sciences (the exact sciences) the standard of the highest truth. the followers of positivism assumed that the peak of the human knowledge was the positive sciences (the sciences which are based on facts which are verified and closely measured). the appearance of positivism could not be separated from the cultural climate which allowed a movement to develop to apply the way in which sciences worked in every human activity. such a cultural climate resulted from the industrial revolution in england in the 18th century which led to the optimism that human beings would made progress based on the success obtained by the industrial revolution itself. moreover, positivism avoided philosophy from its speculative work, that is, to search for ontological essences or metaphases which had been undertaken for thousands of years. according to positivism, philosophy did not have anything to do except finding out the general principles which were similar to all sciences and using such principles for directing human behavior and as the basis for organizing people’s social behavior. in this context, positivism believed that people would make progress if they appreciated sciences and technology. in other words, positivism highly appreciated the position of sciences and was optimistic that it could play its social role in making human beings welfare. it was stated that positivism was a dogmatic religion as it had institutionalized its global view as a doctrine for sciences (adrian, 2006; baudrillard, 2004). it is in this stage of scientific-positive life that economic life became the center of attention and the society was led and organized by a group of elite scientists who were responsible for organizing the society rationally. thus, in this context of the study, why the students of senior high school tended to prefer the departments of natural sciences to the departments of social sciences and languages. if referring to the comte’s view concerning the three stages of the development of human thought, it seemed that the society was already in the third stage, that is, in the positive-scientific stage. this led to the fact that everything currently done by people was more influenced by the rational, objective pattern of thinking; even this was always supported by tangible data (barker, 2008). in this context of the present study, the asymmetric justifying relation or the domination justifying relation which was intended was the domination of the natural sciences over the social sciences and languages. most of the students and parents whom were interviewed stated that they preferred the departments of natural sciences for the reason that they were believed to give a better future. they also stated that the department of natural sciences was more prestigious and prospective than the departments of social sciences and languages. this indicated that the fact that natural sciences were much more glorious than social sciences and languages had widely controlled the people’s cognitive structure. such a condition led to what was stated by george ritzer (2002: 2) concerning a wide scope of paradigm referred to as mcdonallization, namely, as “…… a process in which various principles of fast-food restaurants were applied to dominate more sectors of life in america and the other parts of the world”. with reference to what was stated by ritzer, it could be observed that the mcdonalized life did not only affect restaurant business but also employment, health care, journey, politics, family, and education as well. when education was contaminated by the paradigm of mcdonalization, then in the transformational process the sciences learned by the senior high school students could be affected by the mcdonald principles, namely, everything should be instant, and the result should be instantly achieved without paying attention to the aspect of the quality of the result achieved. such a paradigm could also affect the way of thinking of the students and people in defining sciences. what is meant is that the natural sciences were regarded as being able to escort the students to the world of employment, and representing the symbols of modernism in which the students would be interested in. on the other hand, the social sciences and languages which were far less represented tended to be left behind by the students. it is this which was responsible for the fact that more students would be interested in the department of natural sciences and that less students would be interested in the departments of social sciences and languages. conclusions modernism, as the hidden ideology of the government, is consciously and unconsciously followed by the schools and stakeholders as far as the departmental choice in senior high school is concerned. this phenomenon could be seen from that fact that more time is allocated for natural sciences; as a result, the dichotomy between the department of natural sciences and the departments of social sciences and languages could not be avoided. mastering natural sciences means having more opportunities and a better future. this is strengthened by the fact that natural sciences and mathematics contribute to technology. there is an image that those who master the materials provided in natural sciences are those who are clever, intelligent and rational, and have a bright future. consequently, a school finally becomes a symbol of status. the followers of positivism assume that the peak of sciences is the positive or natural sciences. it is believed that people will make progress if they appreciate sciences and technology. this is expressed in the form of an admiration “consuming technology” (adrian, 2006). the doctrine is that all sciences should be under the instrumentalist and positivistic paradigm. this has been established in all the cognitive structures of the society and government. it is suggested to the educational regulator that the binary opposition in education in general and in the development of sciences in general should be temporarily stopped and postponed. acknowledgements thank god (ida hyang widhi wasa) that it is his asung waranugraha which enabled this dissertation to be completed in time. the writer recognizes that this study could have been completed without support, motivation, direction, and encouragement provided by the supervisor and two co-supervisors at the doctorate program of cultural studies of udayana university such as prof. dr. nengah bawa atmadja, m.a., prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a., and prof. i made suastika, s.u. and the senior high school students, teachers and headmasters of public senior high school 1 denpasar and dwijendra senior high school denpasar, the officials of the department of education, youth and sports of denpasar city. the writer would like to thank and highly appreciate them. bibliography adrian, dony gahral. 2006. percik pemikiran kontemporer sebuah pengantar komprehensif. yogyakarta: jalasutra. barker, chris. 2008. cultural studies teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. baudrillard, jean. 2004. masyarakat konsumsi. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. bennet, t. 1988. cultural: a reformer’s science. st leonard, nsw: allen & unwin. katu, nggandi. 2002. “pendidikan dalam masyarakat modern” dalam johanes mardimin (ed). 2002. jangan tangisi tradisi, transformasi budaya menuju masyarakat indonesia modern. yogyakarta: kanisius. piliang, yasraf amir. 2004. dunia yang dilipat, tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta: jalasutra. purwasasmita, m. 2002. kajian fenomenologi nilai. bandung: alfabeta. ritzer, george. 2008. teori sosial postmodern. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. suwati. 2008. sekolah bukan untuk mencari pekerjaan. jakarta: pustaka grafia. winaja, i wayan. 2012. “marginalisasi jurusan ilmu pengetahuan sosial dan bahasa pada sekolah menengah atas: studi kasus di sma negeri 1 dan sma dwijendra denpasar”, disertation, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. microsoft word artikel vanesa sebayang terbit1 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 reclaiming karonese identity through erpangir ku lau ritual vanesia amelia sebayang1, i nyoman darma putra2, i gusti putu bagus suka arjawa3, ida bagus gde pujaastawa4 1department of etnomusicology, faculty of cultural studies, universitas sumatera utara, medan, 20155,2cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university, 3department of sociology, faculty of social and political science, universitas udayana, 4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university, email: 1vanesia.amelia@usu.ac.id, 2idarmaputra@yahoo.com, 3suka_arjawa@yahoo.com, 4guspuja@gmail.com received date : 1-05-2020 accepted date : 20-10-2020 published date : 30-11-2020 abstract dutch colonialism in tanah karo has long ended but not with the construction of the discourse. the unilateral evaluation of the dutch towards the spirituality of the karo people caused the karo people to split into groups and live with social pathology. the colonial discourse is now experiencing challenges as the erpangir ku lau ritual was established as a national intangible cultural heritage and was made as one of the routine cultural tourism attractions in karo district. this research uses a descriptive qualitative research method because it uses theory as a platform. the data source of this research consists of primary data obtained through observation and in-depth interviews, and secondary data obtained through books, scientific papers, documents, and online sources. the results of the study revealed that despite being rejected by one of the community groups, support for efforts to reclaim karo's identity through the implementation of the erpangir ku lau ritual was still activated. this is because the effort to reclaim identity is expected to bring back the karo community following the identity of the ancestral heritage, namely mehamat (polite), metami (persuading), melias (loving), perkuah (generous), and perkeleng (merciful) towards fellow humans and ancestors, the creator, and the universe. keywords: reclaiming identity, erpangir ku lau, colonial discourse, and karo society introduction colonialism in tanah karo developed by no longer just trying to expand conquered territory but also changing the personality of its people following the understanding of its e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 rulers. it was colonialism that also formed the background of various interventions in the karo community and its spirituality world. dutch colonial discourse that was formed during the colonial era, is full of various interests that eliminate the personality of the karo people. the creation of social classes in colonized society is also an impact of the practice of powerknowledge relations that occurred during the colonial period in tanah karo on all sides such as linguistics, economics, social and culture. the characteristic personality of the karo people is mehamat (polite), metami (persuading), melias (loving), perkuah (generous), and perkeleng (merciful) towards fellow humans and ancestors, the creator, and the universe is weakening and gradually disappearing. even new phenomena of social pathology appear, namely anceng (happy to see other people hard, hard to see other people happy), cian (jealousy/envy), and cekurak (happy talking about the ugliness of others) or known as acc. the karo people are unwittingly forced to live with mutual suspicion, mutual hatred, and compartmentalization in their egos. furthermore, as a discourse created by the dutch colonialists, it was finally accepted by society as a result of hegemony. the social reality of the karo community today is daily life knowledge that lives and develops as a general awareness, public discourse, and social construction. the social reality of the karo people created by the dutch colonials, accepted as a result of hegemony, should be corrected by conducting counter-hegemony to review the erpangir ku lau ritual which is full of meaning for each karo community. this study seeks to deconstruct the social reality of the karo community according to derrida's concept so that they can get back to knowing their noble nature and identity. as local wisdom that has been protected nationally, the erpangir ku lau ritual is in harmony with lyotard's explanation (lubis, 2004: 37) which is a local context in karo district. the ancestors believed that erpangir ku lau ritual was closely related to the cycle of life of a human, which in turn had an impact on the cosmic system of the karo people themselves. malesevic (2006: 13) concluded that the identity of a nation can be used as an ideological basis in the context of understanding ethnicity and strengthening nationalism. moya (2009: 3-4) also explains that identity is the basis of socio-cultural relations in a society. our concept of who we are as a social creature -identitycan then influence our understanding of how to structure a society. and who we understand as ourselves also naturally has an impact on how we experience and understand the world. through this research, the reclaimed identity e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 of the karo community is expected to be able to re-articulate the 'authenticity' and the noble values of the karo community contained in erpangir ku lau ritual and be introduced to the younger generation. formulation of the problem 1. how is the construction of dutch colonial discourse on the karo people. 2. how is the reclaiming karo identity through the implementation of erpangir ku lau ritual. 3. what is the meaning of reclaiming the identity of the karo people through the implementation of erpangir ku lau ritual. research methods this research uses descriptive-qualitative research methods. primary data sources were obtained through observation and in-depth interviews, while secondary data were obtained through books, scientific papers, documents, and online sources. observations were carried out on the implementation of erpangir ku lau ritual in doulu village, karo district and serba jadi village, deli serdang regency. while the interviews were conducted involving karo people from various educational backgrounds and ages, karo traditional leaders, religious leaders, and karo intellectuals. secondary data in the form of dutch documents were obtained from various sources, one of which was in collaboration with the sumatran heritage agency as the license holder for the distribution of dutch documents in sumatra. result and discussions construction of colonial discourse on the karo society zending took place in tanah karo starting in 1890 when the ship of the dutch missionary union mission nederlandsch zendeling genootschap (nzg) accompanied by several minahasa priests anchored in east sumatra (now north sumatra). led by rev. hendrik c. kruyt and nicolas pontoh, the nzg delegates then began their mission marked by the construction of the first protestant church in buluhawar, sibolangit. the church is no longer actively used as a place of worship but rather as the gbkp reading garden as well as the gospel preaching zending museum which is managed by the channel blessing foundation (interview with eka, september 2018). but in its journey, the zending conducted by nzg by dutch intervention was full of violence and coercion. interventions for the noble beliefs of the karo people include changing e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 the hindu name pemena to perbegu, limiting the implementation of religious rituals, to changing the karo people's concept of dibata (god) and the universe. dibata is described as something abstract and has a negative connotation. pemena hinduism was subsequently considered a religion of worshiping black magic and magic. the construction of the dutch colonial discourse on the karo traditional belief system according to dirks (1992: 6) is part of the mandate of colonialism which embeds words such as foreign, others, and colonizable towards other nations to justify the practice of colonialism. the dutch colonial intervention which was quite harsh made the karo people turn into private individuals. some even changed their identities by removing the 'family name' and changing to another tribe. this was explained by panikkar (1959) that during contact with western society during the colonial era, ethnic groups in asia went through the hardships of life by being physically and psychologically depressed at all times. colonialism succeeded in stopping the familiarity of the colonies with their own culture (familiarity with the local culture) which then had an emotional impact (dirks, 1992: 117). community adherence to its leaders made the movement of the people against the dutch colonial government easy. on the dutch side, on the other hand, this form of popular government made it difficult for them to occupy new territory. because it was difficult to break the people's trust in their customary leaders, the dutch slowly abolished the banking system. some perbapan/sibayak (leaders) were even replaced to comply with the regulations implemented by the dutch colonial. the dutch action by replacing the people who occupied perbapan/sibayak positions following their wishes, made the karo people scattered and no longer believed in the perbapan, making it easier for the dutch to divide the karo people. this is one form of dutch colonial construction that has caused the karo people to lose their cultural identity (interview with ppg, 12 august 2019). the dutch government as a colonial nation tried to display suspicion and mistrust between ordinary people and local/adat leaders to hamper their efforts against the colonial power. fanon (in putranto, 2004: 80) describes the condition as mistrust.the reason for the formation of the mistrust was that colonialism wanted to strengthen its influence and power by forming a condition that triggered the fear of the inhabitants of the colonies. in addition to the form of government, the construction of the dutch colonial discourse also divided karo into small groups based on their residential areas. in the pre-colonial period, the karo people did not only spread in the highlands around the mountains but also spread e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 widely in the lowlands. according to putro (1979: 17), the following is the distribution area of the karo community: (1) karo gugung or tanah karo highlands (currently in karo district); (2) east karo region (currently included in the serdang bedagai regency); (3) karo baluren area along the lau renun river (currently in the dairi regency area); (4) karo jahe region (currently included in deli serdang regency); and (5) karo binge / selisai area (currently included in langkat regency). it should be noted that pre-colonial karo boundaries were not separated based on administrative boundaries such as todays modern cities but were only separated by watersheds and agreed by consensus. however, after the dutch colonial occupation in tanah karo, the areas which became the identity of the karo people were narrowed down like the current karo regency. while other regions serve as other districts/cities such as binjai, medan, deli serdang, and langkat which have pluralistic community characteristics. the determination of these territorial boundaries also affects the ethnic solidarity of the karo people. the determination of this boundary is also one of the causes of the formation of the karo community in small groups such as karo gugung, karo ginger, karo baluren, and so forth. the dutch strictly prohibits all activities of the karo people who require the use of traditional musical instruments. dutch colonial reasoned that the use of musical instruments could invite the presence of evil spirits that were contrary to the teachings of the church. the dutch decree made the traditional karo musical instrument something that was forbidden to accompany worship in the church and was replaced by organ instruments originating from europe. after the meeting of protestant christian leaders in the 1960s, traditional musical instruments were allowed to accompany worship but still obeyed the applicable laws (interview with matius tarigan, january 14th 2019). in addition to traditional musical instruments, the dutch colonial also banned the karo people from using uis nipes (traditional cloth). the dutch colonial side considered that the cloth was not in accordance with the teachings of christianity because one of the elements of the cloth dye used contained animal blood. through the dutch colonial church, institutions set the blood into something dirty and contrary to the teachings of christianity. same thing with the use of traditional musical instruments, weaving uis nipes is now allowed on condition that the fabric dye elements are replaced into synthetic dyes (interview with matius tarigan, january 14th 2019). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 the dutch colonial construction rolled over time to form the social reality of the karo people who did not dare to use the cultural attributes of their ethnic identity markers. the ban that resulted in the fear of the karo people starting from the colonial era continued even into the new order era. president abdul rahman wahid's administration was the beginning of the emergence of the courage of the karo people in using the attributes of their cultural identity markers (interview with hrs, july 12th 2019). so hard and the depth of influence of dutch colonial discourse works in silence amid karo society. this is as said by dirks (1992: 176) that colonial discourse has a very strong influence because the text and context work in the same region, space and time so that it cannot be distinguished. the anxiety that had been created in the subconscious understanding of the karo community made the dutch colonial discourse work effectively. changes in the form of government, changes in the boundaries of residential areas, restrictions on the use of attributes or objects of cultural identity markers have not been deemed sufficient to change the identity of the karo people. the dutch also prohibits the implementation of all forms of spiritual activities involving offerings in locations that are considered sacred. one of the affected is erpangir ku lau ritual. the dutch colonial monitored all activities of the karo people who were still carrying out this sacred ritual. its prohibition raises fears of the karo people who are still running until now. even though they have gained independence, the karo people are still sensitive and are reluctant to talk further when discussing about erpangir ku lau rituals. the noble values of the ancestors inherited in erpangir ku lau ritual in the past have formed the sublime identity of the karo people namely 3m2p (mehamat, metami, melias, perkuah, and perkeleng) which means always polite (mehamat); persuasive, persistent (metami); full of affection (melias); generous (perkuah), and compassionate (perkeleng). as the ritual is forgotten, the ancestral heritage of the ancestors is also lost in the minds and understanding of the karo people. the karo community has changed from a polite person who respects the three layers of the world to a karo community with a person who is rude, selfish, full of suspicion among people, and has no respect (interview with basmi tarigan, july 14th 2019). the construction of the dutch colonial discourse and its impacts now shape the social reality of the karo people which is far from the teachings of their ancestors. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 reclaiming karo's identity through the erpangir ku lau ritual erpangir ku lau ritual can be used as a media to claim identity for the people of karo. regardless of the technicalities or procedures for its implementation, this ritual is present to teach each person karo to re-apply the taboo on code of conduct, speech taboo, and food taboo. in addition to forming a wise personality and manners, this ritual also helps restore the harmony of the cosmos system, namely the relationship between humans and humans, humans with nature, and humans with the divine. this ritual is also a form of karo's personal communication with bègu jabu (ancestral spirit) and the forces of nature. all beings in the world are interpreted to live everyday side by side and respect each other. as explained by jenkins (2004: 215; 220) that ritual is related to inner depth and personal originality. the potential tension between beings in the world can be overcome by the power of symbols when rituals are presented. the pemena community upholds the norms of social life and respects the harmony of nature. teaches to respect seniority or older people, and vice versa older ones become role models for the younger ones. this teaching also teaches humans not to be too arrogant and to respect each other with god's creations. humans are also taught not to speak carelessly, hunt, fish, kill plant pests, cut down logs. the pemena community believes that the motion of the living nature is caused by the souls behind the events and natural phenomena caused by spirits personified as good tendencies that inhabit the land, rocks, logs, water, and so forth. the ingredients used during the purification ritual are water. why water? because water is meant as a media that not only remove dirt stains but also gives life back. water is a means of awakening. against the dead, it is often said that he purified himself on the day of his birth, and on the day of the resurrection. through ritual purification with water and a mixture of several types of oranges, the karo people have been cleansed and can interact again with god and the inhabitants of the universe. the ritual is carried out in flowing water with the aim, the excrement that has been discarded does not return again and humans return to being clean (sebayang, 2013: 59). from this explanation, it can be concluded that the noble identity of the karo people inherited from the ancestors who originally came from the hindu teachings of pemena as follows. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 mehamat mehamat is literally interpreted as an attitude of respect, not presumptuous, and not just any. mehamat in the karo community is an attitude of a person who is demanded to be polite in the code of conduct and polite in speech system. metami metami is literally interpreted as an attitude of a person who likes to spoil. for example, someone who is more mature or in a higher position treats people below him or younger than himself with kindness and attention. melias melias, when interpreted literally, is a person who is positive-minded, hard-working, intelligent, and brave. melias was inherited by ancestors in the hope that the educated karo community would become a person who could be relied on and mutually beneficial to one another. perkuah perkuah if interpreted literally is the nature of mutual love and generous. perkeleng perkeleng is literally a merciful nature. this trait requires each karo person to love all creatures on earth and its creator for the sake of harmonizing the three worlds (the upper world, the middle world, and the underworld). these five characteristics can be seen in the karo pedah (messages) that are often spoken by elders and community leaders in traditional ceremonies as follows: mehamatlah er kalimbubu (respect for kalimbubu) erkekelengen er sembuyak / senina (loves sembuyak / senina) metami, ku anak beru (loving and protecting anak beru) rendi-renta (give first and then receive) the development of the 3m2p traits subsequently resulted in the philosophy of life of the karo people as follows: "ula sipereh keriahen ukur ta manusia alu kinisuin sinjaga alam enda". (don't seek human happiness above the plight of other creatures in this world) "ukuri ukur si ngukuri ukur ndu" (think about the feelings of others who also think about our feelings) e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 knowledge of the natural sciences only teaches humans about the emphasis on the value of objectivation, based on logic, factual, creation, to the power of predictive quality and applications for the technology. but the values of indigenous knowledge from the ancestors of karo teach each karo person about aesthetic values, interrelated and interrelated human relationships, caring, to the mystical side of this world. the values of local wisdom knowledge are also present to teach humans to respect older people. these values are also closely related to the beauty of water; how water connects all beings in the world to how humans are an important part of nature. efforts to reclaim identity are in line with what was said by (lyotard in sarup, 2008: 210; 213) about great narratives. great narratives are no longer functioning in contemporary society. great narratives have lost credibility, be they speculative or emancipatory. instead, we are advised to return to the understanding of traditional societies where they emphasize the importance of small narratives such as myths, supernatural powers, people's wisdom, and other forms of explanation karonese cannot be released from his transcendental side, because that is part of his identity. for the karo people who uphold their customs, identity encompasses their entire body from physical, mental, emotional, to spiritual. this concept is not understood by the dutch. based on dutch understanding derived from modern european rational culture, body and mind are separate and separate things. modern europeans will not be able to see the connection between the physical body, mind, and spiritual world of their colonies. the karo people will not be able to live their daily lives in harmony without any reidentification or re-understanding of who are called ethnic karos. as long as they do not have the treasure of identity identification, the karo people will not be able to establish relationships with fellow humans in a consistent and meaningful way. in essence, without identity there is no human world. stuart hall (1996) in his book questions of cultural identity explains that by giving meaning to others, it means that we give existence to that person and acknowledge their existence, and by doing this process means we give and determine the identity of that person. by giving meaning and identity to ourselves, we participate in the stability and clarity of who we are, as well as its relationship with others in a social relationship. the meaning of reclaiming karonese identity through erpangir ku lau ritual is: (1) the unity of perspective and thinking about the noble identity of karo to the enhancement of local wisdom values so that it can be used as a filter to filter the negative impacts of foreign cultures; e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 (2) increasing the love of the karo people for their cultural assets, especially the younger generation; (3) development of the quality of life of the community and at the same time be an antidote for various types of social pathology and conflict between groups; (4) supports the performance of the government of the republic of indonesia in improving the quality of protection of ethnic cultural assets in indonesia; and (5) relevance to culture-based education and local wisdom values. while the meaning of reclaiming karonese identity in the national sphere are: (1) the transformation of the noble values of local culture as a media to build the nation's character; (2) the values of local wisdom can be used as signs or norms that serve as guidelines in living everyday life in society; and (3) the values of local wisdom can shape social people into people who are more religious, aesthetic, economic, adaptive to their environment, and humble. conclusion the conclusion of this research is first, the construction of dutch colonial discourse starting from the arrival of nzg in 1890 and being inherited until the reform era has obscured the noble identity of the karo people. there was a break in harmony between humans and their fellow humans, the forces of nature, and the divine. in addition to the breakup of the cosmos system, the karo people are also divided into groups based on their region, religion, and social environment. secondly, even though they were initially refused, erpangir ku lau ritual as a media for reclaiming the identity of the karo people was still supported and continued to be activated. third, the meaning of the implementation of karo identity claim research is considered capable of helping change people's understanding of their own cultural identity. erpangir ku lau ritual should be the basis which emphasizes the important role of the nature of mehamat (polite), metami (persuaders), melias (loving), perkuah (generous), and perkeleng (merciful) in creating hamonization between humans and other humans, humans with the universe, and humans with the creator following the greeting of the prosecutors. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 references bungin, b (ed.) (2001). metodologi penelitian kualitatif. aktualisasi metodologis ke arah ragam varian kontemporer. jakarta: pt. rajagrafindo persada. cardinal, s.w (2017). beyond the sixties scoop: reclaiming indigenous identity, reconnecting the place, and reframing understanding of being indigenous. doctoral dissertassion. department of curriculum & instruction, university of victoria, usa. dirks, n.b. (ed.) 1992. colonialism and culture: the comparative studies in society and history book series. usa: the university of michigan press. hall, s. dan du gay, p. (eds.). 1996. questions of cultural identity. london: sage publications. lubis, a.y (2004). setelah kebenaran dan kepastian dihancurkan, masih adakah tempat berpijak bagi ilmuwan. sebuah uraian filsafat ilmu pengetahuan kaum posmodernis. yogyakarta: byru percetakan. malesevic, s (2006). identity as ideology: understanding ethnicity and nationalism. new york: palgrave macmillan. moya, p.m.l., dan garcia, m.r.h (eds) (2000). reclaiming identity: realist theory and the predicament of postmodernism. california: university of california press. panikkar, k.m (1953). asia and western dominance: a survey of the vasco da gama epoch of asian history 1498-1945. london: george allen & unwin ltd. putranto, h (2004). “wacana pascakolonial dalam masyarakat jaringan”. dalam hermeneutika pascakolonial: soal identitas. yogyakarta: kanisius. isbn: 979-211013-5. putro, b (1979). karo dari zaman ke zaman. medan: ulih saber. sarup, m. panduan pengantar untuk memahami postrukturalisme & posmodernisme (terjemahan). yogyakarta: penerbit jalasutra. isbn: 979-3684-92-5. sebayang, v.a. 2013. “analisis interelasi guru sibaso, musik, dan trance dalam ritual erpangir ku lau pada masyarakat karo” (tesis). program studi magister penciptaan dan pengkajian seni, fakultas ilmu budaya, universitas sumatera utara: medan. microsoft word derinta 2 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 the matter pertaining to the postmodern tourist products representing the area of the old city of jakarta derinta entas1, i gede mudana2 1tourism management department, sahid institute of tourism jakarta, 2tourism department, politeknik negeri bali email: 1derinta.derinta@gmail.com, 2gedemudana@pnb.ac.id abstract cultural representation from the perspective of cultural studies is the concept of production, mediation, and reception. the common people know it as production, distribution, and consumption. the main topic of the present study is the appearance of the past in its current form. the appearance of the past using the cultural capital of the area is raised and packaged with new forms and meanings. the study focuses on the forms of the postmodern tourist products which represent the area of the old city of jakarta. the study uses the qualitative method in which the forms of the postmodern tourist products representing the area of the old city of jakarta are simply analyzed. the data were collected through observation, interview, documentation, and questionnaire. the data were analyzed interpretatively using the theory of cultural representation. the result of the study shows that the postmodern tourist products represent the area of the old city of jakarta in the forms of the production process, distribution process, and consumption process. they all strengthen the forms of the postmodern tourism products representing the area of the old city of jakarta. the products include city tour, heritage trails; junior heritage trails: fun learning in history; sunda kelapa cycling tour; kampung arab cycling tour; marine tourism (wisata bahari): sunda kelapa harbour and onrust island; jakarta heritage trails: free old city tour; chinatown journey experience through the eyes of history; old city adventure (kelana kota tua); going along the fortress of batavia city; jakarta urban legend tour; past time trip (plesiran tempoe doeloe). the different tourist products have been created by the tourism agents, and are packaged in such a way starting from historical facts to mythological stories that they all have enriched the tourist attractions in the old city of jakarta. keywords: representation, old city area, postmodern tourism introduction within the context of this present study, representation refers to an activity to make something appear again; however, the new form is not necessarily the same as the original form. the reason is that there is a process of reconstruction within the production, mediation and reception processes. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 the aspects which show the strength of the cultural capital of the cultural tourism in the area of the old city of jakarta are (1) the old city is the area of a city which still looks as a city; the city is still in existence with its urban structure; (2) the cultural tourist attractions of the area of the old city of jakarta include museums, old buildings with art deco and art nouveau styles, and art and cultural performances; (3) the tourism supporting facilities such as restaurants, cafes, hotels, and the other areas of entertainments; (4) being strategically located in the center of the city with its accessibility. the four aspects are elaborated with the discourse that the area of the old city of jakarta is made to reappear with its old functions. it is revitalized as the area of cultural and historical tourism. the cultural capitals which the area of the old city of jakarta has are changed and used as the postmodern tourism. the postmodern tourism representing the area of the old city of jakarta is intended to revitalize its old functions with new meanings used as the topic of the postmodern tourism. the new and unique branding for jakarta city created through the area of the old city of jakarta has been an attempt to give a positive image to the city. monas as the current icon and branding of jakarta city has been shifted by the existence of the area of the old city. the postmodern tourism concept can be strengthened by changing the branding concept of jakarta city from the icon of monas into the area of the old city. the description of the concept, the cultural sources of the area, the government’s attention, the new branding concept of the area is used as the introductory background for describing the forms of the representation of the postmodern tourism. research method this present study uses the qualitative method in which the area of the postmodern tourism representing the area of the old city of jakarta is simply described. the study mainly focuses on the attempts made to make the past reappear in the current era. the stages through which the study was conducted include the stage in which the location of the study was determined, the stage in which the data types and sources were decided, the stage in which informants were determined, the stage in which the research instrument was determined, the stages in which the techniques of collecting and analyzing the data were determined, and the stage in which the technique of presenting the result of the data analysis was chosen. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 the data used in the present study are the qualitative data in the forms of narrations, descriptions, and words related to the practice of the representation of the postmodern tourism in the area of the old city of jakarta. in the present study the data sources are divided into two. first, the primary data sources which include respondents and informants; they refer to the actual sources of the collected data. second, the secondary data sources; in this case the data in the present study were obtained from the other sources such as articles in the mass media, text books, publications, organizations and the government, and the published and unpublished research results (ratna, 2010: 143). based on the data sources, the data were collected interactively, meaning that the researcher came to visit the informants to be interviewed. the data were also collected noninteractively using the documentary technique and through observation. basically, the data in this qualitative study were collected through observation, interview, and documentary study. discussion in cultural studies the cultural representation is discussed in all levels; they are in the initial level, mediation level and reception level (agger in jenks, 2013: 235). they are applied to discussing the forms of the postmodern tourism representing the area of the old city of jakarta. the production of the postmodern tourism is the initial stage of the postmodern tourism representing the area of the old city of jakarta. in this point three points are discussed, as far as the postmodern tourism is concerned; they are (1) the factor contributing to the product of the postmodern tourism; (2) the process of engineering the postmodern tourist product, and (3) the postmodern tourist product. these will be comprehensively explained using the theory of cultural representation and the other supporting theories. there are several factors attracting tourists to come to the area of the old city of jakarta; they are general and specific in nature. they are the reasons why tourists come to see a city or an area (jensen and liovis in peace and butler, 1999: 89). “heritage must be broadly defined to encompass not only major historic sites and institutions, but the entire landscape of the region with its geographic base …” (bowes in timothy and boyd, 2003: 2). this perception affirms the idea that the cultural heritage is not only something which has to be collected as a collection of the past, but it also has historical and educational values; however, as far as the context of the postmodern tourism is concerned, there is the economic e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 values attached to it. it is these economic values which mainly contribute to the postmodern tourism product. the economic values of the cultural heritage in which the concept of experience economy is implemented improve. this concept shows the phases for improving the economic values of the area. the first phase starts from commodities, objects, services, and experience. selling the historical values of museums and old buildings is not the only way of improving the economic values of the area of the old city. the economic values can also be improved by engineering such capitals in such a way that they will become the tourist products which can give valuable experience to tourists. from what was observed, five things were identified related to the area of the old city of jakarta. first, the buildings used as offices, spice warehouses of the dutch companies, and residence where the dutch officials stayed. second, the buildings were constructed using the deco architect art featured by hybrid of the european, pecinan, betawi and arabic cultures. third, the area of the old city of jakarta is full of the stories of the past showing that it was the city of the dutch colonialism. fourth, the myths attached to the old buildings. fifth, the area of the old city was well managed and had good transportation system during the area of the dutch colonialism. fifth, all the things mentioned above are the assets that can be used to resurrect the popularity of the area of the old city in different forms without leaving its past history. in the phase of production, the economic aspect, political aspect and cultural aspect were engineered by the stakeholders. the economic aspect was engineered by the entrepreneurs in order to produce products using the strength of the capitals they have. the financial ability supported with the cultural asset of the ownership of the old buildings contributes to their strength. the old buildings in the area of the old city of jakarta are dominantly owned by private organizations and individuals. the cultural aspect was engineered by the society as the owner of the culture. in this context, what is meant is the betawi society, although not all the betawi cultural aspects are involved in the tourism activities undertaken in the area of the old city of jakarta. the development of the area of the old city of jakarta in the perspective of the postmodern tourism gives opportunities to the local people to develop the cultural assets they have as the capital. their involvement is intended to improve their economy. the old buildings which are revitalized and adapted with new functions can create opportunities and spur the economic development in the area of the old city of jakarta. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 the economic aspect was engineered by changing the forms of the area and buildings and minimizing the change of the original forms of the buildings. after the revitalization program was issued the area has significantly developed. through the decree of the governor of the dki jakarta nol 1766 of 2015, the area of the old city of jakarta has been used as the area of cultural heritage. the political aspect was engineered by the party which has power, namely the government. the government has developed the area of the old city of jakarta with a vision that it will become the area of tourism, businesses, trade and services for the sake of economic benefits without neglecting the character and historical value of the area. it is also intended to attract investors so that the economic value of the area of the old city of jakarta will improve. the government plays the role in protecting the area of the old city of jakarta through its revitalization program, and by protecting the area of the cultural heritage and old buildings used as the capital assets. the government has the authority to issue regulations applied through acts, the governor’s decree, the governor’s regulation, guidance, technical instructions and so forth. they are all used as the legal basis for protecting the area of the old city of jakarta. on the other hand, the government earns income through the retributions and taxes levied, which contribute to the locally-generated revenue ‘pendapatan asli daerah (pad)’. the postmodern tourism products are created by the stakeholders. based on what is stated in the vision and mission of rik kota tua jakarta chapter iii article 4, it is stated that “the area of the old city is developed with the vision of developing it as the area of the cultural heritage and the area of tourism, business, services, and trade with high economic values by maintaining its character and historical values”. the vision and mission of the area reflect that the area has the potential of being developed as the area of tourism. according to surbakti (2008: 159), the historical buildings are one form of the tourist attractions and objects, and that, within the tourism industry, tourist attractions and objects cannot be separated from the product development. basically, the development of a product is an attempt consciously made and planned to improve any current product by adding the types of the products which are produced or which will be marketed. the indicators which are recommended to develop an area of tourism include something to see, something to do, something to buy, how to arrive, and how to stay. the area of the old city of jakarta has fulfilled the requirement of something to see, meaning that e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 it has already had several objects to visit such as the fatahillah museum, the puppet museum, the ceramic and arts and design museum, the mandiri bank museum, and indonesia bank museum, and the bahari museum. the collections in each museum are relatively complete, and the retributions levied upon those who come to visit them are low. they are used as one component of the tourism package. the tourism activities in the area of the old city of jakarta are getting better resulting from the creative industrial participation. the phenomenon of man-like statues are completed with different characters and their attributes. some look like heroes, cartoon, ghosts and so forth. they all attract visitors to take pictures with the man-like statutes. the other attractions in the area of the old city of jakarta are the street entertainers such as the dancing dolls, face painters, art tattoos, street musicians, jugglers and so forth. many tourism packages which are offered are accommodated by the local communities such as komunitas historia indonesia (khi), sahabat museum (batmus), and komunitas sepeda onthel. they are some of the communities which pay special attention to the area of the old city of jakarta. the tourism packages inspired by the local communities are plesiran tempoe doeloe (trip in the past), heritage trails, as can be seen in the following table. several events and local cultural art performances such as jakarta fashion food expo, festival tempo doeloe, batavia art festival, old city festival, judul culinary festival and the attractions performed by the tourism and cultural communities of jakarta are also held. apart from the tourist attractions, the culinary tourist activity involving street vendors ‘pedagang kaki lima’ and the representative or recommended cafes and restaurants is also held. the restaurants and cafes around the area offer different menus, starting from the local to the international menus. one of the cafes which is favorite enough in the area is the batavia café which is located in the central zone of the area. table of tourist packages in the area of the old city of jakarta no. tourist activities facilities price (idr) operators 1 city tour, heritage trails onthel bikes 60,000 koba 2 junior heritage trails: fun learning in history walking foc khi 3 sunda kelapa cycling tour onthel bikes 40,000 – 50,000 koba 4 kampung arab cycling tour onthel bikes 50,000-75,000 koba 5 marine tourism, sunda kelapa harbor and onrust island varies khi e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 6 jakarta heritage trails: free old city tour sightseeing foc khi 7 chinatown journey experience through the eyes of history 100,000 khi 8 old city adventure sightseeing 50,000 – 100,000 khi 9 walk museum sightseeing 50,000 – 100,000 khi 10 tracing the frontier of batavia city sightseeing 50,000 – 100,000 khi 11 jakarta urban legend tour 225,000 khi 12 tour in the past (plesiran tempoe doeloe) sightseeing 80,000 batmus source: reconstructed by derinta, 2016 cooper (2005) states that the elements which contribute to the development of tourism in one area are (1) attractions which are made up of site attraction and event attraction; the site attraction of the area of the old city of jakarta is reflected by the old buildings; event attractions including amusements, bazaars, festivals, congresses, workshops taking place in the area of the old city of jakarta, (2) amenities, (3) accessibility, (4) tourist organizations which are responsible for promoting the area of the old city of jakarta and formulating the framework concept of the development of the tourism in the area. from the tourism activities which are created in the area of the old city of jakarta, it can be concluded that it is reasonable to make the area a tourist destination or the icon of a new tourism in jakarta city. tourists can visit museums, hunt for foods which are specific to jakarta city, and go around the old city of jakarta by the onthel bikes. in addition, visitors can also take pictures with the row of old buildings around the old city of jakarta as the background. different products of tourism offered in the area of the old city of jakarta are created by the tourism agents. the stakeholders are highly responsive to seeing the opportunities available in the area of the old city of jakarta. the tourist products starting from the mythological stories to the historical facts are packaged in such a way that they can enrich the tourist attractions in the area of the old city of jakarta. the mythological story which is popular in the area of the old city is the cannon “si jagur”. it is believed that it has the sacred value of fertility. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 conclusion and suggestion what was described in the paragraphs above regarding the production, distribution and consumption of the cultural representation can give the answer to the postmodern tourism representing the area of the old city of jakarta. in general, the postmodern tourism representation formed in the area of the old city of jakarta shows the seriousness of the stakeholders to revitalize the area. mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. entrepreneural figure of mount agung trekking guides. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], p. 1-7, aug. 2017. issn 2338-2449. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/33150>. date accessed: 02 jan. 2018 stated that “tourism is an economic business which is developed for the people’s prosperity by developing the natural sources and/or cultural resources-based tourism industry (private) and is supported by the government’s political role and the local people’s participation” (and see also: mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. kepeloporan kewirausahaan memandu pendakian daya tarik wisata gunung agung, karangasem, bali. journal of bali studies, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 2, p. 19-38, oct. 2017. issn 2580-0698. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kajianbali/article/view/35152>. date accessed: 02 jan. 2018.). therefore, in relation to the development of the postmodern tourism in the area of the old city of jakarta, it is suggested that as many stakeholders as possible in general and the local people who are often marginalized in particular should be involved in different developmental programs of tourism. acknowledgement in this opportunity the writer would like to thank those who were involved in the completion of this article and the management of the e-journal of cultural studies and the team of its reviewers for publishing the journal. bibliography agger, b. 2005. teori sosial kritis: kritik, penerapan, dan implikasinya. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. cooper, c.p. 2005. tourism: principles and practice. harlow, england:financial times prentice hall. jenks, chris. 2013. culture studi kebudayaan. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2018 vol. 11, number 1, page 10-18 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 jensen and lievois. 1999. “analysing heritage resources for urban tourism in european cities” dalam i.g. pearce & butler (eds). contemporary issues in tourism development analysis and applications. london: routledge taylor & francis group. mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. entrepreneural figure of mount agung trekking guides. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], p. 1-7, aug. 2017. issn 2338-2449. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/33150>. date accessed: 02 jan. 2018. mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. kepeloporan kewirausahaan memandu pendakian daya tarik wisata gunung agung, karangasem, bali. journal of bali studies, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 2, p. 19-38, oct. 2017. issn 2580-0698. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kajianbali/article/view/35152>. date accessed: 02 jan. 2018. ratna, nyoman kutha. 2010. metodologi penelitian kajian budaya dan ilmu sosial humaniora pada umumnya. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar surbakti, asmyta. 2008. pusaka budaya dan pengembangan pariwisata di kota medan: sebuah kajian budaya. (disertation). program pascasarjana universitas udayana. timothy, dallen j. timothy dan boyd, stephen. w. 2003. heritage tourism. harlow: pearson education limited. microsoft word e-journal i w.jondra 1 the use of electric energy for household needs at sukawati district, gianyar regency: in the perspective of cultural studies i wayan jondra1, a. a. gde agung2, i g. b. wijaya kusuma3, i made suastika2 1postgraduate program, udayana university 2faculty of letters, udayana university 3faculty of techniques, udayana university abstract sukawati district, gianyar regency is one of the tourist attractions and destinations. sukawati has sukawati art market and guwang market, art shops, craftsmen, wood carvers, painters, traditional and contemporary artists. they all complete the atmosphere at sukawati. as a result, more and more people intend to build houses there for which more and more electric energy is needed. this study was conducted to evaluate the use of electric energy at sukawati district. the problems are formulated as follows: how electric energy is used; how comodification takes place; how the government and perusahaan listrik negara, abbreviated to pln (the utility company) dominates people and how the people resist the government’s hegemony, what are the effects and meanings of the electric energy used at sukawati district. qualitative method supported by quantitative data, which characterize cultural studies, was adopted in this study. the data were taken from primary resources and secondary resources. qualitative method was eclectically employed for analyzing the data supported by the theory of consumer behavior, the theory of comodification, the theory of hegemony, the theory of knowledge and power and the theory of deconstruction. the results of the study were formally presented using tables, graphs and pictures and were informally narrated. the results of the study show that the increase in the number of population has resulted in the increase in the number of traditional houses without/with slight modification and modern houses. the rise in the number of houses has resulted in the rise in electricity needed for illumination, mechanical purposes and so forth. the people living at traditional houses use less and simpler electric utilities than those living at modern houses. the electric utilities used are highly influenced by both internal and external factors. the advertisements of electric utilities also contribute to the use of electric utilities, meaning that electricity has touched what is required by the people at sukawati district. by referring to the 1945 constitution, the pln has dominated the distribution of electricity. this has been used to comodify electric energy by changing its status into a limited liability company, and to increase the basic rate of electricity (tarif dasar listrik, abbreviated to tdl) with its various scenarios socialized through mass media. the government and the pln dominate the community to accelerate their 2 comodification practices. such a dominance or hegemony is resisted by the traditional people by strengthening their balinese identity through the preservation of bali traditional houses. electricity has covered all the banjar/dusun (neighborhood under a village) resulting in different effects such as giving up bathing in the public bathing place, the extinction of informal communication among the people, renegotiation of sacred values, change in orientation of the sekas (the traditional groups established for particular purposes) from being orientated their activities to non economic motivations into economic ones. the different backgrounds of the people at sukawati district have caused the meaningfulness of the availability of electricity to vary. keywords: traditional houses, electricity and efficiency 3 introduction the upcoming economic development in bali will be faced with external changes resulting from globalization and internal ones resulting from the implementation of the regional autonomy (erawan, 2004: 1). globalization taking place on a worldwide scale is identical with the process of spreading cultural influence characterized by science and technology (supriadi, 1994: 73); in widja, 2001: 1). jacob (1987: 15) states that electricity, as one of the results of science, is a system developed by man to adapt himself to his environment and to adapt his environment to himself in the framework of sustaining his life. electric energy can be changed into other forms of energy by utilizing electric utilities (puil, 2000: 13). aldin et.al. (2006: 24) states that human life style from eating to having sex is determined by bureaus. the advertisements of electric utilities in the mass media with the exaggerating ways in which they are shown have caused the people to buy them. the shopping life style is a new ideal replacing the classical policies. the consumptive life style has made needs identical with desires. it states:”i am identical with what i consume” (adian in aldin (ed), 2006: 26-27). the only target of modernism is formal rationality which is made up of efficiency, the ability to predict, more emphasis on quantity and mechanism (ritzer, 2004: 565). stevenson (1983: 3) states that the electric energy produced by the electric power station is distributed through transmission channels ending in the consumers’ electric installations. this is such a difficult, complex and long process that high costs are needed. the inefficient and nonselective use of electric energy and neglecting the use of renewable natural energy may lead to social, cultural, economic and religious effects as well as environmental damage. stevenson (1983: 4) states that electricity for illumination is commonly used after the sun sets. van harten (1985: 65) states that the bigger a room is, the more lamps and electricity are needed. most of the worldly tools depend on electricity (totok, 2007: 3). the ease of obtaining electric utilities and the possibility of installing electricity more than needed have motivated the people to enjoy and have it. erawan (2004: 1) states that the bali economy depends on tourism as the leading sector. the development of tourism in bali which is accompanied by the development of population needs an increase in infrastructure and facilities. it is this 4 which has been responsible for the increased needs for electric energy. yudhoyono (2006: 3) states that electricity is needed by everybody nowadays. the pln has dominated the electric distribution under the name of nv. nigm (pln) since 1945. such domination has been approved of by the fourth amendment of article 33 clause 2 of the 1945 constitution. for the sake of the indonesian people’s welfare, the government is legally obliged to supply electricity to the citizens as needed as easily and inexpensively as possible. however, danamik (2010) states that the legislative assembly approves that what are proposed by the government to increase the tdl and adnyana (2007: 12) states that since 1994 the pln has been determined as a limited liability company. it can be stated that the attempt to decrease the citizens’ electrification is made by the government by withdrawing more funds from the community (comodification). nowadays the people who need electricity should buy it from the government, which, in this case, is the pln. it only serves those who subscribe to at least 1.300 va without breaking the technical requirements. this is the form of its hegemony over the people and by all means constitutes a contradictive condition as electric energy resources are highly limited and should be used efficiently and when needed (ghana, 2006). in another opportunity, that is, on the international world day commemorated on 22nd april 2006, the president, in his speech, requested that all indonesian citizens should save electricity. this research is highly interesting as it attempts to reveal the local genius already owned by the people living at sukawati district to apply the methods of regulating light and weather, and the method of making use of water in order to support the movement of minimizing electric energy. the uncontrolled excessive use of electric energy will negatively affect the community itself. jacob (1990: 17) states that the consumers should be made aware that they are faced with the aggressive influx of industrial products. now electricity is needed for 24 hours a day at sukawati district. the people living at traditional houses use little electricity and sometimes none during day time. the houses where the activities are done from in the morning to in the afternoon do not need electricity at all. however, those living at modern houses need electricity in large quantities for almost 24 hours. the high urbanization taking place at sukawati district 5 will probably make it a new town. abdullah (2006: 28) states that the new cities appearing in the 21st century will be full with the inhabitants coming from the middle class characterized by technology and consumerism. the pln and the advertising bureaus, which support one another, make the people not critical anymore against the distortions resulting from the influx of electric utility products. as a consequence, artificial energy from electricity is created to match the need for energy. this has been responsible for the increased need for electric energy. on the other side, attempts are made to preserve traditional houses allowing the traditional people to relatively safe energy. this is a resistance (counter-hegemony) to the pln’s hegemony over the people. silaban (2004: 1) states that the national and per capita needs for electric energy can be minimized if houses are nationally designed with the saving-energy concepts and if the orientation of the governmental policies is improved by giving priorities to the people’s local genius. in this manner, the sociocultural effects resulting from the excessive use of electric energy can be anticipated. the difference in use, especially the greater use of electric energy in modern houses (jondra, 2007: 19) has resulted in a rise in consumption. this means that the use of electric energy highly deserves being explored from the perspective of cultural studies. the reason is that, according to admaja (2007: 4), the mission of cultural studies is practical and emancipatory in nature. it is highly possible, although being forced, to save electricity (kalla, metro tv news: 25th february 2008 at 05.30). four problems are discussed in this study. (a) how electricity is used both in traditional and modern houses at sukawati district?; (b) what has been done by the government through the pln to comodify the electric energy used at sukawati district?; (c) what has been done by the government and the pln management to dominate the electric energy used for households at sukawati district, and what has been done by the people to resist such a hegemony; what are the effects and meanings of the use of electric energy to the people’s lives at sukawati district? based on the problems formulated, this study is designed to specifically aim at (a) analyzing how the electric energy is used in traditional and modern houses at sukawati district; (b) understanding how the government through the pln has comodified the electric energy used at sukawati 6 district; (c) synthesizing how the government and the pln have dominated the use of electric energy for households at sukawati district, and identifying what has been done by the community to resist such a hegemony; (d) analyzing the effects and meanings of the electric energy used in traditional and modern houses to the people’s lives at sukawati district. therefore, in theory, this study is useful to intellectuals and in practice; it is useful to the community, the pln and the government. analysis as a research of cultural studies, qualitative method is adopted in this study. qualitative data supported by quantitative data are used in this study. the data from primary sources were obtained by interviews, observation and documentation, and the data from secondary sources were obtained by documentary study. the data were qualitatively analyzed through the theories of eclecticism such as the theory of consumer, the theory of comodification, the theory of hegemony, the theory of knowledge and power and the theory of deconstruction. the results of analysis are informally presented with inductive-analytic description completed with formal presentation. the results of the study show that the more the population the more houses were built. the houses built were made up of traditional houses, slightly modified traditional houses and modern houses. the more houses built, the more electric energy was needed, meaning that the more illumination and electric utilities were needed. while the people living in traditional houses needed utilities such as lamps for illumination, water pumps, electric irons, rice cookers, magic jars, refrigerators, television sets and tape recorders, those living in modern houses needed air conditioners, fans, exhaust fans, air purifiers, hair dryers, water heaters, treadmills, computers, water pumps, aquariums, facsimiles and the like. such electric utilities are continually, periodically and incidentally depending on when needed or desired. internal and external factors contribute to the use of such utilities. the advertisements of electric tools highly affect their use and; as a consequence, electricity has touched what is needed by the people living in sukawati district. by referring to the 1945 constitution, the pln has dominated the distribution and sale of electricity. such a monopoly has been used to comodify electric energy by reducing the funding and 7 increasing the basic rate of electricity (tarif dasar listrik; abbreviated to tdl) with its various scenarios. mass media has been used to socialize the rationalization of comodification. the government and pln have accelerated the practices of comodification by imposing hegemony. while the government has imposed hegemony by collecting retribution from the building permits (izin mendirikan bangunan, abbreviated to imb) issued, the pln has imposed it by determining the technical requirements which should be fulfilled by the people, and deciding that 1,300 va is the minimum which is installed although only either 450 va or 900 va is needed by the people. the hegemony imposed by the government and pln has been resisted by the traditional community at sukawati district by involving the priests, the palace figures and the community leaders. such a resistance has been shown by preserving the balinese traditional houses as a balinese identity. the existence of traditional houses allows the people to save electricity; as a result, they have not been made confused by the rise in the tdl or the minimum installment which exceeds their need. the availability of electricity at sukawati district, which has touched all the banjar/dusun has led to their giving up bathing in the public bathing place, the extinction of informal communication among the people, renegotiation of the sacred values and the change in orientation of the local seka (groups established for particular purposes), from being oriented to non economic objectives into economic ones. the various backgrounds of the community have caused the meanings of electricity at sukawati district to vary. findings as far as this study is concerned, there are five findings. they are (1) identity has caused the people to either waste or save electricity; (2) degradation in the government’s commitment to supporting the community and no attempts have been made by the government to motive the people to supply their electric energy by themselves by creating renewable electric generators, although, on one hand, they have the potentials; (3) redefinition of space made by the government; (4) electric saving behavior has been 8 motivated by the community leaders; (5) electricity has motivated the cultural development at sukawati district. closing it can be concluded that the use of electric energy at sukawati district has been highly influenced by identity and life style of the community, although it is believed that electricity is everybody’s vital need. knowing that the community highly needs electricity, the government and pln have undertaken the practices of comodification by imposing hegemony; however, the people living in balinese traditional houses have shown their resistance to it in the form of contra-hegemony. the availability of electricity has provided various effects and meanings to the life of the people living at sukawati district. based on the findings described above, it is suggested that (1) the government of sukawati district in particular and the government of gianyar regency in general should not only collect retribution from the building permits issued, but should also strictly regulate what types buildings which may support the electricity-saving behavior of the people are built; (2) the pln should increase the education-related programs for the community as an attempt to use electric energy wisely; (3) the people living at sukawati district should continuously preserve the traditional houses, apply the values of traditional houses in every building they may build. bibliography abdullah, irwan. 2006. konstruksi dan reproduksi kebudayaan. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. adlin, alfathri. 2006. resistansi gaya hidup: teori dan realitas. yogyakarta: jalasutra. adnyana, ngurah. 2004. ”sistim kelistrikan bali”, makalah, seminar kelistrikan bali masa denpan. di hotel bali beach. damanik, caroline. 15 juni 2010. ”dpr setujui tdl naik”. kompas.com. jakarta: kompas. jacob. t.. 1993. manusia ilmu dan teknologi. yogyakarta: pt. tiara wacana yogya. gelebet, nyoman. 1986. ”arsitektur traditional daerah bali”. denpasar: departmen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. gramsci, antonio. 1971. selections from prison notebooks. new york: international publisher. harten, van. 1985. instalasi listrik arus kuat 2. bandung, binacipta. 9 jacob. t..1993. manusia ilmu dand teknologi. yogyakarta: pt. tiara wacana yogya. jondra, i wayan. 2007. ”memudarnya rumah tradisional bali dan krisis listrik di bali”. wacana. edisi agustus 2007. kotler dan keller. 2007. managemen pemasaran, edisi 12. jakarta: pt. macanan jaya cemerlang. lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2006. dekonstruksi epistimologi modern, dan posmodernisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga cultural studies. jakarta: pustaka indonesia satu. moleong, lexy j. 2008. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya. persyaratan umum instalasi listrik 2000 (puil 2000): yayasan puil. ritzer, george. 2004. life style and ecstasi. jakarta: pt. raja grafindo persada. silaban, charly. 2004. “bangunan hemat energy: rancangan pasif dan aktif” (31/10/2004): www.silaban.net. simon, roger. 1999. gagasan-gagasan politik gramsci (cetakan 1, terjemahan). yogyakarta: insist press-pustaka pelajar. totok. 2007. “listrik” (24/12/2007): http/totoks.com widja, i gede. 2001. ”globalisasi pendidikan dan ketangguhn budaya.” makalah, stkip singaraja. yudhoyono, susilo bambang. 2006. ”sambutan peringatan hari bumi” (22/04/2008): www.presidenri.go.id. the writer would like to thank the director of postgraduate studies of udayana university, prof. dr. dr. a.a. raka sudewi, sp.s.(k); vice director i, prof. dr. i made budiarsa, m.a.; and vice director ii, dr. ir. budi sustrasa, m.s. for their acceptance and for all the facilities, assistance and support provided. the writer would also like to highly appreciate prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. and prof. dr. nyoman kutha ratna, s.u., as the head and secretary of the doctorate program of the study program of cultural studies of udayana university for all their supervision, direction, attention and motivation provided. being indebted is also extended to prof. dr. a.a. gde putra agung, s.u., as the main supervisor, prof. dr. i g b wijaya kusuma as co-supervisor i and prof. dr. i made suastika, su., as co-supervisor ii for all their time, input, supervision, motivation and patience during the completion of this dissertation. microsoft word artikel diana rosca terbit3 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 consumerism practices of korean pop fans community annisa widowati sundari dancers in jakarta diana rosca apria1, a.a anom kumbara2, i nyoman darma putra3 1master degree programme of cultural studies, universitas udayana, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email : 1dianaapria@gmail.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3idarmaputra@yahoo.com received date : 29-05-2020 accepted date : 25-10-2020 published date : 30-11-2020 abstract globalization facilitates the spread of culture from one country to another. from globalization, k-pop has finally begun to be enjoyed by indonesian society. one of the effects of the korean culture fever in indonesia is the consumptive behavior or lifestyle among teenagers who are k-pop fans. annisa widowati sundari dancers community or what is commonly called as aws dancers community is one of them. the reason why this community has been chosen as the object of this research is because aws dancers community is popular among k-pop fans in jakarta. this study used a cultural study approach that is analyzed qualitatively. data collection is carried out by the method of observation, interviews, and document studies related to k-pop culture in indonesia. data were analyzed with hegemony theory and culture industry theory. the results of this study show that the emergence of the k-pop culture industry ultimately inspired k-pop fans to form a community, namely aws dancers who performed dance cover activities. in addition, k-pop culture industries such as music, drama, food, cosmetics and electronic goods made teenagers who are members of the aws dancers community was hegemonied to buy and consume these things. as a result, various implications arise, such as dissipation among the members of aws dancers, hyperreality towards south korea, the increasingly eroded indonesian culture and celebritization among members of the aws dancers community. keywords : consumerism practices, korean pop, aws community, hegemony, culture industry introduction the world nowadays is becoming increasingly developed by technology. this transformation can help having great knowledge of knowledge. one example of technological development is the development of visual and sound machines or commonly called the media (lyotard, 2019: 5). the emergence of media that must become an industry not only plays an important role. the emergence and development of this industry is a specific historical e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 process that is compiled by comparison with modern society. the media industry, including television broadcasting, is currently changing massive changes and has a significant influence on the features of media products, production styles and their distribution (thompson, 2015: 280). the emergence of technology and media ultimately makes interaction throughout the world free and open as if national borders are narrow (puspitasari and hermawan, 2013). this relates to the globalization of culture which is said to be a symptom of the spread of certain values and cultures from a country to the entire world so that it becomes a world culture (puspitasari and hermawan, 2013). based on this explanation, it can be seen that culture can be spread easily due to the influence of globalization so that it becomes a world culture. with this acceleration of globalization, the environment that influences the development of the state and nation becomes a result of the interconnection between the most important elements in the global, regional, national and local environment (ibrahim, 2014: 37). one example of the case of accelerating globalization is that countries have succeeded in spreading their culture to various parts of the world such as japan and south korea, which will later be referred to as korea. cultural flow from japan to various parts of the world, especially asia, is an interesting phenomenon in this era of globalization, for example lovers of anime, comics, games, whose numbers can reach hundreds of thousands in the world (saleha, 2013). after the japanese state which had already spread its culture through japanese pop (j-pop), south korea began to spread its culture through korean pop (k-pop). at present korea has succeeded in spreading its cultural products internationally in a short span of time. various cultural products and other products made it to various parts of the world and colored the lives of the people (jung, 2011: 5). another interesting thing to note is that the simple enjoyment of drama, pop music, and movies has been changed to a strong preference for other south korean products such as electronics, cellphones, cars, fashion, cosmetics, and food and lifestyle. this growing interest in south korean culture has subsequently triggered a drastic increase in foreign tourist visits to the country. more and more people around the world are learning korean, leading many universities to open korean language majors in response to popular requests to help people enjoy korean culture more specifically south korea (jung, 2011: 6). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 the above is one of the consumption of popular culture. a consumption of a popular culture will always bring up a group of fans, that fans are the most visible part of the consumption of an activity or product (storey, 2006: 161). as a result of the consumption of popular culture which in this case is k-pop culture, there are various groups of fans with various activities. for example in indonesia, especially in jakarta there is a fan group named annisa widowati sundari dancers community or commonly referred to as the aws dancers community. this community is one of the k-pop fan communities in the jakarta area. this community was formed in 2013 and is still ongoing. the purpose of the formation of this community is to accommodate young k-pop fans who love to dance. this community usually imitates the movements of korean artists when dancing and singing, besides that they also always take part in dance cover competitions (competitions imitating the dancing styles of korean artists). this community also always holds meetings every week to just practice, gather, exchange opinions and hold several events around k-pop. most of them admit that being a k-pop fan makes them spend a lot of money just to buy an album or even their idol concert ticket if the artist visits indonesia to hold a concert or other k-pop needs concepts and theories in this study, the authors used four concepts which are the concepts of globalization, popular culture, consumerism and hyperreality. globalization according to robertson (in barker, 2004: 117) refers to the narrowing of the world intensively and increasing our awareness of the world, namely the increasing global connections and our understanding of them. the narrowing of the world is understood based on the institutions of modernity, while the reflexive intensification of world consciousness can be perceived better through a cultural perspective (barker, 2004: 118). whereas popular culture refers to opponents of high culture and / or mass production of commodity culture and consumer capitalism. in this definition, popular culture is considered inferior to the high culture of art and classical music on the one hand and authentic folk culture on the other (barker, 2014: 210). the term popular culture comes from the latin language that is popular culture. this term can be interpreted as the culture of the community or ordinary people (lubis, 2016: 71). consumerism is an understanding in which a person or group carries out and runs the process of using goods that are produced excessively, unconsciously, and continuously (rohman, 2016). whereas hyperreality is a concept used in a number of postmodern thoughts which more or less refers e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 to the idea "more real than real". hyperreality describes the way in which the simulation or artificial production of 'real life' runs their own world to construct reality. a hyperreality for baudrillard (in barker, 2004: 303) is where we are crammed with images and information. the theory used in this research is the theory of hegemony and the theory of the culture industry. the theory of hegemony which, according to gramsci, implies a situation in which the historical bloc of the ruling class exercises social authority over the classes below it. the concept proposed by gramsci proved to be very influential in cultural studies because this concept provides space and does not deny the importance of popular culture as an ideological struggle ground (barker, 2014: 119). whereas the culture industry theory wants to state that the culture industry shapes the tastes and tendencies of the masses, thereby printing their awareness of false needs. therefore the culture industry tries to obscure the real needs of society. the culture industry is so effective in doing this that people are not aware of what is happening (strinati, 2007: 69). research methods this research was conducted using qualitative research methods and site selection in dki jakarta province. this research consists of two types of data sources, namely primary data and secondary data, where primary data is obtained from interviews with informants and secondary data is obtained from document sources in the form of notes, recorded images or photographs, and observations of related events. with research focus. determination of informants in this study, based on competence to provide information related to consumerism that occurs in the aws dancers community. the informants in this study were the chair of the aws dancers community and several community members. data collection techniques in this study can be grouped into three, namely; (1) observation, (2) interview, and (3) study of documents by searching and finding documents related to the research topic. discussion the results of this study were obtained from various sources in accordance with the data collection techniques described earlier. the results of this study will be explained in three discussions including the following; (1) the process of forming aws dancers community in jakarta (2) consumerism practices that occur in the aws dancers community in jakarta, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 and (3) implications of the existence of consumerism practices that occur in the aws dancers community in jakarta. the process of forming annisa widowati sundari dancers community in jakarta annisa widowati sundari (aws) dancers community was first coined by annisa widowati in 2013 to accommodate young k-pop fans who loved the world of dance to join dance cover activities or activities to imitate the dance movements and styles of korean artists. before forming a community, annisa (founder of the aws dancers community) had many fellow k-pop fans, each of whom had performing arts talents such as dancing and singing. in addition, annisa is one of the many k-pop fans in jakarta who often watch dance cover competitions held around the greater jakarta area. in the end, after watching a dance cover competition held at one of the malls in jakarta, annisa was inspired to create a community whose focus was to do dance cover activities. this is felt by annisa as one of the right steps to be able to make this community as a medium and a place for fellow k-pop fans to be able to express their creativity, especially in the field of performing arts (dance) and add many friends. this was revealed by annisa (25 years old) in the following interview results; indeed, before this community was formed i had many friends who could dance and sing. plus, i also actively see dance cover competitions. after i went home (watched) from the dance cover competition at the ciputra mall jakarta, i thought why not make the community who participated in this activity also, this was also beneficial for my friends so that they wouldn't play around and could focus on developing their hobbies like dancing and following the style of korean artists they like (interview, 24 october 2019). based on the results of the interview above, it can be said that annisa as the community leader of aws dancers has been hegemonyed by the rise of dance cover activities as one of the impacts of the culture industry products (which in this case is korean pop) so that it raises the desire to form a community that carries out activities dance cover. the aws dancers community, at the beginning of its formation, held auditions for members who would join this community. the auditions are in the form of dancing and choreography in accordance with one of the songs and dances of korean artists he likes. besides dancing auditions, annisa (aws dancers founder) also interviewed prospective members about what motivated them to join the aws community and asked if they were willing to pay their own expenses which would later be used to purchase equipment when e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 they performed in dance cover activities. such as cash every week, fees to enter the competition, costume costs and makeup costs. this was revealed by annisa (25 years old) in the following interview results: before they join this community, they must be audited first. the reason why there should be an audition is because this is a dance cover community, where they have to be able to dance, even if they can't dance, as long as there is a willingness to learn, they may join. they will also be interviewed a little about the motivation why they want to join this community, and about whether or not they are prepared to pay for costumes and so on. they were told from the beginning about the bitterness of participating in dance cover activities so that they too were not surprised and disappointed after joining (interview october 24, 2019). according to ardymas (a member of the aws dancers community), he first joined the aws dancers community in 2013. he got information about an audition held by the aws dancers community from a friend. before auditioning, ardymas was required to learn a choreography that was delivered by one boy band from south korea. he was then audited directly by annisa and interviewed about the reasons for wanting to join the aws dancers community. this was revealed by ardymas (22 years old) in the following interview: when i first started joining the aws dancers community around 2013, at that time, one of my campus friends who also liked k-pop gave information about dance cover auditions and was also told that there would be a dance test, so i learned about a week of choreography. i will bring it from vixx boy band, after that i come to audition and meet annisa directly. then there were a few interviews about why they wanted to join the aws dancers community (interview, 26 october 2019). in addition to spreading information about auditions by word of mouth, the aws dancers community also intensively disseminates information through their own social media such as through facebook, twitter and instagram. social media becomes one of the places for them to promote and show their activities while holding dance cover activities, both through the aws community's social media and the personal social media of their respective members. after gathering a number of members, the community began holding regular meetings held every weekend between saturdays and sundays. activities that are usually carried out during meetings between members of the community are doing dance cover exercises and gathering to simply exchange opinions on concepts that will be presented when performing later. over time, the aws community has increasingly grown with many members joining. since 2013 the aws dancers community has been recorded as many as 56 members, with e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 an average age of 16-23 years. and as explained in the interview above, the members did not only come from jakarta but came from nearby cities such as depok, bekasi, bogor and tangerang. consumerism practices in annisa widowati sundari dancers community in jakarta furthermore, this sub-chapter will present the results of research on consumerism practices that occur in the k-pop fan community, annisa widowati sundari (aws) jakarta dancers, including; (1) making k-pop dance cover costumes, (2) dance cover hairstyles, (3) purchasing cosmetics, (4) other community needs, and (5) needs outside of dance cover. first, making costumes is done to support their appearance when they appear as well as when participating in dance cover competitions. making dance cover costumes can cost around rp. 500,000 up to rp. 700,000 rupiah per person for one costume. according to ihsan (one of the members of the aws dancers community), sometimes they have to make and wear new costumes on each dance cover competition so that they can look different in each of their performances. this was conveyed in the following interview with ihsan (22 years old): for dance covers, we really have to be as close as possible to the korean artists we cover. so every time we enter a competition or competition sometimes we have to make a new costume again so that it doesn't seem monotonous, because sometimes, the judges of the race are just that and that, they must also realize that the costumes we wear are just that and that if we don't often over. the average cost spent per person to make costumes can be used up rp. 500,000 make a costume once (interview, 24 october 2019). picture 1. filenada dance cover group costume, aws dancers community (aws dancers community documentation, 2015) e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 secondly, the unique dance cover hairstyles are also done to support the members' appearance when participating in the competition. members of the aws dancers community dye their hair with striking colors such as red, gray, blonde, green, blue and pink. the reason they chose to dye their hair with these colors was because they followed the hair color of the korean artist they imitated and they idolized. they cost around rp. 300,000 to dye their hair in a salon. third, the purchase of cosmetics is also not spared from things prepared to support their appearance. cosmetics / makeup purchased by members of the aws community as previously discussed become a necessity and need to support their appearance when participating in competitions / races. it became a sign that the culture industry eventually shaped the tastes and tendencies of the masses, thereby printing their awareness of false needs. where members of the aws dancers community buy various items to simply support their appearance. therefore the culture industry tries to obscure the real needs of society. the culture industry is so effective in doing this that people are not aware of what is happening (strinati, 2007: 69). fourth, other community needs such as holding cash every week around rp. 10,000, the money collected from the cash proceeds will be used for consumption needs for members when the dance cover competition is taking place and also for the transportation costs of its members. fifth, the needs outside the dance cover are purchasing concert tickets, purchasing merchandise, purchasing k-pop albums, eating korean foods, eating korean drama and using paid music applications such as joox and spotify. picture 2. lightstick usage when watching the kpop concert (source: documentation of ihsan aws dancers, 2019) e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 implications of consumerism practices in annisa widowati sundari dancers community in jakarta furthermore, this sub-chapter will present the results of research on the implications of the practice of consumerism that occurs in the annisa widowati sundari community (aws) dancers, including: (1) the waste, (2) the existence of hyperreality towards south korea, ( 3) indonesian culture is increasingly eroded and (4) there is celebrity in k-pop fan communities which also leads to roleplaying activities in the community. first, there was a waste where members said that they had wasted a lot of money on dance cover and other needs related to k-pop. at first they were willing to spend money because they liked the world of k-pop and the world of dance cover, but more and more they began to realize that they were spending quite a lot of money. the view of waste according to baudrillard as opening up the fact that we are not in an era of real abundance, that every individual, group or society today is placed under a sign that is rarely found or extraordinary. whereas in general these are the things that support a very interesting myth about the increase in abundance and which makes waste associated with a spectrum that threatens extraordinary. however, all moral views of waste as dysfunction are taken back according to a sociological analysis that gives rise to actual functions (baudrillard, 2004: 32). secondly, there is hyperreality towards k-pop and south korea. hyperreality towards south korea is felt by members of the community, where they assume that whatever comes from south korea is considered the best and the best. for example, virgi (a member of the community) said that he once bought a samsung mobile phone because he had seen the brand in one of the korean dramas he watched. at that time he began to know that samsung and its competitors lg was a south korean product, and finally after a time, he bought samsung because it was a south korean product. this was revealed by virgi (20 years old) in the following interview results: i used to buy a samsung cellphone, because i watched korean dramas, the actress used a samsung cellphone and to be honest, it was very funny. finally i asked my parents to buy me a samsung cellphone. (interview, 3 december 2019). third, indonesian culture is increasingly eroded. where the emergence of globalization ultimately facilitates k-pop culture is widespread. including in indonesia, this makes teenagers who are members of the aws dancers community like various things related to south korea. ihsan (22 years) feels that more and more insights about south korea such as e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 language, traditional culture related to the arts and also the culture of korean society that refers to the habits of the people. this was conveyed by ihsan (22 years old) in the following interview results: as i became a fan of k-pop and joining the aws dancers community, i became more knowledgeable about south korea as their language, besides that i also knew the cultures and habits of the people there such as bowing to meet more people old and many more (interview 24 october 2019). fourth, another implication is the emergence of a sense of celebrity in k-pop fan communities that are involved in the dance cover field, especially in the aws dancers community. the emergence of celebrity among k-pop fan communities makes them also want to experience how to live as a korean star or artist. ihsan (member of the aws dancers community) added his opinion about the love of the members of the aws dancers community towards k-pop and south korea, namely the community members who always fantasize about becoming a real korean artist. one way for members of the aws dancers community to express their desire to be like their idol artists is by doing role playing / roleplayer, but both words are usually abbreviated as "rp". actually roleplayer is more associated in the world of gaming or games, but specifically on this k-pop roleplayer fans play by playing their idol figures, the media used by fans, especially members of the aws dancers community is twitter. conclusion based on the results of the research that has been presented previously, conclusions can be drawn from the results of consumerism research practices on korean pop in adolescents of the annisa widowati sundari (aws) dancers community: the process of forming the annisa widowati sundari (aws) dancers community was motivated by globalization and the role of the media that made k-pop culture develop in indonesia. annisa (community leader) was inspired to create a community whose focus was on conducting dance cover activities. this is felt by annisa as one of the right steps to be able to make this community as a media and a place for fellow k-pop fans to be able to express their creativity, especially in the field of dance and add many friends and relationships. consumerism practices that occur in members of the aws dancers community are; (1) buying various necessities for dance cover activities which include making dance cover e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 39-50 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 costumes, dance cover hairstyles, (2) other community needs such as cash that is applied once a week, and (3) personal needs of community members outside of dance cover like purchasing tickets for korean artist concerts, and so on. these results in the amount of costs that community members must spend to fulfill their passion for k-pop. third, due to consumerism practices that occur in the aws dancers community, several implications occur and are also felt by community members, namely; (1) waste occurs due to the purchase of various items purchased related to k-pop by members of the aws community; (2) indonesian culture which is increasingly eroded due to the emergence of korean culture that is increasingly in demand by the community, especially teenagers who are members of the aws dancers community, and (3) the existence of hyperreality towards south korea which has led to a new phenomenon among community members, which is perceived celebrity by members of the aws dancers community. as a result of this celebrity, roleplayer activities among k-pop fan communities, especially the aws dancers community, are increasingly mushrooming. the suggestions of consumerism practices towards korean pop that occur in adolescents of annisa widowati sundari (aws) dancers community, are annisa widowati sundari dancers community or better known as aws dancers in maintaining their existence and achievements, can increase their flight hours in following various dance cover competitions and competitions as much as possible by calculating expenses well. in order to produce better research in the future, especially research related to k-pop is, it would be better if it could examine other k-pop fan communities and develop various theories and research methods to add insight and scientific treasures. references barker, chris. nurhadi (pen.).2004. cultural studies: teori & 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mengekspresikan kehidupannya studi kasus k-pop lovers di surakarta. jurnal pendidikan sosiologi-antropologi, 1-10. rohman, abdur. 2016. budaya konsumerisme dan teori kebocoran di kalangan mahasiswa. karsa: jurnal sosial dan budaya keislaman vol.24 no.2. saleha, amaliatun. 2013. arus sosial dan budaya jepang pada zaman globalisasi. jurnal kajian wilayah, vol. 4, no.1, 2013, hal. 25-43. storey, john. rahmawati laily (pen.).2006. cultural studies dan kajian budaya pop: pengantar komprehensif teori dan metode. yogyakarta: jalasutra. strinati, dominic. 2007. budaya populer: pengantar menuju teori budaya populer. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media. thompson, john b. 2015. kritik ideologi global: teori sosial kritis tentang relasi ideologi dan komunikasi massa. yogyakarta: ircisod. microsoft word artikel redana final e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 reconstruction of hindu priest in the dynamics of the inter tri sadhaka and sarwa sadhaka in bali made redana1, anak agung bagus wirawan2 i gde parimartha3, anak agung ngurah anom kumbara4 1the hindu dharma institute of denpasar,,2,3,4cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1redana@gmail.com, 2baguswirawan@yahoo.com, 3s2kjbdyunud@yahoo.com, 4anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id received date : 05-03-2019 accepted date : 12-04-2019 published date : 31-05-2019 abstract the reconstruction of hindu pandita in bali marked a polarization of hindu pandita set in the difference of the clan (soroh) and the belief system needs to be examined more deeply. the fact shows that there are still many hindus who think that the hindu pandita belong to the brahmin clan. this gap can be a stimulant misintensity against the issue of the kapanditan and the condition to construct "homo hierarchicus versus homo ecqualis are engaged in bali in war without end". the research aims to (1) understand the foundations of the thinking of the reconstruction of the hindu pandita (rph) in the dynamics between tri-sadhaka and the unconscious chi wildlife station in the balinese people, (2) understand the driving factors of hindu's pandy reconstruction in bali in the dynamics between tri-sadhaka – sarwa sadhaka, and (3) analyzing the implications of balinese hindu's impartiation. this research uses a mix method with the priority of using qualitative methods, which are supported by quantitative methods with value inventory techniques. the theory used as a foundation is the theory of power relations, structuration, deconstruction. the results of this study pertain to three things; first, reconstruction of the fundamentals of hindu pandita thinking in the dynamics between trisadaka and chi wildlife station sadaka is the efforts of the description of attitudes and personalities, value-conscious competence, and integrality. in the sense of the hindu pandita, which is personally integral, intact, and that is considered sacred, glorious, since he was in prayer beads spiritually through the process of diksa. secondly, the impetus factors of hindu reconstruction in the dynamics between tri-saddleted and a godly chi wildlife station in balinese people concerning historical and geneological dimensions, increased knowledge and chastity factors as a mode of adaptation to pandita, a social movement in the competition's status, and ideas for movement change. thirdly, the implications in the dynamics of competition between trisadaka and sarwasadaka are concerned with the ideological, social and economic pragmatism and importance of power. keywords: the reconstruction of hindu priest, the dynamics, tri and sarwa sadhaka, economic pragmatism and power e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 introduction polarizing hindu pandita in its various terminologology as a cultural construction in determining the religious leadership, authority, and social structures of hindu society in bali. the concept of a ritual leadership that is deemed to have a glorious, sacred and honorable position is constructed into various terms pandita with subclassifications such as pedanda siwa, pedanda buddha, and rsi bhujangga (tri sadhaka). all three are thought to have a standing and a level authority with the distribution of authority and different responsibilities in the rite. construction of the hindu pandita in the form of tri sadhaka as a manifestation of distinction and distinction of the hindu pandita triggered the social status contestation, and put a certain group outside tri sadhaka in subordinative and marginal position. this condition, stimuled agents of change placed in the inferior position to respond to the imbalance of social positions by reconstructing the new concept of becoming a sadhaka chi wildlife station with a dimension of equality and balance that based on mutual respect among the citizens. resistance to the group that builds domination and hegemony raises the antaginists and conflicts between different groups of the clan, contributing against certain groups to achieve the same objectives. in this case, pandita from the soroh group placed on the marginal position claimed to have the same authority in the social system and religious system, and the claim of status and claim of the truth potentially pose a world construction-based conflict social level. such a condition, by hildred and clifford geertz (1975:167) is stated as "homo hierarchicus versus homo ecqualis are engaged in bali in war without end". the emergence of various hindu pandita with various settings of the group (soroh), and the belief system that encourages its birth, does not escape the various gaps between expectations and the reality that exist. on the one hand, some adhered to caste ideology thus encouraging the emergence of certain pandita hegemony, and on the other side there were adhering to the varna ideology which was precisely opposed to (deconstructed) the social establishment which was built based on the caste ideology. based on the background of the problem above there are three problems of research underlying problem namely; (1) how are the foundations of the hindu pandita's reconstruction thinking in the balinese are seen from the perspective of constructivism?, (2) what factors have been the impetus of hindu pandita in the dynamics of the inter-tri-unconscious and chi wildlife station of the balinese people?, (3) what are the meanings and implications of the e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 reconstruction of the hindu pandita in the dynamics of inter-tri-sadhaka and chi wildlife station sadhaka in balinese society? research methods this research uses browser method of design mix method with the priority of using qualitative method, which is supported by quantitative method with value inventory technique that has been collected through systematic questions. the first step is to collect both primary and secondary data collection. the second stage, choosing the theory to review the data. the third stage, analyzes and interprets the selected data. the fourth stage, doing the writing and construction of all the research results. to achieve these objectives used power relations theory, structural theory, hegemony theory, construction theory and deconstruction theory. results and discussion 1. the fundamentals of the hindu pandita reconstruction thought in balinese society reconstruction of the foundations of hindu pandas in the dynamics between trisaddled and godly chi wildlife station in the balinese community can be examined in more depth from the parameters aspects of rph, the context of contextual reconstruction and reconstruction, and the reconstruction of the commissal through the description of attitudes and personality, the reconstruction of personal qualifications, value-conscious competence, and attitude. the personal perspective emphasizes the meaning of the ' unity of the personal ' of the hindu pandita, namely according to "the nature of the hindu pandita is a private integral, intact, and that is considered sacred, noble, with all its uniqueness (talents, abilities, character, interests, needs, and so on) all of it is the highest gift from hyang widhi bestowed to pandita hindu since he was born physically and then born spiritually through the process of diksa. new findings in this study: first, the encouragement to change the ideology of the kapanditan from tri sadhaka towards sarwa sadhaka indicates a strong current that can be proved through quantitative and qualitative analysis. quantitatively, the frequency distribution diagram of the inventory category of the values of hindu pandita reconstruction category distribution diagram of inventory categories pusher of hindu pandita reconstruction, score data and category pusher values hindu pandita reconstruction, statistical data change values from tri sadhaka towards sarwa sadhaka, frequency distribution category values change from tri sadhaka to sarwa sadhaka, pearson correlation between inventories the e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 propel of the hindu pandita reconstruction and change values from tri sadhaka to sarwa sadhaka, which as a whole shows "very high" numbers. secondly, the existence and acknowledgment of sarwa sadhaka, in the presence of a potential conflict and polarization of the thought of the rights and obligations of the hindu pandita in bali in carrying out the task "ngeloka phala sraya". the weakening potential of the kapanditan-based conflict is due to the recognition of the plurality of pandita which does have a historical background, belief systems and diverse religious practices. in addition, the accommodation of various groups, beliefs and the best practices carried by each clan can give a good signal to the importance of building harmony and recognition of the diversity system of religious beliefs and practices of each clan given the existence of a pandita can not be separated from the protagonists of the clan/group. third, the construction of the authority of tri sadhaka in relation to the third nature of the mastery (bhur, bhuah, swah) in religious practice is regarded as a monopoly of religious authority and the restriction of religious power by the soroh group. the emperis fact shows that all hindu pandita have the same authority and can do all the rituals ranging from mecaru in the context of bhur loka (the underworld), carrying out the ceremony of manusa yadnya and rsi yadnya in the context of the middle nature (bhuwah) and performing ceremonies for ancestral worship and sang hyang widhi in the context of natural (swah) this means that the thinking and ideology of tri sadhaka has been deconstructed by the non tri sadhaka group because it is considered not in accordance with the reality of religious practice. 2. the impetus factors of hindu pandita reconstruction in the dynamics between tri sadhaka and sarwa sadhaka on the people of bali factors that are behind the efforts of the reconstruction of the work of ideology and the practice of the ministry in bali, namely the historical and geneological factors, the increasing knowledge and purity factor as the mode of adaptation to the pandita, the movement of competition between the tri sadhaka group and the sadhaka chi wildlife station, the emergence of new ideas for movement change. competition and conflict between the house/soroh that happened in bali especially in relation to the conflict about the hindu pandita has spawned activity of the house awareness and strengthening of the clan through the consciousness of the clan by emphasizing the specialization of roles and forming closed pockets area for the clan/other people, which is standardized with various symbols and mythology on the other party, the existence of pandita e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 in bali, can be attributed to the development of the capitalist world, which marks the commercialization in all areas of culture and sustainability. in the field of religion, for example pandita in bali to run his dharma as a sulinggih not only merely to be able to function as a community servant in the context of ngeloka palasraya and to position himself as an intermediary of prayer to sanghyang widhi wasa (god almighty), but not a few that functioned "incognito" to do the production/sale of banten (even through his family participation, but on his knowledge) is doing commodification of upakara yajnya. in addition, there is a tendency to increase the amount of sulinggih quantitatively by ignoring the qualitative aspects in the sense that the trend has not fulfilled the minimum quality standards in accordance with the requirements contained in hindu devavrata. there was the impression of "sulinggih karbitan" and "nabe metanja" because it actively persuaded the prospective sulinggih (pinandita) for madiksa/medwijati to be a pandita under his guidance. 3. the implications of the reconstruction of hindu pandita in the dynamics between tri sadhaka and sarwa sadhaka on the people of bali the implications of the reconstruction of hindu pandita in the dynamics between trisadhaka and the sadhaka chi wildlife station in the balinese community concerned with the ideology, social and economic aspects. in the dimension of religious ideology, it is a religion especially related to the internalization of hindu values that are used as bases in increasing the status of pandita. the awareness of the house/soroh that was created to face the different clan, functionally raised new consciousness in the house through the interpretation activities of religious texts that are worth universum such as the concept of color that encourages the realization of more universal symbols that can be made as a foothold in understanding the differences and polarization of hindu pandita. in the social dimension, namely the strengthening of the cohesion of the group of citizens (soroh) to deconstruct the structural establishment of hindu pandita that was built by certain actors in order to defend the caste ideology. the implications, through the consciousness of the clan/soroh created to confront different dynasts, have functionally raised new consciousness in the house through the interpretation of religious texts that are worth the universum such as the concept of color that encourages the realization of more universal symbols that can be used as a foothold in understanding the differences and polarization of hindu pandita. the economic dimension is the emergence of the pragmatism e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 act of pandita in carrying out its self-determination, to fulfill worldly desires, namely the economy and power. conclusion and suggestion conclusion of this research is the reconstruction of the foundations of hindu pandita thought in the dynamics of inter-sadhaka and sadhaka chi wildlife station in the people of bali can be examined in more depth than the aspects of the parameters rph, the context of reconstruction and reconstruction contextual, and reconstruction of the compound through the description of attitudes and personalities, the reconstruction of personal qualifications, value-to-rate competence and the attitude of personality. the personal perspective, emphasizing the meaning of ' integrity or personal wholeness (the unity of the personal) of the hindu pandita, that according to "the nature of the hindu pandita is personally integral, intact, and that is considered sacred, noble, with all its uniqueness (talent, ability, character, interests, needs, and so on) as the supreme grace of ida sanghyang widhi wasa bestowed upon pandita hindu since he was born physically and then born spiritually through diksa and placed on honorable and noble position (sulinggih). factors of reconstruction of hindu pandita in the dynamics of inter-sadhaka and chi wildlife station sadhaka in balinese society concerning 1) historical and geneological factors concerning the forerunner of the existence of pandita in bali that comes from the element of panca pandita namely mpu semeru, mpu gana, mpu kuturan, mpu gni jaya, and mpu baradah, 2). power factor to seek balance and similarity access to hindu pandita, 3) the conflict factor is also one of the important factors that promote the existence of dynamics and adaptation in the fight for the vision of balance and equality for the group interest, 4). the increased knowledge and purity factor as adaptation mode becomes pandita, 5). social movement relevance of competition group status (ripalry status group), derived from historical conditions. similarly, the idea of championing the sadhaka chi wildlife station has a logical link with the concept of tri sadhaka, only only adapted the concept in order to be more accepted all parties. acknowledgement on this occasion the author thanked the esteemed promoters who had attentively and love to have given encouragement, encouragement, guidance and advice so that the e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 completion of my doctoral studies materialized. likewise, thank you for all the parties who have been in the process of studying and writing this journal. references agung, a.a. gde putra, 1974, perubahan sosial dan pertentangan kasta di bali utara, 1924-1928, skripsi sarjana 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yudha, 1997, “mobilitas kelas, konflik, dan penafsiran kembali simbolisme masyarakat hindu di bali”, (disertasi) bandung :univesitas padjadjaran. wiana, i ketut, 2006, memahami perbedaan catur warna, kasta dan wangsa. surabaya: paramita. wiana, i ketut, raka santeri, 1993, kasta dalam hindu kesalahpahaman berabad-abad, bali :dharma naradha. microsoft word artikel mangido nainggolan terbit1.docx e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 the existence of batak ulos in the area of hegemony mangido nainggolan medan state university email: golanbatuara71@gmail.com received date : 10-02-2020 accepted date : 25-04-2020 published date : 31-05-2020 abstract adat or custom is made by humans for the sake of human interest, it is hoped that the stability and order of the community are maintained through the customs that are imposed on these community groups. culture will continue to move along with the movement of global economic activity, it also influences the development of every existing culture. the toba batak culture is also inseparable from these clashes. the label as an idol worshiper is synonymous with the toba batak culture. there are many issues and views that explain why this happened, including the result of local religious practices practiced by the toba batak community today such as the ulus ritual labeled by charismatic christian missionaries as atheist teachings. according to them, ulos must be destroyed because it is considered a magic object in which magical powers are attached and “save” the power of evil spirits. the hegemony of modernization and globalization, reinforced by the influence of religion, has made ulos an object that has high values of civilization, starting to erode, especially in terms of the nature and meaning of it. in this regard, the aim of this paper is to explain the existence of ulos in relation to the hegemony of modernity and the pressure of charismatic christian missionaries on the indigenous batak culture. the data analysis and approach method used in this study is qualitative with the perspective of cultural studies. the results showed that the shift in meaning was getting out of control because the perpetrators were the batak people themselves who had been exposed to a new ideology that was centered on spiritual issues. the reason that seems so biblical is used as a tool to legalize the extermination in the form of burning ulos against his followers because ulos is labeled loaded with demonic powers. the process of eliminating the meaning of the ancestral heritage becomes faster because the adat institutions no longer have the legal power to oppose the hegemony and dominance that continues. key words: ulos batak, hegemony, charismatic christianity e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 introduction in the local community there are always values that are sacred or sanctified in the form of symbols, from the values and beliefs that are held. sanctity as the ultimate value of a community is not only maintained by punishment but by rite. meanwhile, the rites are held collectively and regularly so that society is refreshed and returned to collective knowledge and meanings. likewise, rites become a medium for community members to remain rooted in their cultural values. one of the traditional rites practiced by the batak tribe is ulos, which has deep philosophical meanings and values for their cultural activities. however, this culture is now increasingly pressed for existence due to the practice of domination and religious hegemony from outside, namely charismatic christianity. in this connection, the purpose of this paper is to explain the existence of ulos in relation to the hegemony of modernity and the pressure of charismatic christian missionaries on the indigenous batak culture. the data analysis and approach method used in this study is qualitative with the perspective of cultural studies. results and discussion history of the development of religion and batak culture the batak region has been influenced by several different religions. islam and protestant christianity entered the batak area since the beginning of the 19th century. islam was broadcast by the minangkabau people since around 1810 which at this time is mostly adopted by the batak people who live in the south, namely batak mandailing and batak angkola. those who live in the northern area are the toba batak (koentjaraningrat, 1979: 112). in the xix century, especially in post-world war ii in 1945, the charismatic movement experienced a triumph. after american victories in many places, including the korean war (1950). america experienced development in industry and an abundance of materials. but spiritual emptiness also cannot be ignored, so the charismatic movement is easily liked by the public. one reason is that this school also teaches the theology of success. the spread of charismatic christianity in indonesia, especially in big cities such as medan, jakarta and surrounding areas, is also felt to be very intense. in teaching the charismatic movement adopts various elements and teachings that focus on things above (heaven) rather than worldly things such as customary rules. they focus on charismatic e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 experiences, religious fervor, and the tendency of asceticism. for them, in this age, satan is the ruler of the world, but allah has given humans the strength and power to defeat him and to escape all activities that originate from the world, including cultural issues. the movement of charismatic groups to burn, and reject the existence of the batak ulos for reasons that seem theological is a very painful phenomenon against the harassment of the religious values of the toba batak tradition. the resistance of the batak traditional haters group is getting out of control because there is no resistance from the lovers and owners of batak culture through official institutions that have the legal power to provide resistance to the practice of arbitrariness against these ancestral objects. indeed, that in the context of instilling values, religion has social values that can be shared with the community in order to properly regulate and optimize life together. religious leaders are informal leaders who have a significant role in instilling good values in society (simanjuntak, 2015: 28). this condition is even more ludicrous because the perpetrators of the rejection actually come from within the batak community itself who have been exposed to a new ideology that campaigns for standard norms based on alkitabi but is wrong from the true meaning of the bible itself. this group considers ulos to be an unclean object and part of an idol product, so it must be destroyed. they do this with the assumption that obeying, living, loving and truly loving allah should no longer be attached to worldly things. the dynamics of batak tribe identity batak people often refer to themselves as bangso batak. this is in accordance with the inherent history of the batak tribe which has its own kingdom, it is marked by its existence as a tribe that already has god with the name "mulajadi nabolon" (creator of everything that exists), has handicrafts, batak script, has had separate money with the name ringgit batak (ringgit sitio suara), a diverse musical instrument (uning-uningan na marragam) has its own culture and customs, and has a law (tuho) which functions as a standard of norms / rules inherent from generation to generation . ulos (woven cloth) batak is known as an identity for the batak ethnic group according to their cultural and customary treasures. the batak tribe has a handicraft called "ulos batak" which is interpreted as having its own values according to its type and function. ulos means cloth woven specifically for custom. the woven cloth resembles ulos but not for customary purposes, not ulos (sianipar, 1991: 222). the diversity of ulos has been determined e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 according to the meaning and purpose of the gift. the work of ancestral heritage is full of aesthetic values and at the same time as part of the identity of the batak people themselves. as part of identity, in every activity of batak community life, both in joy and sorrow, ulos will become objects that stick and always color the life of the batak community itself. for the toba batak community, ulos is also interpreted as a symbol of warmth considering the weather conditions in the batak region with cold and humid natural temperatures. apart from ulos, other symbols of warmth for the batak people are: sun and fire. apart from being a very important tool in supporting the continuity of their daily life, ulos is also used as a medium to convey beautiful advices (blessings or messages) from the giver to the recipient of ulos which is practiced through the rules and norms inherent in every process of implementing customs. the batak ancestors creatively coined the term `` ulos '' which cannot be rotten (ulos naso ra bad), which is a plot of land or rice fields. in certain circumstances the hula-hula (party giver of the daughter) can also give the daughter (boru) a plot of land called ulos, which cannot be rotten. in addition, the term ulos is woven in a day (ulos na tinonun sadari), which is in the form of money whose function is considered the same as ulos. as a work that is full of high religiosity, ulos has become part of an identity that has high cultural and civilizational values and has economic and social meanings. therefore the distribution / distribution of ulos will never proceed arbitrarily without adhering to the meanings and values that have been determined based on agreed customary rules and norms. this means that ulos will be given and received by people who have been right based on the existing norms and rules by referring to the batak dalihan natolu customary philosophy (tungku nantiga) according to the type and meaning inherent in each of these ulos sheets. as a symbol, the function and position of a person in the implementation of the toba batak traditional event will be known through the type of ulos that is used, accepted, as well as a symbol of the existence of the recipient and giver in the traditional batak order. specifically in the pre-christian days, ulos or everyday textiles were used as a medium (intermediary) for giving blessings (pasu-pasu) from parents-in-law to daughters / daughters, grandparents to grandchildren, uncles (bones) to nieces (bere), and from the king to the people or to someone who is hired. along with the process of embedding ulos, the giver (who is respected) will give a string of beautiful and poetic words in the form of blessings (umpasa) and messages (tona) to warm the soul of the recipient. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 batak ulos according to the type and variety, length and width varies greatly depending on the type and meaning inherent in it. there are times when it reaches approximately 2 meters with a width of 70 cm (usually joined so that it can be used to wrap the body) which is woven by hand without the touch of modern technology. the time spent weaving one sheet of ulos also depends on the type or variety, sometimes it takes weeks or months depending on the complexity of the motifs attached to the type of ulos being worked on. basically, ulos workers (weavers) are women whose work is carried out under the house. ulos shifting meaning along with the development of modernization and globalization, various phenomena of human life have sprung up with very varied varieties and styles. for certain groups of people, there are times when they break away from the bondage of this culture because they are considered contrary to the values of the new culture that are adopted. the social movement he builds is by instilling a set of beliefs and actions to promote and hinder change in society (atang, 2018: 63) the entry of christianity brought by german and dutch missionaries greatly influenced the shift in the meaning and function of ulos in batak society. at first, the batak ancestors began to hegemony by imitating european costumes, namely men in shirts and trousers and batak women in dresses and skirts imitating western dress patterns. with this condition, ulos slowly began to be abandoned as a costume or daily clothes, except for certain events. as western influence increasingly entered the lives of the batak people, the use of ulos as daily clothing became increasingly rare. as a result, the existence, meaning and function of ulos as everyday costumes (clothing) are increasingly reduced even considered as "sacred" items because the process of making, interpreting and placing them in accordance with the custom order is polarized in orientation as "magical" or "sacred" objects. the mindset of the batak community towards the shift in the meaning of ulos is in line with the hegemony of church teachings, the current of globalization and modernization which tends to be very effective in influencing everyone to shift more towards various modern-based products. with this phenomenon, some batak people began to be suspicious (stereotyped) of the true nature of ulos even though some of them still considered it to be a truly lucky and beneficial object for social life and community religiosity. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 the most famous figurehead of christianity in batak land is dr. ingwer lodewijk nomensen under the zending flag rmg (rheinische mission gesselschaft) based in barmengermany. the essence of nomensen's teaching is to change the perspective of the toba batak people who are bound by atheist teachings to new teachings, namely knowing and acknowledging and practicing in their lives that the source of everything in human life is god who is in the person of jesus christ, not belief and belief in spirits and ancestral spirits with all the symbols attached to them. the source of salvation, warmth and success in human life comes from god, not human objects or products such as customs, traditions, ulos and other objects of ancestral heritage. the rejection of the nomensen teachings against traditional practices that are wrapped in the toba batak culture has met with very strong resistance from the toba batak community even though there are also some people who follow them which are then converted into a new form of understanding as understood and practiced by the toba batak community at this time. as a result, the toba batak people now live in a dualistic understanding, (completely ambiguous) which means that the batak people continue to practice cultural teachings while at the same time adhering to christian teachings under the influence of modernization and globalization. amir piliang (2006) states that postmodern humans are deconstructive, constructive, or dual (ardika, 2015: 41). on the other hand, the batak people who recognize themselves as batak people but reject all forms of batak cultural teachings by distancing themselves from traditional practices and even trying to get rid of them. meaning of the value of cultural religiosity adat is made by humans for the sake of human interest, it is hoped that the stability and order of the community are maintained through and by custom (daeng, 2008: 13). culture will continue to move along with the movement of global economic activity, it also influences technological developments. so the logical consequence is that the uncontrolled exchange of information will have an impact on secularization and globalization, so that it will undoubtedly affect culture in every place on earth. as part of the impact of the strong deregionalization in modern times, it inevitably forces humans to re-conceptualize the culture that is being embraced and carried out in the continuity of their daily lives. historical records show that culture too was a subject of frequent collision. he clashed with other cultures that came and came from outside and from within his own country. and e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 the thing that most often clashes is the clash between culture and religion. in its turmoil, very often culture is higher than religion, or culture can become equivalent to religion, or a higher religion so that culture is neglected. some even consider culture to be like an "enemy" that must be destroyed and destroyed because it is considered an idol or a manifestation of belief in ancestral spirits, but there are also those who try to integrate culture with religion, which in its development will become syncretic. the toba batak culture is also inseparable from these clashes. the label as an idol worshiper (sipelebegu) is synonymous with the toba batak culture. there are many issues and views that explain why this happened, including the result of the practices practiced by the toba batak community today which are said to be still unchanged from the practices practiced by their ancestors who are full of cultural elements that are tied to atheist teachings. rituals such as digging up the bones of ancestors (mangongkal holi), monument parties, mangalahat horbo and others. one effect of the development of the paradigm is the practice of burning ulos by charismatic christian groups. according to them, ulos must be destroyed because it is considered a magic object in which magical powers are attached and “save” the power of evil spirits. its stream is a stream of exclusivity that does not recognize customs, only recognizes its teachings and groups of people (napitupulu, 2012: 312) rejection of this cultural product has clearly eliminated the aesthetic value inherent in any existing cultural heritage, they do not appreciate and appreciate the various benefits and meanings of each element of cultural heritage which has been proven to be able to present very positive bonds of social relations between community adherents. the aesthetic value of a cultural heritage can be enjoyed in the present regardless of the context in the past. thus it does not rule out that the aesthetic value of today's society will be different from the aesthetic value of society in the past. (ardika, 2007: 24) conclusion culture is indeed something that is very slippery, difficult to define, and is in constant motion. that is what makes him unique and must be closely monitored. culture is something inherent in humans, so he holds a very central role in regulating human life itself. there are also many controversies or clashes in it and one of the cultural products that is (still) being discussed is the controversy of burning ulos. there are several reasons why ulos are e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 1-8 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 considered unclean by certain groups of people and this is their main motive until finally they confidently burn and destroy ulos from their position as religious creatures. attitudes towards culture must be selectively open, meaning that humans must remain open to existing customs and cultures, although not all types of culture must be completely accepted, they must still be selected which ones are good and which are not. in addition, culture must also undergo transformation or renewal, so that agents of change and innovators are needed to be able to make it happen properly. this is in accordance with the motto of the batak ancestors who stated: ompu parjolo martungkot siala gundi, pinungka ni parjolo sipadengganon na di pudi (what the ancestors have made, should be improved by the next generation.) the correct attitude towards culture is to make improvements to everything. something that is proven to be contradictory to present values, not to eliminate or even harass it without any remedy. references abineno. j.l.1976. gerakan pentakosta dan gerakan pentakosta baru (gerakan kharismatik). jakarta: bpk gunung mulia atang, ahmad. 2018. gerakan sosial dan kebudayaan. malang :intrans publishing. ardika, wawan i. 2015. warisan budaya :prespektif masa kini. denpasar ; udayana university press daeng, j. hans. 2008. manusia kebudayaan dan lingkungan. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar herlianto. 2006. teologi sukses. jakarta: bpk gunung mulia. napitupulu. bonar, victor. 2012, habonaran nauli habatahon. medan : usu press o’donnel. kevin. 2009. postmodernisme. yogyakarta : kanisius samuel. wilfred j. 2006. kristen kharismatik, jakarta: bpk gunung mulia sianipar.shw. 1991. tuho parngoluon. medan :cv pusaka gama. simanjuntak. antonius bungaran. 2006 : struktur sosial dan sistem politik batak toba. jakarta : obor indonesia ………. 2015. karakter batak masa lalu, kini dan masa depan. jakarta : obor indonsia sugiri s. 2006. gerakan kharismatik apakah itu? jakarta: bpk gunung mulia microsoft word hardiman 1 e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 patriarchal ideology in works of visual art of balinese contemporary women artists hardiman1, i nyoman darma putra2, nengah bawa atmadja3, i gede mudana4 1faculty of language and art, universitas pendidikan ganesha 2department of cultural studies, universitas udayana 3faculty of social sciences, universitas pendidikan ganesha 4department of tourism, politeknik negeri bali email: 1hardiman@undiksha.ac.id, 2idarmaputra@yahoo.com, 3bawa.atmadja@undiksha.ac.id, 4gedemudana@pnb.ac.id abstract human problems are faced faced by indonesian contemporary visual artists. however, the most typical are the problems faced by contemporary women visual artists, including those faced by balinese contemporary women visual artists. other than social problems, their personal problems also arise as women visual artists amidst patriarchal cultural construction. balinese contemporary women visual artists, like indonesian contemporary visual artists, are facing social problems and their personal problems as women. but, balinese contemporary women visual artists also face very strong patriarchal (purusa) cultural ideology. this study aimed at revealing and describing the form of the subject matter of woman’s body as an expression of opposition in the works of visual art of the balinese contemporary women visual artists; revealing and describing ideologies that operate behind the sexual representation of the balinese contemporary women visual artists and revealing and describing the contestation of meaning in the ideological sexual representation of balinese contemporary women visual artists. this study using interpretive qualitative method produced, first, works of balinese contemporary women artists which have traditional visual elements comprising contour, repetition, rythm, dialect. the works of balinese contemporary women visual artists also have modern visual elements comprising spatial awareness,distortion, stylization, material character, unity, and personal identity. in addition, the works of balinese contemporary women artists also have post-modern visual elements of trans-aesthetics, dialogism, and disorder. secondly, the ideologies that operate behind the works of balinese contemporary visual artists can be classified into three ideologies based on the forms and contents of the works of art. the ideologies are patriarchal ideology that is related to the theme of superiority,phallus symbol, and weak group; feminism ideology that is related to the theme of subordination, equality, and subjectivity construction, and aesthetical ideology concerning with style, which is related to the classification of styles based on time, place, form, technique, and subjject matter. third, meanings which can be developed from balinese contemporary women visual artists are the meaning of domestic body and the meaning of open body in the sexual representation of balinese contemporary women artists. the meaning of domestic body is found in the works of cok mas asiti, ni nyoman sani, and sutrisni. sani while the meaning of open body in the works of igk murniasih and nia kurniati andika. keywords: ideology, patriarchy, women visual artists. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 introduction art, including visual art, will become too simple if it is only seen as from the aesthetical aspect or merely beauty. art that deals with beauty perse is a category which, in today’s perspective, is not only out of date, but it also does not give any contribution to sociocultural life. art alone with beauty perse is only useful to the art itself. although it is not wrong, this era demands something different. contemporary art is art that cannot be fully understood without placing it in the whole frame of society and culture (yuliman, 2001; saidi, 2008). the ideologies that operate behind the works of art of balinese contemporary visual artists can be classified into three ideologies based on form and content: (1) patriarchal ideology that is concerned with the theme of superiority, phallus symbol, and weak group; (2) feminism ideology that is concerned with the theme of subordination, equality , and subjective construction; and (3) aesthetic ideology of style that can be divided on the basis of time, place, form, technique, and subject matter. the presence of balinese contemporary wowen artists has come to be known by visual art public since 2000’s. discussions of their works, both in research and mass media art criticism, focus just on the analysis of their formal aspect. in that way, the results of the analysis only tell about visual and aesthetic elements, other things outside these are almost never been discussed. this article discusses about patriarchal ideology that works behind balinese contemporary women artists. it is expected that this article can contribute to the possibility of interpreting balinese contemporary visual artists. the benefits that will be obtained from the discourse in this article is the gaining of understanding about the meanings revealed from the works of balinese contemporary visual artists. methods this study was done in balinese social and cultural environment, especially in the places where the balinese women artists live: gianyar, denpasar, and singaraja and also musea, galleries and the houses of balinese collectors and collectors outside bali. this qualitative study used cultural studies approach based on the view that an interdisciplinary investigation or post-disciplinary investigation that investigates production and investment of maps of meaning, discursive formation, or regulated ways of speaking, which focuses on power issues in human life signifying practices (barker, 2005). e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 there were 83 visual art works that were studied: 11 astiti’s works, 25 murniasih’s works, 9 nia’s works, 15 sani’s works, and 19 sutrini’s works. other than visual art works, the data also consisted of visual artists’ bibliographies, notes or discussions from art journalists, art observers, and art academicians about the works of balinese contemporary women visual artists. primary data source, that is, in the form of works of visual art, settings, studios, and domestic environments, galleries, and concepts or motivation of creation, creation processes, and the creators’ biographies. secondary source in the form of comments, notes from art journalists, art/ culture observers, and art theoretists/academicians about works of art that were studied and the visual artists’ bibliographies. the data were analyzed using visual semiotic theory, feminism ideology, and psychoanalysis done using critical interpretive analysis. in this case, various activities were conducted such as studying the data intensively, categorizing, arranging tthe data and interpreting the data. discussion the patriarchal ideology in bali refers to the social system that openly shows the dominance of men over women systematically and continuously and is socialized in various social institutions. the most concrete example for this explanation is a family which is led by a man. men are regarded to have a higher social hierarchy than or superior to women (putra, 2003). even balinese community follows a patrilineal system. in this way, as stressed by barker (2014: 202), the patriarchal concept stresses that sex is the central principle and at the same time regulates the social life in which gender relations are really imbued with power. a number of works of balinese contemporary women artists show vaguely and even openly the signs of the patriarchal ideology. superiority, phallus symbol, and a picture of the weak group are three classifications of the subject matter that form parts of the intended patriarchal ideology. superiority: subject that dominates in the painting entitled terperangkap/trapped on oil on canvas, 100x120cm, 2009), ni nyoman sutrisni depicts a woman in red gown that connotes passion, but the gesture of the body sitting and bending with a pale face become the intensifier that the woman is actually in distress. the description of this suffering is emphasized with two bunches of red roses with partially fallen sepals. the red roses with a huge size in a scale almost the same as the e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 woman’s body is like a plot that pushes or directs the attention of the people who are watching it to the arrangement of the motif of suffering (see figure 1). figure 1 terperangkap (trapped) by sutrisni. (source: ni nyoman sutrisni’s documentation). as admitted by sutrisni, the painting is a picture of (the body) of a woman who works as a prostitute. in this painting there are two butterfies with different meanings. the first , “kupu kupu malam”/ ‘night butterfly’ which is a woman who works as a prostitute which is the main object ( focus) in this painting. the second, butterfly as the symbol of freedom represented in this painting at the front bottom in the figure. this position can be interpreted as a disressfull position. thus, the freedom of the butterfly is far from being able to fly. the butterfly is also a plot that stresses again the arrangement of the suffering motif. at the back of this painting, one can see because of its eye-catchingness a picture of a crescent moon with a man’s face. a moon, a crescent moon or a full moon in the world of art is oftten used as an image of hope. it can be read that the woman in thiss painting has a hope about a man of her imagination. the man in the moon face, as what sutrisni said , is a a nameless man, he is a no body. this even stresses that the man represents a hope. this painting can be read as male superiority. the man in this case is the subject who buys, and the woman is the object that the woman buys. phallus symbol: myth of collective fantasy center in freudian psychoanalitic view, the oral and anal and genital phases, it is emphasized that boys find their penises, while women themselves as female when they lose their penises. this freudian view is rejected by lacan. for lacan, the relation between sex undergoes an evolution to become “phallus” not penis. thus, none is taken from the girl’s body. this applies e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 to to anyone. thus , “phallus” refers to the desire for a wholeness and completeness. thus, paradoxically, phallus is the marker of insufficiency and desire at the same time (robet in pareanom, 2013: 60-61). the subject matter of phallus symbol ls also immediately connected to lingga-yoni. in many cultures, phallus is often meant as the center of all collective fantasies of the power of fertilization. this collective belief is closer to the character of myth which stores a structural ambiguity in a number of symbols related to fertility. this is obviously only a male cultural construction in particular areas is designed tfor men’s benefit. in bali, for example, maleness is constructed through a sacral folklore that positions man as the center of all energies. patrilinearity for example does not just develop in the customary domain which is horizontal in nature, but more than that, it is belilved to be a vertical truth. in the painting entitled rasa nyaman /the feeling of comfort (acrilic on canvas 81x50cm, 2003) by murniasih depicts a phallus figure in a vertical position, that does not only show a strength, but at the same time its momental character. thus, phallus in this painting emphasizes again the center of collective fantasies of the fertilizing power and the center of all energies. women are sitting comfortably without holding hands on the phallus which also stresses also the concept of phallus as something that is strong. the choice of blue color in a dark tone even stresses the strength of the phallus. the choice of this color is contrasted with the choice of light green color for women the tone categorized as something weak (see figure 2). figure 2 rasa nyaman / the feeling of comfort by murniasih. (source: mondo’s documentation). murniasih in this painting was clearly influenced by the male sociocultural construction that believes that phallus is virility or malenesss that in pierre bourdieu’s term is quiddity that is vir, virtus, point of respect (nif), as the principle of conservation and promotion of respect. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 the title of the painting is rasa nyaman (the feeling of comfort) even stresses too the symbol of phallus that preserves the masculine dominance. the weak group: the object with which one joins in this painting entitled kamuflase/camouflage (drawing pen and water paint on paper 30x30cm, 2014) (see figure 3) sutrisni represents a woman’ face wearing a mask of a woman’s face. the mask itself is of the type that can be easily put on and removed from its position (face). semiotically, a mask as the cover for the original face or even what is meant to be original is the mask itself. women in the painting can mean women covered with falseness. interestingly, the picture about the falseness is also stressed redundantly with the picture of hair that fills all space in the picture so that it makes the mask disappear or weakens the hand holding it. this weakening can be read as part of the strengthening of the image that women are positioned as the weak group hair is the image of a crown. the superiority of a woman lies in the brittle hair (crown). a picture that positions women as the weak group. figure 3 kamuflase (camouflage) by sutrisni. (source : sutrini’s documentation). conclusion and suggestion the results of this study show that, first, works of balinese contemporary women artists have traditional visual elements that consist of contour, repetition, rhythm, and dialect, works of balinese contemporary women artists also have modern visual elements that consist of spatial awareness, distortion, stylization, character of material, unity, and personal identity. in addition, they also have postmodern visual elements that consist of trans-ethnicity, dialogism and disorder. secondly, ideologies that work behind works of balinese contemporary women visual artists can be classified into three ideologies based on form and content. the ideologies e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 are : (1) patriarchal ideology that is concerned with the superiority theme, phallus symbol, and the weak; (2) feminism ideology that is concerned with the theme of subordination, equality, and subjectivity construction; and (3) aesthetic ideology of style that is concerned with style classification based on time, place, entity, technique, and subject matter. third, the meanings that can be developed from works of balinese contemporary visual artists are domestic and open body meanings in the sexual representations of balinese contemporary visual artists. domestic body meaning is found in the works of cok mas astiti, ni nyoman sani, and sutrisni. open body meaning is found in the works of igk murniasih and nia kurnia andika. the suggestion goes to other researchers who will continue this study. it is suggested that they can study balinese contemporary women visual artists about their bibliographies using bibliographical method or they can also study their visual iconographies. acknowledgements the author would like to thank and highlly appreciate balinese contemporary women visual artists : cok mas astiti, igk murniasih, ni nyoman sani, nia kurniati andika, and ni nyoman sutrisni who have given the opportunity to the author to study their works. this acknowledgement and appreciation also go to the author’s promotor and copromotor of his dissertation: prof. dr. i nyoman darma putra, m. litt., prof. dr. nengah bawa atmadja, m. a., and dr. i gede mudana, m.si., who have given guidance in the process of writing his dissertation. references barker, chris. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: pt. kanisius. endraswara, suwardi. 2003. metodologi penelitian kebudayaan. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. hasan, asikin (ed). 2001. dua seni rupa: sepilihan tulisan sanento yuliman. jakarta: kalam. pareanom, yusi avianto. 2013. subjek yang dikekang. jakarta: salihara. putra, i nyoman darma. 2003. wanita bali tempo doeloe: perspektif masa kini. gianyar: yayasan bali jani. saidi, acep iwan. 2008. narasi simbolik seni rupa kontemporer indonesia. yogyakarta: isacbook. microsoft word artikel desi wulandari terbit2 e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 13-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 the implication of symbolic violence culture to introverted students of bali universities on the educational process ni putu desi wulandari1, i ketut ardhana2, i made pageh3, ni luh arjani4 1teacher training and education institute of saraswati, tabanan, 2cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university, 3ganesha singaraja university of education, 4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1freshaple89@gmail.com, 2phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com, 3madepagehundiksha@gmail.com, 4luh_arjani@unud.ac.id received date : 27-05-2020 accepted date : 19-12-2020 published date : 28-02-2021 abstract this article is aimed at describing the implications of symbolic violence towards introvert students in english education departments of universities in bali on the educational process. there were three universities to be decided as the setting of this research; (1) mahasaraswati university denpasar, (2) ganesha university of education singaraja and (3) ikip saraswati tabanan. the subject of this study was the introvert students and distinctive lecturers of those three english education departments. the result of this study reveals that the implication on process can be perceived through class’ behavioral management, classroom learning management and classroom physical space management. those kinds of managements were applied reversely from the critical pedagogy and emancipatory learning idealism that leads to symbolic violence, especially to the introvert students. the application was not considering the personality uniqueness of introverted students and created a one-size-fits-all idealism by adopting extroverted idealism and force introverted students to fit in it. key words: symbolic violence, introvert, english education, critical pedagogy introduction there is a specific influential stereotype which is developed in the education environment of indonesia, mainly in bali that gives the impression that the intelligent students are those who are verbally active in the class activities. in the university level of language study programs, this stereotype is in line with the application of verbal activities which somehow considered to be applied more effectively for any certain reasons. the reasons included, (1) verbal activities is more effective in practicing students’ linguistic competence e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 13-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 and (2) verbal activities make it easier for lectures to examine students’ competence both in their language competence and academic competence. the root of stereotypes and its application of the higher education that lead to this stereotype is the existence of the extrovert ideals in the society. the community that embrace extroverted idealism could be associated with people who are adhere to the reactive model of culture (opened, communicative, emotional and prefer to prioritize action than any contemplation), and multi-active (communal, having a high type of communication in a hierarchical context). this is also occurred in bali which is categorized in the areas that has a combination of reactive and multi-reactive cultural models as stated by lewis (1996:29) regarding to its ideal projection, educational institutions play an important role in building the moral and characteristic education of human resources in order to succeed the community progress. in other words, the implementation of education must always lead their students to the critical awareness, democracy and also optimizes all the potential inside the students. if the educational institutions maintain the stigma of introversion as a personality disorder or disease that must be dealt with through the educational process, then the educational institution will eventually become a place of symbolic violence against introverted students. a culture of symbolic violence can have a latent implication and become very detrimental to introverted students who are being the victims of such symbolic violence. referring to merriam webster’s dictionary, the term implication has the definition of “the effect that an action or decision will have on something else in the future” this means that a direct effect of actions and decisions has a further effect in the future. in the correlation with the result of this study, the formulated implications are the continued impact of the culture of the symbolic violence on introverted students in the long period of time. while the learning process, the implications that occur due to the symbolic violence can be categorized into three, namely (1) input implications, (2) process implications and (3) output implications. this article is intended to focus on discussing the process of implications that might be occurred on the learning process. the subject of this study is students and lecturers in the english education program at the universities based on bali, such as (1) mahasaraswati university, (2) ganesha university of education, and (3) ikip saraswati. students and lecturers in those universities’ english e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 13-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 education program are chosen by consideration of that they are the main actors in the pedagogy process in the english education program at universities in bali. research method the research uses a critical uses a critical qualitative approach. the data are analyzed qualitatively (able to explore the depth of a problem) with the theoretical analysis and critical concepts. based on these explanation, this study has the interdisciplinary, multidisciplinary and transdisciplinary characteristics. the disciplines that integrated in this study consist of the social science, education and psychology. the synergy of these three sciences is expected to be able to sustain the analysis of the problems examined in this study. discussion to clearly analyze the implication on the learning process, the discussion should be focused one the three components of class management. the first is physical space, the second is instruction management and the third is behavioral management. regarding to the behavioral management component that was applied to the three research locations, the researchers found that the process had not been carried out critically and emancipative. the description is described below. 1. behavioral management behavioral management that found in this research is an unwritten standard. these standards were found by the observations section and answers from questionnaire which most of that was the behavioral standard. behavioral standards are standards of what students must do and what should not do in class (fisher, 2003: 75). these standards are conveyed verbally or from the attitude of the lecturer towards students. the standard is clearly defining the expectations of lecturers towards students. at its highest point, a behavioral standard is able to transform into norms. by implementing a standard with extrovert ideals, both introverted and extroverted students will grow into a judgmental individuals because they get used a binary value of appropriate and not appropriate and thus, extroverted students would easily judge those students who are unable to accommodate the value. with the tendency of their personality that focus inside themselves (inward), introverted students will tend to blame themselves in e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 13-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 the such judgmental situation as explained above. there will always be the words, like “i'm wrong ...”, “i should have be ...”, “i'm bad ...”, “i'm stupid ...”, “i was never good enough in class”, “why am i like this?”. the study environment that always gives bad assessment for introverted students added with the harassment that occurs makes introverted students judge themselves constantly. what are the negative effects of such mental system? the answer is mental disorder. hayman (2010: 605) stated that “mental disorders are a mental condition that affects cognition, emotion, and behavioral control and substantially interfere both with the ability of children to learn and with the ability of adults to function in their families, at work, and in the broader society”. thus, the act of not respecting the introverted student’s unique personality, either in the form of instructions that are not appropriate with their personality features or acts of harassment which has done intentionally or unintentionally, especially in the pedagogy process in the class can cause mental exhaustion for these students and if its not handled immediately, it will very likely lead to mental disorder. 2. classroom learning management one important procedure of class management is to carry out the class controls. class control is enforced for the formation of positive relationships between teachers and students also between students. class control can be in the form of regulations (as stated in class contracts) or standards imposed by teachers in the class, written one or not (fisher, 2003: 28). in observation and interview sessions conducted by the researcher, it can be found several findings related to the discussion. the first is that there is a lecture contract in a course of study program in the universities of research location which is applied in a non-dialogical way and its very binding and detrimental to introverted students. second, there are unwritten standards which are obeyed to by all students but seems unfair to introverted students. it causes long-term implications for the arose of “total despair” in introverted students towards the lecture process. the lecture process becomes an unnatural environment from the perspective of introverted students. unnatural word in this case means that the hectic classroom atmosphere and loaded with internal stimulation does not support the cognitive, social and emotional development of introverted students (leung, 2015: 21). in this “forced” and “unfair” situation, the most initial thing as a self-defense step for introverted students is e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 13-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 trying to fulfill the rules in the class contract because they want to get a good final grade at the end of the semester. but over the time, introverted students feel like they pursuing nothingness that is impossible to fulfill optimally. on that time, introverted students begin to feel surrender and discouraged and let the consequences happen as they are. the pattern is permanently conditioned in the minds of introverted students so that the feeling of despair arises when they attend the other courses even when lectures have just begun. the second implication is in the domain of assessment. assessment forms that implemented in the real class are applied in a one-size fits-all pattern based on the default system applied. in differentiated teaching, assessment patterns are carried out in various and comprehensive ways. there are two types of assessment of differentiated teaching. the first is pre-assessment. at this stage teacher acts as a diagnosis. teacher must know beforehand the types of uniqueness of students being taught, both personality, learning readiness, learning styles, socio-economic backgrounds and other potentials (koeze, 2007: 8). preassessment provides a general description of the uniqueness of students so then teacher able to design approaches, methods, techniques and strategies that are appropriate for each student. then in the next assessment both daily, midterm and the end of the semester carried out thoroughly, not only in one aspect. teacher must know each student and their uniqueness. after that, analyze the strengths and weaknesses of each student. with this pattern, each student will have a final score that is balanced. 3. classroom physical space management the last domain that cannot be separated from class management is the physical space of the class. the assumption of “position determines achievement” is very consistent with this discussion. mc leod (2003: 3) stated that in order to achieve effective learning, physical time and space must be well considered, one of the physical spaces that must be considered is the student positioning in seating arrangements. through several class observations carried out by the researcher, it was found that the personal space of students is not too noticed by the lecturer. in several activities, the position of one student to another student chair is very tight. personal space is very important to maintain concentration of learning, especially for introverted students. strong stimulation from friends sitting on their right and left can inhibit their thought process, concentration and learning performance of introverted students (cain, 2012: 72). e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 13-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 another thing that must be considered by teacher is to give students freedom to choose their seats. forcing their own desire of teachers so that students sit in certain positions can be categorized as symbolic violence, especially in some verbal and interpersonal activities. usually it is done by instilling an understanding that students must know each other or students who sit in front are students who have positive behavior. lack of concentration naturally affects the learning achievements of introverted students and then has implications for their understanding of the lecture material and also their grades. conclusion the implications of learning process regarding of the problem of this study were perceived through class’ behavioral management, classroom learning management and classroom physical space management. those kinds of managements were applied against the critical pedagogy and emancipatory learning idealism that leads to symbolic violence, especially to the introvert students. by implementing a behavioral standard with extroverted ideals in the classroom, both introverted and extroverted students will grow into a judgmental individual because they get used a binary value of appropriate and not appropriate and thus, extroverted students would easily judge those students who are unable to accommodate the value. bullying to introvert students would be the implication of this process. mental disorder is the follow up implication of this process. by implementing a one-size-fits-all methods of learning by adopting extroverted idealism and force introverted students to fit in it, it implied to the mental exhaustion and low final grades of introverted students. last but not least, by implementing a classroom space that is not suitable for introverted students would imply their rate of learning concentration. bibliography cain, susan. 2012. the power of introverts in a world that can’t stop talking. new york: crown publishing fisher, jan. 2003. elements of classroom management managing time and space, student behavior, and instructional strategies. virginia usa: association for supervision and curriculum development alexandria hayman, steven. 2010. the diagnosis of mental disorder: the problem of reification. massachusets: harvard university press e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 13-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 koeze, patricia. 2007. differentiated instruction: the effect on student achievement in an elementary school. eastern michigan. university of eastern michigan mc. leod, charles. 2003. the key elements of classroom management: managing time and space, student behavior, and instructional strategies. virginia: association for supervision and curriculum development alexandria leung, winnie frances. 2015. supporting introversion and extroversion learning styles in elementary classrooms. toronto: university of toronto lewis, richard. 1996. when cultures collide. helsinski: ws bookwell microsoft word artikel mayske 4 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 mixed code that enterenched in the learning process by chatholic junior high school gonzaga tomohon mayske rinny liando1,tirsa vira rondonuwu2 12universitas negeri manado email: 1mayske_liando@unima.ac.id, 2rondonuwutirsa29@gmail.com received date : 05-07-2019 accepted date : 18-08-2019 published date : 30-11-2019 abtract the teaching of second language or the third make sociolinguistic problem. for most indonesian people, indonesian language is the second or third language. the teaching of of indonesian language is integrated in indonesian language subject that starts from elementary to high school. indonesian language is a main language in indonesian especially in education institutes. it is undebieble fact that students use another language at gonzaga junior high school tomohon because of the influence of social and culture background. code mixing is caused by some factors, namely (1) subject, (2) describing, (3) daily routine in teaching and learning activities in junior high school catholic gonzaga tomohon has been the main issue in their research.this research is aimed to explain about kinds of code mixing and factors that cause the code mixing in teaching and learning activities by junior high school students catholic gonzaga tomohon.theories used for this research is the theory of speech community, bilingual theory , theory of code and code mixing. this research is a descriptive qualitative. the research data is done with the following method of observation technic. the data in this research is the student speech that contains code mixing. the data analysis that use is qualitative analysis with equal method.the result of this research shows that speech act of the students in gonzaga junior high school of tomohon found code mixing. the form of code mixing that using are indonesian, english and manado malay. based on the result of this research can concluding that kinds of code mixing are code mixing in lexical form, frasa form and clausa form. the factors of code mixing are namely, describing and daily routine. key words: code mixing, teaching and learning activities, indonesian language, sociolinguistic preliminary indonesia as a developing country is an example of a multicultural country, where different community groups live side by side with diversity in terms of religion, group, ethnicity, profession, politics. in interaction with one another often occurs the use of different languages. nababan (1984: 32), explains when people mix two or more languages or language variations in a language act (speech act or discourse) without realizing it and there e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 is a prior desire to understand something, speakers of both languages can learn elements from other languages unknown before. the ability to understand until you can actively use other languages gives birth to a condition called bilingualism. indonesian functions as a unifying tool for a sense of unity and national unity. as a national language, indonesian functions as a symbol of national pride, national identity, a means of unifying various ethnic groups and also functions as a means of communication between regions and among regional cultures. indonesian must be able to strengthen national identity and personality. as part of a global society, indonesian must also be flexible and flexible in accepting the influence and change of civilization. language is one of the characteristics of humans. there is no way for humans to not use language in their daily activities, even if they are not consciously aware of it. it is different with the views of some cultural researchers who find that language functions important and is fundamental to human life. according to pateda (1987) language is one of the communication tools used by humans to achieve goals. when communicating, the speaker uses more certain languages to clarify the meaning that is difficult to understand or accept the other person. therefore, it cannot be denied that the bilingual community in communicating will make language choices and code. furthermore, it is also explained that the form of code switching or code mixing can be in the form of the transfer of words, phrases, clauses or sentences from one language to another language (chaer, 1995: 154). usually code switching talks will always be followed by code mixing. ohoiwutun (1996: 72) states that, the presence of code switching and code mixing is a result of the ability of members of the language community to speak more than one. code switching and code mixing are not forms of language errors due to weak mastery of the speaker in the language used. code switching and code mixing often in various community conversations, code switching and code mixing can occur in all walks of life. a person's social status cannot prevent code switching or code mixing or is often called multilingual. a multi-lingual society arises because the speech community has or masters more than one different language so that they can use these language choices in communication. in sociolinguistic studies, language choices become an important aspect that is studied in a linguistics. indonesian society which consists of various types can be referred to as a bilingual society, where the community in addition to being able to speak the region can also speak indonesian and even foreign languages, especially english. foreign languages, in this case e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 english that is able to be mastered by the people of indonesia because it has been studied since elementary school level even starting at an early age. the problem of language contact as part of sociolinguistic problems in a bilingual or multilingual society like this so often happens that the problem of code mixing is often done as a result of mastery of more than one language. based on the observations of researchers that gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school students in teaching and learning interactions in schools, use languages other than indonesian, namely the malay language manado and english. this is strongly influenced by the position of the manado malay language as lingua franca of the people of north sulawesi who have a variety of regional languages. thus it needs to be traced through a study entitled "the use of code mixing in teaching and learning activities by gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school students: a sociolinguistic study". in this study, researchers examined the use of code mixing in teaching and learning activities by gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school students because there were still many students who often used mixed codes when they were supposed to use indonesian language properly and correctly. examples of code mix expressions found at school include: let's quickly make assignments because somo break; make it a habit to come on time; this is a market-class classroom; don't play while learning; this is hard to work at home. formulation of the problem 1) what types of code mixing are used by students in teaching and learning activities at gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school? 2) what factors are causing the code mixing in students' teaching and learning activities in gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school? methods the research method used in this study is a qualitative method. in this case a systematic and accurate description of the data examined is made. this descriptive method was chosen because the research conducted aims to clearly describe the object under study naturally (djajasudarma 1993: 8-9). in observing the interactions that occur, researchers apply the method of direct observation of students' language behavior carried out by gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school in and outside the classroom. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 this research was conducted at gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school. this school is located at jalan raya tomohon, paslaten ii sub-district, tomohon timur district, tomohon city. the data obtained in this study were sourced from spoken language spoken by gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school students, there were three grade levels, namely seventh, eighth and ninth grade but only seven and eighth grade were studied. data collection techniques carried out by the method of listening, by listening to the use of language and. the method of listening is the method used to obtain data regarding the use of spoken and written language. the term listening here is not only related to the use of written language. tapping technique.the tapping technique is referred to as the basic technique in the listening method because essentially listening is realized by tapping. furthermore, the note taking technique is an advanced technique that is carried out when applying the listening method. note that note some forms that are relevant for his research from the use of written language. (mahsun, 2007: 92.94). the method of study or analysis used in the analysis is inductive analysis. inductive analysis is the determination of the truth of a matter or general formulation of a phenomenon by studying the case for specific events related to it. discussion the interaction between the teacher and students in teaching is also called the teaching and learning process (ibrahim, et al 1992: 8). in the teaching and learning process, of course there are those who are taught and those who teach. learning is one of the vital human needs for sustaining life and developing oneself in social life. teaching and learning process is a process that contains a series of actions of teachers and students on the basis of reciprocal relationships that take place in educational situations to achieve certain goals. interaction or reciprocal relationship between teacher and student is a major requirement for the ongoing teaching and learning process. interaction in teaching and learning events has a broader meaning, not just the relationship between the teacher and students, but in the form of educational interactions. in this case not only the delivery of messages in the form of subject matter, but the inculcation of attitudes and values in students who are learning.the use of indonesian as the language of communication in communication plays an important role in various fields, such as government, family, religion, ethnicity, and education. in the realm of education, indonesian is an introduction in the teaching and learning process (pbm). language becomes a medium used by teachers in delivering subject e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 matter. through language, students can understand what is conveyed by the teacher. through language as well, students can overcome difficulties in the learning process. thus the importance of indonesian as a language of instruction in learning so that it needs to be maintained in various levels of education both elementary, junior high, and high. the existence of the use of indonesian as a language of instruction in learning does need to be maintained. but there are some things that we must remember that based on linguistic aspects, "indonesian society is a bilingual (bilingual) community that masters more than one language, namely regional languages, indonesian languages and foreign languages" (nababan, 1989: 27). a bilingual community will experience language contact, giving birth to mixed codes. nababan (1989: 28) explained that "code mixing is the mixing of two (more) languages or languages in one language act without something in the language situation that requires mixing languages". mastery of two or more languages by a language speaker allows for an impact , i.e. transfer of language elements, both negative and positive transfers. positive transfer results in integration which is beneficial for both languages because the absorption of elements from a language can be integrated with the absorbing language system. conversely, negative transfer will give birth to interference, namely deviations from the norms of language as a result of the introduction of other languages sociolinguistics according to the big indonesian dictionary (kbbi) online is the science of the language used in social interaction; branch of science about the relationship and the interplay between language behavior and social behavior. the problem of language contact as part of sociolinguistic problems in bilingual and multilingual societies such as this is very common so that the problem of code mixing is often done as a result of mastering languages in more than one language. the study of language has been widely carried out by linguists, both pure and interdisciplinary studies of science. one of the interdisciplinary studies of language is sociolinguistics. sociolinguistics is a combination of socio and linguistics which are two fields of empirical science that have very close links. kridalaksana (1984: 2) argued that sociolinguistics is the study of the characteristics and various variations of language, as well as the relationship between linguists and the characteristics of the language's function in a language society. as for the essence of what is stated by kridalaksana is the probability of the emergence of language uniformity so that the birth of language studies involving the community. language studies involving the language community, especially regarding the characteristics or variety of languages called linguistic. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 as the name implies, studies in sociolinguistics are the use of language in society. broadly speaking, the term tutur community or also called the linguistic community is used by linguists to refer to communities based on language (hudson, 1996 : 24). actually there are many definitions that explain the term speech society. the simplest term to describe speech society is that put forward by lyons (in hudson, 1996: 24) states that 'speech society is everyone who uses a certain language (dialect)'. this definition similar to the definition given by bloomfield (1993, indonesianized by sutikno (1995: 40) in his book titled "language". he introduced the term language society with the definition of a group of people using the same speech system in interacting. sociolinguistics generally examines bilingual and multi-linguistic societies. understanding bilingualism was put forward by bloomfield (1958: 56) who said that bilingualism is a symptom of mastering a second language with the same degree of ability as native speakers as formulated as native-like control of two languages. this means that a bilingualist (bilingualist) is a person who masters two languages equally well. according to hartman and stork (1972: 115) interference is a mistake that occurs as a result of carrying habits of speech in the mother tongue or dialect into a second language or dialect (abdul chaer and leonie agustina (2004: 121). in bilingual societies, the use of languages that they control interchangeably is greatly influenced by many factors. according to hymes (1972), the characteristics of the socio-cultural dimension that affect the use of the language of a speaker can be classified into eight components called the speech component. so called because the embodiment of the meaning of a speech or utterance is determined by the speech component. the eight speech components can be synchronized with speaking: settings and scene (background); participants; ends (results); act sequence (mandate); key (way); instrumentalities (facilities); norms (norms); and genres (types) (suhardi and sembiring, 2005: 51-53). wardhaugh (1986) refers to code as a system used to communicate between two or more speakers in the form of a particular dialect or language. "... that the particular dialect or language one chooses to use on any occasion is a code, a system used communication between two or more parties" according to wardhaugh, bilingual or multilingual communities are faced with the problem of choosing a particular code (biased in the form of dialects or languages) when they speak, and they may also decide to switch from one code to another or mix the codes. thus, in a multilingual society there are a variety of codes, including in the form of language, dialect, sociolect, and the style used in communication. with the existence of these codes, speakers e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 in the speech environment will use the code in accordance with the factors that influence it by changing the variation in language use. code switching can be interpreted as a general term to refer to a change (transition) in the use of two or more languages. sobarna (1994: 28) states that code experts can occur between local languages in a national language that is, code switching into or between native languages (regions or indonesian ) in a foreign language called exit code transfer. code transfer is the use of one language on one purpose and using another language on another, while code mixing is the use of a particular language mixed with other languages (chaer, 1995: 203). the convergence of two different cultures will lead to bilingual contact. this situation will cause language contact (language contact) of two cultures that have two different languages. (suwito, 1985: 39). this condition is possible if a speaker uses more than one language in the speech community, will use one language purely and is not affected by other languages while within the speech community itself there are various languages and also within the speaker there are already different abilities language, conditions like this can cause symptoms of code mixing. code mixing (ck) is one aspect of language dependence in a bilingual / multilingual society. this dependency characteristic is characterized by a reciprocal relationship between the functions and roles of language. the role shows who uses the language, which is marked by the social background of the speaker, the level of education, and so on, while the function shows what the speaker is trying to achieve by mixing codes and the extent to which the language used provides opportunities for code mixing. according to the large indonesian dictionary online (2005: 190), code mixing is the use of language units from one language to another to expand the style of language or language variety, where the use is in the form of words, clauses, idioms, greetings and so on. scotton (1979: 65) explains that mixing codes as a choice of code or language related to the use of language or more in the same sentence or conversation. furthermore it is said that the form of code mixing can be a change from words, phrases, clauses or sentences from one language to another language. in a situation of other languages is when people mix two languages or various languages in a language action requires mixing the language. in such circumstances only the slowness of the speaker or his habits are obeyed. acts such language we call mixed code. in indonesia this code mix is often present in a state of conversation which is mixed with indonesian with regional languages. if the person is "educated", we can also see mixed codes between indonesian (regional languages) and foreign languages (nababan, 1984: 32). based e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 on the uptake element that causes the code mixing, mixed code is divided into three types (jendre, 2001). mixed exit code is mixed code that absorbs foreign language elements (jendre, 2001). mix code into is a type of code that absorbs elements of regional languages which are related. for example symptoms of code mixing in indonesian speech events are contained within the elements of regional languages. mixed code is mixed code which in (maybe clause or sentence) has absorbed the elements of regional languages and foreign languages (jendra, 1991: 132). referring to the restrictions as mentioned in this study, the researcher discusses and analyzes the types of code mix namely lexical / words, phrases and clauses. as well as discussing the causative factors for the three factors namely role identification, desire to explain / interpret and habits. based on the linguistic elements involved in it, suwito (1996: 92) distinguishes mixed code into several types namely lexical (word) is the smallest element in the formation of sentences which is very important role in grammar, the meaning of words is a unit of language that stands alone , consisting of a single morpheme or a combination of morphemes. phrases are a combination of two or more words that are not predictive in nature, the combination can be dense and can be tenuous (harimurti, 2001: 59). the clause as a grammatical unit in the form of a group of words consisting of at least a subject and a predicate and has the potential to become a sentence . suwito (1983) explained several factors underlying the occurrence of code mixing, namely the role factor is the social status, education, as well as the class of speech participants or speakers of the language. variety factors are determined by the language used by the speaker when mixing codes, which will occupy the social status hierarchy. the willingness to explain and interpret factors included in this factor is evident in the event of code mixing that marks the attitudes and relationships of the speaker with others, and the relationship of others towards them. the data obtained in this study indicate that gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school students mixed code in their speech. in accordance with the findings during the research, language mixing / code mixing was given based on classes in gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school. in this study, researchers discuss and analyze the types of code mixing and also discuss the factors that cause code mixing. the type or form of code mixing can be in the form of mixing or displacement of words / lexicals, phrases, clauses or sentences from different languages. one to another language. and the factors that cause code mixing are (1) identification of roles, (2) desire to explain and interpret, and (3) habits. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 in this study, only indonesian, english, and malay malay are limited. from the research findings, examples of the types of code mixing and the factors causing the code mixing occurred during the events of gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school students. conclusion based on the results of the research and discussion presented previously, it can be concluded the following matters: types of mixed codes found in the research on speech events in teaching and learning activities of gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school students are mixed lexical type codes, phrases, and clause. lexical / word is the smallest element in the formation of sentences which is very important role in grammar, what is meant by words is a unit of language that stands alone, consisting of a single morpheme or a combination of morphemes. phrases are a combination of two or more words that are not predictive, the combination can be meeting and can be tenuous. clause is a grammatical unit in the form of a group of words consisting of at least a subject and a predicate and has the potential to be a sentence. the factors that cause code mixing in the situation of speech in teaching and learning activities of gonzaga tomohon catholic middle school students are the factors of role identification, factors of desire to explain or interpret, and habits. if the speech shows an indication of social status, education of the speaker or authority authority, it can be categorized that the code mix is a result of the role identification factor (ip). if the speech shows an indication that the speaker has direct contact with the interlocutor and tries to explain or interpret something, then it can be categorized that the code mix occurs due to factors explain and interpret (m). what is meant by code mixing events is because of the habit factor (k), which is code mixing that occurs only as a result of association between speakers of a language without having a specific purpose. references bloomfield, leonard. 1958. language, twelfth impression. great britain :cox and wyman ltd djajasudarma. t. fatimah. 1993. metode linguistik ancangan metode penelitiandan kajian.eresco. bandung. fasold, ralph. 1984. sociolinguistics of society. new york: basil blackwell. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 40-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 hartman e dan l. stock. 1972. reading in sociology of language. dalam fishman, j.a. editor. paris: mouton hudson, richard a. 1996. sociolinguistics. second edition cambridge: cambridge university press hymes, d. 1972.’’the ethography of speaking’’, dalam readings in the sociology of language, edited by joshua a. fisman. paris: mouton. jendra, i wayan. 1991. kedwibahasaan campur kode, proyek peningkatan dan pengembangan perguruan tinggi (p3t). denpasar: universitas udayana kridalaksana, harimurti. 1984. fungsi bahasa dan sikap bahasa.yogyakarta : kanisius. m.s.mahsun. 2007.metode penelitian bahasa. jakarta: rajawali press. nababan, p.w.j. 1984. sosiolinguistik : suatu pengantar. jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka umum ohoiwutun, paul. 1996. sosiolinguistik; memahami bahasa dalam konteks masyarakat dan kebudayaan. jakarta : kesaint blanc pateda, mansoer. 1987. sosiolinguistik. bandung : angkasa scotton, c.m. 1979. code switching as a safe choice in choosing a lingua franca sobarna, cece. 1994. ahli kode dan campur kode di kalangan remaja kota bandung. laporan penelitian. bandung : the toyota foundation sugiyono. 2005. memahami penelitian kualitatif. bandung : penerbit cv.alfabeta suhardi, b dan sembiring cornelius. 2005. aspek sosial bahasa, dalam kushartanti., yuwono, untung., lauder, multamia rmt. pesona bahasa langkah awal memahami linguistik. jakarta: pt. gramedia pustaka utama. suwito. 1985. pengantar awal sosiolinguistik ; teori dan problema. edisi ke-2.surakarta : henry offset troike saville, m. 1982. the ethnography of communication.oxford : basil blackwell wardaugh. 1986. an introduction to sociolinguistics. oxford: basil blackwell ltd. hegemoni kekuasaan dalam pengelolaan pembelajaran kimia pada sma rintisan sekolah bertaraf internasional (rsbi) 1 hegemony of chemistry learning in senior high school in bali province i gusti lanang wiaratma faculty of mathematics and natural sciences ganesha university of education udayana street, singaraja email: ramaglan99@gmail.com abstract this study was intended to explain the power and the struggle of meaning behind the hegemony taking place in the management of chemistry learning in the senior high schools developed to be the ones with international status “rintisan sekolah bertaraf internasional” (sma rsbi) in bali. this could be observed from the management of chemistry learning in sma rsbi in bali province which tended to develop the students’ competence in the cognitive domain. this was done to make the students able to pass the national examination and to be the winners in academic competitions. the main theory used in the present study was the theory of hegemony, eclectically supported by several other theories. the method used in the present study was the qualitative method in which the sample was purposively determined. the data were collected through observation, interview, and documentation. the instrument used was an interview guide. the data were analyzed descriptively and qualitatively. the results of the study showed that the management of chemistry learning was not optimal yet; it tended to be partially developed. the reason was that there was hegemony of the dominating class over the dominated class, hegemony of the teachers over the students. the students did not acquire maximum learning experience as prescribed in the curriculum. what was developed was the students’ competence in the cognitive domain. this took place due to the politics of image which maintained the status quo which tended to comodify education. keywords: hegemony, power, learning management, sma rsbi. introduction the quality of education in indonesia has been one of the central issues in the framework of the current critical pedagogic discourse. the improvement in the quality of education cannot be separated from how the teachers manage the learning process. the reformation in education, especially in the lesson of natural science, has been highly important since the competence-based curriculum which gives emphasis on the understanding of the principles of the nature and encourages the learners to work and behave scientifically (mulyasa, 2006: 80-81) has been applied. many attempts have been made to improve the quality of learning by improving the teachers’ professionalism; however, in fact, the learning process has not significantly changed. the teachers still have problems in the management of chemistry learning, as the government, through the department of national education, has urged that the students pass what is referred to as 2 ‘ujian nasional (un)’ [the examination which is nationally conducted]. apart from that, the headmasters also expect that the students are successful in taking part in the academic competitions regionally, nationally, and internationally conducted. it is assumed by the teachers that it will be easier for the students to pass the un if they are trained to do exercises. the experience of the chemistry teachers in the field shows that the laboratory learning slightly contributes to the success achieved by the students in the un. such a condition has caused the teachers to give more priority over learning through doing exercises, meaning the laboratory learning should be reduced. in such a condition, hegemony of the government over the teachers has taken place; in other words, the government has directed the teachers in the process of chemistry learning at school. hegemony presents itself in the form of an ideology in which the dominated class has consciously had and approved the values and interests of the dominating class. the dominating class dominates the dominated class by implanting a way of life, social and human relationships in such a way that they are accepted as things which are true by the dominated class that is actually subordinated (tilaar, 2003: 76-77; maliki, 2010: 189-192). this study was intended to explain the form of the hegemony of the power, to reveal the meaning behind the management of chemistry learning in sma rsbi in bali, and to find the conceptual framework of the quality management of chemistry learning. it was expected that the results of the study would be taken into account when making policies regulating the implementation of chemistry learning at schools. research method this present study is a qualitative one which was intended to understand the phenomenon undergone by the subject under study (iskandar, 2008: 186; moleong, 2007: 6). the sample was determined using purposive sampling technique. the data were collected through observation, interview, and documentary study. the data were analyzed descriptively and qualitatively as suggested by miles and huberman (1992: 15-21). the data were searched after by observing the planning, implementation, evaluation and supervision of chemistry learning. result and discussion the results of the present study are as follows. first, as far as the aspect of the planning of learning is concerned, it was found that the process of compilation was initiated through socialization made by the headmasters, then a workshop was held, next technical supervision was given, and later discussions were held among the teachers whose major 3 was chemistry. after that the learning instruments were compiled by the teachers. based on the rpp document, it was found that the planning of learning, if compared to the standard of the process in the aspect of planning, was more than being adequate. it contained the component of character assessment and the student work sheet “lembar kerja siswa” (lks) was made in two languages, indonesian and english. the process was made structured by the schools to make the learning instrument complete as required by the management of iso. second, in the aspect of the learning implementation it was found that several teachers taught with rpp as the reference; however, the others did not; they only referred to the textbooks. explaining concepts and doing exercises was more dominantly done to improve the students’ activities. laboratory practices were less dominant and were too far from what was required by the curriculum. as additional learning, the schools undertook acceleration program in the afternoon, in which the exercises related to the subjects which are nationally examined, including chemistry, were discussed. third, in the aspect of learning evaluation, it was found that the teachers assessed three domains; cognitive domain, affective domain, and psychomotor domain. the cognitive assessment varied in regard to its forms and types. the assessment was given in the forms of tests and non tests including portfolio. however, the affective and psychomotor assessments were limited as the teachers’ way of thinking was influenced by what to do to make the students successful in the un. therefore, cognitive assessment was given priority. fourth, in the aspect of supervision, it was found that internal supervision was more meaningful than external supervision. as far as the external supervision is concerned, it turned out that the major of some supervisors was not chemistry. supervision was not intensively made; what was supervised was to what extent the teachers were administratively equipped. in this case, it seemed that the department of national education did not seriously supervise the teachers. based on what was observed from the management of learning from the aspects of planning, implementation, evaluation and supervision, it turned out that the management of chemistry learning was not optimal; it turned out that it was partially managed. this resulted from the hegemony of the power. the teachers were made hegemonic by what was required by the school policy. the students were made hegemonic by the teachers who created a condition that they should receive what was done by the teachers although the curriculum was optimally applied. the students did not acquire maximum learning experience/process especially practical practices (the students’ rights were neglected). the teachers assumed that the more the students did exercise the easier for them to pass 4 the un; in other words, the less they did laboratory practices, the more difficult for them to pass the un. the teachers wished to show to the headmasters that they were successful. the reason was that what was expected by the headmasters was that the students could pass the un and successfully in participating in the academic competitions. the success made by the students in passing the un and participating in the academic competitions symbolized the success made by the schools which was intended to show to the government through the department of national education, and to the community that the schools were superior and had excellent performance. the headmasters desired that they were recognized in such a way that their leadership was not criticized and they would not be transferred by the government. the teachers’ way of thinking which was strongly adhered to the structure described above could not be separated from the hegemonic power. the initial concept of hegemony proposed by antinio gramsci stated that one class and its members dominated the other classes under it with violence and persuasion. in the condition described above, it was clear that the students were dominated by and suffered from the symbolic and persuasive violence undertaken by the teachers; the teachers were dominated by the headmasters, and the headmasters were dominated by the government. in this case, intangible structured hegemony took place as something which was mutually agreed. this caused the students to lose part of what they were entitled to; they were entitled to having complete learning experience; otherwise, they could not develop the potentials they had wholly and impartially. hegemony is the form of an ideology in which the dominated classes have the values and interests which the dominating class has in such a way that such values and interests are theirs and have been approved. a social class dominates the other social classes. it successfully implants its way of life and social and human relationship in such a way that they are accepted as things which are assumed to be true by the classes which are actually dominated. the extent to which hegemony is successful is determined by the agreements made through the learning process or educational relationship. it is here the social ideological institutions such as legal institutions, educational institutions, mass media, religions and so forth play their roles as the arena where hegemony takes place. from this point of view, it turns out that the social institutions such as schools and other educational institutions are never neutral; in fact, they strengthen hegemony in society. in other words, hegemony is related to the interests the dominating social class has (tilaar and nugroho, 2009). the superiority of a school which is always shown to the public and government cannot be separated from the interest of the politics of image. image is a process, or the 5 way in which an impression is made, meaning that the image of a school is a process or an attempt made by it to give impression to the public. according to baudrillard (in barker, 2008), the post modern culture is indicated by the great simulation and image which attract attention, or a hyper reality in which the community is inundated with images and information. jameson (in barker, 2008) stated that postmodern is indicated by fragmentation, instability, and disorientation. it is an expression of the system of the multinational world or capitalism which presents the final capitalistic cultural style which operates in the new global space. capitalistic culture moves by extending comodification to all domains of social life and personal life by transforming what is factual into an image or simulacrum. an image frequently precedes narration and sight; a feeling becomes important, meaning that what is factual is not shown (barker, 2008). in the sma rsbi in bali province, as far as the management of learning is concerned, one aspect of learning was not managed as well as the others. the activities which developed the cognitive competence were given priority. in other words, the only intellectual competence which was developed as one of the attempts made to be successful in the un and academic competitions. the activities which had been maturely prepared as what was required by the curriculum were not well undertaken. in this case, the community tended to be made to have an impression that such schools were superior and had excellent performance. such an image caused the parents to desire to send their children to such schools although going there could cost much more than going to the other schools. the postmodern way of thinking interfered with the educational world and it was this which would lead to comodification. conclusion and discussion the chemistry learning in sma rsbi in bali province was impartially and not proportionally developed; meaning that the students’ cognitive, affective, and psychomotor competences were not proportionally developed. the cognitive competence was more dominantly developed as an attempt to make the students able to pass the un and participate in the academic competitions. this is what is referred to by structural hegemony of the upper structure over the lower structure or those who are subordinated. the ruling party has an interest to maintain its position through image. it is the image that a school is superior determined by the success made by the students in passing the un and participating in the academic competitions that supports the popularity of the school. people will voluntarily spend a lot of money to make their children accepted in such a school. 6 it is suggested to the government, as the dominating party, that it should direct the schools in such a way that they will make the learning process as required by the curriculum. it is also expected that the teachers will improve their professionalism as the teaching staff and that the headmaster should not treat the school he leads as a commodity. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, as the main supervisor, prof. dr. i wayan subagia, m.app.sc., ph.d., and prof. dr. i made suastika, su, as co-supervisor 1 and co-supervisor 2 respectively for their guidance and supervision during the completion of this dissertation. the writer would also like to thank the rector of udayana university, the director of school of postgraduate studies, head and secretary of the doctorate program of cultural studies of udayana university, for their assistance and facilities provided to the writer during the completion of his study. bibliography barker, chris. 2008. cultural studies teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. iskandar. 2008. metodologi penelitian pendidikan dan sosial (kuantitatif dan kualitatif). jakarta: gp press. maliki, zainuddin. 2010. sosiologi pendidikan. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. miles, matthew b. dan michael a. huberman. 2007. analisis data kualitatif. jakarta: uipress. moleong, lexy j. 2007. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. mulyasa, e. 2006. kurikulum berbasis kompetensi. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya. peraturan pemerintah republik indonesia nomor 41 tahun 2007 tentang standar proses. tilaar, h.a.r. 2003. kekuasaan dan pendidikan. magelang: indonesiatera. tilaar, h.a.r dan riant nugroho. 2009. kebijakan pendidikan: pengantar untuk memahami kebijakan pendidikan sebagai kebijakan publik. pustaka pelajar, yogyakarta. wiratma, i gusti lanang. 2013. “pengelolaan pembelajaran kimia pada sman 1 singaraja dan sman 1 gianyar”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. 7 1 social practice performed by balinese sculptors in districts of ubud and sukawati to pry into the law of phornography i ketut sudita faculty of languages and art, ganesha university of education jalan ahmad yani no. 67 singaraja, bali e-mail: ketut sudita@ymail.com abstract balinese sculptors in districts of ubud and sukawati, gianyar, bali pry into the law of pornography. those who agree state that the law is needed to maintain the morality which has been getting worse, and those who disagree state that it may emasculate their freedom and creativities. this study gives answers to (1) what social practices were performed by the balinese sculptors to pry into the law of pornography?, (2) why did they pry into the application of the law?, and (3) what was the meaning of their prying? several relevant critical theories such as the theory of structuration, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of aesthetics were eclectically used in this study. the data needed were collected through observation, in-depth interview, documentation study, and library research. the result of the study showed that the balinese sculptors showed their resistance to the application of the law by making adaptation, changing profession, and still producing pornographic works. the sanction which might be imposed upon them, the consumers of pornographic works decreased, and they were eliminated from exhibitions scared them when they pried into the law. what they did could not be separated from economic, political, ideological, moral, and ethic factors. the meaning of their prying was that it caused them to lose their idealism, their consumers went down, and the number of pornographic works dropped as well. keywords: social practices, balinese sculptors, hegemony, the law of pornography. 2 introduction the disparities in the interpretation of the text of the law of pornography, since it was a bill until it was enacted, led to the fact that many people agreed and many others disagreed with it. those who agreed stated that the state morality and etiquette were so bad that restrictions should be made. however, those who disagreed stated that the law of pornography restricted freedom of expression especially in art. the two groups showed their protests by holding demonstrations. the government and the legislative assembly legalized the law of pornography. however, the balinese community, the regional government, the bali governor, the provincial regional houses of people’s representative, and non government organizations still disagreed and proposed a material test to court of constitution. the material test was accepted; however, it was finally nullified. the law of pornography is still applicable with a note that it is not applicable to customs and traditions, people’s habit, art, and religious symbols. the protest was centrally expressed, and locally, it was expressed through social practices. the balinese sculptors in the districts of ubud and sukawati showed their resistance, made adaptation, and some changed their profession. based on the background described above, the problems explored in the present study are: (1) what the balinese sculptors did to pry into the law of pornography in order to maintain their existence? (2) why the balinese sculptors culturally pried into the applicability of the law of pornography instead of expressing a continued protest? (3) what was the meaning of what was culturally done by the balinese sculptors to pry into the law of pornography to their lives and what was its relationship to various shareholders? related to the problems described above, this study aimed at revealing and understanding the social practices done by the balinese sculptors, especially those who live in districts of ubud and sukawati, to pry into the law of pornography. 3 research method this study was conducted in districts of ubud and sukawati, gianyar, bali, for the consideration that in the two districts many balinese and non balinese artists stay permanently and temporarily. in addition, there are many art shops, art traders, art galleries, art museum, which could be used as the data sources. the primary data were collected using techniques of observation and in-depth interview, and the secondary data were collected through library research and documentation study. this study is a qualitative one, in which the data were qualitatively analyzed. the theories used to reveal the problems of the study were the theory of structuration proposed by giddens (2010), the theory of hegemony proposed by gramsci (in baker, 2004: 62), the theory of aesthetics proposed by kant (in sahman, 1993: 183) concerning “taste”, the theory of resistance (scott, 2000:xxiii), and the theory of adaptation proposed by bennet (in prasetijo adi, 2008 accessed on 1-1-2011), and theory of postmodern (ritzer, 2009: 18). results and discussion keeping producing pornographic works was the social practice performed by the balinese sculptors in districts of ubud and sukawati, gianyar, bali. they were also innovative in prying into the applicability of the law of pornography by producing pornographic paintings, pornographic statues, and other pornographic works. some held art exhibitions, got involved in performing art, some changed profession, some changed style, some made adaptation to pry into their pornographic works, and others innovated their pornographic works. displaying pornographic works in the museums, art galleries, art markets, and art shops was also another social practice done by the balinese sculptors and people. some also intentionally created erotic pornographic works. there were two factors which caused the balinese sculptors to pry into the applicability of the law of pornography and not to express a continued protest. they were classified as internal and external factors. the internal factor included being motivated to create art works, freedom of expression, the wish to be getting quickly popular, and an attempt to pry into the law of pornography. the external factors 4 included the fear of the sanction imposed upon if breaking the law of pornography, the fact that the number of consumers of pornographic works was decreasing, the fact that pornographic works were full of risks, being eliminated from exhibitions, sensational creation of pornographic works and economy. the ideology, politics and idealism, and creativity of the balinese sculptors should be maintained. the meaning of what was done to pry into the law of pornography was seen from the cultural implication on the balinese sculptors and its relationship with various stakeholders, which was influenced by the applicability of the law of pornography. the implications were that the number of those interested in pornographic works was decreasing, the number of pornographic works was going down, there was a fall in regard to the freedom of expression, the style of fine arts changed, and the aesthetics of pornographic art works also changed. conclusions and suggestions the balinese sculptors performed the social practice of structuration to pry into the applicability of the law of pornography. the reasons which led to this were that it was difficult for them to sell any work which was suspected to be pornographic, they were eliminated from exhibitions, they were fearful of the sanction possibly imposed upon them if breaking the law of pornography, and it was difficult for them to display pornographic works in the public place. the decrease in the number of pornographic works, and the fall in the number of artists who usually produced pornographic works affected the lives of the balinese sculptors. however, many changed their style and school, and the number of pornographic works went down quantitatively. there was a fear that it would difficult to find pornographic works in the future as it was predicted that they would get extinct, although ubud and sukawati are the districts and centers of artists in bali. this situation was taken over by the non balinese artists who created much more pornographic works than the balinese ones. even the non balinese artists used the balinese terms of address such as wayan, made, ngurah, gede, dewa, agung and so forth as the identities of their works. this was harmful to the development of the balinese fine arts and sculptors. 5 it is suggested to the balinese sculptors to keep creating pornographic works although it is difficult to sell them. it is necessary to preserve such works as a cultural asset. the reason is that it is difficult for the sculptors to change style, school, and profession. it is suggested to the government and legislative assembly that they should give freedom for pornographic works to develop as before. it is suggested to those who agree and disagree that the pornographic works should be viewed and appreciated aesthetically. it is also suggested to the stakeholders, the owners of art museums, galleries and art shops, art observers, curators, art lovers, collectors and others that they should help each other maintain pornographic works and the existing social practices. acknowledgements in this opportunity the writer would like to thank prof. dr. nengah bawa atmadja, m.a., as the main supervisor, prof. dr. i nyoman sirtha, sh, m.s., and prof. dr. i nyoman weda kusuma, m.s., as co-supervisor i and co-supervisor ii, for their supervision and correction starting from the time when the proposal was prepared to the time when the dissertation was completed. bibliography barker, chris. 2009. cultural studies, teori & praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. giddens, anthony. 2004. the construction of society (teori strukturasi untuk analisis sosial). malang: pedati. prasetijo, adi. 2008. “ilmu dan aplikasi pendidikan: bagian i: ilmu pendidikan teoretis”, http:prasetijo.wordpress.com/2008/01/28/adaptasi-dalam antropologi. diakses 2011/01/01. ritzer, george. 2009. teori sosial postmodern. yogyakaryta: kreasi wacana. 6 sahman, humar. 1993. mengenali dunia seni rupa: tentang seni, karya seni, aktivitas kreatif, apresiasi, kritik dan estetika. ikip semarang: semarang press. scott, james, c. 2000. senjatanya orang-orang yang kalah: bentuk perlawanan sehari-hari kaum tani. jakarta: yayasan obor. sudita, i ketut. 2012. ”praktik sosial perupa bali dalam menyiasati berlakunya undang-undang pornografi di kecamatan ubud dan kecamatan sukawati, gianyar”, disertation, program studi doktor kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. 7 postreality representation of design of the building of the government center of badung regency, bali i gede mugi raharja study program of interior design faculty of fine arts and design indonesia institute of the art, denpasar nusa indah street, denpasar email: mugi5763@yahoo.co.id abstract postreality representation of design of the building of the government center of badung regency is interesting to explore as it is designed using the most recent simulation. this study is intended to understand the form of representation, the process of the deconstruction of representation, and the meaning of the postreality representation of design of the building of the government center of badung regency. as part of cultural studies, this study is a qualitative one. the theory of virtual space design, the theory of simulation, and the theory of deconstruction were eclectically used in the present study. the data were collected through observation, interview, and library research. the results of the study showed that the postreality representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency represented the image of chronoscope, the image of the government of badung regency, the appreciation of traditional architecture, hybrid of design, semiotization of design. the deconstruction process of the postreality representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency represented the deconstruction of space and power. the postreality representation of design of the building of the government center of badung regency implied the scientific and technological meaning. the meaning of the postreality representation of the building of the government center of badung regency is implied from the integration of the computer technology and the field of fine arts and design. keywords: simulation, virtual, chronoscope, deconstruction, hybrid. introduction representation is a human activity which is intended to show the social relation of the realization of cultural objects so that their meanings can be understood through cultural texts such as sounds, pictures, and architectural building (barker, 2006: 9). the postreality representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency is an activity of creating design simulation using the three-dimensional computer technology with virtual reality in such a way that the image of hyperreality simulation can be successfully created with implied meanings within various contexts. according to piliang (2009: 160-161), postreality representation actually refers to the world of hyperreality, the world which oversteps reality created from the data in the mailto:mugi5763@yahoo.co.id computer so it can offer the degree of experience, perception, feeling, and emotion which are different from the real world. it is interesting to explore representation in order to know how meaning is created within various contexts in which the simulation of the design of the building of government center of badung regency is created. the problem explored in the present study is the postreality representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency which was created using the three-dimensional computer technology of design with virtual reality. the most recent simulation technology has been part of the cultural life of contemporary balinese people as far as the activity of creating design is concerned. the empirical problem in this present study is how the simulation of design was created in the new dimension of space, which is the man-made electronic space containing the element of movement or the image of chronoscope. according to piliang (2008: 396-397), it is the image of chronoscope which has caused one to see the simulation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency, and to undergo the atmosphere of space and time virtually before the design is realized to be a physical building. the general objective of this present study is to understand the use of the threedimensional technology of computer of design which is related to the postmodern theories. it was expected that the present study would contribute to the development of knowledge and insight of the students of interior design and architecture, and the development of the balinese traditional culture in design in the global era. research method this study of dissertation was planned to be a cultural studies using the approach of postmodern design and qualitative method. the theory of virtual space design proposed by william gibson, the theory of simulation proposed by jean baudrillard, and the theory of deconstruction proposed by jaques derrida were eclectically used in the present study. the data in the present study were collected through observation, interview, and library research. the data were systematically presented after they were edited. the data were analyzed after they were related to and interacted with each other. the data were obtained from two sources; the primary data source and the secondary data source. the primary data source included technical pictures, the design of the building of the government of center of badung regency in the form of the simulation of threedimensional design with virtual reality, the information provided by the coordinator of the design consultants, and the information obtained from the dinas cipta karya (the department of public works) and the staff members of the badung regency government. the secondary data included scientific references such as journals, the results of research, papers presented in seminar, the documents of design (visual data), the regulations of law and the other supporting references. results and discussion the results of the study showed that the postreality representation of the design of the government center of badung regency represented image, postmodern design and hybrid design. the image of chronoscope and the image of the institution were found in the representation of image. it was the image of chronoscope which resulted in the postreality representation, which was the simulation of space and time on the computer screen, completed with the image of movement. this image of movement caused one to see the simulation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency, to be able to undergo time and to feel space virtually. the image of the badung regency government appeared after the design of the government center of badung regency was realized in the form of a fact of reality, which was combined with the image of pseudo-reality or image. the image of the badung regency government appeared in the form of the appreciation given by the community or officials of the success made by the badung regency government to construct the building of its great government center. the design of the building of the government center of badung regency represented the appreciation of the traditional architecture related to space layout (tri mandala), the building structure (tri angga), the decoration style and the building interior. the representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency was hybrid of the balinese traditional architecture and contemporary architecture which created a new realization which did not inflict one another. the postrealilty representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency implied the meaning of sign, including the meaning of sign in the balinese tradition. the process of the deconstruction of the postreality representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency represented the deconstruction of space and power. the deconstruction of sign took place in the form of the simulation of design on the computer electronic screen, which was created using the three-dimensional technology of computer of design with virtual reality. this technology could resolve all restrictions in the creation of the design of architectonic space, which is confined by the natural law and traditional norms. in the process of the creation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency was highly determined by the factor of power; the power determined whether the design could be accepted, revised or neglected. the realization of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency showed that no attention was paid to the code of the design of badung style. referring to umberto eco (1979: 43-44), the code of the architectural design of badung style is specific, as it has been a convention made by the people living in badung area, as shown by the gate (candi bentar/gapura) which is in the form of a pair of bird wings and the red bricks used. the fact that the code of badung design was neglected was an activity of design which dislocated comprehension and deviated from the virtual text of the code of the design of badung style in the past, and exposed new interpretations of more imaginative design. this caused the meaning of the code of the design of badung style to be postponed. based on what is stated by alfayyadl (2005: 21), the design of the building of the government center of badung regency is a virtual text of a game of signs. in the game of signs, the designer may make the signifier free from the burden of the past meaning. however, this does not mean that meaning can be completely neglected. therefore, the meaning of a tradition in the new design is still needed although it may not be classified into a form in which the old meaning is present. the postreality representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency implies political, economic, cultural, and scientific technological and art meanings. therefore, the simulation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency is an integration of design computer technology and the area of fine arts and design. the process of creating such simulation was influenced by the political decision, economic calculation, cultural aspect and the knowledge of computer technology of design. the political design could be implicitly seen commencing from when the building was planned and designed to when it could be realized. the design should refer to the atb values as determined by the local act (perda) number 4 of 1974 concerning buildings and the perda number 5 of 2005 concerning the architectural requirements of building construction. the economic meaning could be observed from the technical or design aspect. the economic matter in the technical or design aspect is referred to by giatman (2011:100 as technical economy. with reference to what is stated by sjafrizal (2011: 6-7 and 291), the economic meaning is also implied in the space layout of the area of the building of the government center of badung regency. the implied cultural meaning of the postreality representation, referring to what is stated by koentjaraningrat (1990: 203-204), could be observed from the result of the simulation of design and in the reality of the building of the government center of badung regency, as part of the elements of the universal culture, as far as the fine arts and design are concerned. the implied scientific, technological, and art meaning of the postreality representation could be observed from the application of the three-dimensional technology of computer of design, which is the synergy of science, technology and art. the findings of the present study are as follows. first, the three-dimensional technology of computer of design with virtual reality has been part of the contemporary balinese cultural life, which, in this case, was used to create the simulation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency with the image of chronoscope. second, the three-dimensional computer of technology of deign with virtual reality has given opportunity to application of the values of the balinese traditional architecture ‘arsitektur tradisional bali (atb)’ using nonmaterial, nonphysical and nonspacial elements. the reality of design which was created to visualize the image of chronoscope could construct the space characteristics in atb. third, the concept of the hybrid of design applied to the building of government center of badung regency was the synergy of the atb values and contemporary architecture. it expressed the atb values globally (translocation) and the global culture locally (glocalization). the reflection of the three-dimensional design of computer technology with virtual realization could be used to actualize the atb values, in accordance with the context of era. conclusion and suggestion several conclusions could be drawn from the present study. first, the postreality representation of the building of the government center of badung regency was created from the simulation of space and time artificially on the digital electronic screen with the image of chronoscope. second, the process of the deconstruction of the postreality representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency represented the deconstruction of space and power. the deconstruction of space was created using the three-dimensional technology of computer of design with virtual reality; it could resolve all restrictions of the creation of the design of architectonic space in the real world. the factor of power resulted in the deconstruction of power and determined whether the decision was accepted, revised or neglected. third, the postreality representation of the design of the building of the government center of badung regency implied political, economic, cultural, and scientific, technological and art meanings. it is suggested to students, architects, and interior designers that the atb values could be applied using the design computer technology through the process of technological adaptation and their combination. the difficulty in applying the local material and the atb decoration style to the technology of computer of deign could be overcome using digital photographic technique. in that way, a graphic aesthetics could be made to appear on the computer screen as a result of the integration of technology and the area of fine arts and design by processing the data in the computer program. acknowledgements the writer would like to thank the coordinator of design consultants, ir. i wayan gomuda, mt, for the data on design technique and information on the government center of badung regency provided. thanks are also expressed to dr. yasraf amir piliang, m.a, the teaching staff of postgraduate studies of fine arts and design, the faculty of arts and design , bandung institute of technology, for his explanation on the theory of the design of virtual space. bibliography al-fayyadl, muhammad. 2005. derrida. yogyakarta: lkis. 2005. barker, chris. 2006. cultural studies teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. eco, umberto. 1979. a theory of semiotics. bloomington: indiana universty press. giatman, m. 2011. ekonomi teknik. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. koentjaraningrat, 1990. pengantar ilmu antropologi. jakarta: rineka cipta. mugi raharja, i gede. 2013. “representasi posrealitas desain gedung pusat pemerintahan kabupaten badung”, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana. piliang, yasraf amir. 2008. multiplisitas dan diferensi: redifinisi desain, teknologi dan humanitas. yogyakarta: jalasutra. ______. 2009. posrealitas: realitas kebudayaan dalam era postmetafisika. yogyakarta: jalasutra. sjafrizal. 2012. ekonomi wilayah dan perkotaan. jakarta: raja grafndo persada. microsoft word artikel sri martini final e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 philosophical meaning behind the chinese cuisine in manado city sri martini1, i wayan cika2, i nyoman suarka, m.hum3 i ketut setiawan, m.hum4 1stip manado, 2,3,4cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1tirza.martini@gmail.com, 2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 3cika.wayan@yahoo.com, 4s2kjbdyunud@yahoo.com received date : 08-03-2019 accepted date : 18-04-2019 published date : 31-05-2019 abstract the type of food served at lunar celebrations in manado city has a distinctive flavor, color color, is seen to contain the meaning of filososfis for the life of chinese people. that is, which later became a fascination in this study. the purpose of this research is to uncover the filofis meaning of the food sundries served in lunar celebrations. data collection methods are performed with observations of participation and interviews in depth. data analysis techniques are done qualitatively. the research conclusion that the type of food presented in the lunar celebration contains philosophical meaning for the human life of matching and related to the hope for goodness, the coming of fortune, prosperity, and health that is to be achieved by in the celebration, both individually and in the family. keywords: lunar celebrations, food offerings, philosophical meanings, good wishes introduction food is a fundamental necessity for mankind. in addition to the fulfillment of physical needs, food is also a major part such as: perhelatan, worship, a religious celebration that makes a menu of certain foods that are presented on the religious day become an important element. like other religious celebrations, the lunar celebrations are also not separated from the food as a special dish. the ethnic chinese presence in manado city complements the diversity of cultures, languages, and religions. the local ethnic warm greeting in ethnic chinese is seen in their enthusiasm when ethnic chinese celebrate lunar. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 the people of manado have known the lunar celebrations as chinese/chinese new year celebrations. as is generally the celebration of religious holidays, the lunar celebrations do not escape the distinctive dish of food. dishes according to kbbi something served, the form of food, drink (kbbi, 1995). food that characterizes and can be found in lunar celebrations in the city of manado is served for brothers and visiting guests. in general, the dishes are also the main dish at the prayer table, which is served for thian (the name of god in manadarin) and sin beng (ancestral spirits) as an expression of respect and gratitude for the lunar new year. research method data collection in this study using interviews and observation techniques for participation in chinese lunar celebrations in manado city. the informant technique is done in purposive and snoball. data analysis methods are done in a qualitative descriptive. discussion 1. the celebration of chinese lunar day in manado the celebration of chinese new year or xinjia which is always characterized by a special natural cycle, such as: continuous rain fall and big winds. the people of manado will always associate the rainy season with the advent of lunar celebrations. the people of manado will speak as follows. the lunar day ujang for chinese dong that blessing, so the taste things klo chinese nyandak ada ujang. means: the rainy lunar feast for those chinese people is a blessing, strange if the lunar no rain. in addition, the lunar celebration itself, characterized by the presence of special trinkets that can be seen in almost all the shops in the city of manado. for ethnic chinese, lunar celebrations are the earliest series of the religious celebrations of tri dharma buddhists followed by the celebration of cap go meh. then, arrive at the summit of the celebration, the presence of the ritual procession tpk. ethnic chinese express the excitement of the lunar celebration in the hopes that have been extended to each prayer in the family temple and in some t. i temples . td (place of worship of tri dharma) in manado. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 celebrating the lunar new year for ethnic chinese is an expression of joy, because in their belief, the lunar day is the celebration of the newly-established years and encourages the birth of the spirit to welcome new expectations. this lunar celebration, is also an important moment to the birth of harmony of life, creating harmony, and harmony. the lunar celebration of the chinese ethnic groups in manado is the creation of unity. lunar celebrations can bridge a variety of differences, religious differences and beliefs between ethnic chinese and other ethnics in the city of manado. realization of the creation of togetherness between one and another happens in social activities, there is a relationship between brothers. the elder brother usually gets a visit from his younger siblings regardless of religious differences and beliefs among them. in the event that there is only sharing the excitement in the form of a meal together, share the story of life experiences and offer one another prayers and congratulations to each other. not much different from the celebrations of religious holidays such as idhul fitri and natal. the event of a gathering of tolerance is also inherent in the celebration of lunar day. this can be seen when relatives, relatives, and colleagues with different religious background and beliefs visit the family celebrating the lunar year, there will be a special type of dishes presented. for example, the host serves chicken and fish dishes as a substitute for pork. for guests who are not allowed to eat pork. 2. myths inherent in chinese lunar new year as a religious celebration owned by ethnic chinese, the lunar city of manado is not separated from various myths. aaron confirms that: myth is a sacred story placed in a different age with the time of the storybook, while expressing understanding of reality explains how customary the people's customs of the storybook (aaron: 1998). some other myths found in lunar celebrations are the inherent belief in various color alloys in the ornaments used for lunar celebrations. red and golden yellow on lanterns that decorate chinese ethnic houses, shops, and shrines symbolize something and have certain philosophical meanings. in connection with the celebration of lunar feast which begins on the first day of the first month called as zhēng yuè. then, end with cap go's celebration meh. new year's eve before the lunar new year celebration is known as chúxī which means as a night of turnover. the celebration of lunar holidays in manado in 2019 falls on 5 february. some other myths are also part of the celebration of lunar new year celebrations. a myth originating from china as an ancestor of ethnic chinese in manado city. the myth is e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 adopted and retained as a legend. at first, the myth that is in the lunar celebration speaks of a wicked creature named nián (年) as an evil figure who has a gigantic character and makes humans one of its prey. some have dubbed nián (年) as human eaters from the mountains (or in other forms of hikayat, creatures originating from the underwater), which appear at the end of winter. its presence to eat crops, livestock even villagers. then there is a population effort to protect themselves from the threat of nian. then, villagers put food on their doorstep at the beginning of the year. putting food on the doorway as trusted offerings can distract nian so that villagers and pet animals and their crops will be spared from the blindness of the nian creatures. at one time, there was a miracle found by local villagers. they see that nian runs frightened after meeting a young child dressed in a red dress. then, the inhabitants believed and concluded that nian was actually afraid of red, so that every lunar new year would come the inhabitants hung the lanterns and red paper rolls in windows and doors and use fireworks to to scare the nian. nian's expulsion activities evolved into terms used during new year celebrations as guò nián. based on the myth, the celebration of lunar holidays in manado is also influenced by the dominance of red and golden yellow. it appears on lanterns with golden yellow strokes and the lanterns decorate the chinese ethnic houses, shops, and shrines. the flare of fireworks to various sounds of firecrackers thundered into the distinctive look of the lunar celebrations in the city of manado. the red and golden yellow color is the distinctive color that is coloring the lunar feast day 3. sundries about lunar celebration in manado city seluruh umat klenteng t.i.td dan etnis tionghoa yang merayakan tahun baru china or lunar in general before the lunar celebration, also respects the celebration of chúxī, the night of the turn of the year before the lunar celebration. the celebration of lunar holidays begins on the first day of the first month, they refer to it as zhēng yuè and will then end with cap go meh celebrations. the celebration of lunar holidays in manado in 2019 fell on 5 february. in fact, the celebration of lunar feast is a thanksgiving for all the large families manifested by having prayers/joint prayer for the ancestors or by ethnic chinese called the sin beng, the thanksgiving that occurs in the chinese state refers to the celebration of the spring, the e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 season of excitement after being overwhelmed by the thick snow that comes in the winter. spring becomes the beginning of the journey of the life of residents, thanksgiving season because the farmers can immediately grow crops, to prepare themselves to welcome the beauty. their excitement is expressed by cleaning the house, improving the environment of residence and places of worship. all of these activities were adopted by ethnic chinese in the city of manado, namely in the presence of several rituals that must be done before lunar holidays, such as tidying up and cleaning houses and houses of worship, improving the parts of houses and houses of worship, decorate homes and houses of worship with ornaments dominated by red and golden yellow. the ancestral tradition of home cleaning remained firmly held by the chinese community in manado city. the house cleaning tradition is interpreted as a way to clear the unfavorable misfortune or fate of the house dwellers and is expected at the time of the turn of the year can be forgotten, there is a desire and hope that welcomes the new year with new hope and can achieve good luck. the result of the interview with a sie spirituality at kwan kong temple, johan rawung (49 years old) said various activities before welcoming chinese. "the welcome preparation is usually done a month before lunar celebrations, for those who are able to replace household furniture can be done but for most families only clean and tidy the house into a part of the welcome ritual of lunar day. not forced to always replace the furniture, but the most important decoration is cleanliness". (interview on january 22, 2019). the above narrative was also strengthened by the interview with a youth activist of bhk temple, indra (26 years old) about various welcome preparations of the coming of chinese day. "bites ordinary manimpang, bekeng clean house, if there doi, can be renovation mo, or ba paint, ba buy le tu new furniture, mar nyandak there is the coercion kwa musti customize deng bites pe economic ability". the above speech can be interpreted as follows. "we are regular tidying up, cleaning up the house, if there is money, a biased renovating or painting houses, buying also new furniture, but no coercion but must be adapted to our economic capabilities". cleaning and renovation is not only done at home, but also in the temple of tri dharma in manado city, such as: in the temple of kwan kong, the temple of ban hin kiong, and other e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 temples so that when the lunar feast there is a new nuance felt. the readiness to welcome the lunar is done in the family by preparing a clean, neat, and beautiful home that is the first step to welcoming the coming of the good day; sustainable sustenance; prosperity that continues to overflow; health and safety, the good will come in large families. that is a form of hope that is always missed. a essence of hope of ethnic chinese in welcoming and celebrating the lunar day. figure 1. building, maintaining the kwan kong temple and ban hin kiong temple towards lunar year 2019 photo courtesy of: sri martini private document 2019. another thing that is done in the family is to implement ash table cleaning, ling wei (a wooden plank sheet written by the name of the deceased ancestor), having pilgrimage and cleared the ancestral tomb, visiting the house of ashes actualisation of reverence and a sign of revenge on ancestors. having a gala dinner for the spirits of the ancestors or also called the sin beng by presenting a variety of delicacies that are loved by the ancestors in their lifetime. serving a delicious meal for the sin beng by children and grandchildren is considered the joy and happiness that is felt when welcoming the lunar new year. the same is also experienced by the ancestors in nature. in the moment it also held the burning of jin zhi (the money of the spirit), zhi zha (clothing, home-home, mobil-mobilan), as a sign of devotion and reply to what his parents had done to his children. however, in lunar celebrations there is a uniqueness that is inversely proportional to the tradition of home cleaning, namely in the celebration of the day "h" is no longer allowed to sweep the house. this is related to the belief that the cleaning of the house that is done on the right of the lunar day is meant as an act that can clean all the sustenance, goodness and prosperity that has come in the house. as well as e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 how to eat food served at the dining table, the dishes served are not allowed to be spent at the time. there should be food left over. this relates to the belief containing connotations in contact with the notion that sustenance is not to be spent in an instant, but there must be a left to be saved until there is a provision for the entire family. 4. philosophical meaning behind various chinese dishes he thing that is not less interesting on the lunar new year celebrations in the city of manado is colored by the presentation of various dishes are delicious. various food dishes are usually brought to the shrine as a family offering to the thian and the sin beng or better known as offerings. in connection with the offerings (koentjaraningrat: 2002) confirms that the offerings are one of the means in the ritual that cannot be left to be presented at the moment. offerings are a feast of various means, such as: flowers, frankincense, money recehan, and food, so that spirits do not disturb and obtain salvation. the offerings at home by the family also offered a variety of meals for the ancestors (sin beng). the family also prepares a variety of food that will be eaten together with the entire core family and the relatives who come in. the tradition of visiting each other became a meeting event for colleagues and friends to be and increasingly lively with a variety of traditional chinese food served at the dining table. some of the compulsory food served at the lunar celebration itself has a philosophy that is believed by ethnic chinese people in manado city. the dishes provided in welcoming chinese lunar celebrations consist of a variety of chinese-style cakes, dishes with animal menus, fruits, long-life noodles, some sweets, and soups that are typically served. various dishes are mandatory food that characterizes the lunar celebration. the presence of various variants of these foods becomes significant to ethnic chinese. this is because every dish served always contains a philosophical meaning that is believed and useful for the continuity of the perpetration of the culprit. the chinese celebration of manado is colored by various dishes that have been adapted to the situation and conditions. all adapted to the economic capabilities of local chinese society. this is a factor that affects the changing menu of dishes for the thian and the sin beng. the rules of the food presentation presented in the lunar calendar are not the same as the food of chinese ancestral land in china. this is a description of the interview with a speaker, jerry 50 year january 24, 2019 e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 chinese dishes so adapted to the ability of bites economics, nyandak there is an element bapaksa for mo presents, customize the bites pe materials that exist. tuturan is interpreted as follows. the dish is adjusted to our economic ability (people who celebrate the lunar), there is no element of compulsion in presenting it, adjusted also with the availability of materials around us. referring to the speech in the interview then the chinese community in manado city can be found facts related to the presentation of various cakes, such as: lapis legit can be replaced with cake balapis (lapis), as well as special cakes in the city manado, such as: nasi jaha, polote (cupcakes), which looks no longer should be pink or dark red but there is also a chocolate because the mixture is brown sugar. all with rice flour, my cake, kuebasket based on glutinous flour, brown sugar and coconut milk, and spices. basket cakes are an icon for ethnic chinese, and people outside the ethnic chinese. manado city community is no stranger with pastries, such as: polote beng, balapis, my cake because these cakes can be found in everyday life and are always available in traditional markets and pastry shops. the other uniqueness in the process of making a basket cake is a long time ± 6 – 10 hours, hard work and persistence because at the time of its creation, stirring the cake dough basket must be patient patiently. when the process of making basket cake baskets can not speak coarse and the fruit until the basket cake thick textured, sticky, sweet. kue lapis or by the people of manado better known as a baltherapist cake made from a variety of basic ingredients that use variations of flour. some are using rice flour, tapioca starch combined with sugar, coconut milk as well as food coloring, such as suji leaves to produce green color or instant food coloring available at pastry material shops. various cakes are usually dominated by red-colored cakes. each pastry has a deep philosophical meaning. the meaning contained in the cake dish is usually related to sustenance, prosperity, harmony of life. the cakes that are the dishes of the lunar celebration have different meanings. sweet from a variety of cakes, such as: cake baskets, balapis, polote and cake column cake i symbolize the ethnic chinese longing so that in family life can enjoy a happy life with the relationship of relatives, health, and fortune. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 in the picture 2 and 3 below displays various kinds of cakes arranged at the prayer table in the temple and family prayer table. figure 2. cupcake dish and balapis (lapis), my cake at the showtable photo courtesy of: sri martini private collection 2019. gambar2 about the dish of cupcakes or by the community of manado is known for polote and balapis (lapis). polote column or cupcakes in an open shape. in the upper part with the shape of the chap and in the end part divide and shaped four parts that symbolize the sustenance that will continue to come throughout the year from various angles and directions. for ethnic chinese, it is a cake that carries a fortune for the one who is in the provision of sues will come all year round. lapis cake is a symbol of hope for blessing and the sustenance that continues to come and the family is increasingly well established. while my cake symbolizes the hope of achievement of long life, and healthy always, it is preached with the shape of my cake which is very similar in shape to the turtle. turtle is an animal that can live for 500 years, it is the basis of analogy for the philosophy of the shewbread at the chinese lunar celebration in manado. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 figure 3. basket cake photo source: ce susan collection 2019 picture 3 of the cake basket, as a picture of the hope in human life, that there must be persistence in trying and continue to be intertwined a sense of mutual that manifested in a close relationship with the whole family. especially for chinese, animal-derived dishes, they are divided into three types of animals that also represent three natural elements, such as: water element, earth and air. the water element is represented by the 鱼 fish (yú), the earth element by the 猪 pig (zhū), as well as the air element represented by 雞 chicken (jī). trusted by the three elements of animals with each trait they possess, can represent a character that is often inherent in one's self. a 猪 pig (zhū) is an animal that is one of the favorite dishes in the imle celebration dish. many people understand that the lifestyle of pigs is lazy and dirty. however, the fact about the animal's lifestyle is precisely a memorial to the ethnic chinese, which is to be expected for someone who eats pork dishes in the lunar celebration will not be a lazy person in his life. chicken is often called a greedy animal that is expected when a person is eating it on the lunar feast the nature of greed will disappear in his life. more about the animal offerings that represent the element of water, ethnic chinese in the city of manado adapting, with the environment. it looks at this water-containing dish. there is adaptation especially for milkfish dishes, recommended fish to be a menu of dishes that represent the element of water, specially in cities that have ethnic chinese celebrate chinese lunar. however, in manado city milkfish replaced with more familiar types of fish, e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 such as fish tude, salt fish (salted fish), and tuna fish. three kinds of animal (chicken, fish, and pork) are philosophically represent various patterns of life and will be outlined as follows. figure 4. chicken animal, fish, pork photo courtesy of: collection of kwan kong temple and various sources 2019 picture 4 of a variety of animal offerings representing the three natural elements that exist in human life. tri dharma people celebrate chinese using animal offerings that represent natural elements as an inseparable part of their life. dishes derived from meat have a good meaning because the pigs depict prosperity. it is analogoed to the body of a fat pig and for some obese people are often associated with an increasingly obese body. another animal dish comes from chicken meat that leads to a chicken lifestyle into a symbol of craft, never giving up. as animals representing the air element of chickens also symbolize loyalty and obedience. menu serving of whole-shaped chicken meat is not cut into pieces. it implies hope that in the family will always be intact and happy. fish represent the sustenance and fortune that continues to flow in the family, such as the life of fish that always moves not at one point e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 only. selected fish is a must choose fresh fish with a size tailored to the purchasing power of the people who will celebrate it. another main dish that should not be left behind is shou mian or commonly called long-life noodles. noodles served lengthwise and uninterrupted. figure 5. "shou mian" noodles long life photo courtesy of: susan ce document 2019 fig. 5. about shou mian. hope that is attached to the noodle dish, if a person is eating it, the person will be long life because the philosophy that exists in the course of shou mian symbolize long life, many sustenance, not dashed, and happiness achieved in new year's lunar and future years. there are also several dishes, such as: sweets, a mix of several vegetables and dumpling-shaped snacks, each representing the philosophy of human life and no longer a major treat for a visiting family. this is because the economic adapation and flexibility of the culture that flows following the life of the people. the results of the interview with the speaker, reynaldi (activist young group kwan seng bio temple on 27 april 2017. "the dishes that do not have to hold the one that we are not able to reach, the most prominent are the intention and sincerity when giving offerings to the ancestors and the thian ones". e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 serving fresh fruits is also a part of the feast in lunar celebration. various dishes of fresh fruits, such as: mandarin orange, apple, pineapple, banana, cucumber is served on the table of prayer. for ethnic chinese some fruits that have been presented not only choose the fruit that is in the market or in supermarkets, but the fruits are chosen because it has philosophical meaning associated with the chinese ethnic expectations of the coming of sustenance and prosperity. mandarin orange is yellow, by ethnic chinese is regarded as a symbol of happiness because it relates to the coming of abundant sustenance. apples are also fruits that bring peace and prosperity. bananas that are included in the lunar offerings are the fruit that can serve to call prosperity, sustenance, and blessings to ethnic chinese who are celebrating chinese lunar. pineapple with a leaf crown that blooms is a symbol of hope for sustenance that is awaited by ethnic chinese in lunar celebration. cucumber seems to be more adapted to the ancestor's pleasures, so as to complement various fruits as part of the feast of the lunar celebrations. a tribute to the lelengur (sin beng) became an important part of not only being done during life, but also when the ancestors were gone. many prayers are transmitted on the altar of worship so that the ancestors get happiness and ask for blessing to accompany the life of children and grandchildren. the inner bonds between parents as ancestors with children as generations continue to be woven. life to two generations living in different realms does not create a line of separation. figure 6 various fresh fruits are presented on the offering table. photo courtesy of: kwan kongmanado temple collection 2019 picture 6 shows the fresh fruits that are served at the table of worship which are presented as a tribute to the thian and the ancestral spirits (sin beng). fruit dishes are served, such e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 as: citrus (jú zi zhi), banana (xiāng jiāo), pineapple (bō luó), apel (píng guǒ), cucumber (huángguā). the fruits are neatly arranged and the fruits are chosen to the best of the maximum size. the price of fruits is often no longer a consideration, because of the desire to provide the best for the thian and the sin beng. conclusion and suggestion conclusion the feast of the lunar celebrations is full of philosophical meanings associated with human beings. food elements both fruits, and animal offerings presented in lunar celebrations in the city of manado have undergone an adaptation, adapted to the economic ability and habits of the consumption patterns of the people of manado. each dish is full of philosophical meanings that is associated with the hope of good, prosperity, and health to be achieved both individually and in families. suggestion the importance of the inheritance of values contained in each lunar celebration to the next generation, so they are able to respect and hold it as part of his life. the next generation understands that the ancestral heritage of: the meaning of filososfis present in every chinese dish is something that must be preserved. acknowledgement a thank you, the author spoke to promoters, resources, and other parties who have contributed to the completion of the research for this publication. references alisyahbana, s.t. 1988. kebudayaan sebagai perjuangan. jakarta: dian rakyat harun ofm, martin. 1998. ritus, simbol, dan mitos dalam klangan umat alkitab, temu v: eksegese kitab suci. jakarta, 4 januari 1998. koentjaraningrat.1984. manusia dan kebudayaan di indonesia. jakarta: djambatan kuntowijoyo. 1987. budaya dan masyarakat. yogjakarta: pt tiara wacana yogya. purwodaminta, w.j.s. 1995. kamus besar bahasa indonesia. depdikbud. bandung: alfabeta. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 32-46 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 sumber internet www.tionghoa.info/tahun-baru-imlek-hari-raya-agama-atau-budaya/, tanggal 30 juli 2019 jam 22. microsoft word artikel desak santi terbit2 e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 7-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 female tourism workers and the covid-19 pandemic ni made santi diwyarthi1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, a.a. bagus wirawan3 i nyoman sirtha4 1 bali tourism polytechnic, 2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1santidiwyarthi@yahoo.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3bgs.wirawan@yahoo.co.id 4nyoman-sirtha@unud.ac.id received date : 18-01-2020 accepted date : 29-06-2021 published date : 31-08-2021 abstract women are vulnerable to the impact of the covid-19 pandemic. this happened because the pandemic situation made companies generally cut the number of female workers for the first time for reasons of efficiency. this research reveals female tourism workers and the covid19 pandemic. the research method used is qualitative, with purposive sampling. the results of the study prove that the covid-19 pandemic is destroying the business world globally, with the impact of 4500 female tourism workers in nusa dua (85%), with a loss of 9 trillion rupiah per month. this situation requires workers who are generally the first to be unpaid live. keywords: women workers, tourism, pandemic, covid-19 introduction the covid-19 pandemic situation that broke out at the end of 2019 has destroyed the development of world tourism. tourism is like suspended animation without any development. the jakarta post (14 july 2020) explained that 5.9 trillion of revenue from the tourism sector in indonesia had disappeared due to the outbreak of this virus. this of course requires serious attention and serious handling of the next steps, both from the government, businessmen, and the community. tourism as an industry is growing by involving various components, both natural resources, communities, governments, service providers, and the tourists themselves. the developments that occur require an order of handling with new norms that no longer adhere to the concept of mass tourism, where tourist arrivals are expected on a large scale without thinking about the consequences or impacts on the environment and natural surroundings. e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 7-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 based on data from the international labor organization (ilo), the average woman who works in hotels and restaurants reaches 49% (unwto, 2011). the largest proportion is located in latin america and the caribbean with 58.5% and 55.4% respectively. most of them occupy positions in the positions of service workers and cashiers or other financial/administrative personnel (clerks), which are 59% and 44.7%, respectively. the average number of women holding positions as entrepreneurs or hotel or restaurant owners is 21.95% and 36.08%, respectively. the involvement of women in tourism can reduce gender inequality in development. some general facts about women in tourism are outlined by unwto (2011), as follows: 1. women make up a large proportion of the formal tourism workforce. 2. women are represented at the service and administrative level, but under-represented at the professional level. 3. women in tourism typically earn 10% to 15% less than men in the workforce. 4. the tourism sector makes women as business owners/employers, which is almost twice that of other sectors. 5. one in five tourism ministers worldwide is a woman. 6. women who work in the tourism sector become self-employed/independent with a much higher proportion than in other sectors. 7. a large amount of unpaid work is being done by women in the family tourism business the above description illustrates that the involvement of women workers in various fields of work, including the tourism industry, plays an important role in the development and development of a country. women informal sector workers referring to the manpower act (uu) no. 13/2003, informal workers refer to people who work without an employment relationship, which means there is no agreement that regulates the elements of work, wages and power. the ministry of manpower and transmigration generally defines the informal sector as all unregistered commercial and noncommercial businesses (or economic activities), which do not have a formal organizational structure and generally have the following characteristics: family owned, small-scale activities, dense works, using adapted technology and relying on local resources. e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 7-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 the 17th international conference on labor statistics (in bps, 2013) defines informal sector workers as 'employees whose employment relationships are not covered by legislation or in practice, not subject to labor, tax, income, social protection laws or certain entitlements to certain job security (notice of prior dismissal, poor pay, annual pay or sick leave, etc.)” in calculating informal workers, bps takes a special approach in determining the population working in the formal/informal sector, namely based on employment status in the main job and type of work/position (bps, 2013). according to their status, workers are categorized into seven: 1) self-employed; 2) trying to be assisted by temporary workers/unpaid workers; 3) trying to be assisted by permanent workers/paid workers; 4) workers/employees/employees; 5) freelancing in agriculture; 6) non-agricultural workers; 7) family/unpaid workers. discussion in march 2020, when the who declared covid-19 a pandemic, with a worldwide spread, indonesia was no exception. the large-scale social restrictions taken by the indonesian government have had an economic and social impact, which is inevitable in the form of layoffs (termination of employment). within four months of the outbreak of the covid-19 virus, social impacts occurred everywhere quickly. the traffic, which was busy at first, was suddenly quiet. tourist attractions that were originally crowded, become deserted without tourists, people no longer carry out activities outside the home. corona virus is spreading rapidly in 213 countries. as of april 19, 2020, who released data exposed to this virus as many as 2,245,872 people, with a death toll of 152,707 people worldwide. 20 countries do lock down (isolation) and sanctions for violators. this virus is a threat to 7.7 billion people in the world (data based on world demographics released by worlddometers.info, march 2020). research by the united nations shows that 81% of the world's workforce, or the 3.3 billion people who previously had jobs, was partially closed due to the outbreak. the international labor organization (ilo) estimates that 25 million people worldwide have lost their jobs or the equivalent of usd 3.4 trillion. the ilo also asks heads of state and heads of government to make maximum efforts to restore the social and economic life of the people for years to come during and after the covid-19 pandemic, especially women, because women are predicted to be the most affected by the pandemic. before the covid-19 pandemic e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 7-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 took place, the ilo had recorded that there were 190 million working age people in the world who were out of work. research shows the four sectors most affected by the pandemic, and accounting for 37.5% of global employment, covering the food and accommodation sector, namely 144 million workers, retail and wholesale, 482 million workers, service and administration as many as 157 million workers, manufacturing as many as 463 million workers. this shows that the informal sector has always been the most affected, both in the economic crisis and in the pandemic, with the largest number, namely 2 billion people, or the equivalent of 61% of workers worldwide. data from the indonesian national development planning agency for 2018 shows that there are three main sectors in the labor sector in indonesia, including the service sector, 56.59%, the agricultural sector 28.79%, and manufacturing 14.62%. world bank research also shows that relatively few women in indonesia work in the formal sector. only half of indonesian women of working age are employed in formal jobs. research by judith cukier (1996) explains that the development of ptourism in bali also offers employment and business opportunities for women. job opportunities for women can be formal or informal. it was recorded that in 1974 as many as 17% of the total hotel workers were female workers and this figure rose to 27% in 1991. likewise in the craft sector, the number of female workers from 19,700 people in 1971 increased to 93,000 women workers in 1974. 1990. this explains that there is a significant increase in the number of female workers working in tourism in bali from year to year. denpasar city tourism office data in 2018 showed that there were a total of 516,642 workers, spread across the informal, formal and non-formal sectors. with details of 309,986 males, and 206,656 females. the data can be further divided into a total of 4,238 workers in star hotels, 3,161 male workers, and 1,077 female workers. a total of 2,606 employees work at the budget hotel, with 1,730 men and 876 women. a total of 357 workers in the tourist lodge, with 231 men and 126 women. and 4,357 workers in various restaurants. cokorda oka artha ardana explained that the impact of the covid-19 pandemic on bali tourism was a loss of 9.7 trillion per month by various parties, both entrepreneurs, workers and the community (regional.kompas.com, 13 may 2020). many tourism sector workers, including women who work in other sectors, such as culinary, plantation, or farming, are also exploring other creative economy ideas. the closure of tourist destinations and hotels in the nusa dua tourism area has resulted in the temporary closure of thousands of e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 7-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 hotel and travel agency employees. either in the form of unpaid leave for a week in a month, two weeks, or several months while waiting for this covid-19 pandemic situation to pass. this includes almost 100 female masseurs who are usually on the beach offering massage services for tourists, efforts made by the government include encouraging government employees to conduct official trips aimed at driving the economy in various regions. efforts to drive domestic tourism is indeed not comparable to the expectations and the number of foreign tourists. however, it is expected to be able to motivate various efforts made by the central and regional governments, synergizing with service and goods business actors, along with other community members. ari juliano gema, an expert staff at the ministry of tourism and creative economy, explained that although local tourists cannot meet the occupancy rate of up to 80-100% as expected by hoteliers, this hard effort keeps the economy moving throughout the country, in collaboration with soes and the private sector. various other regulations. the minister of tourism and creative economy explained that the government was delaying the provision of incentives for tourists, preparing funds of idr 298.5 billion to bring foreign tourists to indonesia due to the declining number due to the corona virus outbreak abroad. the funds consist of rp 98.5 billion for airlines and travel agencies, rp 103 billion for tourism promotion, rp 25 billion for tourism activities, and rp 72 billion for influencers (bbc indonesia.com, 3 may 2020)https://www.bbc.com/indonesia/indonesia-51764525). various efforts have been made by the government, both central and regional, one of which is by applying local wisdom as an effort to deal with the pandemic situation, including in bali. for example, mecaru, tawur agung, as a symbol of cleansing the earth from all forms of disease and danger. bali has experienced several disruptions in the development of the tourism sector, such as in 2002 during the sars outbreak, the bali bombings in 2002 and 2005, the mount agung eruption in 2017, and the crisis due to the covid-19 pandemic was called the worst crisis (wayan tini, komang wahyuni, bbc). .com, may 3, 2020). the covid-19 pandemic has caused the average hotel occupancy rate in bali to decline by up to 70%, almost no tourists visit the beaches in nusa dua, which are usually filled with up to 1,500-2,000 tourists per day. the world travel and tourism council (gloria guevara, bbc.com, 8 march 2020), explains that 50 million people have lost their jobs in the tourism sector alone due to the e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 7-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 coronavirus pandemic. the chairman of the indonesian travel agent association (astindo) elly hutabarat, explained that the pandemic had hit businesses in the fields of flights, hotels and travel agencies. conclusion the covid-19 pandemic has destroyed world tourism, millions of accommodation and travel service businesses have been forced to stop operating. thousands of women tourism workers in bali cannot work, switch to other fields of work, and increase the high unemployment rate. the government made various efforts to overcome this, including by involving other parties, also between institutions, both central and regional, as well as other community members. references adi pratama, wayan. 2020. manajemen organisasi dalam dunia industri pariwisata. denpasar. as’ad, mohamad. 2001. manajemen sumber daya manusia. jakarta bennis, w. (1989), on becoming a leader, reading, mass.: addison-wesley. budiyanto, hermawan. 2011. administrasi bisnis dan manajemen. jurnal unpand.ac.id. cukier, judith. 1996. tourism employment in bali: trends and implication. uk: international thompson business press dunsire, a (1973), administration: the word and the science, oxford: martin robertson. handoko, t. hani. manajemen sumber daya manusia. jakarta: hamermesh, daniel, s. 2004. economics is everywhere. mcgraw-hill hariandja, marihot tua efendi, (2005), manajemen sumber daya manusia hodgkinson, c (1978), toward a philosophy of administration, oxford: basil blackwell. malayu s.p. hasibuan. 2003. manajemen sumber daya manusia. edisi revisi. jakarta: bumi aksara. mangkunegara, anwar prabu. 2005. evaluasi kinerja sdm. bandung: refika aditama. martoyo. susilo. 2003. manajemen sumber daya manusia. edisi empat. yogyakarta: bpfe e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 7-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 mintzberg, h., ahlstrand, b. dan lampel, j (1998), strategy safary: a guided tour through wilds of strategic management, new york: the three press. moekijat. 2001. manajemen tenaga kerja dan hubungan kerja. bandung: alumni. nanus, b. (1992), visionary leadership, san fransisco, calif: jossey-bass. pengadaan, pengembangan, pengkompensasian, dan peningkatan produktivitas pegawai, cetakan ketiga, pt grasindo, jakarta. santi diwyarthi, ni desak made. 2020. manajemen sumber daya manusia. denpasar: politeknik pariwisata bali. sjahfri, mangku prawira. 2002. manajemen sumber daya manusia stratejik. jakarta: ghalia indonesia. sondang p. siagian. 2009. manajemen sumber daya manusia. jakarta: bumi aksara. sutrisno, edy. 2017. manajemen sumber daya manusia. jakarta: kencana. wursanto. 2001. dasar-dasar ilmu organisasi. jogjakarta: kanisius microsoft word artikel wahyu 4 e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 18-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 pemali marriage deconstruction in the community of busungbiu, buleleng, bali 1komang wahyu rustiani, 2i nyoman suarka, 3i gede mudana halu oleo university1, master program of cultural studies faculty of arts udayana university2, politeknik negeri bali3 email: 1kwr_wahyu@yahoo.com, 2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id 3igedemudana@yahoo.com received date : 21-05-2019 accepted date : 2-07-2019 published date : 31-08-2019 abstract forwarding pemali marriage expressions essentially are constituted by the myth, so they are essential to be analyzed since a lot of societies’ misinterpretation in creating meaning. the problems analyzed in this research are the form of pemali marriage, the deconstruction process on pemali marriage, and the relationship between pemali marriage in busungbiu societies and local life. this is a qualitative research which used cultural studies paradigm. the data collection method utilizes observation, interview, and reviewing documents. the data were analyzed eclectically by utilizing deconstruction theory, cultural materialism theory, social semiotic theory, and encoding decoding theory. the research result shows that the forms of pemali marriage are related to kinship, physical features, social stratification, and time. the process of deconstruction on pemali marriage is done through three steps, they are deconstruction on the structure and the language code; reinterpretation on the meaning of pemali marriage; and representation on pemaliin the marriage ritual in order to rationalize those pemali. the deconstruction on the relation between pemali marriage and the position of the subject is found in three positions; they are hegemony dominant positions, negotiation positions, and opposition position. key word: pemali marriage, misinterprets, deconstruction, representation introduction the balinese as balinese speakers have a lot of cultural discourse, one of them is marriage. marriage is generally known by the balinese, but this research is focused on the busungbiu village community as a sample. the busungbiu community mostly works as farmers, because it is supported by climate, rainfall and air temperature that shows moderate conditions so that it supports the life of flora and fauna. in addition, the thing that influences e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 18-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 the development of pemali in the busungbiu community is the level of education, because most people are educated to the high school level. the busungbiu community has a tendency to believe in marriage maids as they are said. the busungbiu community is prohibited from marrying caste people using the pemali expression "da nganten len kasta, nyanan panes" (do not marry caste (exogamy), later it is hot). likewise, a ban on marriage with cousins (incest). the community agrees and wants to obey the pemali, because they believe and believe that if violated, the consequences arising from the pemali expression will actually occur. in fact, marriages in their delivery are based on myths, in cultural studies myths are part of ideology, where ideology must be deconstructed because it establishes the structure of dominance. the purpose of this study was to analyze the form of pemali marriage in the busungbiu community, to know the process of marriage deconstruction in the busungbiu community and to determine the relationship of the marriage female deconstruction in the busungbiu community with the reality of the position of the culprit. research method this research is a qualitative research paradigm of cultural studies (cultural studies). data collection is done by interviewing the community. observations were made to observe phenomena that occur in the busungbiu community, while document studies were carried out to obtain documents related to marriage. the collected data were analyzed with qualitative analysis techniques through deconstruction theory, cultural materialism theory, social semiotic theory, and encoding decoding theory applied eclectically. according to the theory of deconstruction, there are two views on interpretation, namely restrospective interpretation, namely efforts to reconstruct the original or initial meaning or truth form the final or absolute truth. transcendental in nature and to some extent dogmatic; and secondly, prospective interpretation, which explicitly accepts the uncertainty of meaning. language free game without being bound by dogma. deconstruction also tries to oppose the text so that it is possible to give birth to new meaning of the text (piliang, 2010: 261-266). the theory of cultural materialism is related to the assumption that material conditions and human existence such as the level of technology, patterns of economic life, and the characteristics of the natural environment are the causes that determine the organization of human society and various important changes that occur in it (sanderson, 2011: 21) . the theory of social semiotics is more likely to see language as a system of signs or symbols that are expressing e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 18-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 values, cultural and social norms of a particular society in a social process of language (santoso in suwesnawa, 2014: 30). while encoding decoding theory, it has three mortgage positions namely hegemonic dominant position, negotiation position, and opposition position (hall in storey, 2006: 13-17). result and discussion the results showed that the form of marriage diggers found in the busungbiu community numbered thirty-seven. marriage maidens that are found always begin with words that state a prohibition, 'sing dadi' and 'da'. marriage maidens are grouped systematically according to established rules or standards, namely (1) kinship, in terms of male lineage (patrilinial). markers that indicate kinship are misan ngarep, makedengan ngad, maipah tugelan, ngalipetin bengbengan, ngamaduanguang. nyame, nyuang in-law, and memene; (2) oriented physical characteristics, namely marriage maidens associated with the sign on the organism / body / physical body that distinguishes it from other individuals. the markers are the ones in the likade and macaling papat; (3) based on social stratification, means the differentiation of population or society into classes in stages on the basis of power, privileges, and prestige in the community or environment. the markers are students, children who are brave, the most childish children, children who are brave, children who are brave and move on the complaints, and (4) related to time, divided into two namely, good days / adults and periods. the markers are brass, sasih kaulu, atiban jak two, pelekadane, ingkel wong, rangda tiga, pindo ane atiban, and kajeng keliwon. all of these markers are semantic codes according to barthes (in rusmana 2014: 209) that semantic codes are connotation codes that provide cues, hints or possible meanings offered by markers. the process of marital deconstruction is carried out through three stages: (1) dismantling the structure and language code so that it finds many meanings or in other words opposes a single meaning or is logocentric and is carried out to radically criticize and dismantle the basic assumptions that underpin the thinking and beliefs of the people concerned marriage contractor; (2) reinterpretation of the meaning of marriage matrices is carried out to reinterpret marriage matrices who have been dismantled by providing evidence related historically, medically, socially or religiously; and (3) the representation of pemali in marriage practices so that the expression of marriage irrational marriages is initially irrational. the following will be given an example of the application of the deconstruction process to marriage maids who are related to kinship relations. e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 18-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 marriage maidens related to kinship have been demolished in structures and language codes that state pemali such as "sing dadi nganten invite misan ngarep, nyanan panes!" ("you can't marry a cousin, it's hot!"). when dismantled its structure, the marker that shows the pemali is sing dadi, misan ngarep and panes. text which has been decapitated as above is now decapitated to be the smallest unit of reading and then given interpretation. retrospectively, sing dadi means no. whereas misan means cousin (kinship between children of two siblings or grandmother's siblings). ngarep is derived from the basic word arep which means facing to, then gets the prefix nwhich has the allomorphic form ng-, ny-, ng-, n-, m-, and nga. so mare ngarep retrospectively means the foremost cousin or main who is considered the original truth in line with derrida in piliang (2011: 261) states that the guarantee of the meaning of this retrospective interpretation is transcendental. then the misan ngarep language code is interpreted prospectively to obtain meaning uncertainty. prospectively misan ngarep means cousin of male bloodline (patrilineal), cousin of his father's brother, cousin of his father's sister, cousin who must take precedence, the most important cousin and the best cousin according to derrida's statement in piliang (2011: 261 ) that prospective interpretation which explicitly accepts the uncertainty of meaning. after dismantling these markers are interpreted by giving reasons that are reasonable with evidence that can be accounted for example in terms of medical, religious and socially. after being interpreted, the marriage prospective will display an ideology that has not been understood by the public. so the representation of pemali in the practice of marriage means the marking process that illustrates the practice of marriage pledge by giving social meaning and something that makes sense while constructing the meaning of marriage pledge. relationship between pemali marriage deconstruction in the busungbiu community with the position of the culprit reached three positions (1) dominative hegemony position, the people who are in this position have a tendency to obey marriage matriarch found in the busungbiu community. there are several factors that influence or cause the community to be in a position of dominative hegemony, including the ideological superstructure consisting of general ideology, religion, science, art, and literature in line with sanderson (2011: 62); (2) negotiating position, namely people who are in the gray area or in the middle, they are doubtful between believing and not marriage marriage found in the busungbiu community. factors that cause the community to be in a negotiating position, among others, have their own interests in their desires, because they do not have a strong basis in making choices and do not have the courage to make choices, also cause a position of negation. lack of e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 18-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 understanding the ideology behind the marriage maiden's expression; and (3) the position of the opposition, is a society that opposes or does not trust marriage maids. the more opposition, the more decostrated the marriage maidens, and vice versa the more dominant the hegemonic, the more people believe in marriage maids. society in an opposition position is influenced by social structures that refer to actual behavior patterns, as opposed to mental impressions or conceptions that people have about these patterns. in other words, the social structure contains what people actually do, not what they say they do, nor what they think they do or what they think they should do. there are several sub-components related to the social structure that influence society in this position, namely politics (family), family and kinship, education, and material infrastructure consisting of technology and demographics in accordance with sanderson (2011: 61). conclusions and suggestions based on the description above, it can be concluded that the reproductive discourse of marriage which is reproduced is full of the interests of the agency as the owner of capital and contains the practice of hegemony and even domination in the life of the busungbiu community. the more people are aware of the practice of hegemony in marital marriages, the stronger their resistance to marital marriages will be. on the contrary, the stronger the community's belief in marital discourse, the stronger the indication of hegemony and domination practices in society. it is suggested to the community and stakeholders that the meaning of marriage prospective marriage be explained rationally, so that there is no misinterpretation and the loss of the tradition will occur because it is considered unreasonable by the community, especially the younger generation. for other researchers who are interested, it is hoped that they can continue related research that has not been reviewed in this study. acknowledgement the authors pray before ida sang hyang widhi wasa, as well as respect and thanks to prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m.hum., dr. i. gede mudana, m.sc., m.sc., prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u., dr. i gusti ketut gde arsana, m.sc., and dr. ni luh arjani m.hum. who have contributed thoughts in the form of input, suggestions, refutation and correction so that this thesis can be realized as well as to the informants for the information that has been given. e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 18-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 references halliday., m.a.k. dan ruqaiya hasan. 1994. bahasa, konteks, dan teks, aspek-aspek bahasan dalam pandangan semiotik sosial. yogyakarta: gadjahmada university press piliang, yasraf amir. 2010. dunia yang dilipat: tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. edisi ke-tiga. bandung: matahari. rusmana, dadan. filsafat semiotika: paradigma, teori, dan metode interpretasi tanda dari semiotika struktural hingga dekonstruksi praktis. bandung: pustaka setia. sanderson, stephen k. 2011. makrososiologi: sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosiologi. jakarta: pt raja grafindo persada. swesnawa, i made agus. 2014. “mitos kosmologis dan pergulatan kehidupan nelayan desa perancak” (tesis, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar). storey, john. 2006. cultural studies dan kajian budaya pop: pengantar komprehensif teori dan metode (terj. layli rahmawati microsoft word artikel karolus 2 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 the dynamic of caci multifunction in manggarai ethnic nowadays karolus budiman jama1, i wayan ardika2, i ketut ardhana3, i ketut setiawan4 1nusa cendana university,2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1karolus1007@yahoo.com , 2ardikawayan52@gmail.com, 3phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com, 4setiawan58@yahoo.com received date : 19-11-2019 accepted date : 03-01-2019 published date : 29-02-2020 abstract manggaraian ethnic has a special art named caci. the art holds and became an identity of the whole of manggaraian. the art was begun as the ritual of farmer’s land fertility. in its developing, the aesthetic has gone under the multifunction in it show time. the art is not only performing for the shake of the local people culture, but also perform for the political interest as well as the catholic church in mangggarai. this research used ethnographic method, data collected through the observation, interview, documentation, and triangulation. the research was done in manggaraian ethnic of flores. every caci performance has its own unique ideology. the ideology goes behind the cultural caci performance is the ideology of fertility. the ideology goes behind the government interest of caci performance is capitalism economy and political power. the church ideology is inclusivism through the inculturation languages. key word: dynamic, multifunction, caci, ideology, culture identity indtoduction manggaraian ethnic is one of numbers of ethnic spread out through flores island of east nusa tenggara province. the ethnic of manggarai known with is art called caci. the art of caci valued as the unifier in diversity of subculture of manggaraian ethnic. the art that was begun as the fertility ritual of the local farmers as well as performs for the other five important cultural rituals. now days, caci is not perform only for interest of cultural ritual, but also on some ceremonies, either it is government ceremonies, catholic church in manggarai or the other ceremonies such as thanks giving ceremony as well as the political achievement. the dynamic of multifunction of caci performance is not only related to cultural ceremonies, but also related to its esthetic value. the dynamic can be seen through the shapes and the style e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 of the esthetic. the dynamic of multifunction implicates to the social life, religion, and the culture of manggarai ethnic. the implication and expansion of caci performance showing the interested point of the art. the government of manggarai and catholic church assume that the art that is unified the subcultural of manggarai ethnic is capable in managing local potentiality. the potential religiosity toward the catholic belief, political potential to get the people interest, and the economy in industry cultural. even, some individua caci perform for the shake of political achievement. for example, the chosen one in political competition. the aesthetic value of caci has power and interesting point in multifunction dynamic that goes to the deepest point of caci ideology in the practical of social, cultural, economy, and politic in manggarai. the expansion of dynamic multifunction of caci aesthetic comes up with new ideologies in aesthetic value of caci nowadays. research method the research method used in this research is ethnographic method. atkinson and hammersley (denzin &lincon, 2009: 325) stated that the characteristic of ethnographic is seems exist, ethnographic texts conventionality, representation of self and other in those text, the character of ethnographic as the genre textual, the characteristic of base argumentation of ethnographic, and rhetoric proven. the fours method of data collection used in this research were observation, interview, documentation, and triangulation or merging, ( sugyono, 2013). the location of the research was done in manggarai ethnic of flores. the informant selection was done by purposive and snowball, which was sourced from the speaker and the doer of caci. after data collected, the proceed to the analysis based on the culture paradigm study. data presentation is done verbally and through pictures illustration. result and discussion the caci aesthetic tradition was begun from the farmer’s land fertility. the ceremony is done for thank giving toward the creator through the worship of the ancestor and the worship to nature. the tradition is then brought along with other thank giving ceremony among the five cultural ceremonies and became a legitimation up on the cultural ceremonies. it is related to the draft of habit and domain according to bourdieu (takwindalam harker, 2009:xx) stated that the practical of aesthetic caci is related product from the habitual as the histories e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 product of civilization of manggarai ethnic. caci aesthetic is product from the field of efforts in manggarai ethnic. the power of caci aesthetic tradition is on the holly ceremony before and after the caci performed. the caci player also doing the purifying ceremony individually before the caci performance. the purifying ceremony then implicate not to have sexual harassment as the prohibition during the purifying session as well as not to make other people get hurt. in this context caci aesthetic is domain of self purifying and life reflection domain. the process of purifying which is by langer (djelantik, 1999: 154) stated that art is the representation towards the value for life. langer’s view is same as schiller (sugiharto, 2013) that human being as a soul are able to see deeper his spirituality. the soul is able to control the power, sense of careless, desires, greedy desire, change them in to love solidarity, humble, and compassion became a noble. the special model of caci aesthetic tradition is relied on the power of ceremony’s soul that able to control the desires. the dimension of the aesthetic caci tradition is practice in ritual of ancestor feeding in the night time before departure, on the day of departure( in local language wuatwa’i), crossing the river between the two villages as the host of caci performance which called letangwae, welcoming ritual, the ritual of walking around the altar of scarification it called lilik, and ended with caci ritual called caca selek. the practical reality of caci performance in its developing, is not only perform by local people, but also by the government as well as the catholic church in manggarai. since the regency of manggarai formed legally and formally on 14 august 1958 or it is now called e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 kabupatenmanggarai. government especially under the leadership of frans sales lega, caci seems like an interesting point all at once as the important identity that should be taking care and be defended. the government through the regency, subdistrict, village, are became hands to collect people to perform caci in order to commemorate the independent day of the republic of indonesia every august. the caci performance became a standard made by the government that is leading by new era government. maria erbin the book entitled “adat dan politik indonesia” stated that since the new order government of manggarai regency has done the caci performance and the cultural art competition. the activity that is mentioned above is done in order to find out the standard and become an identity of manggarai ethnic as national culture. in addition, the performance of cultural art for the shake of tourism as the contributor of national infrastructures (davidson, dkk. 2010: 275). for the shake of inculturation, the catholic church in manggarai also perform caci. jehandut (2012: 99) said that, firstly the church has to fertilize the wealth of religion from the nations. second, acknowledged the pluriform of liturgy as the creation of holly spirit. third, the church should become a pioneer and adapting the liturgy to the culture and tradition of nations. fourth, for the shake of authentic belief, the church has to do radical renewal based on the incarnation demands and based on unity principles as the shape of cultural. the catholic church believes that the local culture of caci as the unique wealth based on experiences religion-aesthetic manggarai ethnic. the church believes caci has religion values and unity. the value then taken as language and the spirit of the church in performing caci. the church performs caci during the purification of the priest, building up the church, and division or inauguration of parish. nowadays, the dynamic of aesthetic multifunction of caci, in the practical performance, caci either by the government or the church are implicated to the standard design and style. the standardize of practical are accordingly to the need and shake of caci performed. those design are mixing the position of the players who become a host and the invited players. there is no limit between the host players and the invited players as in the tradition of caci itself. there is no sacred and magical situation appeared during the caci performance undergoing by the government and the church as basic caci performance used to be. the ceremony doing by the government and the church seems like a simulation or a fake awareness about caci dance. in one hand, it is an awareness of doing the ritual, but on the other hand it is delegitimate the ritual. there are some circumstances dealing with e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 delegitimate of the ritual, for example doing the ritual as if there is an altar of scarification, moreover in the practicalcaci is not performed as in its tradition. caci performed by the government and the church are made as their design either the location or the draft that supported the caci is being performed. for example, caci performed by the government, the ideology of caci being performed is a political power and economy issues. reading the dynamic of caci multifunction is strongly indicated as foucault said that there is a controlling power on the players and the local people by the government and the church in manggarai. as foucault writtendiscipline and punish and history of sexuality that is how he isolate and conceptualize the way where all bodies are become the most important component for the relationship of power and the modern society (santoso, dkk. 2015). he also stated that the years dominance rulersaffected by the political and intellectual authority that supported by the government as the ideology being run in the discourse (ratna, 2011). in the context of power and political ideology, caci is perform in the field which has a great stage. people who watch the performance of caci are looking directly forward to the great stage. these kind of design are made to watch the official who watch the caci performance. the blueprint of caci performance location as well as the set of caci players when they sing a folk song are directly overlooking to the stage that has been prepared. the kind of design are contradicted to the tradition caci itself. the most important of tradition of caci is that the sacrifice altar is not block by anyone in the performance. the place of nagagolo lying down and all souls who protect the village. it is made in order to avoid from great wound and disorder during the caci performance. dealing with the economic ideology, the government also doing it to support the tourism. it is supported by the attendance of foreigners who come to watch caci dance performance by becoming a honoring first hit and involving in dende. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 9-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 conclusion based on the dynamic multifunction of manggarainesscaci dance performance nowadays, it is found that the performance of characteristic design and ideology. it is different between the characteristic of tradition caci performance the caci dance perform by the government and the catholic church in manggarai. the difference is tradition caci is perform for ritual space and self-purifying. while, caci performance by the government and the catholic church is a caci profanity. the ideology of tradition caci is the ideology of fertility. while, the ideology of caci perform by the government is the ideology of political power and economy capitalism, and the catholic church ideology of caci is inclusivism through inculturation languages. references bonefasius jehandut. 2012. uskup wilhelmus van bekkum & dere serani mengintegrasikan unsur religiositas asli mansyarakat manggarai ke dalam liturgi. jakarta: nera pustaka. denzin & lincoln. 2009. hand book of qualitative research. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar: djelantik, m. a.a. 1999. estetika. bandung: mspi. jamie. s. davidson, dkk. 2010. adat dalam politik indonesia. jakarta: yayasan pustaka obor indonesia. nyoman kuta ratna. 2011. teori, metode dan teknik penelitian sastra. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. richard, harker, dkk. 2009. pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra sugiyono. 2013. metode penelitian kuantitatif, kualitatif dan r&d. bandung: alfabeta.cv. sugiharto, bambang. 2013. untuk apa seni. bandung: matahari. ideological change of ulu ambek dance in pariaman community, west sumatra yulinis indonesia institute of arts denpasar nusa indah street, denpasar email: yulinis.1964@gmail.com abstract this present study discussed the ideological change of ulum ambek (ua) dance resulting from the impact of globalization. this is indicated by the fact that the young generation is getting less interested in performing ua dance in pariaman. this study, in which qualitative, critical, holistic, and emancipatoric approaches were used, analyzed the form of, the factor contributing to, the meaning and the impact of the ideological change of ua dance in pariaman community. the relevant theories used are the theory of ideology, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of semiotics. the data were collected using observation, interview, and documentary techniques, and were qualitatively and interpretatively analyzed. the results of the study showed that the form of the ideological change of ua dance performed in pariaman was related to the ideology of what is referred to as penghulu (muslim leader). the values of life such as the learning of good manners or better known as batarik (regulations for conduct) were expressed through ua dance. the meanings of ua dance included knowledge, values, and the belief adhered to in the pariaman culture. the impact of the ideological change of ua dance was related to the people’s welfare, solidarity, and the balance between human and the nature. the value of tageh constituted the aesthetic meaning of ua dance and the value of creativity constituted the value of creative development and the value of ideological development. theoretically, this present study revealed that the ideological meaning of ua dance in pariaman west sumatra included the aesthetic value referred to as tageh which was related to the aesthetics of ua dance performance and the bataratik value was related to the ideology of the pariaman community, apart from the appearance of creativity related to the development of ua dance. keywords: ideology, ulu ambek dance, pariaman introduction ua dance is part of a set of traditional ceremonies performed in pariaman. it is performed when the ceremony indicating that a penghulu in pariaman is appointed is carried out. it is also performed when what is called alek nagari (the people’s party) in pariaman is carried out. at present the condition of ua dance in pariaman is tragic as the young generation is getting less interested in performing it. globalization has been responsible for this and has caused the people’s ideology to change. mailto:yulinis.1964@gmail.com the ideological change of ua in pariaman in the process of globalization is a cultural phenomenon which is highly important to observe. this phenomenon implies that the people’s ideology in pariaman, west sumatra, has changed or shifted. on one hand, the local people complain that ua dance has been so tragic that it is difficult to survive. globalization has caused the young generation to prefer modern arts. on the other hand, the development of ua dance depends on the people’s condition in pariaman. this present study was intended to identify the form of, the factor contributing to, the meaning and impact of the ideological change of ua dance performed in pariaman, west sumatra. the significances of the present study are (a) the theoretical finding of the ideology related to the concrete steps in relation to the aesthetic and ethic values of ua dance, (b) the theoretical finding of the ideology related to the social ideology addressed to the people’s behavior reflected by ua dance, and (c) the findings would give contribution to the local people such as the local government, teachers, the society’s leaders) in general and the traditional artists in particular. in addition, it was also expected that the findings of the present study would contribute to the development and maintenance of the values of cultural art in general and ua dance in particular. research method this present study was conducted using qualitative method and technique. the qualitative method and technique were used to obtain descriptive data and information on the meaning, action, and the events related to the ua dance performance in the pariaman community. the research method used was adjusted to cultural studies, as stated by mariyah (2011: 4-5) that, epistemologically, cultural studies also have their own approach and method which are different from the other disciplines. results and discussion althuser (2010: 189) states that arts make us see, perceive and feel (something which is not in the form of knowing); actually, an art is created from an ideology; an art wallows in an ideology; an art keeps a distance from what it refers to. furthermore, he states that when we talk about an ideology, it inserts itself in every human activity that it is identical with life experience of the human existence. the form of the ideology of ua dance in pariaman community, west sumatra, is underlay by the moral, ethic, and aesthetic values it contains. it does not only contain one form of the local people’s activities with its problems, but also contains cultural values. the form of the ideological change of ua dance which is related to how the performers perceive the artist’s creative process is highly sensitive and varies. the ua dance artists have been able to treat themselves within the context of modern life. the form of the ideological change of ua in pariaman, west sumatra, has changed as can be seen from how it is performed. it used to be performed starting from noon to evening. now it may be performed in the evening. globalization has caused the pariaman culture and ideology to change. the social status of ua dance performed in pariaman has changed. as a result, it has been marginalized from the local people’s culture and it may be stated that it has been a strange dance in the region where it was created. in fact, it contains the things which can be used as guidance to the local people’s behavior. however, the procession during which it is performed has not changed. the initial procession implies that the existence of a pengulu (muslim leader) is obligatory as ua dance is his, meaning that he is fully responsible for its performance. such a condition has not changed until now. in addition, the form which has been maintained can also be seen from the instruments used. as an illustration, what is called laga-laga, the place where it is performed, still contains the things indicating the existence of a pengulu in the community. tabia, candai, siriah dalam carano and so forth indicate that tradition plays an important role in the existence of ua dance. an ideology is frequently used as the basis for freeing human beings. in this case, an ideology is defined as a group of views used as guidance to a group of human beings as to how to behave in order to achieve a particular objective (takwin, 2009: 5). it is referred to by human beings when they do their activities including when they perform ua dance in pariaman. however, the ideology referred to in ua dance performed in pariaman has changed as a result of globalization which cannot be avoided by the local people. there are several factors which have been responsible for this, one of which has been the social dynamics of the local people. the social condition of the local people has changed and developed; as a result, the ideology they adhere to has changed and developed as well. the social dynamics taking place in the maternal culture should be able to face the changeable condition. in line with the development of the community, the system of values in the social structure should be adaptive to the condition of space and time (sanderson, 1993: 32). otherwise, a new system of values will replace it or, at least, it will change as it tends to evolve. the ideology of ua dance, which is already established, as it has been in existence for a long time, should be the value which can endure. education is one of the important elements which contributes to the ideology of ua dance in pariaman. education is not only intended to form human beings who are intelligent and skillful in what they are supposed to do , but also to form human beings who have cultural values so they will love their culture. the factor of ritual, which is, in this case, islam as the religion adhered to by the local people in pariaman, has also caused the ideology of ua dance to grow in pariaman. according to gazalba (1989: 2 and salad, 2000: 74), a religion constitutes the experience which transcendences a number of events of daily existence involving a belief in and an opinion about what is beyond what can be reached by human beings. the impact of the ideological change of ua dance, as far as the pure aesthetic meaning is concerned, has something to do with one’s aesthetic experience in his/her relation to everything he/she is interested in visually, audibly and intellectually (sachari, 2002: 45). ua dance is not only beautiful if it is visually digested; its meaning should also be listened to and understood intellectually. ua dance exists with the form and value imitating the human mind, as can be seen from how it is performed. it makes human beings close to the nature religiously and socially. the greatness of the nature and ua dance are so satisfying that it echoes to the inner art. its smallest symbolic but concrete meaning is the message reception. a message is related to its source, target, social context, and objective. the orientation is the symbolic process, that is, the social process which causes a meaning to be formed and mutually communicated in a discourse termed as a planned meaning. it is this which is in existence in ua dance; something which is implied is read. the offering made by ninik mamak is full of symbolic expressions which are meaningful from semiotic point of view. the ceremony performed to appoint a penghulu is full of symbols. the only semiotics can reveal such signs. apart from language, the signs in the entire structure of ua dance are also revealed. solidarity in regard to the other form of change is that taking pictures (using photograph camera and video camera) is also allowed. taking pictures used to be prohibited as it could disturb the players’ concentration in showing the movements of self defense ‘gerakan-gerakan silat’. the introduction of the culture of recording technology is utilized by the ua dance artists as part of the culture of documentation which should be used to introduce it to wider audiences. this is solidarity towards the other culture which is introduced later. the value of communication between the two cultures highly determines whether one of them will become damaged or not. ua dance has three philosophical values which are highly basic as far as the one which is performed in pariaman is concerned; they are tageh, batarik, and creativity. the philosophical value of tageh is the philosophical value taken from the pariaman cultural feasibility which cannot be separated from the aesthetic values. the philosophical value of batarik which is directed towards the social and ideological values is related to the community’s behavior as reflected through ua dance. the value of creativity is directed towards the change of ua dance in form, function, and orientation as an attempt made to create a cultured and civilized community. conclusion and suggestion the conclusions which can be drawn from this present study are as follows. the form of the ideological change of ua dance in the pariaman community was related to the elements of movement, dress, and so forth. the form which was still maintained and the form which had been changed allowed ua dance to develop. the factors which contributed to the ideological change of ua dance were social dynamics, education and politics of the government. the meaning the ideological change of ua dance in the pariaman community was that it symbolized the spiritual struggle made by human (penghulu) in the competition between the good struggle and bad struggle in human life in general. it affected the people’s welfare, solidarity and the balance between the nature and human beings. the novelties of the present study, which had not been completely analyzed before, were the value of tageh, that is, the value which was related to the aesthetics of ua dance performance; the value of batarik, that is, the regulations for conduct which were related to the attitude of being highly polite, and the value of creativity, meaning that ua dance was made to have two forms with different functions; first the “original” ua dance and second the “developed” ua dance. as the attempts made to maintain ua dance in the era when the culture of the pariaman community changes, it is suggested that the traditional arts should be able to maintain the high moral values by preserving them and bequeathing them to the young generation in pariaman; that the common people should encourage the traditional artists to maintain the values of ua dance and introduce it to the public; that the artists who develop ua dance should neglect the great values it contains. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the rector of udayana university, the director of scholl of postgraduate studies of udayana university, head and secretary of the doctorate program of cultural studies, school of postgraduate studies, udayana university for the opportunity provided to the writer to attend the doctorate program. many thanks are also extended to the teaching staff and administrative staff of the doctorate program of cultural studies. a word of appreciation should also go the sincincin pariaman community for the data and information related to the present study provided to the writer. bibliography althusser, louis. 2010. tentang ideologi, marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies (terjemahan). yogyakarta: jalasutra. gazalba, sidi. 1989. mesjid pusat ibadat dan kebudayaan islam. jakarta: pustaka alhusna. sachari, agus. 2002. estetika: makna, simbol dan daya. bandung: itb. salad, hamdi. 2000. agama seni: refleksi teologi dalam ruang estetik. yogyakarta: yayasan semesta. sanderson, stephen k. 1993. sosiologi makro. sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosial (terjemahan). jakarta: rajawali press. takwin, bagus. 2009. akar-akar ideologi pengantar kajian konsep ideologi dari plato hingga bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. yulinis. 2013. “perubahan ideologi tari ulu ambek dalam masyarakat pariaman, sumatera barat”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. microsoft word artikel lilik e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 10-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 the deconstructive semiotics of fishing mantra diction in the bajo ethnics lilik rita lindayani1, i nyoman suarka2, i wayan cika3, dan ni luh nyoman kebayantini4, ansor putra5, samsul6, maliudin7 1567faculty of art halu oleo university, 2 3 4 cultural studies program faculty of art udayana university email: 1 .rita@yahoo.com, 2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 3cika.wayan@yahoo.com, 4kebayantini@gmail.com,5ansorputra@gmail.com, 6 fibsamsul@gmail.com 7 maliudin@yahoo.com abstract language is a form of human emergency sensitivity to the situation around it. if observed, if the linguistic position is in the semiotic point pattern, then natural signs can be a form of verbal power. accompanying nietzsche's thoughts on a strategy he calls "geneology" in historicism, in order to observe the traditions of creativity that exist in society, nietzsche believes that every creation has a special set of interests for a particular location or context. the bajo people as a sea tribe in general, including ethnic bajo who inhabit katela island in west muna regency, southeast sulawesi also establish this creative process in the copyright mantra, which is in the form of sea spells arranged in diction and symbols on signs and codes given by nature. the significant process occurs when spells as something that is believed by the bajo people in fishing activities have many functions. this study adopts derrida's deconstruction theory, in derrida's view, the core location of deconstruction is deconstruction related to language. if conventional semiotics emphasizes the signification process, namely the functioning of the sign as a reflection of established social codes, then in the poststructuralist semiotics which is emphasized is a significant process, namely a creative creation of signs and codes without and without limited. keywords: deconstructive semiotics, sea mantra dictation, and bajo ethnicity introduction derrida by quoting various opinions of philosophers expresses his view, that ontologically writing precedes speech. writing can be a mute trace but can be a witness of those who are not present and cannot be said. those who can overtake writing rather than speech are only those from nature, not from time, according to derrida, the writing is 'foreign' which is included in the language system (derrida, 1967: 44 and kaelan, 2017: 254). something that is very natural if derrida accords his views in such a way, therefore writing becomes a formal form but not a formality because of his physical identification. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 10-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 in derrida's view, the core location of deconstruction is deconstruction related to language, besides deconstruction also rejects the definition. regarding semiotics, derrida seems to contradict the structural semiotics developed by saussure, which relies on immortality, stability, stability of signs and codes, and meanings. semiotics developed by derrida as a post-structuralist is better able to accommodate the dynamics, uncertainty, turmoil and anxieties that characterize chaotic culture (derrida, 2001: 24). if conventional semiotics emphasizes the signification process, namely the functioning of the sign as a reflection of established social codes, then in the post-structuralist semiotics which is emphasized is a significant process, namely a creative creation of signs and codes without and without limited (piliang, 2001: 310 in kaelan, 2017: 261-262). the bajo people, including the ethnic bajo who inhabit katela island, also establish this creative process in the mantra of creativity, which is in the form of sea mantras arranged in diction and symbols for signs and codes given by nature. the significant process occurs when spells as something that is believed by the bajo people in fishing activities have many functions. uniawati (2006: 51) explains that in a bajo tribe whose life is at sea, sea spells function in conjunction with activities carried out in the sea such as fishing, installing trawls, avoiding sea raging storms, lowering new boats, and so on. so each mantra has its own function. thus it can be seen, how crossing the bajo creative semiotics in anticipation of natural phenomena through signs which are then communicated through certain codes. research methods departing from the idea that there is no single point of view in a study, the data in this paper are viewed holistically. analysis of perspectivism was used as a scalpel (lindayani et al., 2019). accompanying nietzsche's thinking about a strategy he calls "geneology" in historicism, in order to observe the traditions of creativity that exist in society, nietzsche believes every creation has a special set of interests for a particular location or context (levine, 1976: 88-101). thus, this research relies heavily on the quality of observation and meaning to uncover something behind the phenomenon (see strauss, 2009: 5). the phenomenon referred to, namely diction in the bajo ethnic spells according to their context as a sea tribe. where, the quality of data is extracted empirically without simulation so that it raises theoretical consequences to achieve the final goal of this paper. e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 10-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 results and discussion in more detail, see uniawati (2005) dividing the six categories of sea spell functions commonly used by bajo people: (1) subjugating humans, namely when facing pirates and distancing themselves from pirate pursuit; (2) subjugating animals, for example tricking fish, calling fish, escaping from octopuses, etc .; (3) subduing spirits such as casting out the ghosts of the sea and asking the shadow to guard themselves while sleeping in the sea; (4) subjugating nature, for example overcoming storms, overcoming currents, seasickness and so on; (5) requests to god, usually done when starting work or fishing activities; and (6) requests to magic. at the sixth point the researchers tried to review the relevance of the choice of the word "request to magical" to the field. through observation of the data, the researcher found a more precise choice of words, namely "inviting the forces of nature" because the example given was the function of the mantra to bring in the wind, to release the boat from the waves, and so on. the following example is a mantra that illustrates natural straw into the creative process of the bajo. note the expression of the mantra diction below: mantra overcoming seasickness: bismillahirrahmanirrahim ‘in the name of allah’ tubboqku dadarua tubboq dayah ‘my intestine is the same as fish's intestine’ ’nggai nguta madilao ‘not vomit in the sea’ mantra overcome ocean current bismillahirrahmanirrahim ‘in the name of allah’ abal madilao ‘ocean current’ abal mangindas ‘strong current’ daha boanu ‘don’t bring’ pissiku pateo ‘my fishing is too far away’ e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 10-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 data source: uniawati (2005) in modern linguistics many questions about language and sign systems. linguistics develops it as an understanding that language as a meaningful sign system is a means of human communication, as stated by ferdinand de saussure and cassirer, according to him language is not just a sign system, not a form, not merely a means but language is ontologically a sign of human as 'being'. therefore the language captured by humans is not only an empirical reality but further shows its ontological reality. back to the discussion session which put diction as an act of semiotics in bajo ethnic rituals. in chomsky's view the language is a form of human emergency sensitivity to the situation around it. if observed, if language is in the semiotic point pattern, then natural signs such as wave heights, gusts of wind, rocks, etc. can be a form of strength. such cases show that meaning becomes questionable when all combined forms of signs have become markers (see lindayani et a. l, 2018). the bajo ethnic concentration on the sea leads them to sensitivity to the signs carried by the marine environment and the creatures that are in it. in semiotic studies according to eco (1980), there are actually political limitations. that, the research areas begin the communication process that looks natural and spontaneous to a more complex cultural system, considered as part of the semiotic field of study. at the level of structure all of these forms by harris (1980) are interpreted as field behavior in the study of social humanities, therefore social life must be concerned with the phenomena forming the behavior itself (harris, 1980: 31). in the semiotic analogy, ancient greek society argues the fact that encoded linguistics is a proof of civilization. there are three processes in obtaining competence in language, exemplified in children in the introduction of mother tongue, where mastery departs from the process of undercoding, successive coding, and finally through the process of overcoding (the latter process continues as he grows older, insofar as society continues to play a role in the process of complications of existing codes) (eco, 1980: 210). the undercoding process is the learning process by observing behavior, imitating the utterances to give birth to one simple text, at the level of successive knowledge being perfect because the text has been structured in language codes that should, then at the level of overcoding, the language enters the conceptual level. so what does the code production theory have to do with the determination of the bajo semiotic acts. eco erodes this in the context of scientific and primitive societies. primitive society produces more code at the level of behavior with all its e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 10-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 ethical rules, whereas the scientific community is more like what they like. the context of primitive societies here is more about being closed and keeping away from technological crowds. 1) code production the bajo people, based on data found in the research field, belong to the category of primitive societies that reproduce codes (function-marks) with texts taught by the ocean or discourse on the situation, the text here is connotative. seeing then mimics the will of nature according to their imagination. there is no code transmission that is in opposition to the sea. one example is the color and shape of a typical bajo or ula-ula flag, this flag is made of cloth in general, only if it is observed in detail the shape still mimics a sea animal, the octopus arms stretching downward. ula-ula is a natural code that is converted into a symbol of the bajo. based on the informant's disclosure of the meaning of ula-ula which is shaped like an octopus tentacle, there is an image of strength, octopus is a combined form of dimensions of grip and policy power. the invertebrate sea animals appear soft, soft and unpretentious, but when they feel threatened, they act as a picture of the characteristics of the bajo in general. other information says ula-alu is a symbol of the universe created by the almighty for seven days and seven nights, so the color of ula-ula is similar to the colors of natural elements, namely red elements for fire, white for water, yellow for air, and black for soil. examples of ula-ula flags. figure 1: the flag of ula-ula bajo source: https://www.google.com/search?q=gambar+bendera+ula-ula+bajo e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 10-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 the bajo community is a group that has loud phonological articulation. articulation is also an expressive unit for producing linguistic codes because this is related to the structure of code expression in the bajo community. don't think that their shy and closed attitude is identical with a soft and soft voice. they are used to defeating the power of the wind when communicating because they are also used to using a lot of hand movements when interacting on a boat, but the behavior is not carried away when they are on land. the process of creating code by bajo people on katela island is a contribution of nature that supports intellectuals, bajo people have natural navigation and marine skills, as well as the principle of life, even though according to layman's view it is not economically profitable. 2) production of signs production of signs in semiotic cases according to eco (1980) is a work of choosing signs that must be articulated to form an expression of the many signals that can be used. the semiotic viewpoint states where circumstances can be intentional elements of communication. semiotics work to clear the message by acting in the circumstances in which the message was received. one form of sign is a message. the study of culture according to spradley (1987), must agree on three fundamental aspects of the expression of human experience, namely (1) what humans do, (2) what humans know, and (3) things that humans make and use. of the three things, cultural behavior, cultural knowledge and cultural artifacts will emerge. still according to spradley cultural knowledge can regenerate through cultural behavior, cultural artifacts, and speech messages. related to the above paragraph, the bajo community is a cultural product that is complete and certainly has special knowledge. for this reason, the production of natural signs related to maritime is well-selected. this community is naturally the owner of original knowledge that can affect the environment. conclusion finally, this paper concludes that the mantra as a product of bajo ethnic culture requires its owner's sensitivity to nature, and a natural touch to give birth to appropriate diction. the semiotic viewpoint expresses the intentional element of communication. natural contributions support bajo intellectuals to detect and cooperate with nature through word e-journal of cultural studies november 2018 vol. 11, number 4, page 10-16 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 choice. in this case, the deconstructive semiotics works to clear the message by acting in the circumstances in which the message was received. references derrida, 1967. l’ecriture et la difference. paris: editions du seuil. eco, umberto. 2015. teori semiotika (i.r. muzir. penerj.). yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. harris, marvin. 1980. cultural materialism (the struggle for a science of culture). new york: random house inc. kaelan, 2017. filsafat bahasa semiotika dan hemeneutuka. yogyakarta: paradigma. levine, peter. 1976. nietzsche and the modern crisis of the humanities. new york: harper & row publisher. lindayani, lilik rita et al. “a metaphorical analysis of kabhanti modero to show munanese social relation”. international journal of linguistics, literature, and cultur (ijllc). vol. 4 no. 2. pages: 72-80, march 2018. http://ijcujournal.us/; http://www.sloap.org lindayani, lilik rita et al. 2019. “the influence of hinduism toward the islamic practice of indigenous people in sulawesi”. international journal of english and literature sciences (ijels). vol. 4 issue-1. page: 152-158. jan-feb, 2019. http://www.ijels.com piliang, yasraf amir.2004. antara semiotika signifikasi, komunikasi dan ekstra komunikasi:dalam alex sobur semiotika komunikasi. bandung: remaja rosda karya. spradley, james p. 1987. metode etnografi. yogyakarta: tiara wacana. strauss, anselm dan juliet corbin 2009. dasar-dasar penelitian kualitatif. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. uniawati, 2006. fungsi mantra melaut pada masyarakat suku bajo di sulawesi tenggara. kendari: kantor bahasa provinsi sulawesi tenggara. microsoft word i gede mudana 5 e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 33-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 batur: the mount, lake, and temple’s sanctity, social relations in the community, and the tourism business i gede mudana1, i ketut sutama2, cokorda istri sri widhari3 123department of tourism, politeknik negeri bali email: 1gedemudana@pnb.ac.id,2tomsutama@gmail.com,3widhari@yahoo.co.id. abstract batur region in kintamani subdistrict, bangli, bali, is at first a living place of a group of local people with holy, sacred markers characterized by hinduism. the most popular holy markers are mount batur (1717 m), lake batur, and pura (temple) ulun danu batur. later batur is known as a tourist destination where many tourists both domestic and international come and go everyday. this paper describes the existence of the batur region as a unity of three things: sanctity or holiness (sacred area), social relations of the local community, and tourism business. this study is qualitative which its data is taken from books, journals, and other documents with the techniques of qualitative data analysis. the result of the study shows there is a high complexity in batur due to its position as a sanctuary (holy area), a place of community life, and a tourism area. batur is a sacred area, at least because of the mount batur, lake batur, and ulun danu batur temple so that such a region is honoured by all hindu believers in bali and outside bali. however, today, batur is also known as a popular tourist area because the mount, the lake, and the temple are really very interesting to be enjoyed (or consumed as tourism products) and in fact, the region is also surrounded by other beautiful tourist attractions in batur and kintamani, i.e. penelokan, toyabungkah, trunyan village, agricultural fields, and a new, man-made one that is the batur global geopark. keywords: mountains, lake, temple, sanctity, social relations, local community, tourist. introduction batur is located in kintamani sub-district, bangli regency, bali province. it is a name of sacred, holy (sanctity) area where one unit of the local social system lives. even the area is not only considered sacred by the local community around batur and kintamani but also by the hindu-balinese society in general. at least in batur there are mount batur (1717 m), lake batur, and ulun danu batur temple as well which are all holy mountain, holy lake, and holy temple. later batur has been intensively affected by tourism industrialization. beside the mountain, the lake, and the temple, there are other tourist attractions, such as penelokan, agrotourism, toya bungkah, trunyan village, and geopark global unesco batur (from the english name batur unesco global geopark) or abbreviated as batur geopark (museum). it very often happens that those who at first only intend to climb e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 33-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 (doing trekking tour to) mount batur, for instance, suddenly have a kind impulsive buying so they finally make a decission to enjoy lake batur, ulun danu batur temple, batur geopark, penelokan kintamani, and other surrounding tourism products. as its title suggests, this paper is designed to deal with a discourse of the fact that batur is a complex place. it is because batur is a unity among three things; they are sanctity, social relations of the local society, and tourism business arena functioning the local nature/environment. sanctity is related to the divine aspect or the god; social relationships related to human issues; and mountain, lake, temple, landscapes and cultural entities which are used as tourism products in batur related to the nature and environment. research methods this research was conducted in kintamani tourism area which was first introduced globally by a german writer named gregor krause who had lived there. in 1912 he promoted kintamani which has mount batur, lake batur, ulun danu batur temple, and penelokan. since then kintamani has been visited by many foreign tourists especially those from germany. after that it stood pelni hotel in 1922 and even two hotels in the 1930's which one of them was kpm kintamani hotel in kintamani field now. the location of the other one had not been known yet because it was burned and destroyed when mount batur and mount agung were erupted (widiastini, 2016; https://unud.ac.id/posts/ary-widiastini-pedagangacung-sebagai-basis-ekonomi-keluarga-di-desa-batur-tengah-kawasan-pariwisatakintamani-bali). this literature study is a cultural studies with a qualitative approach. the data sought is qualitative, supported by few quantitative data. the technique used is a qualitative analysis technique which according to miles and hubberman (1992: 14-19) consists of data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion. discussion kintamani located in the highlands in the north-east of bali is one of the four subdistricts in bangli regency, bali province, with an area of 366.92 km2 and includes 48 villages (badan pusat statistik kabupaten bangli, 2017). kintamani is a fertile agricultural area and plantation. the district's caldera region is a farming center for several agricultural commodities, such as coffee, oranges, vegetables, and red onions, which are distributed throughout bali and outside bali. "kintamani coffee", "kintamani orange", and even e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 33-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 "kintamani dog" have their own brand in the images of global people. in fact, compared to be as a formal, administrative district, kintamani is much known as a popular tourist destination or even the most popular destination in bangli regency (widiastini and mudana, 2016 (https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/25272). kintamani as a popular tourist destination was first known than batur eventhough the centre of tourism in kintamani is batur itself. being very popular, kintamani was ever used as a theme of a movie in the 1970s titled "kabut di kintamani" (fog in kintamani) and then in 1990s there was a beautiful song "nyanyian rindu" (song of longing) from the legendary indonesian musician ebiet g ade which its lyrics contain poetical words "... sejuk lembut angin di bukit kintamani…” (cool, soft wind in kintamani hill... ".) anyhow, today, kintamani is as popular as batur. even the two words (“kintamani” and “batur”) are almost synonimous, moreover the later (batur) has now a new tourist attraction, i.e. the global geopark. like mount agung (1,342 m) which is the highest mountain in bali, mount batur is a sacred mountain (mudana, i gede, sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri 2017, https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/33150; mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri 2017a, https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kajianbali/article/ view/35152; mudana , i gede, sutama, i ketut, widhari, cokorda istri sri 2017b, http://ojs.pnb.ac.id/index.php/soshum/article/view/717). in bali, not only mount batur, other mountains, as well as all high places in general, are sacred areas. if mount agung is positioned as lingga or purusa (male), mount batur is yoni or pradana (female) and if mount batur is a phallus or purusa (male), lake batur is yoni or pradana (female) (sumarta, 2015). mount batur can be said to represent fire while lake batur water. the synergy between men and women or between fire and water is the source of life and prosperity of the local society (absir, 2015). mount batur is surrounded by a number of temples. besides ulun danu batur temple, there is a temple called jati temple which is the main starting point for climbing to mount batur. according to sad winayaka conception, a temple is always established to motivate the spiritual existence. the aim is to improve the moral nobility and mental endurance of the community in building natural circumstances (bhuwana agung/macrocosmos) and the human ones (bhuwana alit/microcosmos). it was found many lontar (papyrus) which mentions sad kahyangan temple is a manifestation of the development of togetherness with the sad winayaka conception (wiana, 2018). sad means six; kahyangan is great, main temple. in relation to the two words, there is kertih which means e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 33-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 religious ritual practice. sad kahyangan includes major temples in bali, namely besakih temple, lempuyang temple, goa lawah temple, luhur uluwatu temple, batur temple, and pusering jagat temple. sad kertih consists of atma kertih (religious ritual practice relating to the soul or paramatma of every bhuwana alit or living creature), samudra kertih (religious ritual practice relating to the sea), wana kertih (religious ritual practice relating to the forest), danu kertih (religious ritual practice relating to the water, including lake), jagat kertih (religious ritual practice relating to the social life of community), and jana kertih (religious ritual practice relating to individuals). in this case, the mountain (mount batur) is linked to the wana kertih and the lake (lake batur) to the danu kertih. in bali there is also padma bhuwana conception as a foundation to build padma bhuwana temple in nine directions in bali. the nine directions are eight directions (northeast, east, southeast, south, southwest, west, northwest, and north) plus one in the centre. in the northeast there is besakih temple (karangasem regency); in the east lempuyang luhur temple (karangasem regency); in the southeast goa lawah temple (klungkung regency); in the south andakasa temple (kabupaten karangasem regency); in the southwest watukaru temple (tabanan regency); in the northwest puncak mangu temple (badung regency); in the north batur temple; and in the middle (centre) pusering jagat temple (gianyar regency) (wiana, 2018). mount batur is a very good site for climbing/trekking tourists, both actual and potential ones. there are at least 300 tourists enjoy the beauty of mount batur everyday. there are hundreds of tourists enjoying the beauty of lake batur evryday. an average of 90 visitors visit an educational tour at the museum (batur geopark) everyday. all the amounts do not include a lot of tourists who visit penelokan with its scenic beauty, toya bungkah which has natural hot water recreation area, trunyan village with its unique culture in cremation ritual, agro-tourism in kintamani with its commodities, such as coffee, orange, and red onion. thus, the kintamani community, especially the batur community, enjoy the activities of the tourism industrialization in the area today. this means that, in addition to being farmers, quite a lot of the batur (and kintamani) community members are involved in tourism services, such as climbing/trekking guides and general tour guides, hotel and restaurant workers, and other tourism industry workers, including pedagang acung (vendoring merchants). climbing/trekking guides in mount batur are about 100 people. in kabupaten bangli dalam angka 2017 (2017), there are 18 non-star hotels, 214 rooms, 297 beds, and 169 workers (non-star hotel) in kintamani sub-district. widiastini (2016; (https://unud.ac.id/posts/arye-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 33-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 widiastini-pedagang-acung-sebagai-basis-ekonomi-keluarga-di-desa-batur-tengahkawasan-pariwisata-kintamani-bali) shows, in 2015, there were 168 pedagang acung who operated in kintamani area. here, the relationships among sanctity, residential area for social life, and tourism business are theoretically connected with trihita karana paradigm (tri = three, hita = balanced material-spiritual happiness, karana = cause), a local knowledge which can now can be said to be the balinese culture itself. trihita karana (kaler, 1989) concerns with (1) the relationships between man and god the creator, (2) the relationship between man and other man, and (3) the relationship between man and nature environment. the first relationship is called parhyangan; the second pawongan; the last palemahan. so that, the shrine area in batur is a parhyangan. the residential area of the local population where the social activities operate is pawongan. tourism business areas that function the physical area of batur and kintamani (the mountain, the lake, the temple, the geopark, etc) is palemahan. conclusions and suggestions at this time batur is known as a popular tourist area because, in addition to mount batur, lake batur, and ulun danu batur temple, there are also some other interesting tourist attractions, such as penelokan (for sight-seeing), toyabungkah (hot water recreation), trunyan village area (a unique cremation process toward the dead body), and the new tourist attraction that is a man-made one, i.e. the batur geopark museum. batur is an increasingly complex area. if at first batur is only a place of life for a group of people with the rules and boundaries of its sanctity but now partly transformed into a modern tourist area. in the trihita karana, holiness or sacradness in batur region is related to divinity aspect or parhyangan. social relations of the local community are related to pawongan. tourism business that utilizes mountain, lake, and natural scenery is associated with nature and environment or palemahan. in this case, it is suggested that all parties must involve in a more intensive way, both government, the tourism industry, and the local society maintaining the equilibrium between the two worlds: worldly (economic materiality) and divinity (spirituality) or sekala and niskala. in a developing country like indonesia, the role of structure, in this case the governments (the state) and the related industry (tourism), is important because the community is very often just a hegemonic victim of the relationship between the state and the economic capital of the tourism industry. e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 33-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 acknowledgment on this occasion, the authors thank the e-journal of cultural studies very much for publishing this paper. of course the authors are also grateful to the various parties who have supported this study. references absir, i wayan. 2015. “menjadikan batur the nirwana of bali” in i ketut sumarta, batur jantung peradaban air bali. denpasar: wisnu press, p. 111-141. badan pusat statistik kabupaten bangli. 2017. kabupaten bangli dalam angka 2016. bangli: bps kabupaten bangli. kaler, i gusti ketut. 1983. butir-butir tercecer tentang adat bali 2. denpasar: bali agung. miles, matthew b. dan michael a. huberman. 1992. analisis data kualitatif. jakarta: uii press. mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. 2017. “entrepreneural figure of mount agung trekking guides”. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], p. 1-7. issn 2338-2449. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/33150>. date accessed: 02 june 2018. mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. 2017a. “kepeloporan kewirausahaan memandu pendakian daya tarik wisata gunung agung, karangasem, bali”. journal of bali studies, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 2, p. 19-38. issn 25800698. available at: <https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/kajianbali/article/view/35152>. date accessed: 02 june 2018. mudana, i gede; sutama, i ketut; widhari, cokorda istri sri. 2017b. “model kewirausahaan memandu wisata mendaki gunung agung di desa selat, karangasem”. soshum : jurnal sosial dan humaniora, [s.l.], v. 7, n. 3, p. 324-333. issn 2580-5622. available at: <http://ojs.pnb.ac.id/index.php/soshum/article/view/717>. date accessed: 02 june 2018. sumarta, i ketut. 2015. batur jantung peradaban air bali. denpasar: wisnu press. wiana, i ketut. 2018. “implementasi filosofi dan konsepsi pembangunan bali (bagian vii, rubrik wija kasaur): empat fungsi kebersamaan universal”, pos bali, sunday, 20 may, p. 1. widiastini, ni made ary. 2016. “pedagang acung sebagai basis ekonomi keluarga di desa batur tengah, kawasan pariwisata kintamani, bangli”, dissertation, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas e-journal of cultural studies august 2018 vol. 11, number 3, page 33-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 udayana, denpasar (https://unud.ac.id/posts/ary-widiastini-pedagang-acungsebagai-basis-ekonomi-keluarga-di-desa-batur-tengah-kawasan-pariwisatakintamani-bali). date accessed: 15 june 2018. widiastini, ni made ary; mudana, i gede. 2016. “social practice of pedagang acung (vendors) at kintamani tourist area, bangli, bali”. e-journal of cultural studies, [s.l.], p. 1-11, may 2016. issn 2338-2449. available at: https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/article/view/25272. date accessed: 07 june 2018. “anggun nan tongga”, “mandi angin”, and “wayang padang” as indonesian postmodern theatrical practices syafril andalas university kampus lima umanis padang email: syafrilprelt@yahoo.com abstract this study explored “anggun nan tongga”, “mandiangin”, and “wayang padang” which were produced by bumi theatre padang group and were regarded as the real indonesian theatrical practice. the indonesian postmodern theatrical practices, which are regarded as the real ones, are different from the previous indonesian modern theatrical practices which are considered the pseudo and false ones, although they were accepted as the real ones. this study was intended to identify the form, the influential factors, and the meaning of the indonesian postmodern practices produced by the bumi theatre padang group in the three theatres mentioned above. the results of the study showed ant, ma, and wp were in the forms of relative art and contextual aesthetic concept. they were decentrally and democratically created. the existence of the viewers was used as the subject. the management of the culture-oriented production activity, group and society.the professionalization of the group and members in the cultural quality and humanity. the influential factors included the ideology of power, hegemony, the failure of becoming the indonesian theatre, the attempt made to develop indonesian theatre, the reformation which tended to be postmodern in indonesia, the change in global postmodern culture. these could be defined as identity, cultural defense, social plurality, the real democracy, the critical and creative productivity, and religiosity. keywords: “anggun nan tongga”, “mandiangin”, “wayang padang”, indonesian postmodern theatrical practices. introduction this present study explored the indonesian postmodern theatrical practices in “anggun nan tongga” (ant), “mandiangin” (ma), and “wayang padang” (wp) produced by the padang group bumi theatre. they were regarded as the real indonesian modern theatrical practices. they were different from the previous indonesian modern practices which were regarded as the pseudo and false indonesian theatres, although they were accepted as the real indonesian theatrical practices. the present study focused on the form, the influential factors, and the meaning of the indonesian postmodern theatrical practices. the present study was inspired by the so far development of indonesian theatre which was not in accordance with the development of the real indonesian theatre; it developed as the western modern theatre. although the indonesian modern theatre representing such development was referred to as the indonesian theatre, it was still unacceptable and strange to the community in general. to make it the real indonesian theatre, it should be made in existence as the development of the indonesian postmodern mailto:syafrilprelt@yahoo.com 2 theatre. in such development, the indonesian theatre was practiced as the indonesian postmodern theatre, namely, as the theatrical practice taking the real indonesian form and culture. in addition, it should have the indonesian meaning. the indonesian postmodern theatrical practices constituted an attempt made by the padang group bumi theatre to make such development the real indonesian. it was expected that the result of the present study would give new contribution and become a scientific reference. in practice, it was expected that the result of the present study would be useful to the indonesian art and culture. research method the present study was conducted using qualitative method, meaning that the data used were the qualitative data. the data were obtained from both the primary and secondary sources. the primary data were obtained from documents, and the secondary data were obtained from informants and the objective under study. the informants were purposively determined. they were determined based on the knowledge they had and their theatrical experience. the theories used in the present study were the theory of deconstruction, the theory of hegemony, the theory of multiculturalism, the theory of post colonialism, and the theory of hyper reality (hyper semiotics). the data were collected using documentary study, observation of participation, and interview. the data were analyzed descriptively and qualitatively. results and discussion the indonesian postmodern theatrical practices refer to the theatrical activities based on how the indonesian postmodern theatres are performed. in this case, theatre is intertextually viewed, meaning that it does not only refer to any creation but also to all the elements which are related to it and where it is. as it exists in a group which produces it, theatre intertextually refers to the performance, the creation, the viewers, the production management, the group, and the community, and the theatrical professionalism as a group and members. postmodern constitutes the cultural form or fashion marked by pluralism and deconstructive way of thinking. it is different from the modern cultural form and fashion marked by monism and hegemonic way of thinking. they are distinguished historically and culturally. postmodern appears as a reaction to the modern culture which is regarded as a failure. it appears to correct, refuse, terminate, or deconstruct the modern culture while forming itself to be a new culture which is regarded as being more meaningful (grenz, 2001: 13-14; al-fayyadl, 2006: 11; barker, 2004: 410; pilliang, 2003: 19, and 2006: 32). indonesian postmodern means the postmodern cultural form and fashion which is specific to indonesia, 3 which is marked by pluralism as the main consideration and the deconstructive way of thinking which is specific to indonesia, meaning that the meaning it has is more indonesian. it is different from the previous modern culture which is regarded as monistic, hegemonic, and as a failure. such an indonesian postmodern theatrical practice refers to a number of theatrical practices such as the performance, the creation, the acceptability or the existence of viewers, the management of production activity, the group, and the community, and the professionalism of as a group and members, which adopt the postmodern cultural form and fashion which are specific to indonesia, and which are marked by pluralism as the main consideration and the deconstructive way of thinking which are specific to indonesia, meaning that the meaning it has is more indonesian. it is made different from the previous indonesian modern cultural form and fashion, which is regarded as monistic and hegemonic, and as a failure. a theatre group created the real indonesian theatre, the indonesian postmodern theatre as follows. first, the real indonesian theatre was created as the form of practice which was related to the performance, the acceptability, the creation, the management, and the professionalism, and as cultural, social, political, artistic, and aesthetic concepts. second, it was created as the deconstruction of the indonesian modern theatre in regard to the performance, the creation, the management, and the professionalism, and to the cultural, social, political, artistic, and aesthetic concepts. third, it was created as the practice of meaningfulness which was aimed at the cultural, social, political, aesthetic and artistic theatrical concepts which were really indonesian. since its early stage, the theatrical practices in indonesia have been developed through groups (soemardjo, 1992: 93; hadi, 1996: 6). the group members are not only the players but also those who create the form and determine where the development should go. the most recent development of the existence of the theatre group was dominated by mandiri theatre (putuwijaya) and bumi theatre (wirsanhadi) (republika, 19 desember 1993, p. 12). the first was well-known for the concept “new indonesian theatre” (wijaya, 2000: 13), and the second was well-known for the concept “democratic theatre” (hadi in kompas, 1986). the two groups criticized the art convention and the aesthetics of the indonesian modern theatre. as far as the bumi theatre group is concerned, the preference to the indonesian postmodern could be seen from the theatrical creation it performed. as far as the development of postmodern in indonesian is concerned, especially the development through the theatrical art, the development started before the reformation era, that is, in 1990s, or, exactly in 1993 through the performance of “jalanlurus” (produced by bumi theatre group) in tim jakarta. such a performance did not only indicate the development of the indonesian 4 postmodern theatre and the group producing it as the pioneer of the development, it also indicated the appearance of the indonesian postmodern theatrical practice. apart from that, it also indicated that the members of the group producing it were the doers of such a theatrical practice (syafril, 2005: 26; and 2010: 38). its journey in the last two decades could also be observed from ant (performed in padang and jakarta in 1998), ma (performed in padang and yogyakarta in 1999), and wp (performed in padang and jakarta in 2006). the forms of the indonesian postmodern theatrical practice performed by the padang bumi theatre in ant, ma and wp included: first, the performance in the forms of relative art and contextual aesthetics, meaning that they were performed as relative, changeable, and plural arts; these were realized through the contextual aesthetic concepts which were acceptable to the community. second, they were decentrally and democratically created, meaning that the process during which they were created did not entirely refer to the text; the play director was the center of the autocratic and creative creation; in this case, the text was relative in nature and the play director was the decentralized and democratic creative leader. third, the existence of the viewers was the subject, meaning that an attempt was made to make the viewers as the real subject rather than as the object of what was watched. this included the reposition of the area of the viewers, they were made to participate, an opportunity was provided to them to make their own interpretation, and they were made to be smart. fourth, the management of the production activity was oriented towards the group and the community, meaning that the production activity was managed independently; the objective was culture rather than the profit; the group was managed as an informal, egalitarian and democratic organization (communal); the objective was togetherness or brotherhood; and the development of the quality of people’s intelligence was the subject of the culture. fifth, an attempt was made to achieve the cultural quality and humanity as the quality of professionalism of the group and its members. the factors contributing to the postmodern theatrical practice created by the padang bumi theatre group in ant, ma, and wp were as follows. the first factor was the ideology of power which became the context of the existence of the indonesian modern theatre. the factor which directly contributed to the postmodern theatrical practice was the ideology of authoritarianism, namely, the ideology of power of the ruling government (the new order). the factor which indirectly contributed to the postmodern theatrical practice was the dominative ideology, namely, the ideology of the power of modernism itself. second, the hegemony of the power of authoritarianism of the indonesian government (the new order), which included monoculturalism, neocolonialism, and hyperrealism, and the hegemony of the domination of modernism or modern culture, namely, the hegemony of the rational formal art and the aesthetics of universal realism. third, the failure of becoming the indonesian theatre; the failure of the indonesian modern theatre to be the theatre which was really indonesian as 5 being locked within the formal art and the modern western universal aesthetics, the cultural monoculturalism, the social neocolonialism, and the political hyperrealism of the power of the hegemony of the new order government regime. fourth, the attempt made to develop the indonesian theatre which was really indonesian and had the ability to change; in other words, the attempt made to develop the indonesian theatre as the theatre which was in the form of plural art (the form of relative art) and in the concept of indonesian multicultural aesthetics (contextual), and referred to the concepts of multiculturalism, social egalitarianism, and indonesian democraticism, and at the same time as the theatre which had deconstructive quality both aesthetically, artistically, culturally, socially, and politically. fifth, the reformation which tended to be postmodern in indonesia, namely, as the context of change which was in line with the development of the indonesian postmodern theatre. sixth, the cultural change in the culture of global postmodernism, namely, as the movement of change which was in line with the movement of the change of the indonesian postmodern theatre. the meanings of the postmodern theatrical practice created by the padang bumi theatre through ant, ma, and wp were as follows. first, the meaning of identity, namely, the meaning of making aware, the meaning of renewal, and the meaning of strengthening the indonesian identity, both the indonesian theatrical identity and the indonesian nationality as the context of its existence. second, the meaning of cultural defense, namely, the meaning of defending indonesia as a multicultural country, the meaning of defending diversity, and the meaning of being culturally different without marginalization, and the meaning of defending humans and humanity as the subject both globally and nationally. third, the meaning of being socially plural, namely, the meaning of making social plurality appear again in indonesia in accordance with the reality that indonesian was plural which had been lost due to the practice of centralism or social uniformity. fourth, the democratic meaning, namely, the meaning of renewal or the meaning of making the indonesian democracy appear again as the real democracy, that is, the democracy which was rooted in the values of amicability within the concept of equality. fifth, the meaning of being creative and critically productive; the meaning of being more creative and critical which was produced by the indonesian postmodern theatre as an indonesian theatrical product. sixth, the meaning of religiosity, which highly appreciated religious, spiritual and aesthetic values within the concept of the indonesian postmodern theatrical aesthetics. conclusion and suggestion the indonesian postmodern theatrical practice created by the padang bumi theatre group through ant, ma, and wp included (1) the performance through the form of relative art and the aesthetical and contextual concept, (2) the decentralized and democratic theatrical creations, (3) the existence of the viewers as the subject, (4) the management of 6 the culture-oriented production activity, group, and community, (5) the professionalism of the group and members in the cultural quality and humanity. the factors contributing to the indonesian postmodern theatrical practice included (1) the ideology of power, (2) hegemony, (3) the failure to become the indonesian theatre, (4) the attempt made to develop the indonesian theatre, (5) the reformation which tended to be postmodern in indonesia, (6) the cultural change in the global postmodern. the meanings of the indonesian postmodern theatrical practice were as follows (1) identity, (2) cultural defense, (3) social plurality, (4) the real democracy, (5) the creative and critical productivity, and (6) religiosity. it is suggested that the indonesian theatrical practices created by the padang bumi theatre group should develop in the globalization era as an alternative of the existing theatrical practice. in this way, the community will aware of and appreciate it. acknowledgement the writer would like to thank prof. dr. nyoman kutha ratna, s.u., prof. dr. i wayan dibia, m.a., and prof. dr. i gde semadi astra, as the main supervisor, co-supervisor 1, and co-supervisor 2 for their input, suggestion, and correction. bibliography al-fayyadl, muhammad. 2006. derrida. yogyakarta: lkis. barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies teori dan praktek. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. grenz, stanley j. 2001. a primer on postmodernism pengantar untuk memahami postmodernisme. yogyakarta: yayasan andi. piliang, yasraf amir. 2006. “’cultural studies’ dan postmodernisme: isyu, teori, dan metode” dalam jurnal kajian budaya volume 3 nomor 6 tahun 2006, hal. 19-34. ……. 2003. hipersemiotika tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna. bandung: jalasutra. soemardjo, djakob. 1992. perkembangan teater modern dan sastra drama indonesia. bandung: pt citra aditya bakti. syafril. 2005 “teater postmodern indonesia: kasus pertunjukan jalan lurus karya wisran hadi”, tesis, program magister, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. ……. 2010. wisran hadi, bumi teater, dan teater yang mengindonesia. jakarta: fti press. ……. 2013. “praktik teater postmosdern indonesia grup bumi teater padang pada produksi anggun nan tongga, mandi angin, dan wayang padang”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. wijaya, putu. 2000. “tradisi baru” dalam nur sahid (ed.) interkulturalisme dalam teater. hal. 56-64. yogyakarta: yayasan untuk indonesia (yui). 7 microsoft word artikel bugis 2 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 social conflict and its resolution in the bugis community in serangan island, denpasar city a.a. ngr anom kumbara1, ida bagus gde putra2 12faculty of arts, university of udayana denpasar email: 1anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 2gde_putra@unud.ac.id received date : 28-06-2019 accepted date : 11-08-2019 published date : 30-11-2019 abstract the bugis community who lived and lived on the island of serangan in the city of denpasar originated from south sulawesi who migrated around the middle of the 17th century. the existence of this community shows its own uniqueness and dynamics in the historical, political, economic and cultural context so that it is interesting to study socially historically. the purpose of this study is 1) to understand the factors causing social conflicts in the bugis community on serangan island; 2) understand the process and mechanism of conflict resolution in the bugis community on serangan island, and 3) analyze the impact of the conflict on the lives of the bugis community on serangan island. the research approach and analysis method is qualitative. data collection techniques carried out by in-depth interviews, observation, and document analysis. based on these methods, this study found that the factors causing conflict were land dispute and the rejection of the execution of the district court and makamah agung verdict by 36 families of bugis residents who occupy the disputed land. conflict resolution is done by means of mediation, negotiation and cohersiveness. in conclusion, the impact of conflict is positive and negative. however, negative impacts are more dominant than positive impacts, especially in the economic, environmental, and health problems in children of conflict victims' families. keywords, bugis community, social conflict, resolution, conflict impact preliminary the existence of the bugis ethnic community on the island of attack in the city of denpasar in its historical span shows its own uniqueness and dynamics in the political, economic, and socio-cultural context so it is interesting to study anthropology. according to historical records the bugis community who lived on serangan island came from south sulawesi who migrated to bali around the middle of the 17th century (suwitha, 2014). in the course of its life history, the bugis population continues to grow and then form a unit group e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 that has unique customs and culture that is different from the characteristics possessed by other groups. the human group unit that has a permanent residence area, has its own language, has customs and culture inherited from this generation which is defined as a community (koentjaraningrat, 1980). according to the historical record of the life of the bugis on the island of serangan, that the elders of the bugis community have interacted intensively and adapted harmoniously with local residents who are hindus. in this long interaction according to historical records, they almost never conflicted with the locals. in fact, during the reign of the badung kings many bugis community members were appointed to the badung royal army and became a wellknown force reliable for their courage and loyalty to the badung kingdom.however, the portrait is a romantic phenomenon of the past. conversely, since the new order government until now in line with the passage of time and environmental, socio-cultural and political changes, both at the national and local levels the harmony of the social life of the bugis community began to be disturbed, due to conflicts that often appear on serangan island, both intra conflicts or between members of the bugis community as well as conflicts between the bugis and outsiders (investors, the government, and with local hindus). it is assumed that there are many interrelated factors that cause and trigger conflict in this region. based on the results of the preliminary study, information was obtained that since the new order government in collaboration with investors launched the serangan island reclamation program for the benefit of tourism, social conflicts that had previously been rare, often occur recently. the most actual social conflict involving the bugis community occurred in 2017 and continued until 2018. data and information about the causes of the conflict, its resolution mechanism, and its implications have not been adequately available, because no one has studied it scientifically. in its historical development, the existence of the bugis community shows its own uniqueness and dynamics in its historical, political, economic and cultural context, so it is interesting to study historically. in this regard, the purpose of this study is 1) to understand the factors causing social conflicts in the bugis community on serangan island; 2) understand the process and mechanism of conflict resolution in the bugis community on serangan island, and 3) analyze the impact of the conflict on the lives of the bugis community on serangan island. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 conflict theory conflict, cooperation and accommodation are three possibilities that are unavoidable in every relationship between groups. conflict is something that is endemic or latently always exists in human life in society, is no exception in the social life of the balinese people. in connection with this research, it is deemed necessary to elaborate on the concepts and theories of conflict that are relevant in order to clarify the direction of the objectives of this study. according to webster (1966) the term "conflict" means "fight, war, or struggle", namely physical confrontation between several parties. this understanding in the last decade has expanded to the psychological domain so that understanding is no longer a single concept. to combine physical and psychological aspects in a social conflict, the conflict can be interpreted as "the perception of differences in interests (perceived divergence of intersest) or a belief that the aspirations of conflicting parties cannot be achieved simultaneously" (pruitt, et al., 2004: 9-10). according to marx (in sanderson, 1993) structured forms of conflict between various individuals and groups arise mainly through the formation of personal relationships in production. in a society that has been divided by class, social classes that have the forces of production can subordinate other social classes and force the group to work to fulfill their own interests. thus, the dominant class establishes relations with subordinated classes in a process of economic exploitation. naturally these subordinated classes will be angry because they are exploited and driven to rebel against the dominant class and abolish their privileges. however, because the dominant class recognizes the possibility of resistance from the lower classes, it creates a mechanism to break the resistance (sanderson, 1993: 12-14). in analyzing class disagreement in society, marx relied on the following theoretical hypothesis. (1) social life is basically an arena of conflict or competition between and within opposing groups. (2) economic and political resources are important things that are seized by various groups. (3) a typical consequence of this conflict is the division of society into economically determinant and subordinated groups. (4) the social patterns of a society are largely determined by the social influence of the group which is economically a determinant group. (5) social conflicts and conflicts within and between various societies give birth to forces that drive social change. (6) because conflict and conflict are basic features of social life, social change becomes a common and frequent thing (sanderson, 1993: 14). however, then dahrendorf (1964 and 1986) criticized that view that society is not only grouped in two e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 layers (top-bottom layer), but also that there is an intermediate layer which mediates between the two layers. according to dahrendorf (1986), marx's thesis is not entirely correct based on several reasons, namely (1) in reality there has been a decomposition of capital so that the concentration of capital on someone does not occur; (2) in reality there has also been a decomposition of labor so that there are no conflicting interests between the owner of capital and the worker; and (3) the emergence of a new class that brings with it changes in the mechanism of work and the composition of capital. as a result, the contradictions predicted by marx eventually tended to be regulated through institutionalization. thus, conflicts that arise are more caused by unequal distribution of power and conflicts that occur can be resolved through institutionalization. dahrendorf's central concept in this context refers to aspects of authority and position, namely that the distribution of power and authority is uneven, without exception being a factor that determines social conflict systematically. differences in authority prove there will be differences in positions in society and because that authority is valid, any individual who is not subject to the existing authority will be subject to sanctions. dahrendorf explain that, marx did not see the possibility of separation between the owners of capital and the control of the means of production. the emergence of a new middle class which is at the same time a manager has caused confusion between the owners of capital and labor, often it happens that the middle class is trying to bridge the interests of both parties. therefore, conflicts do not occur between the owners of capital and workers, but between the holders of power and those controlled. this argument also at the same time perfects the conflict model of the two marx classes to the pluralistic model of conflict. dahrendorf (1986) further argues that in an association marked by conflict there is tension between those who are accommodated in the power structure and try to maintain the status quo and those who must submit to that structure. the interest of the business group develops an ideology that legitimizes its power, while the interests of the opposition group give rise to the threat of this ideology and the social relations it contains. therefore, groups involved in conflict are divided into two types, namely (1) quasi-groups (quasi groups) and (2) interest groups (interest groups). the pseudo group is a collection of power holders with the same interests in maintaining the order of power. instead, an interest group is a group of people who want a change in existing power. according to this view, conflicts tend to originate from interest groups. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 interest groups as sources of conflict are divided into two, namely (1) manifested interests and (2) latent or potential interests. latent interests are potential behaviors that have been determined for someone because they occupy certain roles, but they are not aware of it. when the unconscious interests come to the surface in the form of realized goals, such as the struggle for equality in terms of position, opportunities and utilization of resources, an organization called the dahrendorf interest group is realized or manifested. in other thoughts, max weber believes that conflict occurs in a way that is much broader than just basic material conditions (sanderson, 1993: 115-118). max weber acknowledged that conflict in fighting over economic resources is a basic feature of human life, but he argues that many other types of conflict also occur. the two types of conflict that weber focuses on are as follows. first, conflicts occur in the political arena as something that is very fundamental. for him, social life is in some degree a contradiction to gain power and domination by certain individuals and groups over others. he did not consider that the opposition to gaining power was only driven by the desire to obtain economic benefits. on the contrary, he sees to some degree as the purpose of the conflict itself (sanderson, 1993: 13-14). weber argues that opposition to gaining power is not limited to formal political organizations, but also occurs in every type of group, such as religious organizations, ethnic organizations, education, and other types of organizations. second, the type of conflict that weber often emphasizes is conflict in terms of ideas and ideals. he argues that people are often challenged to gain dominance in terms of their world views, whether in the form of religious doctrine, social philosophy, or conceptions about lifestyles or cultural behaviors that are considered right, appropriate, and best. moreover, these ideas and ideals are not only disputed, but are often used as weapons, instruments and instruments of legitimacy in opposition to others, both in the socio-political, economic, and cultural fields. so, people can fight, fight for power and at the same time try to convince one another that it is not the power they are aiming for, but the triumph of principles that are ethically and philosophically believed to be true. for this reason, weber concluded that conflict is one of the principles of social life that is very strong and cannot be eliminated. in any type of society in the future people will continue to fight for various resources (economic, political, and symbolic) despite taking substantially varied forms and levels of violence. meanwhile, simmel (coser, 1964) stated that in many cases the conflict was potential to form and maintain structure. in its instrumental function in the formation, integration, and maintenance of social structures, the conflict functions positively, namely (1) establishing and e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 supporting the boundary line between two or more disputing groups; (2) strengthening the group's identity and protecting it from breaking down in the surrounding social world; (3) clarifying the identity of group members, especially conflicts that occur with out-groups; and (4) cleaning up the atmosphere through so-called "savety valves" which are typical mechanisms for maintaining structures or preventing ongoing social conflicts, especially conflicts that occur within the group itself (in groups). thus, conflict is not merely seen as a phenomenon that damages social stability, but also contains aspects that can make a positive contribution to other systems (coser, 1964). moving on from the above description, the conflict theory research is used eclectically to lower the problems that are formulated, both of which have an economic, power, ideological and functional determinant. research methods this research was designed using a qualitative approach. data collection techniques carried out by interviewing, in-depth with informants, observation, and document analysis. to obtain information and comprehensive understanding, a focus group discussion (fgd) was also conducted with village officials, stake holders and community members involved in the conflict. furthermore, the data analysis was carried out qualitatively through three cyclic stages, namely data reduction, exposure, and drawing conclusions and verification to obtain reliability and transferability in accordance with the assumptions and theoretical framework that was built. results and discussion 1. factors causing conflict sanderson (2000: 12) states that social life is an arena of conflict or conflict between and within opposing groups. this opinion asserts that the whole realm of social life actually has the potential for conflict, which can be both structural and functional, depending on the situation and environmental conditions and the experience of the parties to the conflict. according to marx (ritzer and goodman, 2004: 65) that law is one of the superstructures built by capital groups to secure their position and power. in its capacity as a superstructure, law governs people's lives. although the marxians see the law more favorable to the capital, but here the law is positioned as the foundation of the social life of the indonesian people as a rule of law. in this case, the lives of indonesian citizens, including members of the serangan village community, are governed by state law. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 to see the phenomenon of conflict in the realm of law in the bugis community on serangan island, it is indeed related to a land dispute over judicial decisions to execute court verdicts that bugis community members who occupy the land owned by the case winner in order to relocate and dismantle all the houses they occupy illegally or against the law is in accordance with the court decision and makamah agung. however, because the community members did not want to move according to the court's decision, then the state legal apparatus carried out forced demolition which in turn caused prolonged conflict. conflict is always created because there are limited resources that are contested by two or more parties. in the agrarian conflict in kampung bugis-serangan which peaked on january 3, 2017, the resource was none other than a plot of land totaling 9,400 m². this change in ownership status was the cause of the prolonged conflict and led to the demolition of 36 houses of bugis-attack residents. the causes of agrarian conflicts that occur in the bugis – kampung community can be understood by combining the marx and dahrendorf conflict theories. based on the marxian conflict theory, the cause of the conflict can be examined from the history of materialism (historical materialism) which gave birth to the status and power regarding land ownership as a source of conflict. meanwhile, dahrendorf's conflict theory focused its analysis on the role and function of social institutions especially in polarizing the power of groups involved in the conflict. both theoretical perspectives present a more holistic and comprehensive social analysis of the causes of agrarian conflicts in kampung bugis-serangan, more than just a legal issue. in the context of historical materialism, the information shows that there has been a change in the way of community view of the status of land ownership as a material dialectic. initially, the land was a gift from raja pamecutan to bugis residents for their services so that the status of this land was a grant land. this is evidenced by the record of tax mutations in 1942 (editor of balebengong, 25 may 2014). in its status as a land grant, bugis residents have the authority to use the land for their needs, especially for settlements. in fact, bugis residents have indeed inhabited the land from generation to generation on condition that they maintain the mandate of raja pamecutan to participate in preserving the existence of temples around the area of serangan, even actively participating in social activities (regulating fathers) during the implementation of piodalan (segara, 2018 : 102). from the perspective of marxian historical materialism it can be understood that the status of ownership of land according to legal procedures has positioned the legal owner of the land as a new social class that gains power through its material property. this status and power e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 supersedes previous patronage powers, both puri pemecutan and the bugis traditional elders, especially in the context of subsistence ethics. therefore, the conflict that occurs is not the patron-client sociocultural domain, but has shifted to the economic structure between the capital owner (landowner) and the proletarian class (without ownership rights to land) (ritzer, 2003; ritzer and goodman, 2005). increased efforts to exploit capital owners against the proletariat, and conversely, an increase in proletarian awareness becomes the next historical dialectic so that conflict is inevitable (ritzer and goodman, 2011: 20-21). it is proven that the land exclusion carried out by maisarah in waves from 2014, 2016, and succeeded on january 3, 2017, always gets resistance from bugis residents who inhabit the land. based on the description above, it can be understood that the cause of agrarian conflict in kampung bugis-attack according to the perspective of the conflict between marx and dahrendorf can not only be limited to legal issues. sociologically, the law here is more likely to play a role as an institution that legitimizes the status of interest groups as legitimate owners of material property that is the source of conflict. on the contrary, in the analysis of social conflicts it can be understood that the cause of this conflict tends to be due to a shift in the value of the bugis-attack community in interpreting the existence of the land, from symbolic value (patron-client) to material value (commodity) as accumulated in the history of materialism. here, the disputed land is no longer seen as 'collective property' on the same sociohistorical background, but has been transformed as a 'material property' which can be contested as limited resources. 2.conflict resolution theoretically, there are several ways that can be done to resolve social conflicts that occur in the community, namely: 1) coercive / coercive. this method is done by forcing the parties to the dispute to make peace. coercion is done psychologically or physically. this method of coercion is carried out by strong parties against weak parties. the strong party usually puts forward conditions for ending the conflict or terms for peace that must be accepted by the weak party. coercive conflict resolution mechanisms are a common method if the disputing party is in an unequal position of power. coercive resolution of conflicts is often not apparent on the surface, so interpretation is needed in depth. this kind of conflict resolution mechanism can also be carried out in other areas of social conflict. in the case of this conflict, it was done by forcibly demolishing the homes of residents of the bugis community who were defeated by the law through the assistance of law and security personnel; e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 2) negotiations, namely how to resolve conflicts at the initiative of the parties to the conflict. in this process, the two parties to the conflict held talks in the form of bargaining about the conditions for ending the conflict. negotiations put forward the way of deliberation to reach consensus on the initiative of the conflicting parties. society in general sees this mechanism as a peaceful mechanism. it can be said that this mechanism is the best mechanism in resolving social conflicts, due to the awareness of both parties to the conflict to end the conflict. however, in conflicts that are crucial and involve a broader structure, this mechanism is usually very rarely carried out so that the presence of a third party is still needed. settlement of conflict problems through negotiation, deliberation, or consensus in the manner as stated above can be said as one way of handling or resolving conflict problems which theoretically are called negotiations. it is said so because what is meant by negotiation is a process of negotiating two warring parties, both of an individual and collective nature to find solutions to mutual solutions that are mutually beneficial without losing and winning (darwis, 2007: 89). agreement to conciliate that is produced by deliberation is usually confirmed in writing signed by the relevant parties. however, information was obtained that sometimes the agreement was not fully obeyed in daily life. "peace at the elite level, under the heat remains" is a discourse that often arises in the resolution of social conflicts through deliberations. the mediation lasted for 5 (five) hours at the serangan district office and took place a lot. the plaintiff (masairah) represented by his third child, siti sapurah, came with his family and legal counsel, haposan sihombing, remained adamant that the execution be carried out that day. but the defendant objected to the execution that day. the mediation was attended by ida cokorda pemecutan who was specifically invited by residents of kampung bugis, two members of the bali dprd, namely ketut suwandi (golkar party faction), i made arjaya (pdip party faction), and ketut resmiyasa (denpasar city dprd member). besides that, it was also attended by the chief of denpasar police, akbp djoko hariutomo, danrem 163 / wirastya kol. inf. anton nugroho, head of the bugis mohadi village environment, riza akbar maya putera sh defendant's attorney, zaenal thayeb as chairperson of family harmony in south sulawesi, sub-district of south denpasar, aa. gede risnawan, and the village head of serangan, i wayan karma. this mediation resulted in an agreement in the form of a delay of execution for 3 months with the points of agreement signed by 33 residents of kampung bugis, as follows: e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 (1) we, as execution respondent, acknowledge the decision of the denpasar district court no. 188 / pdt.g / 2009 / pn.dps dated december 10, 2009 jo. decision of the denpasar high court no. 45 / pdt / 2010 / pt.dps dated june 28, 2010 jo. decision of the supreme court of the republic of indonesia no. 3081 / k / pdt / 2012 dated march 22, 2012 has permanent legal force over the execution that should have been carried out on thursday, february 27, 2014. (2) we as execution respondent hereby declare that we are willing to voluntarily demolish buildings in any form located on land owned by the execution applicant hj. maisarah in accordance with the certificate of ownership no. 69 / kelurahan serangan, kecamatan denpasar selatan, municipality of denpasar. situation picture number: 4032/19 and also willing to leave the land without coercion and upon the humanity of the petitioned for execution please be given a grace period of three months, counting the date of this statement signed until the deadline no later than may 28, 2014. (3) if within the period as mentioned in point two above, we as the execution respondent do not demolish the building and do not leave the location of the land owned by the execution applicant, then we are ready to be forcibly demolished with the assistance of the state authorities, without demanding compensation or compensation compensation in any form. from this agreement, riza akbar maya putra (defendant's attorney), stated that they would submit resistance to the executions that had been registered in register no.158 / pdt / plw / 2014. "we will also submit a review (pk) as soon as possible with new evidence that we find new evidence with deed no.27 years 57 which turns out that the location is different from the disputed land that will be carried out today without any demolition". responding to opposition from the opposing camp, siti sapurah as the execution petitioner responded to it coldly. he claimed to be disappointed because the execution was never carried out by the denpasar district court. as the execution applicant, he actually wants the execution to proceed according to the applicable legal process in which his party wins the disputed land in the supreme court (ma), but he feels that he is being tricked by the defendant. evidently, when his party had agreed to a 3 (three) month postponement of the execution which had to be signed by a number of witnesses, one of whom was zaenal thayeb. he admitted, this person was the one who was obstructing the execution. the reason is long before the execution, the family has offered a form of love in the form of giving a replacement money of rp. 50 million / kk. "zaenal thayeb entered on february 19, 2014, after that everything changed, the residents did not want to receive compensation money even though they initially received it, and instead they demonstrated to the bali dprd which e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 was coordinated by zaenal," explained siti sapurah. siti sapurah revealed that the chronology was not as explained by the defendant's attorney because all new evidence submitted by the defendant's attorney, according to him had been rejected by the supreme court because it had been fixed in it, even he had a copy. …"as a family member i am very disappointed, why? the supreme court's ruling was clear, which submitted their appeal, then was rejected, what it meant, reinforced the decision of the 2009 district court and the high court of 2010, the point being that the ruling was to dismantle, clean, remove all material in the disputed land and return it to the legitimate through the assistance of the police, "he explained. siti, who also works as a lawyer, is also amazed, the article is that for the first time there is a request for execution there must be deals. he also questioned the existing laws of indonesia. "everywhere the execution was a forced effort, i was asked by my human side, now there are people who don't think the feelings of my family, for decades they were former crew members of my grandfather and father who were given a place to build a simple house, may not build permanently "you can't add new buildings, you can't expand houses, that's 1991, at that time there were 13 people with abk," he said. responding to the lawsuit returned from the defendant who said the wrong object, siti returned to question which object was wrong. "i am asking back which land he wants to sue, which certificate, instead of the land he is occupying? why was there an supreme court decision that said he was defeated, why did he just say it was the wrong object, who was wrong who, it was clear he was suing certificate no. 69 on behalf of maisarah, its place in the bugis village, serangan, "he said emotionally. all the errors in the certificate, he added, have all been corrected because it has been justified by staff in kesiman district. therefore with the pk proposed by the defendant, his party challenged back. "i challenge, please submit a pk, but whatever the reason the pk will not cancel the execution, it must be underlined, the law is clear, the law should not be castrated," he concluded. the online news seems to be in accordance with the statement of the informant above so it deserves to be studied further. in principle, a conflict solution through mediation was carried out before the case was brought to the legal desk. however, these efforts failed because the plaintiffs felt they had strong evidence of land ownership. then, contending is taken by the plaintiff and the defendant. this pathway does not allow all parties to win their interests. in other words, there is no win-win solution, because there must always be one party that loses or wins. it was proven that the plaintiff won, while the citizens lost. the solution to the conflict e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 is by giving a rp. 50 million / kk who had been offered by the plaintiff also failed because the residents refused it. the failure after failure of the efforts made to prevent social conflict finally peaked on january 3, 2017. the solution to the conflict can be examined further from the opinions of pruitt and rubin (2004: 4–6) about five conflict resolution strategies, namely (1) contending ('competing') where one party must lose; (2) yielding ('yielding'), i.e. lowering one's own aspirations and being willing to accept less than they actually want; (3) problem solving ('problem solving'), which is looking for alternatives that satisfy the aspirations of both parties, including by asking for the help of a third party as a mediator or mediator; (4) withdrawing ('withdrawing'), which is choosing to leave the conflict situation, both physically and psychologically; and (5) inaction ('silent'), i.e. do nothing. of the five strategies, mediation is a problem solving path that allows for a win-win solution between the two conflicting parties. yielding can actually occur if residents are willing to accept the money the rope of love offered by the plaintiff. however, both parties turned out to prefer the contending method so that the conflict peaked because the winning party (the plaintiff) had full legal authority to carry out the execution. in fact the stages carried out in the above conflict solution can function as conflict resolution, when it is able to stop the conflict so that it does not proceed to a more serious stage. considering the land dispute conflict has actually lasted quite a long time before it culminated in the execution phase which was marked by the forced demolition of 36 kk houses which resulted in the loss of residential homes. under these conditions, conflict resolution is the only way to return the community's situation to a better condition. this is in line with the opinion of a number of experts on the definition of conflict resolution as an effort to restore post-conflict conditions. conflict resolution has different meanings for social conflict experts. resolution in the webster dictionary (levine, 1998: 3) is (1) the act of breaking down a problem, (2) solving, (3) eliminating or eliminating the problem. meanwhile, weitzman and weitzman (in morton, et.al. (eds.), 2000: 197) define conflict resolution as an act of solving a problem together. fisher, et al. (2001: 7) also explains that conflict resolution is an attempt to deal with the causes of conflict and try to build new relationships that can last between groups who are hostile. according to mindes (2006: 24), conflict resolution is the ability to resolve differences with others and is an important aspect in social and moral development that requires skills and judgment to negotiate, compromise, and develop a sense of justice. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 in the case of land disputes in the bugis-serangan village, this problem is latently still potentially due to the defendant who lost his place of residence, while still inhabiting the area. in this condition, the chance for a new conflict between the plaintiff and the defendant is still quite open because both of them are in the space of close interaction. this certainly requires efforts to build new patterns of relations between two conflicting parties (fisher, 2001), including the social and moral development of the losing party (mindes, 2006). this conflict resolution certainly requires the intervention of third parties, especially the government which is indeed obliged to provide social security to its citizens. based on field observations and information collected during interviews, the following forms of conflict resolution can be identified: (1) humanitarian assistance in the form of providing tents, food assistance, and other social assistance by the government and some ngos is a temporary resolution that has been made; (2) conflict resolution that is still being pursued is the provision of new residential land for residents affected by the execution of the land, including: (a) denpasar city government offers a transmigration program, but does not get a positive response; (b) the provincial government of bali had offered to temporarily lend government-owned land in karangasem and jembrana districts, but was refused on the grounds that it was difficult to access jobs because most of them were fishermen; (c) the resolution being pursued at present is lending land owned by the customary village of 6.5 hectares of land provided by pt. btid (bali turtle island development). this process is rather difficult because the bugis people who were executed apparently wanted to be given land, not borrowed, so there is still a negotiation process to date. 3. impact of conflict social conflicts can actually have both positive and negative impacts, although in general conflicts are disassociative so there are more negative impacts than positive impacts. the positive impact of social conflict is mainly found in the form of strengthening internal group integration (in-group) and social solidarity (narwoko and suyanto, 2005: 68). conversely, the negative effects of social conflict mainly include (a) the destruction of groups; (b) an individual's (psychological) change; and (c) the destruction of social order (setiadai and kolip, 2011: 378). from this opinion, the impact of land dispute conflicts in kampung bugis – serangan can be analyzed as follows. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 positive impact: (1) strengthening the internal integration of the group (ingroup) is mainly marked by the growth of a sense of unity and continuity so that it can increase cooperation to get out of common problems. one thing that is seen is they have returned to sea because each other motivates each other to immediately get out of the state of deterioration; (2) strengthening social solidarity, as indicated by the increasing public awareness of the suffering they experience in the form of providing material and moral assistance. this problem has spread in the mass media so that sympathy came from various regions, even vice president jusuf kalla and the regent of bone had visited them in the refugee camp. negative impact: (1) the destruction of the group, especially the occurrence of social rifts with opposing opponents. in addition, the absence of a place to live makes them unable to integrate fully in group activities that were originally a social unity as a buginese community bound by a common historical background of common ancestors, cultures and religions, namely bugis islam. this impact will be increasingly felt when some of them choose to leave the area of serangan to find a new place to live, either by renting a house, boarding house, or living in a relative's house; (2) personality changes or psychological effects are mainly experienced in the initial phases of eviction. one of the psychic effects that still seems to be taking place today is manipulating the poverty they face in order to attract the sympathy of humanity from outsiders, especially from bugis or wajo residents in makassar. as a form of solidarity among ethnic bugis and wajo ethnic groups, they gave a lot of material assistance to the disaster experienced by their relatives who were on serangan island. because of material assistance from bugis and wajo residents who live in makassar, it has a negative impact, which is the emergence of less sympathetic behavior from conflict-affected communities where some of them are actually able to rent houses or can live with other families, suddenly back to the refugee camp when help arrives; (3) the destruction of the social order which is marked by the emergence of various social problems, such as health, cleanliness and slum environment. not infrequently, these refugees violate social norms and values that have previously been embedded and apply in society by making poverty experienced as an excuse, as if they must be tolerated if they violate social norms and values that apply due to coercive conditions; e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 (4) disruption of health conditions and the learning process of children living in refugee camps, due to poor sanitation and environmental hygiene and many children who cannot go to school because their parents cannot take their children to school. conclusion 1). the cause of social conflict in the bugis community on serangan island is due to a dispute over the claim of ownership of a person against the land that has been occupied by 36 families of bugus residents downward. this form of land or agrarian dispute refers to views from the perspective of marx and dahrendorf as a result of changing the way of viewing the meaning of land from the ethical value of subsistence (patron-client) to material value (commodity). this is based on the deepening of the social analysis of disputes which on the surface seems only to have a legal dimension, but actually involves an ideological problem in the form of historical material dialectics in a bugis-serangan society. the status of land ownership in the history of its materialism is the sociological dimension underlying the land conflict. 2). conflict resolution to prevent broader conflicts has been carried out, such as mediation and giving of love money, but this solution failed because both parties preferred legal channels that led to the defeat of 36 kk families of bugis residents who continued with the execution of land clearing and demolition. all building houses on land in dispute. the postconflict resolution that has been carried out is providing humanitarian assistance, while the resolution being pursued is the provision of loaned land for the residence (relocation) of the bugis residents who were defeated in the dispute. 3). conflict impacts are distinguished by positive and negative impacts. positive impacts include increasing group internal integration and social solidarity. negative impacts include the destruction of group integration, (psychological) personality changes, and the destruction of social harmony that has been cultivated for a long time. the negative impacts are more prominent than the positive impacts, especially about hygiene, health, children's education and the creation of a slum environment around the conflict victims' camps. acknowledgement we thank the chancellor and chair of lppm udayana university for funding and facilities for this research. to the research team who has worked hard and all informants and resource persons who assisted this research, so that the research was completed on time, we thank you. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 10-25 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 reference bappeda kota denpasar. 2015. denpasar dalam angka tahun 2015. denpasar: pemerintah kota denpasar. darmawan, i gde surya. 2013. “pemanfaatan lahan pra dan pascareklamasi di pulau serangan”. (tesis). program pascasarjana, universitas udayana. fisher, simon, et.al. 2001. working with conflict: skill and strategies for action. london & new york: the bath press. lash, scott. 2004. sosiologi posmodernisme. yogyakarta: kanisius. levine, stewart. 1998. getting to resolution: turning conflik into collaboration. san fransisco: berrett-koehler publisher. liliweri, alo.2005. prasangka dan konflik, komunikasi lintas budaya masyarakat multikultur. yogyakarta: lkis. miles & huberman.a. 1992. analisis data kualitatif. jakarta: universitas indonesia. ritzer, george. 2003. sosiologi ilmu pengetahuan berparadigma ganda. jakarta: rajawali press. sanderson, stephen k. 2003. makro sosiologi, sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosial. jakarta: pt. rajagrafinfdo persada. segara, i nyoman yoga. 2018. “the cultural treasures of kampung bugis in the customary village of serangan, denpasar”, in heritage of nusantara: international journal of religious literature and heritage, vol. vii, no. 1, june 2018, pp. 94—118. jakarta: ministry of religious affairs, the republic of indonesia. siddique, sharon, 2001. “sosial cohesion and sosial conflict in southeast asia” dalam “sosial cohesion and conflict prevention inasia: managing diversity through. woinarsky, louis. 2002. “pulau serangan: dampak pembangunan pada lingkungan dan masyarakat”. laporan studi lapangan. canberra-australia: kerjasama antara universitas muhammadiyah malang dan australian consotium for in-country indonesia studies. suwitha, i putu gede, 2014. orang bugis dalam pemerintahan raja badung. laporan penelitian. microsoft word artikel brahmana rendra vayoga1final e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 22-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 character education values as reflected by gatotkaca dress properties in surakarta puppetry style brahmana rendra vayoga1, suyanto2, slamet subiyantoro3 123department of the post graduate art education sebelas maret university, indonesia email: brahmana_rendra@yahoo.co.id received date : 22-12-2018 accepted date : 12-01-2019 published date : 28-02-2019 abstract the purpose of this study are: (1) to understand the character of gatotkaca characters in wayang kulit surakarta style. (2) to investigate the symbolic meaning of gatotkaca fashion clothing in surakarta style puppetry. this study uses qualitative descriptive to present the existing data in the field by way of describing and interpreting. technique of collecting data is done by interview and direct observation. the results of this study are: (1) gatotkaca figure represents a humble character, and he has a high spirit of nationalism, (2) gatotkaca has dress properties such as of caping basunanda, kotang antra kusuma, and trompah padakacarma, which represent as the key values in character education. gatotkaca’s personal characteristics and his dress property have a deep meaning and values that can be precious for character education. keywords: gatotkaca, puppet, character education. introduction character education is a burst in education to involve the development of characters in the educational process. "character education is an effort to help the development of the soul of chidren for both mentally and physically, the nature of the covetousness towards a better human civilization"[1]. the condition of the indonesia young generations experiencing a decline both at the level of secondary students, college students and communities. it can be seen from the rise of student’s committed violence’s among themselves and even towards communities. the deterioration of good characters also occurs in higher level especially in e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 22-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 the scope of government such as a wide range of corruption cases. the downgrade of the character is a result of globalization. character education is one solution to change the character of the nation to develop a better virtuous generation through education. character education can be given through a variety of ways, one of them is through culture. considering indonesia has a rich cultural arts. explains that in order to realize a society that possesses the values of the nation's character, it is necessary to have a cultural strategy that concerns for its society and its culture [2]. one of the cultural heritage of the nation that is still in vogue is the art of puppet show. in terms of its contents, puppet show embodied the teachings to humanity. both human being as individual and as members of society. according to the storyline in the puppet implies a puppet show structure, which is also a symbol of the journey or dynamics of human life [2]. through puppet shows, people can learn about life. in the puppet show it can be said that every figure of a puppet character is a picture or symbol of human life. according to solichin in the puppet perform both good and bad aspects which are displayed in the form of symbols of wayang characters with distinctive characteristics [3]. therefore, many figures in puppet show can be viewed as role models in everyday life. one of them is a knight from pringgandani named raden gatotkaca. gatotkaca is a decent figure as a good role model that can be used in character education which is contained in the story “gatotkaca gugur”. in for the glory of the pandavas who fought kurawa, gatotkaca died defending justice and truth as a hero [4]. based on the above description shows that through figures gatotkaca can be used as learning values in character education. method this study uses descriptive qualitative which object to reveal the existing data in the field by describing and interpreting data coection. it empoyed hermeneutical method and semiotic approach. source of data obtained from ki manteb soedharsono, bambang suwarno and ki purbo asmoro who are experts in the field of puppetry especially in surakarta style. data analysis techniques using interactive analysis model with the stages of data collection, data reduction, data presentation, and verification repeatedly. result gatotkaca is the son of bima or werkudara with arimbi from pringgandani. according to the india version, gatotkaca has ugly face and a tangible giant because his mother is the e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 22-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 goddess arimbi is a “rakseksi”, which is likened to his mother giant then his son is also a giant. this is what distinguishes the story of the puppet of india and indonesia version. gatotkaca when he was a child named jabang tetuka, when he must fight with a giant, tekuka was very strong accepting hit or blow. at that time, god knows the power tetuka, then as the decision of the gods, jabang tetuka forced into the crater candradimuka and gods throw so many gods’ weapons and he became very big. therefore, jabang tetuka given the name gatotkaca, gatotkaca in the sense of herd-gods’ weapons gathering into one or in the puppets mentioned “kumpule lelandep sing nyawiji” in the body of gatotkaca that makes his big body. this is what causes gatotkaca to be magic or called otot kawat balung wesi so it can beat the sakipu and its king named kalapracona. gatotkaca grows out of a normal human being and he is veri big just ik a giant because of the forging of the gods, it can be said that the growth of gatotkaca was the creation of the gods to confront sakipu and kalapracona. it also makes gatotkaca died in young age in the battlefield. the fall of gatotkaca is called as ‘the dead of senapati’, because he death for the truth and justice and also petrified his parents to be victorious in the war of bharatayudha. gatotkaca is a humble character, who has a high nationalism spirit. gatotkaca is invisible but not arrogant, that's the positive side that can be taken from gatotkaca. gatotkaca's power is only to eradicate viciousness even though his life is at stake. please note that in using a such power, gatotkaca always uses it heartly within pure and sincere actions. the power is also to protect and nurture the weakness of his people. there is also a dress worn by leather puppet figures not only to cover body or decoration, but the clothing is also as a marker or status played by each character in the shadow puppets. it can be said that fashion is also very influential in every character of shadow puppets. there is also a clothing that is not visible, one of the characters who wear it is gatotkaca. gatotkaca is wearing a magic dress, the properties are gifts from the gods in the form of caping basunanda, kotang antra kusuma, and trompah padakacarma. his skin inside and out of his muscle and meat in puppetry languange is usually pronounced “sak njabane kulit sak njerone daging”. caping basunanda lies in the head, its supernatural power is when it is under sun’s heat so he will not feel hot and when it rains he will not be wet. as in the following figure e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 22-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 figure 1.1 caping basunanda kotang antra kusuma is located on the chest, its power is able to fly as fast as lightning, in the puppetry also mentioned that gatotkaca he can fly without wings and dash without power and can be bright like an array. as identified in the following picture: figure 2 kotang antra kusuma on both legs there is also terompah padakacarma reputedly according to the story in the puppetry, terompah padakacarma is the bones of antaboga, the god of snakes. its supernatural qualities will be save if it passes through holy or sacred places. as in the following picture: figure 3 terompah padakacarma discussion character of gatotkaca characters in surakarta style puppetry in the story of puppetry gatotkaca is a powerful and humble figure, who has high spirit of nationalism. gatotkaca is a patriot [5], he is so obedient to the kingdom, the family, and to the truth he holds. please note that in using such power, it is used to protect his people. e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 22-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 it is also seen during the war of the baratayudha, gatotkaca was formulating war strategy in the air. his power in war is his ability to uproot the enemy's neck, but this is only done, if the circumstances are urgent [6]. his attack also made the troops from kurawa and adipati karna depressed. realize his end is near [7], gatotkaca still had time to think how to kill kurawa troops in large numbers. it appears that gatotkaca is a formidable warrior in warfare. gatotkaca is also a young warrior who has a great responsibility in maintaining the security and tranquility of the world. when he had just graduated, had led air operations against the giants sakipu and prabu kala pracona [8]. this task is the first for gatotkaca to quell crime. so it is not surprising if the gods give this heavy task to gatotkaca, because gatotkaca can complete the mission well. symbolic meaning of gatotkaca’s dress properties in surakarta puppetry style caping basunanda has deep meaning that by thinking and exporing human being can reach the highest spiritual peak so as to be united with the divine. because through this thought humans can find a philosophy of life that is also identified as a way and view of life. in other words, life experiences and worldviews are linked by the mind and way of thinking and that interpretation determines the order of life [9]. so it can be said that the view of human life is the result of thought and interpretation based on the thorough experiences. kotang antra kusuma is located on the gatotkaca’s chest, it makes gatotkaca can fly as fast as lightning or in term of puppet show it can be named “mabur tanpa lar lan melethik tanpa sotang”. the supernatural powers of this kotang antra kusuma can light up like in the darkness. this is a symbol of human attitudes or characters associated with feelings that are also covered in the affective domain. feelings are the sensitivity in the human being to the symptoms that arise from an event. in this sense sense is as a tool or means of perception or function of the whisper of heart or intuition [10]. therefore every human being has a degree of sensitivity to the events that are present inside him or his surroundings. for javanese cuture, the color and the concrete dimension of one's sense depends on the way of life, the level of education, and the orientation of the people's own mystical life [11]. terompah padakacarma lies on both gatotkaca’s legs, terompah padakacarma is the skin of antaboga, the god of snakes. its supernatural power is gatotkaca wi be safe wherever he passes through holy or sacred place. it is a symbol that describes the ability to act, so it is also included in the psychomotor capabiities. it can be said that the psychomotor e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 22-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 is a reflection of the behavior of meaningful results from the cognitive and affective spheres. this can be done gradually and interconnected between the knowledge of values of behavior with a strong attitude or emotion to implement it for god, himself, his fellows, environment, and nation [12]. this is what will form a virtuous noble characters of human beings. conclusions gatotkaca figure is a humbe warrior. in using his supernatural powers, gatotkaca uses it wisely. his power is also used to protect his people. gatotkaca is also a formidable warrior in battle and he is ready to die for truth and justice as his major believes. caping basunanda highly reflects on the way of thinking or also called the cognitive aspect. it can be said that in cognitive oriented on intellectual and creativity. kotang antra kusuma located on the inside of the chest, is a symbol that refers to affective-related feelings. in this case, it is very influential in character or personality. this affective aspect includes behavioral attitudes in worship, which are related to religious attitudes. terompah padakacarma also deals with psychomotor which can also be related to skill and action. so it can be said that psychomotor is the output of cognitive and effective aspects which is as major purposes in our life. acknowledgments i would like to give a respectful appreciate for ki manteb soedharsono, bambang suwarno and ki purbo asmoro who are experts in the field of puppetry especially in surakarta style who give me a legal permission and participate very well in order to conduct this research. references mulyasa. 2012. manajemen pendidikan karakter. jakarta : pt bumi aksara. sutiyono. 2014. seni pedalangan sebagai media pengembangan pembudayaan nilai-nilai pedidikan karakter bangsa. jurnal jantra : sejarah dan budaya, vol 9 (1), 161-171. solichin, suyanto, setiawan, a., zuriah, n., nurrochsyam, m. w. 2011. pendidikan budi pekerti dalam pertunjukan wayang. surakarta : (kerjasama badan pengembangan sumberdaya, kementerian pariwisata dan ekonomi kreatif), senawangi, isi surakarta dan total e & p indonesia. e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 22-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 suwandono, dkk. 1991. ensiklopedi wayang purwa i (compendium). jakarta: direktorat pembinaan kesenian dit. jen kebudayaan departemen p & k. nanda mh. 2010. ensiklopedi wayang. yogyakarta: absolut. widyawati, r wiwien. 2009. ensiklopedi wayang. yogyakarta : pura pustaka. kapalaye, ageng. 2010. kamus pintar wayang. yogyakarta : laksana. mulyono, sri. 1978. wayang dan karakter manusia. jakarta : pt gunung agung. mulder, niels. 1986. kepribadian jawa dan pembangunan nasional. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. solichin. 2011. falsafah wayang intangible heritage of humanity. jakarta : senawangi. kholik, abdul. 2017. psikoterapi jawa pendekatan kawruh jiwa ki ageng suryomentaram. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. asmani, jamal ma’mur. 2012. buku panduan internalisasi pendidikan karakter di sekolah. yogyakarta : diva press. microsoft word artikel i wayan sumerata terbit 5.docx e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 factors and implications of removing of colonial buildings in singaraja city 1i wayan sumerata, 2a.a. ngr anom kumbara, 3i ketut setiawan 1bali archaeological centre, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1kojexfals@gmail.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3ketut_setiawan28@yahoo.co.id received date : 24-02-2020 accepted date : 25-04-2020 published date : 31-05-2020 abstract the swift flow of development and the demands of globalization seemed to be the destroyer of colonial buildings in singaraja city, so that its existence was increasingly marginalized. this phenomenon is a serious problem because it can have implications for the existence of colonial buildings which are a reflection of historical events. the purpose of this study was to determine the forms and backgrounds of marginalization, as well as the implications of the alienation of colonial buildings in singaraja city. the method of data collection is done by observation, interviews, and literature study. the theories used in this research are the theory of power relations, hegemony theory, and deconstruction theory. the results showed that the form of marginalization of colonial buildings, namely unfair treatment by the government and the community in the form of monasticism of the condition of buildings that were damaged, both minor, moderate or severe damage, even many of which were demolished were replaced by new buildings with other uses. although, there are things that are tried to be repaired, but they are patchy so that it looks shabby and removes its authenticity. factors leading to marginalization include the development of urban communities, the indifference of local governments, and the insistence of global capitalist interests. this condition is related to the practice of power and hegemony which is very strong in the people's mindset, that it seems as if there are no victims. this then has implications, namely the loss of historical evidence, urban identity, and the diminishing love of the younger generation for the importance of cultural heritage. keywords: colonial buildings, marginalized, power, hegemony, capitalists, city identity introduction history is a past event that is often viewed by certain parties as an outdated event that must be abandoned because it does not provide any benefit to contemporary life. this is apparent, for example, in the way they look at the past with a cynical look and want to forget e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 it. in the name of development and progress, many of the colonial buildings which are loaded with historical values, education and architectural techniques that function to add cultural diversity are abandoned or even destroyed for development purposes. the colonization carried out by foreign nations against indonesia did indeed provide a dark history, but the historical position should be beautiful if it is placed in the right and right position. often ancient buildings have become silent witnesses of various events in the past, as well as presenting noble values for a nation, such as the value of urban spatial planning, beauty, construction, and architectural technology. in this regard, singaraja city is one of the regency cities in bali which has many colonial style buildings, because the colonial government ruled in singaraja for a long time and became the center of colonial government for the bali-nusa tenggara region. however, since the independence and construction era, many colonial buildings have been damaged, left damaged and even dismantled for other functions. the existence of such problems, the purpose of this study was to determine the forms and backgrounds of marginalization, and to analyze the implications of the marginalization of colonial buildings in singaraja city. the results of the research are expected to provide benefits for people's understanding of the importance of preserving various forms of past cultural heritage, especially colonial buildings which contain a lot of educational, historical, and important values for the identity of a city. research method data collection techniques used in this study include observation, interviews, and analysis of colonial relic’s documents that are relevant to the research problem. observation is a direct observation of the condition of colonial buildings in the city of singaraja, especially observations of buildings that are still available. , and that has been torn down for other purposes. interviews were conducted with various resource persons, namely the community, government officials and related stakeholders. the collected data is then analyzed qualitatively with a cultural studies approach, through three stages, namely data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions and verification to ensure the validity of the reliability and transferability of the object under study (miles and huberman in agusta, 1998: 29). the first is that data reduction techniques are a process of selecting, concentrating, paying attention to simplification, abstracting and transforming raw data that arise from written records in the field. data in the form of e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 observations on colonial buildings and interviews with informants were collected and grouped, then analyzed according to the topic of discussion. the discussion is arranged in a narrative form by paying attention to the realities that occur in the field and then formulating an effective strategy to gather information related to marginalization. after everything has been collected and recorded, a conclusion is drawn. theoretical basis the theoretical basis of this research uses several theories, namely the theory of power relations, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of deconstruction. the theory of power relations is used to discuss the power relations involved in the process of marginalizing colonial buildings in singaraja city. the concept of power according to michael foucault, a pioneer philosopher of structuralism, power is one dimension of relations. where there is a relationship, there is power (sutrisno and putanto, 2005: 146). there are several elements involved in this process, such as local government and owners / residents. in this case there was a process of power struggle between the elements claiming the most rights to control the colonial building. each party has dominated the colonial buildings which lead to marginalization. according to foucault, power is not owned and practiced in a scope where there are many positions that are strategically related to one another. foucault examines more power in individuals as subjects in the smallest scope (sutrisno and putanto, 2005: 150). because power spreads without being localized and permeated throughout the whole social fabric. next is gramsci's hegemony theory which links the concept of ideology and cultural life, especially in directing the social formation of individuals and the structure of society. here the hegemony is essentially a strategy in order to perpetuate world views and the power of certain social groups that are built on the basis of class, ethnicity, nationality, and other categories. however, according to the characteristics of gramsci's view, this situation must be seen as unstable. this means that the ability of hegemony supported by ideology tries to be realized and maintained by temporary social groups (barker, 2014: 119-121). meanwhile, deconstruction theory means separating, releasing, in order to find and expose the assumptions of a text. in particular, deconstruction involves dismantling hierarchical binary oppositions such as speech / writing, reality / appearance, nature / culture, sanity / madness, e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 etc., which function to guarantee the truth by overriding and devaluing the “inferior” part of the binary opposition (barker, 2009: 81). results and discussion colonial buildings in the city of singaraja one of the cities in indonesia that inherited quite a lot of dutch colonial buildings is singaraja city, bali province. the dutch colonial buildings in singaraja city are centrally built in the middle of the city. this is because the center of government was in this city before being moved to denpasar. generally, this legacy was not too big and mostly functioned as a residence, official residence, and several other supporting facilities. below is a table of colonial buildings in singaraja city. the marginality factors of colonial buildings in singaraja city there were several factors that influenced the marginalization of colonial buildings in singaraja city, including the development of urban society; regional government; and the insistence of a global capitalist culture. these three factors were interrelated and had a significant effect on the marginalization of colonial buildings. the development of urban communities and population growth followed by development greatly affect the existence of urban space. the small area of the city is not comparable with the development of society that requires a very large space, both for residence and place of business. spatial requirements will get permission from the regional government as the holder of control in the field, which sometimes has cooperation that is mutually beneficial economically, but can be culturally detrimental. this situation will be put to good use by investors who act as financiers to get profits without considering the importance of historical buildings. the following is the role of each of these factors. the development of urban society which was increasingly out of control due to capitalist interests oriented to money and profit had a major influence on the existence of colonial buildings in singaraja city. as an example of the replacement of the former port warehouse building built by the dutch colonial government, this has been torn down and replaced with a multipurpose building which is considered more relevant and generates regional income. the demolition of this building was solely for zoning, and now a new building with adequate e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 facilities has been built at that location which is prepared for the agenda of the international mask festival. the case above shows the existence of a capitalist ideology which is a strong basis in demolition of colonial buildings. ideology is a belief system and value system and its representation in various media and social actions (piliang, 2010: xv), while gramsci views ideology as understood as ideas, meanings and practices that claim to be universal truths, as maps of meaning that support the power of certain social groups ( barker, 2009: 63). even though the regional government has strong reasons for the process of replacing this building, from the point of view of cultural studies, this action is still a process of marginalization based on capitalist ideology. indirectly, the impact of capitalist hegemony has a very big influence on the existence of colonial buildings in singaraja city, and if this is not resolved by the relevant agencies, it is believed that the existence of colonial buildings will slowly but surely continue to decrease and will eventually run out. in addition, the role of local government which is very influential and strategic in the field of conservation, as well as the sustainability of colonial buildings. one such role is to implement law no. 11 of 2010 concerning cultural heritage. the logical consequence of this is the claim of responsibility on the state to protect and ensure the preservation of cultural heritage buildings through the designated systems and agencies. this law also shows the seriousness of the central government in preserving cultural heritage. figure 1. eks building of buleleng harbour office (left) and new building of ketut pudja (right) source: from doc. beritabali.com (left). personal document (right) e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 based on empirical data in the field, several colonial buildings have been demolished and replaced with new ones, such as what happened to the former harbor warehouse, the former cinema building, the sunda ketjil governor's building, and the rat van kerta building. replacing ancient buildings into modern ones requires a lot of money. logically, the government actually has a budget, it's just that the allocation depends on the significance of a building in increasing local revenue. this fact illustrates that the government seems to have deliberately not made repairs, but tends to ignore damaged colonial buildings, both lightly damaged and severely damaged. this omission has an impact on the level of damage to buildings which is getting worse from day to day, especially to buildings of public facilities owned by the government. if it is badly damaged, it will be easier to demolish and transfer functions according to the government's goals and interests. in this case the revitalization discourse is to preserve colonial buildings by making changes and if they are damaged they will be demolished. thus there will be no rejection from various circles about the treatment of colonial buildings. according to the law of the republic of indonesia number 11 of 2010 article 80 paragraph 1 and 2 regarding revitalization. apart from the development of society and local government, the insistence of global capitalist interests was a very important factor in the marginalization of colonial buildings in singaraja city. the occurrence of significant changes in various fields of life which is very difficult to avoid is the result of the influence of global culture. this is a phenomenon in society, which can have positive and negative impacts. on the one hand, it can lead to progress in human life, while on the other hand, it can cause negative impacts in other fields. global culture is always accompanied by modernity based on industry and managed by capitalist principles, namely a mode of production based on private property ownership and the pursuit of profit. according to antony giddens, these modernity institutions consist of capitalism, industrialism, military power and control ((barker, 2014: 178). when the philosophy of positivism ruled the world, technological developments were accelerating. advances in information, telecommunications and transportation seemed to open up. the veil of human and world boundaries is getting smaller. the revolution in information, communication and transportation technology has given birth to what is now called globalization. it is no longer clear the boundaries of space and time between nations (supriadi, 2012: 1). the world has become a big village “global village "where events or events in one place can be seen and e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 heard in other places at the same time. the globalization process that occurs then is accompanied by contradictory effects (tanudirjo, 2003). capitalism is a social system that is dominated by economic relations, especially market relations. the institutions of private ownership are detailed and well protected, and property owners derive income from the sale of output made with labor hired for wages or salaries. although markets exist in various social systems that have emerged for a long time, capitalism is something unique with the degree to which market relations affect all aspects of the social order of society (brun, 2008: 437). production is primarily oriented towards capital accumulation, i.e. economic production is primarily oriented towards profit (profit) rather than meeting human needs (pablo and o'neil, 2019). global capitalism has brought changes to the culture of society. appadurai stated that there are five components of global cultural flows that affect the culture of society in the current era of globalization, such as ethnoscapes, technoscapes, mediascapes, financescapes, and ideoscapes (soenaryo, 2011: 100-101). ethnoscapes is the movement (movement) of people or people from one country to another, such as tourists, immigrants, refugees, and labor. technoscapes is a technology flow that flows at high speed and knows no national borders. mediascapes refers to media that can spread information to different parts of the world. finanscapes are financial or money movements that are difficult to predict in the era of globalization, while ideoscapes are components related to political issues such as freedom, democracy, sovereignty, welfare and a person's rights (ardika, 2007: 14-15). the explanation above that mentions the mobility of people / residents, technology, media, money, and freedom / rights of someone who is in the area of colonial buildings in the city of singaraja is very difficult to dam. this is a contemporary socio-cultural phenomenon that collides with the interests of preserving cultural heritage and its environment. at a cultural level, globalization cannot be said to be a process of western expansion driven by balanced economic interests. it is more correct to say that globalization is disjunctive relations (separation) between the flow of money, media technology, ideas, and people. this means that globalization involves the dynamics of movements of ethnic groups, technology, financial transactions, images displayed in the media, and ideological conflicts whose direction or goal cannot be determined or driven by a "master plan". the speed, scope and impact of these movement flows are fractured and not interconnected. metaphors that are often used are uncertainty, contingency, and chaos that replace order, stability, and systems (barker, 2014: e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 111). in the context of the existence of cultural heritage in singaraja city, as the understanding of the era of globalization with the flow of global culture, the indicators are clearly occurring today, especially in several colonial buildings that are strategically located on the side of the road, such as along jalan ngurah rai and around port. referring to appadurai's view, of the five components of globalization, there are two components that directly influence the building of cultural heritage, namely the components of ethnoscapes and ideoscapes. the ethnoscapes component, when seen in the case of colonial buildings in singaraja city, is a phenomenon that is not directly realized. the growth of urban population and the mobility of the movement from people to cities in search of employment opportunities will demand development in all fields. one of them is the construction of entertainment centers, shopping malls, and ruko (shop houses). this problem caused the availability of land to be increasingly needed by the government to accommodate the rate of population growth and community movement, so that land use sometimes neglected spatial planning which resulted in the displacement of colonial buildings at certain points. on the basis of common interests, sometimes the policies taken by the government were very detrimental to the preservation of colonial buildings, in the ideoscapes component, in the sense that there was an underlying ideology that demolished colonial buildings and replaced them with shopping center buildings. this ideology is a market ideology that is oriented towards the economic and profit sectors. in this case the colonial building is considered unable to bring profit and its existence is very wasteful, old-fashioned, and obsolete, so that eventually replaced with a new building. in this case once again the regional government is very powerful in this change, on the pretext of making the people prosperous, willing to sacrifice cultural heritage buildings with historical value. for example, the sasana budaya building is also affected by globalization. this building used to have a thatched roof with wooden reconstruction, complete with balinese ornaments that adorn its front. currently this building has been replaced with a new building model, with reconstructed concrete, and the supporting pillars are decorated with ceramics (figure 2 and 3). e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 figure 2. sasana budaya building with wooden reconstruktion (left), source: dutch document figure 3. building with concrete construction (right) source: personal document architecturally, the buildings that were erected during the colonial period did not all adopt the buildings of the colonial origin area. some of the buildings look combined with traditional architecture so that it seems very good, like the building of the cultural gym above. however, it is unfortunate that traditional architecture is considered ancient because it cannot develop with the changing times. like clothes, so that archipelago architecture can be reapplied by society, it must be presented as a present-day figure. this means that the archipelago architecture must be collaborated with the current trends. on the other hand, traditional architecture has meaning in every part so that this architecture becomes complicated and takes a lot of time. the differences between easy and complicated, as well as fast and long, are what make the existence of traditional architecture increasingly displaced by global capitalist insistence. implications of marginalized colonial buildings in the city of singaraja colonial buildings are silent witnesses of the existence of the dutch colonial government in indonesia. the building contains historical values that can be understood to prepare for the construction of a city in the future. colonial buildings as relics of the past must be preserved for the development of science. based on the law of the republic of indonesia number 11 of 2010 concerning cultural heritage, it has appealed to the public to maintain and preserve heritage buildings from the past. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 low concern for colonial buildings which are evidence of the authentic history of this region. if these historical buildings are not preserved, their existence will be increasingly marginalized and will gradually disappear. as is known in the colonial building physics reflects a certain style period which is loaded with value, so it is very important to be preserved. however, this preservation effort seems to be being done half-heartedly by the government, as said by informant nengah bawa atmadja; "historical awareness among decision makers, namely the regional government related to history is still lacking. history with its traces, that is, colonial buildings are the past that are considered incompatible with the needs of the present and / or future, could be destroyed (interview on may 14, 2020). the above statement shows that the regional government as the control holder of historical buildings is very selective in preserving it. selective and uneven preservation of all buildings results in inequality. with this imbalance, it is not impossible that buildings that are not treated with preservation will be left damaged by age so that in the future they will be destroyed. if it has been destroyed, singaraja city will lose evidence of the history and identity of the city which is the pride of the people of singaraja city. besides that, the colonial building is a means of education about the history of the past that occurred in singaraja city which has important cultural values. such cultural values will shape the cultural system in facing future cultural challenges. for example, more and more cultural heritages in the past have been destroyed or replaced with new buildings, for various reasons it can cause the younger generation to lose their identity, which is actually reflected in many cultural heritages. in fact, feelings of pride and love for cultural heritage must continue to be nurtured in order to learn the great values contained therein. conclusion the factors that led to the marginalization of colonial buildings in singaraja city were the development of the city community, local governments, and the insistence of global capitalist interests. the development of urban communities on the one hand provides an opportunity to continue to increase urban activities in the economic and social fields. along with the increase in population, the need for land greatly influenced the existence of colonial buildings in singaraja city. in addition, the role of the capitalists who succeeded in inculcating their profit-oriented economic ideology contributed to the hegemony of the thinking of the e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 government and society. this led to a sense of mutual benefit so that the colonial building was gradually eliminated. the regional government was the entity with the most authority in protecting colonial buildings, instead it took part in the marginalization process. until now, the colonial building inventory data in singaraja city is not owned by the culture office. the reason given by the regional government in the form of budget constraints was only an alibi to ignore the desire to achieve the government's desire for profit, even though it would sacrifice the existence of colonial buildings in singaraja city, especially colonial buildings that could not provide direct economic benefits. in addition, the insistence of global capitalist interests has the most vital role in the process of marginalizing colonial buildings. the influence of globalization has not only had a major influence on the development of the science, technology and economy sectors, but has also penetrated the cultural sector. these marginalized factors have implications for the loss of historical evidence, the loss of urban identity, and the diminishing love of the younger generation for cultural heritage. the physical remains of dutch colonial buildings are one of the historical records in real form that reveal the continuity of people's life from the past to the present, as well as historical evidence that can be remembered by the children and grandchildren of the content of its historical aspects. the existence of dutch colonial buildings also provides uniqueness and authenticity in a city because it contains elements of history. all of this will be lost if the marginalization continues and eventually it will run out without remaining. colonial building is an identity in which the existence and values contained in it are assets that can be passed on to future generations as evidence of the history and culture of a nation. with the disappearance of colonial buildings, a city will lose the link of the past, present, and future which becomes the uniqueness and identity of the city itself. references ardika i wayan.. 2007. pusaka budaya dan pariwisata. denpasar: pustaka larasan. barker, chris. 2009. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. ___________. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: pt. kanisius. brun, michael j. 2008. “capitalism.” dalam international encyclopedia of the social sciences volume 1. edisi kedua, disunting oleh william a. darity jr., hal. 437-439. farmington hills: macmillan reference usa. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 45-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 gilabert, pablo dan martin o’neill. 2019. "socialism." dalam the stanford encyclopedia of philosophy. fall 2019 edition, disunting oleh edward n. zalta. https://plato.stanford.edu/archives/fall2019/entries/socialism/. gramsci, antonio. 1976. selection froms the prison notebooks (quintin hoare and nowell smith, eds.) new york international publishers. piliang, amir yasraf. 2006. dunia yang dilipat, tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta: jalasutra. putranto, hendar dan mudji sutrisno. 2005. teori-teori kebudayaan. yogyakarta: kanisius. soenaryo, f. x. 2012. “perekonomian masyarakat bali dalam era globalisasi.” dalam komodifikasi identitas bali kontemporer. denpasar: pustaka larasan. tanudirjo, daud aris. 2003. “warisan budaya untuk semua: arah kebijakan pengelolaan warisan budaya indonesia di masa mendatang. makalah disampaikan pada kongres kebudayaan v, bukittinggi. supriadi. 2012. pemanfaatan sumberdaya arkeologi. dalam pembentukan identitas dan jati diri bangsa. menghadapi era globalisasi. http://repository.unhas.ac.id/bitstream/handle/123456789/2288/arkeologi%2c%20i dentitas%2c%20dan%20jati%20diri%20bangsa.pdf?sequence=1 (diunduh tanggal 2 maret 2020). microsoft word artikel agus mursidi final e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 ideology of kiai in education at sman of darussholah singojuruh, distric singojuruh – banyuwangi province of east java agus mursidi1, putu rumawan salain2, anom kumbara3, ni made wiasti4 1pgri banyuwangi university, 2,3,4cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1agusmursidi78@gmail.com, 2rumawansalain@yahoo.com, 3anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 4mwiasti@yahoo.com received date : 08-03-2019 accepted date : 18-04-2019 published date : 31-05-2019 abstract the implementation of education in indonesia was mandated by the uud 1945. the implementation was carried out at the sman. education policy in schools creates controversy as a form of impact on ideology of kiai. the policy deviation is in the form of changes in school curriculum, differences in the learning process, and religion as a public high school identity. this study aims to: (1) find out the ideology of kiai in the dominance of education in sman (2) knowing the practice ideology of kiai in sman (3) knowing the meaning in the ideology of kiai at sman. this is a qualitative research with data obtained through interviews, observation, and document study. the results showed that (1) the dominance of kiai in education due to influence of historical factors in the establishment of sman, the role of school committees with most members of islamic boarding schools, and the political role of kiai (2) ideology of kiai practices included the formation of superior classes, curriculum changes school identity and extracurricular activities (3) the meaning contained in the ideology of kiai in education at sman is a conflict of interest, emancipatory education, economics, and the meaning of polarization. keywords: ideology, kiai, sman introductions ideology is a term to explain the existence of general ideas that have potential in certain behavioral situations. an ideology spreads and works in influencing human behavior, as terry eagleton (1991: 56) argues that the spread of an ideology consists of rationalization, universalization, and naturalization. ideology can be sourced from several aspects of life e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 including religion, customs, or culture which generally includes politics, economics, and social. this includes aspects of culture, there are discussions about education. furthermore, individual knowledge and experience about various aspects of life are internalized so as to produce ideology (tilaar, 2009: 168). ideology in the field of religion is in the kiai, who are politically kiai having power and strength. the ideological strength of the kiai can influence the process of policy making in formal education. organizing education in indonesia is inseparable from policies made by the government. the government's role in education is proven by the existence of uud 1945 on 31 paragraph (1) which reads: "every citizen has the right to receive teaching; paragraph (2) the government undertakes and organizes a national teaching system regulated by law. the government also regulates education policies in indonesia under the uu republic of indonesiano. 20 of 2003 concerning the national education system. the uu sikdiknas regulates the terms of decentralization or regional autonomy. strengthened by uu no. 22 of 1999 is that the regions have an obligation to handle education whose signs have been described in pp no. 25 of 2000 concerning the authority of the government and provincial authority as an autonomous region. changes in the education system carried out by the government are inseparable from improving the quality of education in indonesia. aly (2011: 77) explained the regional autonomy law and government policies on improving the quality of education. improving the quality of education with character in accordance with uu no. 20 of 2003 was also implemented in regency of banyuwangi in the government of samsul hadi in the period 2001-2005. this can be seen with the establishment of public public schools located in islamic boarding schools. the establishment of public schools is supported through perbup no. 38 of 2013 concerning the implementation of education in education units in lead of islamic boarding schools in regency of banyuwangi. this regulation is an opportunity for public schools that can collaborate with islamic boarding schools such as the establishment of sman darussholah singojuruh. one of them is the ease and increasing number of santri, the existence of a budget for islamic boarding schools from east java province in the form of regional school operational assistance (bosda), improvements to the infrastructure of islamic boarding schools more quickly, and the establishment of memoranda of understanding. memorandum of undestanding between the sman darussholah singojuruh and the pondok pesantren darussholah singojuruh as a form of the ideology of the kiai who entered e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 the field of education. through the memorandum of understanding a brilliant class (kece) was formed. kece is a class where students are required to stay mondok and get more religius lessons from regular students. not getting there, the ideology of the kiai indirectly affected the principal with school policies. the policy is a change in school curriculum. the power of kiai in education at the sman darussholah singojuruh was strengthened when the process of recruiting non-permanent employees and teachers was carried out, where some were people who had kinship relations and people close to kiai (mursidi, 2015: 29). the condition of the sman darussholah singojuruh raises assumptions that can be seen through conflict theory perspectives, namely: first, with the inclusion of the kiai's ideology in public schools it can lead to conflict with teachers on the commitment of school education. second, there is emotional exhaustion in the teacher because of two different ideologies in the school. third, there is an indirect influence on role conflict with the implementation of fake education implementation programs. this issue concerns the lack of authority of school principals in developing management of education in schools, including the limited space of movement in utilizing educational resources allocated to schools (brotosedjati, 2002: 6). the idea of establishing a school in an islamic boarding school environment needs to be dismantled and rebuilt to obtain the expected education system. derrida argues that deconstruction is a way to identify kotradiction and even incontradictions in the text in order to gain a higher awareness of a meaning (burhanudin 2015: 703). various problems that occur as a form of power kiai to make a social change. ) no one can fight his power and authority. kiai does not dampen the consequences of the changes that have taken place, but instead pioneers social change in its own way (soebahar, 2013: 11). referring to this, this study aims to (1) know the existence of kiai ideology that dominates the administration of education in sman darussholah singojuruh regency of banyuwangi; (2) knowing the existence of the ideological practices of kiai sman darussholah singojuruh regency of banyuwangi; and (3) knowing the meaning contained in the ideology of scholars in sman darussholah singojuruh regency of banyuwangi. research method this research is qualitative research with the paradigm of cultural studies. the location of the study was conducted at sman darussholah singojuruh, subdistrict of singojuruh, regency of banyuwangi, province of east java. the research data sources include documents, research results, mass media, principals of school, vice principals of school, e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 teachers, scholars, representatives of islamic boarding schools, regular students and kece, and alumni. data obtained through interviews, observation, and document study. data is collected through observation, interviews, and documentary studies. data were analyzed through data reduction, data presentation, and conclusion (miles and huberman, 1992: 592). disccussion factors in the ideology of kiai in sman darussholah singojuruh the inclusion ideology of kiai in sman darussholah singojuruh as a form of reflection of relations between sman darussholah singojuruh and pondok pesantren darussholah singojuruh in the form of educational standardization. the ideology of the kiai created is "given" (given and received) through a long process. in addition, the ideology of the kiai is inseparable from the game of power. the power game that took place as a determinant of the continuity of relations between the sman darussholah singojuruh and pondok pesantren darussholah singojuruh. both have different ceilings and systems in all respects, but can and can work together in collaborative educational social activities. in fact, it is not necessarily the two systems that have the same attitude and respect each other's opinions. this is based on the view of foucault (bertens, 2013: 310-316) that power is everywhere so that wherever relations or social relations there will always be efforts to master or dominate each other. the power of kiai or hegemony arises from the history of the founding of the sman darussholah singojuruh where the clerics meet the school establishment committee so that it can be built in a boarding school. the establishment included the surrender of land claimed by the clerics to belong to the community. through the political power possessed by the kiai, it gave an influence on the establishment of senior high school. not getting there, the cleric also included his ideology through the name of the school that was in accordance with the name of his islamic boarding school. to perpetuate the ideology of the kiai through the power and politics that it has, the majority of the school committee members are boarding schools and the education and education personnel are still bound by the kiai family. the school policy made by the principal is also inseparable from the clerics. this is because it is related to the memorandum of understanding made by both parties. the memorandum of understanding forms a brilliant class (kece) with the aim of forming students with critical, religious and resilient characters. however, kece is not a student with a high iq but a student with the ability to stay and study extra religion. the formation of the class is the policy of the principal by reason of being a e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 form of school identity in accordance with the regulation. the teacher must also refer to the policy, even though the existing policy harms the teacher. the loss is in the form of reduction in subject hours due to curriculum adjustments. referring to this shows the leadership of the kiai eventually developed into arelationship patron client very close, where the authority of a large kiai (mother boarding school) is accepted in a wide area (mardiyah, 2012: 57; thoha, 2003: 23) with the entry of the kiai ideology the school seemed to surrender and accept what it was, even though unwittingly domination or hegemony was the one who had the power in it. the kiai's hegemony is increasingly felt stronger by forming through the principal's policy through the shining class (kece). power is understood and discussed as an influence owned by a person or institution to impose its will on others. referring to this, power can be interpreted in a repressive and sometimes more operative manner, dominating between subject and object in maintaining power. as an example of this form of power includes the power of state leaders in society, kings to their people, husbands to wives, owners of capital to their employees, and kiai to their students (kotarumalos and bahasoan, 2014: 15). kiai's ideology practices at darussholahsingojuruh the class kece at sman darussholah singojuruh appear as a forum for new students who enroll through the boarding school path, namely the pondok pesantren darussholah singojuruh. students kece accept the learning process from two educational institutions namely schools and boarding schools. students are forced to accept subject matter from both institutions and all are generalized without an analysis of student characteristics first. students are one of the critical components that affect learning effectiveness. so, it takes a selection process that matches the competencies needed in educational achievement, to identify students who have competencies in accordance with the expected achievements. sudaryono (2012: 56) states that to identify students who have talent and in accordance with the competencies a method is needed. the process of recruiting teachers for kece is in accordance with the needs of the school both in terms of competence and scientific fields that are in accordance with the subjects taught. however, the recruitment of teachers in sufficient competence for kece is appropriate. or is the teacher who was appointed as an educator for kece having the right competence or just limited to facilitating it. not to find a teacher is a teacher who is able to e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 stimulate students to use what they have, both knowledge and experience so they can understand and interpret new knowledge and learning experiences (mudjiman, 2006: 78). management of educational facilities and infrastructure is a process for procuring and supervising certain objectives in education. if there is no management, the procurement, use, and maintenance of educational facilities and infrastructure will be less noticed by the parties of the educational institutions. the lack of attention is due to the number of students with different means. so the phenomenon that will be discussed is how to improve the management of educational facilities and infrastructure to improve the quality of learning in schools. the implementation of education in sman darussholah singojuruh though as a collaborative school but still refers to the national education curriculum. the curriculum used is a collaboration between the curriculum from the ministry of religion and the ministry of national education. collaborative curriculum cuts the hours of subjects such as sociology which should be two hours of lessons to one hours. not only on sociology subjects but also economics and geography. the ideology of the kiai does not work there, but the other policy is school uniform. school uniforms are compulsory for female students to wear long skirts and clothes with hijab, while for students using uniforms and long sleeves. uniform use is required for all students without exception. so, for students who have a religion other than islam, they are obliged with the uniform that has become the school's identity. the meaning contained in kiai's ideology in darussholah high school singojuruh an educational process that is one of the most decisive factors and has an influence on social change in society through education is expected to be able to produce future generations who have the character and are able to accept the national leadership. with the inclusion of the ideology of scholars in the sman darussholah singojuruh can produce a generation that understands religion, but here it can be seen that in education at the sman darussholah singojuruh presents two imaginary op-bin that can be analyzed as the basis of each deconstruction on different issues. op-bin imaginethe first r is binary kiai and binary, the second is sman darussholah singojuruh. the ideology of the kiai in the education of the sman darussholah singojuruh where the meaning was based on the ideology of the kiai and the process of the ideology of the kiai which encouraged the power of kiai in the education of the sman darussholah singojuruh. the meaning of power also concerns the struggle of meaning related to intentional and / or e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 connectedness between the policies of sman darussholah singojuruh as a power strategy to improve the quality of education in the sman darussholah singojuruh in economic, cultural, and especially ideological orientation, capitalism, noeuliberalism and values contained in it. the concept of interest is one of the basic concepts of the establishment of the sman darussholah singojuruh and is absolutely necessary in the development of islamic boarding schools. the concept of interest makes people take action and with the interest of making people able to supply energy (strength) and make people rise from sleep and work hard throughout the day. through the concept of interest it helps to explain the conflicts that arise when there is a conflict of interest. these conflicts can take place in one's mind, between individuals, groups, and society. but the concept of interest not only collides and moves actors, the concept of interest can also hinder one another, strengthen one another, or paralyze the actor, for example the formation of several religions or politics that support tradition. an action taken by the clerics at the establishment of sman darussholah singojuruh was an exclusive action driven by the concept of the development of islamic boarding schools and economic motives and / or hopes for the existence of sman darussholah singojuruh to increase the number of students and the development of the pondok pesantren darussholah singojuruh. socially oriented actions are actions taken by kiai for economic interests oriented to other actors. another actor in this case is the darussholah state high school singojuruh. the formation of other actors is a form of concrete action taken by the kiai at the instigation of economic, traditional and emotional interests. viewed from the perspective of critical theories, the existence of sman darussholah singojuruh in education is an arena of battle discourse between the dominant group and subordinate groups. the dominant group in question is the kiai and the subordinate group is the darussholah state high school singojuruh. kiai as the dominant group made the shining class program (kece borders preference) whichon the community's to support the existence of the sman darussholah singojuruh and its opposing group represented by teachers of civil servants (pns) who are educational and intellectual activists under the auspices of the government, civil society who are critical of the existence of the sman darussholah singojuruh. the dominant and subordinate groups discuss each other through the hegemonic and symbolic power they have to legitimize their position. those who predominantly produce orthodox are discourses which are considered abash (doxa) and strengthen their dominant e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 position, while agents in the subrodinic position try to produce heterodox, which is a discourse that opposes doxa. discourse as praxis is the dialectic between habitus and domain (bourdieu 1991: 239). sman darussholah singojuruh appeared in a cultural vacuum so that in its founding there were socio-cultural motives to prepare students to become citizens who understood religion. economically and politically, the sman darussholah singojuruh is an important education for cultural diplomacy and an increase in the welfare of the citizens of interest. islamic boarding schools such as tebu ireng and darussalam have long made education one of the sources of economic income for islamic boarding schools and surrounding residents. such as al-olives and ibrahimi islamic boarding schools also include the production of islamic boarding education services patterned on the ideology of kiai in indonesia. thus it is not surprising that the education sector is one of the commodities in the general agreement on trede in services (gats). the use of the label kece and the kitab kuning subjects are more symbolic and prestige play. this is supported by one of the orientations of sman darussholah singojuruh, namely non-academic achievements such as the al-qur'an reading contest and the yellow book reading competition, which are basically not the substance of quality education in public high schools. habitus and the ideology of the educational community further highlight the image and social prestige associated with the label kece. through this happens mercantilise knowledge, namely a commodification of knowledge in various forms of commodification discourse and commercial appear in the education system. so that social functions and productive roles and the value of educational humanism (piliang, 2004: 361-362). the reality of the weakness of the teacher's position in the implementation of education and its relationship with school discourse in the islamic boarding school environment. the demand for teacher professionalism is higher. because it cannot be denied that the teacher is a very decisive actor in the education process. the low quality of teacher education is claimed to be the main cause of the low quality of education. although the main causes of low education are not solely caused by teachers, but the quality of teachers is considered to have a major contribution to the condition (winingsih, 2013: 580). this is because the teacher is the main component or actor who has a strategic role in influencing the learning process and the quality of students, which in turn will affect the quality of education in general (unesco, 2011: 6). e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 the implementation of the education process at sman darussholah singojuruh is an indonesian system with a structured style of colonial education polarization, this can be seen from the implementation of education in the sman darussholah singojuruh based on the control of islamic boarding schools in such a way as to form a game and contestation system. so that sman darussholah singojuruh in the implementation of education with the tradition of boarding schools entered and penetrated the dimensions of learning processes that have been determined by the government. the tradition is "sungkem" which is a form of gratitude through submission and obedience to people who are respected. through this tradition, the scholars are used to hegemony teachers, school principals, school committees and guardians of students. conclusion first, the discourse of the domination of kiai in education is inseparable from the historical process of the establishment of the sman darussholah singojuruh which was influenced by the kiai. the influence of the kiai's ideology and politics has slowly led to the development of the education system in sman darussholah singojuruh. the development of the education system at sman darussholah singojuruh can be done because of the other support, namely the school committee. school committee support for the development of the education system can be fulfilled because most of the members come from boarding schools. the teacher also has the role of providing strength in the process of dominating the kiai in the sman darussholah singojuruh. secondly, the ideology of the kiai in sman darussholah singojuruh is seen from the formation of the excellent class (kece). the formation of kece as a form of discourse of power relations or knowledge by intellectuals. the ideological discourse of the kiai and the politics of education operates through a memorandum of understanding between the sman darussholah singojuruh and the pondok pesantren darussholah singojuruh. the ideological discourse of the kiai supported by religious institutions, namely the darussholah islamic boarding school in singojuruh, seemed to be not neutral from a personal interest. the influence can be seen through the concept and implementation that are influenced by the ideology of the kiai is curriculum integration. in addition to the integrity of the curriculum, there are also differences in extracurricular activities in schools. not only stopped there, the formation and strengthening of islamic identity in school became a motive. the motive is to build an image in the community that the sman darussholah singojuruh is a religious school. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 21-31 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 third, the meaning contained in the kiai ideology is that ideological disorientation is carried out through the ideological meaning of the kiai in a conflict of interest towards the establishment of sman darussholah singojuruh in a boarding school. the conflict of interest of the kiai through the establishment of the school is more towards the continuity of the success of the islamic boarding school. the meaning of emancipatory education is seen by the emergence of kece which aims to shape students to develop into critical, creative, independent and characterized human beings. the meaning of economy can be seen from the improvement that occurred along with the increasing number of santri in the pondok pesantren darussholah singojuruh. all of that can happen through perpetuation with thepolarization system sungkem. sungkem meant that the education process that took place at sman darussholah singojuruh must be obedient and obedient to the understanding made by both parties, namely between the school and the boarding school. references aly, abdullah. 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(2009). manajemen pendidikan nasional: kajian pendidikan masa depan. jakarta: remaja rosdakarya. unesco. (2011). united nations educational, scientific and cultural organization. online, https://unesdoc.unesco.org/ark:/48223/pf0000212715. diakses: 22 januari 2018. undang-undang republik indonesia nomor 22 tahun 1999 tentang pemerintahan daerah. online: http://kambing.ui.ac.id/onnopurbo/oraridiklat/pemula/ peraturan/p2%20%20uu%2022%20-%201999.pdf. diakses: 23 november 2017. undang-undang dasar negara republik indonesia tahun 1945 online: https://luk.staff.ugm.ac.id/atur/uud1945.pdf. diakses: 27 maret 2018. undang-undang republik indonesia nomor 20 tahun 2003 tentang sistem pendidikan nasional. online: http://pendis.kemenag.go.id/file/dokumen. diakses: 25 november 2017. winingsih. lucia h. (2013). peran pemerintah daerah, lpmp dan p4tk dalam meningkatkan profesionalisme guru. jurnal pendidikan dan kebudayaan. vol. 19. nomor 4. desember 2013 diakses: pebruari 2017. marginalization of fishermen from utilizing coastal area after reclamation at serangan subdistrict, denpasar, bali nyoman suryawan faculty of education of social sciences saraswati teachers’ training college email: suryawannyoman@rocketmail.com abstract geographically, serangan subdistrict, south denpasar district, bali province, used to be separated from the bali’s mainland. however, now it is not isolated any longer after a bridge was constructed and reclamation was conducted by the bali turtle island (abbreviated to btid) in 1996. at that time 379 hectares of the coastal areas were victimized. the investor’s existence and the other businesses utilizing the coastal areas as their operating areas physically changed them, which were entirely coastal. it was this which was directly and indirectly responsible for marginalizing the fishermen. in relation to that, how the fishermen at serangan subdistrict were marginalized from utilizing the coastal areas after being reclaimed was the focus of the present study. qualitative method and the approach of cultural studies were used in the present study. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, and documentary study. the data were descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively analyzed. to sum up, the present study showed that there were several forms of marginalization undergone by the fishermen at serangan subdistrict after reclamation; they were marginalized from utilizing the coastal environment; economic difficulty resulting from the fact that the sources of fish were getting scarce causing their income to go down; and their powerlessness in overcoming the problem they encountered to improve their standard of living. keywords: marginalization, fishermen, utilization of the coastal areas, after reclamation. introduction the globalization era which is triggered by the progress in science and technology has caused cultures to spread from one country to another rapidly. appadurai (in ritzer and goodman, 2011: 598) state that globalization is characterized by ethnoscape, technoscape, mediascape, finanscape, and ideoscape. bali, as one of the international tourist destinations, cannot be avoided from globalization. as a result, bali has transformed from the agriculture-based primary economic culture to services-oriented tertiary economic culture especially tourism (pitana, 1994: 96). the glorification of the culture of money as the impact of global capitalism can be observed from the comodification taking place in every aspect of life, including the utilization of coastal areas for various interests. the existence of serangan subdistrict, which used to be separated from the mainland of bali, is not isolated any longer after it was reclaimed and after the bridge which connects the two islands was constructed by pt bali turtle island development (btid). the reclamation, mailto:suryawannyoman@rocketmail.com which was intended to develop tourist area, has caused serangan island to be four times wider than before; it used to be 112 hectares wide but now it is 450 hectares wide (suparta, 1998: 163). the existence of btid, as the investor, has caused the physical condition of serangan subdistrict, which used to be entirely coastal, to change. as a comparison, it can be stated that before it was reclaimed the fishermen totaled 1017 (bps, 1990). now they only total 94 and spread in several groups of fishermen named cipta mana karya and karya segera. the reclamation has also been responsible for the decrease in the amount of the coastal area by 379 hectares which has supported their livelihood (bali post, 9 september 2012: p. 1, column 4). the decrease in the sources of fish in the coastal area resulting from the reclamation has caused the fishermen to be marginalized. based on the background described above, the problem in the present study is how the marginalization of the fishermen after the reclamation was like. the present study was intended to understand in depth the marginalization of the fishermen after the coastal area of serangan subdistrict was utilized for different interests. it was expected that the result of the present study would widen the scientific insight into the community of fishermen from the perspective cultural studies. it was also expected that the present study would give critical understanding of the phenomenon related to the functional shift of the coastal area to the public. research method this present study was aimed at giving understanding of why the fishermen were marginalized. the study was conducted at serangan subdistrict, south denpasar district, denpasar city, bali. the reason why the study was conducted here was that many fishermen had changed their profession. they were marginalized from utilizing the coastal area; in addition, there was a high mobility of people who intended to utilize the coastal area for various interests. the informants were purposively determined, meaning that the subject of the study was selected based on particular requirements. one of the requirements was that the selected informants should be knowledgeable of and experienced in the things related to the title of the study (zuriah, 2005: 124). the main instrument in the present study was the researcher himself equipped with a guide of interview. in addition, a digital camera, a tape recorder, and some writing equipment were also used. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview and documentary study. the in-depth interview was held by questioning and answering between the interviewer and the informants with or without interview guide (bungin, 2010: 108). the documentary study was used to obtain the secondary data by tracing various types of information from journals, magazines, books, internets, and other sources. the data were analyzed by systematically composing various results of observations, interviews and documents. the data were descriptively and qualitatively analyzed while the study was being conducted through the following steps; the data were reduced, presented, and interpreted and then conclusions were drawn. result and discussion the developmental process which was only intended to acquire economic growth and which was anthropocentrically oriented was responsible for any environmental damage. the anthropocentric opinion that human beings might exploit environment as they liked contributed to such a condition (keraf, 2002: 33). the fact that there were particular parties which intended to utilize the coastal area for the interests which were not in accordance with what it should have been used for caused the environment to be degraded and the fishermen to be marginalized from their activities. the area of the mangrove forest decreased and the fishermen found it difficult to earn their living from the coastal area. it was difficult for the fishermen to find places where they could anchor their canoes as such places were also used by the other parties for the businesses they ran such as the cultivation of fish using floating ‘karamba’, water sports, dolphin show, and other activities. the places where the fishermen usually anchored their canoes were also used as the places where other types of sea transport were anchored. after the reclamation various businesses were run, making serangan not only a tourist destination for domestic tourists but also for foreign tourists. this caused the fishermen to be getting marginalized. in relation to that, bourdieu (in harker, 2009: 13) stated that a competition in capital among individuals and groups who utilized the coastal area caused the community of fishermen to be marginalized. the fishermen, with the habitus they had and the life experience inherited from generation to generation, had a clear concept that the beach was theirs. with respect to the economic, social and capital capitals they had, they were extremely poor as could be observed from the fish catching equipment and the means of transport they used. from the point of view of human resources, most of them graduated from elementary school; further, some never went to school. as a consequence, the social network with a wider access to any political or governmental institution was extremely limited. they were different from the investors who already had sufficient sources of capital for fighting for the natural resources available at serangan subdistrict. their way of thinking was different from the fishermen’s way of thinking as to how to treat the beach. according to the investors, the beach had a promising economic potential which could be developed as a tourist attraction. the powerlessness in the competition caused the coastal community which was dominated by the fishermen to be getting more marginalized. historically, the btid, as the investor, entered serangan in 1996 with its reclamation project. the project tended to physically change what serangan looked like; as a result, it also affected the coastal community especially the fishermen. the reclamation, which was done by scraping and burying the coastal area caused many parts of the mangrove forest and the ridge of rock exposed at low ride ‘terumbu karang’ to get extinct, which, in fact, played important roles as the sources of fish for the community of fishermen. as a consequence, the sources of their income declined as it was getting more difficult to catch fish to support their livelihood (suryawan, 2013: 118). in relation to that, the fishermen were forced to sail across the ocean to catch fish as fish was getting scarce in the coastal area. bourdieu (in fashri, 2007: 27) stated that capital played an important role in determining the social position of any community. the capital might be economic, social, cultural and symbolic. such types of capital could be exchanged for one another; as a result, those who had more types of capital would be dominant in the community. according to satria (2009: 340), such a condition would be in accordance with the materialism which described that a community was made up of the components of infrastructure and suprastructure. as far as the domain of fishermen is concerned, infrastructure refers to the ownership of production tools, and suprastructure refers to the socio-political aspect. then such infrastructure will affect or determine the existing suprastructure; however, the vice versa does not work. this means that the only economic strength which will determine the social life of a community. the life of the community of fishermen at serangan subdistrict was still far from what was expected, especially if viewed from the limited economic, social and cultural capitals they had. such a limitation did not allow them to compete against the other parties which had bigger capitals. such a condition affected the groups of the fishermen as could be observed from their powerlessness in overcoming the difficulties their members had. they were highly dependent on the other parties that gave them assistance in the forms of facilities and so forth. such dependence could inflict them, as the assistance given by the other parties was intended to dominate the fishermen. conclusion and suggestion the marginalization the fishermen at serangan subdistrict faced related to the utilization of the coastal area after the reclamation included the marginalization in the utilization of the coastal environment, the economic difficulty as the sources of fish were getting scarce, and their powerlessness in overcoming the difficulties they underwent. as a phenomenon, it is suggested that the practices applied by the parties that utilized the coastal area which could inflict the community of fishermen should be further explored. in addition, it was expected that the result of the present study could motivate the fishermen to behave critically towards any decision which will utilize the coastal area so that it will not inflict themselves and environment. acknowledgement the present study could be completed due to the support provided by numerous parties. in relation to that, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. for his motivation and direction, prof. dr. i gde parimartha, m.a. for his correction, and dr. putu sukardja, m.si. for the valuable input provided to the writer. bibliography bali post. 2012. “379 hektar hilang nelayan terpinggirkan”, 9 september, hal. 1, kol. 4. bungin, burhan. 2010. penelitian kualitatif: komunikasi, ekonomi, kebijakan publik, dan ilmu sosial lainnya. jakarta: kencana prenada media group. fashri, fauzi. 2007. penyingkapan kuasa simbol, apopriasi reflektif pemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta: juxtapose. harker, richard, cheelen mahar. 2009. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu (terjemahan). yogyakarta: jalasutra. ritzer, george dan douglas j. goodman. 2011. teori sosiologi modern (terjemahan). jakarta: kencana. satria, arif. 2009. ekologi politik nelayan dan dinamika ekonomi pesisir. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. supartha, wayan. 1998. baliku tersayang baliku malang potret otokritik pembangunan bali dalam satu dasa warsa. denpasar: bali post. suryawan, nyoman. 2013. “marginalisasi mayarakat nelayan pascareklamasi di kelurahan serangan, denpasar selatan”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. zuriah, nurul. 2005. metodologi penelitian sosial dan pendidikan. jakarta: bumi aksara. microsoft word artikel a.a. candra terbit5 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 59-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 social phenomenon of pre wedding photo trends at denpasar community wedding ceremony aa ptcandra kartika pratiwi1, i made suastika2, ni luh nyoman kebayantini3 123 cultural studies study program, udayana university email: 1aacandrakartikapratiwi@gmail.com,2madesuastika@yahoo.com, 3kebayantini@gmail.com received date : 27-01-2021 accepted date : 26-11-2021 published date : 30-11-2021 abstract the social phenomenon of pre-wedding photos has now begun to be widely discussed by some people who are starting to be sensitive to social changes in the area of denpasar city. infact, in denpasar city at this time almost all bride and groom couples carry out pre-wedding photo sessions before their wedding ceremony takes place. the bride and groom couples even really focus their attention on the results of their pre-wedding photos. this eventually became a conversation that raised pros and cons among parents whose children were going to have a wedding ceremony. some parents feel that pre-wedding photos cost too much money and costs that they should be able to spend to bail out funds when preparing a series of wedding ceremonies. in contrast to people who feel capable in terms of costs, they will certainly take the pre-wedding costs lightly compared to the satisfaction they will get later after seeing the results of the pre-wedding photos they take. the bride and groom did a prewedding photo session with the theme and concept they specified. when going to do a prewedding photo session, the bride and groom have to prepare a lot of money. depending on the theme, concept and place they will use later. in bali, especially in denpasar city, the cost for the “pawiwahan”or wedding ceremony is quite high, with the addition of a new tradition, namely pre-wedding photos, it will make people spend even more. the meaning of this prewedding photo session is still not much can explain, prospective brides who do pre-wedding photo sessions only say they take pre-wedding photos to follow today's trends. the new trend that is entering bali is slowly making it a mandatory tradition. keywords: pre wedding photo, wedding ceremony, trends, traditions introduction the trend of taking pictures before starting the wedding ceremony is now like a mandatory tradition carried out by the bride and groom. the people of denpasar city began to consume new traditions and began to make this tradition a mandatory ritual that must be e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 59-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 carried out. a consumption society is a society where most of us are obliged to care for others. yet it is one of simulated cares that is coerced, bureaucratized, and faked. although from the perspective and retrospective of le societe de comsommation satisfactory theoretically and metatheoretically, it is clear that he is above all consumption works. although we have come into contact with various issues related to baudrillard's consumption of thought in the process it will be more direct to direct our attention in this section. (baudrillard:2015) before the 2000s in bali, especially in denpasar city, pre-wedding photo sessions were still unknown to the public. people in denpasar city only capture their moments during the wedding ceremony. however, with the inclusion of this pre-wedding photo trend, people in denpasar city seem to oblige themselves to do a pre-wedding photo session before the wedding ceremony takes place. the bride and groom prioritized their pre-wedding photo session rather than preparing the ceremony facilities which would later be used during the “pawiwahan”. from the fact that the prospective bride and groom will hand over the preparation of the “pawiwahan”ceremony facilities to their parents and the bride and groom will better prepare for the pre-wedding photo session, preparation of invitation cards and souvenirs that will be used later. in denpasar city, it is very easy to find brides who are carrying out pre-wedding photo sessions, whether they are natives of denpasar or residents outside denpasar city. after carrying out the pre-wedding photo session they will display their photos on invitations, souvenirs and at the “pawiwahan”ceremony. research method the research method was conducted to examine the "social phenomenon of pre wedding photos at the denpasar city community “pawiwahan”ceremony" using the qualitative research method. qualitative research methods are used because this research uses observation, case study methods, analytical methods and by using interviews. the researcher hopes that if using the qualitative research method, the researcher will get more real data without any data manipulation. the data analysis used is qualitative-verified data analysis because it is done by obtaining as much data as possible and the theory can be seconded, because the research uses qualitative-verified data analysis, the role of the data is more important than the theory itself. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 59-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 discussion in general, many parties say that this pre-wedding photo has a detrimental impact on the continuity of hindu community traditions because the bride and groom who will hold a wedding ceremony feel that pre-wedding preparation is more important, those who feel aggrieved will also say that pre-wedding is too much. spending money they shouldn't have spent. the costs that the bride and groom spend should be used for other purposes, such as preparing for their wedding ceremony preparations. however, with the pre-wedding photo session, the bride and groom must have prepared the costs that they will incur when they will carry out the pre wedding photo session. the family will also be busier preparing for their wedding ceremony, because the future bride and groom will definitely give greater responsibility to the family to prepare for their wedding ceremony later. that's what makes many brides and grooms not know what will be the series of their wedding ceremony later, because those who prepare for their ceremony are their families, not the bride and groom themselves. the bride and groom will only think about preparations such as pre-wedding, invitation cards, souvenirs and wedding receptions. preparations that are not traditional from a series of hindu community “pawiwahan” ceremonies, are more modern preparations and are now finally a mandatory tradition carried out by most of the bride and groom couples who will perform the “pawiwahan”ceremony in denpasar city. that's what makes many brides and grooms not know what will be the series of their wedding ceremony later, because those who prepare for their ceremony are their families, not the bride and groom themselves. the bride and groom will only think about preparations such as pre-wedding, invitation cards, souvenirs and wedding receptions. preparations that are not traditional from a series of hindu community “pawiwahan”ceremonies, are more modern preparations and are now finally a mandatory tradition carried out by most of the bride and groom couples who will perform the “pawiwahan”ceremony in denpasar city. that's what makes many brides and grooms not know what will be the series of their wedding ceremony later, because those who prepare for their ceremony are their families, not the bride and groom themselves. the bride and groom will only think about preparations such as pre-wedding, invitation cards, souvenirs and wedding receptions. preparations that are not traditional from a series of hindu community wiwaha ceremonies, are more modern preparations and are now finally a mandatory tradition e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 59-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 62 carried out by most of the bride and groom couples who will perform the “pawiwahan”ceremony in denpasar city. the bride and groom will only think about preparations such as pre-wedding, invitation cards, souvenirs and wedding receptions. preparations that are not traditional from a series of hindu community wiwaha ceremonies, are more modern preparations and are now finally a mandatory tradition carried out by most of the bride and groom couples who will perform the “pawiwahan” ceremony in denpasar city. the bride and groom will only think about preparations such as pre-wedding, invitation cards, souvenirs and wedding receptions. preparations that are not traditional from a series of hindu community “pawiwahan”ceremonies, are more modern preparations and are now finally a mandatory tradition carried out by most of the bride and groom couples who will perform the “pawiwahan”ceremony in denpasar city. many brides and grooms don't even know what they mean when they do a prewedding photo session, all they know is their photowill be used on the invitation card and will be on display during their wedding ceremony. that's what makes parents regret the existence of this pre-wedding photo session, maybe for most people who have enough pre-wedding photos it doesn't cost much, but for people with a low economy the cost of this pre-wedding photo really drains their pockets. if the bride and groom do not carry out a pre-wedding photo session, then the assumption of the prospective bride and groom is outdated and does not really follow current trends. some pairs of brides and grooms even borrow money for the sake of the continuity of their marriage, in fact, if only for the wedding ceremony, the costs incurred are not much, but because of new traditions that cause the addition of a new series before the ceremony or after the ceremony takes place. indeed, when viewed broadly, there are more negative impacts with the existence of this pre wedding photo, because it costs a lot, the bride and groom will never learn about hindu wedding traditions which they should learn from now on. the tradition became a tradition that was abandoned because of issues stating that the tradition was ancient and not many people wanted to learn it. however, pre-wedding photos, which in fact are not a mandatory tradition for the hindu community in denpasar, have become a trend that is in great demand by the community and become a mandatory tradition for the bride and groom who will carry out the “pawiwahan”ceremony. mandatory trend which until now is still a mandatory tradition carried out by most peopledenpasar city. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 59-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 63 it has been mentioned earlier that pre-wedding photos are not a tradition of the denpasar city community's “pawiwahan”ceremony and with the trend of pre-wedding photos, wedding costs are increasing. and pre-wedding also causes the people of denpasar city to be more lazy to learn and understand the series of hindu wedding ceremony traditions in denpasar city. most people also think that pre-wedding photos are not important because before the 2000s the bride and groom did not take a photo session before their wedding ceremony took place, if those who have more costs they will only capture their wedding moment during the wedding ceremony. that's what makes parents think that pre-wedding photos are not important to do because pre-wedding photos are not a series of traditions of the hindu community in denpasar city. however, in modern times, people are more functional in their thinking so that pre-wedding photos become an important tradition that is carried out before the wedding ceremony takes place. perhaps widely, pre-wedding photos are something that is not mandatory for couples in denpasar who will hold a wedding ceremony. however, when viewed from the other side, pre-wedding photos actually have a positive impact on several parties, the parties who benefit from this pre-wedding photo trend are usually the photographers, here deconstruction comes with the background of post-modernism which is based on the philosophical thought that thought that is so integrated that it is neatly arranged is now sorted down to its basics. the presence of deconstruction is seen as part of postmodernism which epistemologically or philosophically of knowledge, must accept the fact that humans should not be fixated on a system of thought that is strict and so rigid. this paper tries to apply deconstruction to people's thoughts about pre-wedding which is not a hindu wedding tradition in denpasar city. deconstruction is a reading theory that aims to overcome the logic of opposition in the text, deconstruction seeks to uncover the nature of a difference by showing it as a political construction. (adian, 2006:83) lately, there are indeed many couples who do pre-wedding photo sessions before their wedding ceremony takes place, whether they know it or not, people do pre-wedding photo sessions without knowing the meaning of their pre-wedding photo session. some people in denpasar even think that pre-wedding photos don't need to be done because it costs too much and takes up a lot of time. however, for the bride and groom whowill hold a wedding ceremony, pre-wedding photos are very important to be carried out in order to capture the moments when the bride and groom have not officially become a husband and e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 59-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 64 wife couple. according to parents who previously did not hold a photo session before the wedding ceremony took place, they thought that pre-wedding photos made the prospective couple more focused on completing their pre-wedding photo session and were less willing to understand the series of ceremonies that the bride-to-be would carry out. the deconstruction here also sees that there are positive lessons from an event or social phenomenon that occurs, such as this pre-wedding photo that indeed many say that pre-wedding photos have an unfavorable impact on the continuity of hindu wedding traditions in denpasar city. the positive impact that can be seen from this phenomenon can be felt by parties who have businesses in certain fields, such as photographer studios and salons who are blessed with this pre-wedding photo session. derrida's deconstruction is a fact that the basic concept of deconstruction was theoretically developed from the point of view of language, but in later developments it turns out that deconstruction is relevant for other fields of art. the deconstruction used by the french philosopher jacques derrida is nothing but written works of philosophical argument. (fredina et al,2015) deconstruction is a text reading strategy developed by derrida whose thoughts are not only in the field of art but also in the field of design and his thoughts are still very influential in the world today. according to derrida, deconstruction is also reading the text carefully so that later the premises used can undermine the arguments made on these premises. deconstruction can develop everywhere, even deconstruction is not only developing as a strategy or method of reading texts but also developing in the practice of architecture and design as a physical work. conclusion the conclusion is that the positive and negative impacts of a phenomenon or a social change that occurs in society cannot only be seen from the center of thought, the peripheral thinking of this phenomenon has a positive impact on those who do have expertise in the field of photographers and make-up. another positive impact is that if you are going to take a prewedding photo session in a location that is not widely known by many people, the prospective bride and groom can be the pioneers of the location. derrida invites us to focus more on peripheral thinking and not only focus on the center but also on the periphery of the phenomenon. like the social phenomenon of pre-wedding photos. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 59-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 65 references adian, donny gahral, 2006. percik pemikiran kontemporer. yogyakarta : jalasutra. fredinadkk, 2015. perancanganfotografi pre wedding gaya dekonstruksi. surabaya: universitas kristen petra baudrillard jean. masyarakatkonsumsi. 2015. jalasutra. martononanang. 2014. sosiologiperubahansosial. pt rajagrafindopersada. rambey, a. (2009, juni 30). memahamifotografi pre wedding. retrieved maret 16, 2014, from female kompas.com: http://female.kompas.com/read/2009/06/30/04090852/ memahami.fotografi.pre.wedding sadono,jbtanudjaja,bbbanindro,bs: vol 1, no 4 (2014). perancangankarya fotografipenggabungan antara pre-wedding photography dengan commercial photography denganteknik digital imagging http://inputbali.com/budaya-bali/makna-dari-setiap-rangkaian-upacara-pernikahan-adat-bali http://www.softilmu.com/2015/02/pengertian-teori-bentuk-faktor-perubahan-sosialadalah.html http://demelophoto.com/pengertian-tentang-foto-pre-wedding.html http://bali.kemenag.go.id/index.php?a=berita&id=240251 microsoft word artikel i gst ayu giantari 1 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 resistensi pangeran sutasoma terhadap hegemoni raja purusadha dalam cerita kekawin sutasoma 1i gusti ayu sri widiantari, 2made suastika, 3nyoman suarka 1cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university 2,3faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1gungayurembulan@gmail.com, 2made_suastika@unud.ac.id, 3nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, received date : 08-07-2019 accepted date : 10-08-2019 published date : 30-11-2019 abstract the purpose of this research is to uncover the inherent values contained in the marriage of sutasoma, which focuses on the backdrop of sutasoma's resistance to his father, the king of parusadha, and reveals the values contained in the the story. the study used an interpretive approach to cultural studies from the qualitative data sources in the text and translations. the foundation of the theory used to analyze data is the theory of power of knowledge and hegemony. with this approach and theory the study found that the reasons and ways of prince sutasoma to fight the attitude and behavior of king purusadha were very arrogant and authoritarian towards the people and the ministers and the feeders are (1) straightening and redefining the king to return to the path of righteousness (2) performing obligations and responsibilities as a wise prince who must favor his people, (3) make the king aware of the meaning and responsibility to be leaders, and (4) to commit partiality towards the weak, (5) the alignment of the meaning and leadership of a king (6) restores the authority of a king. the opponents performed by sutasoma were not violent or physical, but through ideas and initiatives that were delivered subtly so as to evoke a sense of compassion and consciousness of king parusadha how to be a king wise. keywords: resistance, hegemony, leadership value, roles and responsibilities introduction literary works are one of the forms of copyright, carsa, and human works that implicitly or explicitly contain values and aesthetic functions. in addition, in social life or community literary works are also often created to fulfill broader functions, such as the function of education, social criticism, spiritual-religious, political, leadership and social cultural functions other. one of the most famous literary works created by an rsi or empu named mpu kanwa during the reign of the king sailendra dynasty in java island. the literary work in question is the kekawin sutasoma. the marriage was to contain the values of philisophis of education, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 politics, leadership, spiritual and tolerance relationship between hindhu and buddhism. therefore, sutasoma's marriage was made by one of the majapahit king, hayam huruk, as a reference in carrying out his reign. in the marriage of sutasoma is told there is a figure named prince sutasoma in the fight or resestensi against arrogant and inhumane behavior that is done by a king named parusadha. in this regard, the purpose of this research is to understand and analyze the form of resistance and the value of sutasoma in the marriage of mpu kanwa. research method the study uses qualitative data sourced from the text of the kekawin sutasoma literature, and its translation, which is analyzed by interpretive approaches. the foundation of the theory used is the theory of power of knowledge, hegemony, and semiotics. findings and discussion 1. attitude of arrogance and arbitrary king parusadha in the marriage of sutasoma, tell me there is a king named parusudha who has bad character and behavior, selfish and arrogant in the process of his administration and also likes to eat people. in addition to having unsurpassed supernatural power, great and vast dominion, abundant riches, matchless intellece, great name of praise and flattery, and the grace of the divine equivalent, dewa rudra thus makes the king's heart change and haughty. his mercy to mankind or his people was lost with arrogance and selfishness after receiving the supernatural grace of the deity, as mentioned in the following quote of the kekawin sutasoma text: "telas pwa phala ning tapenulahaken maheli manah i the mahasura, lost hell ira ring jagat let his compassion ring anemu wiyoga pity...", which means: "when you finish accepting all that grace, the heart of the king becomes transformed. his compassion for the world was lost. his compassion for the afflicted and suffering vanished... " in the caliphate, the counsel and advice of the leaders and advisers of the kingdom were in his neglect. he felt that what he was in mind, his speech, and all his actions were very true, even exceeding the meaning of the counsel. the arrogant and selfish attitude of king jayantaka is seen when his pleasure in eating a dish of human flesh cannot be prevented anymore. he became increasingly wicked and known as purusadha (humanservant). because of his actions the subordinate kings, the royal officials, and the soldiers at e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 the palace of ratnakanda asked him to go and leave the kingdom. purusadha went to a forest on the slopes of mount semeru and became a devotees of bhairawa. for he continued to eat the flesh of man he became king of the giants. all the kings and people who lived near the forest were exhausted by it. the subordinate kings and soldiers at ratnakanda are haunted by enormous fear. they do not know where to look, because they are very afraid of purusadha's magic in the field of action because in every battle the lord rudra incarnate in the form of parusadha so that he became very milky. on the basis of the terrible experience, the ministers and the people came and asked parisudha the king of the giants to return to the palace of ratnakanda and to occupy the throne again. the attitudes and behaviors shown were clearly displaying selfishness, arrogance, and arbitrariness of king purusadha as a leader. such attitudes and behaviors arise in one's self because it is neglected by the power factor and power it possesses. when a person is drunk with strength, treasure, and power, then the logic and wisdom of that person will be lost and replaced by selfishness, arrogance, and arbitrariness and cannot distinguish deserving or inappropriate, the good and the poor as well as proper and abstinence, because the person is in a drunk condition controlled by false desires. 2. king purusadha's caliphate in the book of sarasainty, (rai sudharta, 1991:474, p. 128), mentioned that power (ambition), and luxury (wealth) often make people selfish, ambition, neglected, confused, takabur this power, riches, and desires of infinite desire make the king of purusadha err and drift in the darkness, because it has caused chaos and destruction everywhere. the behavior of the caliphate and without knowing compassion is by indulgence and the personal desires that take shelter behind the power and power of the arrest and prey of men every day which of course no one is willing to be made offerings to him. not enough to prey on man, his desire increased to arrest one hundred kings be made a sacrificial offering by him. 3. bhakti and duties as a prince in religious teachings, especially hinduism, it is asserted that children must obey, respect, and devote to parents who have been in good faith as the rupaka teacher who has been giving birth, providing the his children. the child who has been able to internalized the concept of the teaching of the son sesana in his behavior is called a suputra child. according e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 to i wayan jendra (2009:9 — 10), suputra is a child who is both internally and externally. the meaning of either internally is a child who possesses sublime intelligence, ethics and morality and avoids bad traits like sad ripu and sapta timira. externally, suputra is a child who likes to do good (sathya), committing virtue (dharma), compassion (prema), peace (shanti), and displeased acts of violence (ahimsa), and respect and devotion to god, teachers, good leaders, parents, and can appreciate others, and uphold the nature of unity in diversity. a child can be called a suputra when it has noble qualities as mentioned above, and the child is termed manawa madhawa or "man of god". the form of devotion of a suputra to his parents, king mahaketu and empress dowager who was experiencing sadness and worrying about his negrans due to the hegemony of the power of king purusadha. realizing the difficult situation and conditions faced by his parents, prince sutasoma became touched, his compassion emerged. as a manifestation of his paternal taste for parents, prince sutasoma intended to fulfill his parents ' request to fulfill his duty as a king succeeding his father. thus, it was soon to be targeted to be arrested and made offerings by king purusadha. the idea and initiative of prince sutasoma preparing himself as an offering, in addition to giving the awareness to king purusadha for his actions so far that is making the misery of the people, also because of his duty to parents as a suputra. as mentioned in the quote of the following kekawin sutasoma text. "tan herina ling the wiku wrddha monk, mwang hyang nikang bhumi telas manganjali, mojar majar dadya nikang mahidhara, ekabdi yan tan jinamurti bhupati." "kala nikang dewaganan pangastuti, ngkane at hyang paramesti gottama, said kapwa, the interpretation of winurstia, rep. saksana ndah waluyang nrpatmaja." 4. the alignment of the meaning of power and leadership a more critical view of the power arises in cultural studies, namely that there is a link between power and ideology which is then used as a weapon in mastering others subtly called hegemony. the concept of gramsci about hegemony is often used to dismantle cultural establishment in a covert domination process. the country present so strongly as the center of radiation hegemony to the people. in addition gramsci uses the concept of hegemony to describe and analyze how the modern capitalist society is organized, or organized in the past and present (gramsci 1999:11). thus the concept of hegemony according to gramsci refers to the notion of socio-political situation in its terminologia called the moment, where the philosophy and social practice of society converge in a balanced state. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 therefore, power is not of a particular subject but is in every person as a strategy, so that it is in the end. it is said that power is everywhere according to the concept of power as a sophisticated strategy that anyone can reach from within itself since it has the will to know. power works according to the strong differences. power becomes there because of the many differences. in many different differences can be built relationships or networks so that through the network the power arises. and because of these differences, power can operate through the normalization of maintaining and regulatory or prohibiting and punishing. foucault said with power "must be understood first a lot and the variety of power relations inherent in the field of those relationships and its organization. the game will transform, reinforce, reverse those relationships through ongoing struggles and battles ". foucault tried to redefine power with and related knowledge (here foucault owes his favor to philosopher nietzsche [fuller, 2007b; lemert, 2005a]). power is not proprietary but rather a strategy. power relates to the strategy of practice in a scope where there are many positions strategically related to each other and always experiencing a shift. power is not understood and practiced as belonging so that the power becomes a means to dominate each other globally from a particular class to another class. where there is power affirmation, there is resistance. when there is a power affirmation there is always resistance, not in the sense of power from the outside or the opposite, but because of the power itself. when associated with max weber's view of the bureaucracy (ritzer 2014:38-39) then, historically the bureaucracy process according to it as a system of authority, charismatic and rational system of legal. he thinks the system of traditional authority is more dominated by belief systems, such as the right to be king is based on lineage, while from the charismatic system to obtain its authority from its capabilities or common features, or perhaps from the follower's belief that the leader had a rule in the lead. in addition, weber explained that the system of legal rational authority refers to the legislation that is legally valid in a contracting state. therefore, in relation to the text about the canto can be part of the competition of a leader. the requirement not to fulfill good criteria as the ruler caused his leadership to result in imbalances. a king must be able to lead with unblemish knowledge, if a ruler is incapable of showing good and bad examples of how the people and their subordinates can understand about right and wrong. a ruler must master an understanding of rights and obligations, desires or needs, and that is appropriate or not yet appropriate. accordingly, the important message conveyed in the mating of sutasoma is the sublime values pertaining to how necessarily a e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 leader or king is carrying out his role so that the balance, well-being and purpose of governance reached. 5. defense against the weak defence and resistance to the hegemony of king purusadha who did the oppression and exploitation of the weak kings. the degrading and exploitation done by capturing, inviting and making kings as offerings in living conditions make the dignity and rebuking of humanity unabated and persecuted. such as a quote of the kekawin text of sutasoma "towin rakwa ya tan sinung mejahaneki sri narendradhipa, apan rakwa kenoh nireka sikepen ling porusada prabhu,..." (pupuh ci, 5. p. 342). which means "moreover they are not allowed to kill the king. prabu purusadha wanted him to be captured alive. " implying how recounted the kings were considered to be such a thing that would be uneasy to use. in addition to the quote text of the kekawin sutasoma that reads; "sampun rakwa sangang daseki kalawan nawa wilang ira sang watek ratu, ngkane prsta nikang wimana mapupul kadi garuda opposite mahoraga, single rakwa wekas pinaksa also the gupatana satang nareswara,..." (pupuh xcvi, 1. p. 319). which means "now told, there have been ninety and nine kings who were taken captive, and gathered together in the tail of wimana, so as to look like garuda with the great dragon. it still takes one king to fulfill his number into a hundred. " placing the other kings in subordination and exploitation as an object of disposition and the gratiing of the lust of greed and the ambition of king purusadha. although it is not explained in real-life, it can be felt that the dismay and the persecution of the other kings. the suffering, exploitation, and harassment of the haraam and dignity of the subordinate kings made prince sutasoma defend in his own way. the struggle, resistance and defence committed by prince sutasoma, in addition to the emsipative, also on his own initiative to strengthen human rights and interests related to justice and equality in independence. human rights are the fundamental right or fundamental right that human beings have since birth as the gift of god almighty. human rights are the grace of god almighty since birth, so no one can take it or break it. we should be obliged to appreciate this award by not distinguishing human beings based on the background of race, ethnicity, religion, color of work, culture, and others. but keep in mind that with human rights does not mean to be able to act, because humans also have to respect other human rights. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 6. restoring the authority of a king for the behavior and the lunge of king purusadha who arbitrarily with power and strength, made the king farther away from his glory and majesty, even his authority was at stake. king purusadha was a very powerful king, respected by his allies and feared by his enemies. many kingdoms were subject to him, even he was regarded as a world leader. many of the flattery titles held by king purusadha for example by his father were given the name of king sudanda because he grew up in glory, virtue unblemish. king sudanda was very diligent with his association, he exercised a sublime morality during his life as the son of king sudasa so that dewa rudra descended to his palace giving the title of jayantaka. with the epithet given by dewa rudra jayantaka is regarded as the incarnation of rudra because while in warfare such as rudra is the incarnate who makes his enemies subject and submissive. with the nickname and name he held to indicate king purusadha was a king who had a great authority, mighty with great power, and abundant wealth, so that the kingdom of ratnakanda experienced the apex of its abundance. from the data described in this story shows that king purusadha is a king of a very authoritative, well-known, milky, rich, wealthy, strong, beautiful country, and his people live in prosperity, safe, peaceful and always happy. the coercion of wills set in power is a symbolic hardness of people who have a power status. king purusadha made use of his status as a king imposing his will to capture a hundred kings by arresting them through war. there is no choice for the king to be the target of his prey, surrender or death in battle. this plan was done by king purusadha to fulfill his ambition of appearing as a king of the mahautama or another king than the other and no one was able to equal his authority. the imposition of the will by king purusadha actually lowered his authority because many kings prefer to decay and declare war on him. however, the coercion of wills set in egoistic and power arrogance and the authoritarian attitude of king purusadha as a ruler is increasingly being shown, his heart is increasingly bued by the falsehood (greedy) and tamas (kelobaan). the considerations and advice of the royal priest were not at all in his control, even improving the quality of his coercion and hegemics to broaden the power through the forces of his giant soldiers. with the affirmation and the excuse of expanding this power used by king purusadha to strengthen his hegemate so that his subordinates dare not argue and the wishes of the king can walk according to his purpose. the coercion of the will of king purusadha is sure to e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 have a negative impact and inflict the sacrifices that are terhegemony and persecuted. the sacrifices were among the palace officials, the king's adviser, especially the people whose king was made the target of offering to dewa kala. this relates to the concept of foucault regarding knowledge is power or power is knowledge, although it is not explicitly told, but it is certain that the kings were not willing to be taken captive to offerings to god kala. but the resistance is not changing the state of the moment faced by the mighty power of the king's reign, it is certain that life and kingdom become stakes. the coercion that caused others to be a hegemony actually resulted in an antipathy or disagreement to the plan, and lowered the authority of king purusadha. as evidence of the inconsistency and decline of the king's authority is the response and courage of prince sutasoma which can be considered representative of the people, giving the awareness of king purusadha. the awareness of the mistakes and errors made by himself is too follow the desires of the heart with the appetite and ambitions of power that make heartache and misery on the other. the efforts of the awareness made by prince sutasoma are the counter-hegemony of the hegemony applied by king purusadha in achieving his ambition to be king of power and no one can match him. indeed, prince sutasoma's resistance was not because he hated king purusadha, but he cared for the survival of the world and its contents. conclusion the resistance effort made by prince sutasoma in addition to rescuing mankind from destruction, is also intended to give the awareness to king purusadha in a very intelligent way that provides the enlightenment found in the teachings of the nitisastra leadership in general and the mating of sutasoma are as guidance as a leader to control himself so that his authority as a worthy king may be a role model to maintain the balance of relations between the king and his people and the king with his ministers and officers to achieve welfare and justice for the kingdom. acknowledgement in this opportunity allow me to thank prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. and prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m.hum. for their supervision so this article as part of a dissertation could be completed in time. thanks are also extended to the management of the doctorate study program of cultural studies of udayana university for supporting the writer during the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 1-9 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 completion of this article and dissertation. a word of appreciation should also go to the directorate general of higher education for funding the writer during his study. references althusser, louise, 2008. tentang ideologi: marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies. yogyakarta: jalasutra. barker, chris, 2004. cultural studies. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana dibia, 2014. materi kuliah teori estetika. denpasar: kajian budaya dharsono. 2007. estetika. bandung: rekayasa sains djelantik, a.a.m. 1999. estetika sebuah pengantar. jakarta: masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia (mspi) hardjana, andre. 1981. kritik sastra sebuah pengantar. jakarta: gramedia jones, pip (achmad f. saifuddin,ed) 2009. pengantar teori-teori sosial: dari teori fungsionalisme hingga post-modernisme. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia mastuti, dwi woro retno, 2009. kekawin sutasoma: mpu tantular. jakarta: komunitas bambu ritzer george, dan douglas j. goodman. 2011. teori sosiologi modern (terjemahan alimandan). jakarta: prenada media group robson, s.o. 1978. pengkajian sastra-sastra tradisional indonesia. dalam bahasa dan sastra. jakarta: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan sancaya, idg. windhu. 2002. yoga sastra dan konsepsi estetika dalam sastra bali klasik. kintamani, edisi 10 tahun i : 22-24 scott, james c. 2000. senjata orang-orang yang kalah. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia suarka, i nyoman, 2012. lukisan sutasoma :pada bale kambang kerta gosa,klungkung,bali: pusat kajian bali& udayana university press sugih arta, putu. 2011. sutasoma pangeran rembulan. surabaya: paramita sugriwa, ida bagus. 1978. penuntun pelajaran kekawin. denpasar: proyek sasana budaya bali teeuw, a.,1988. sastra dan ilmu sastra pengantar teori sastra. jakarta: pustaka jayagirimukti pasaka zoetmulder,p.j, 1985. kalangwan sastra jawa kuno selayang pandang. leiden: djamban 1 reinforcement of the myth of manguni in minahasan community, north sulawesi mayske rinny liando state university of manado (unima) e-mail: liandomeys@yahoo.co.id abstract oral traditions may be found in many regions. one of them which enriches the treasure of local culture is the oral tradition of the myth of manguni (owl), which, in minahasa, north sulawesi, is purified and constitutes part of the local traditions which may help the local people overcome their problems. the oral tradition of the myth of manguni constitutes one of the local cultural products which may be potentially created, as can be seen in the creative industries currently motivated by the government of indonesia. this present study was particularly intended to identify the form, ideology, and implication of the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of minahasa, north sulawesi. the result of the present study showed that the myth of manguni was reinforced by the community in minahasa, north sulawesi, not only in the form of the creative industry of souvenirs, which are highly economically valuable, but also in various forms of symbols. the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of minahasa, north sulawesi, contained the ideology of heroism, the myth of the origin of minahasa, amusement, the communication between human beings and the creator, conservation, and commodification. the implication of the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of minahasa, north sulawesi, on the socio-culture of the minahasan people included the aspect of ideological superstructure, the aspect of socio-culture and the aspect of material infrastructure. keywords: reinforcement, myth, manguni bird, community of minahasa. introduction the treasure of local culture in the form of oral tradition may be found in many regions. in north sulawesi, for example, the myth of manguni is found as an oral tradition. in the community of minahasa, manguni is purified and constitutes part of the local tradition which may help the local people overcome the various problems they may have. the oral tradition in the form of the myth of manguni is one of the local cultural products which is potentially created from the perspective of creative industries, although the products produced need to be increased qualitatively and quantitatively. the responses given by the public to the creative industries of manguni are in the forms of batik industry, souvenirs (key hanger, miniature, house door hanger), painting, doll, pin, brooch, necklace, magazine, book, statue, and symbols of government, the biggest mailto:liandomeys@yahoo.co.id 2 church, social organization, group, and youth organization. many shops and trades are also named after this myth. in relation to such a phenomenon, the problems of the present study were in the forms three questions related to the form, ideology, and implication of the myth of manguni on the community of minahasa in north sulawesi. in general, this present study was intended to explore the values of the oral tradition which are deeply rooted in cultural studies, and to give information to the public on the form, ideology, and implication of the myth. in addition, this present study was also aimed at giving contribution to the local government when making policies related to culture to resurrect any local tradition which is getting extinct as a consequence of globalization. it was expected that the result of the study would contribute to any attempt made to develop cultural studies, or any fact intended to develop the concepts related to the understanding of the myth of manguni. such concepts are in the form of the studies which were intended to explore the form, ideology, and implication of the reinforcement of the myth of manguni related to the creative industries. in practice, it was expected that the result of the present study would give input to the documentation of the culture of listening to the sound produced by manguni as an initial symbol and sign in all the activities of life done by the community of minahasa, give input needed for preserving the oral tradition in the archipelago in general and in minahasa in particular, for supporting the government’s program in preserving the oral tradition. research method the paradigm of cultural studies with the principles of qualitative method was used in the present study which explored the myth of manguni reinforced by the community of minahasa, north sulawesi. it was randomly conducted in minahasa regency, north sulawesi. the data were collected through observation, interview, and documentation study. qualitative data which were expressed in the forms of expressions, sentences, and events related to the form, ideology, and implication of the myth of manguni in the treasure of creative industries on the community of minahasa were used. the theories used in the present study were the theory of mythology (barthes, 2007), the theory of deconstruction proposed by derrida (in barker, 2005), pilliang (2003), which was compared to the concept of ideology proposed by larrain (1996), van zoest (1993), thompson (2003), and volosinov (1973), was used to analyze 3 the ideology of the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of minahasa; the theory of semiotics proposed by hoed (2008), danesi (2010), and sobur (2009), and the theory of commodification proposed by fairclough (1985) were used to analyze the implication of the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of minahasa. result and discussion different interests caused the reinforcement of the myth of manguni as a local tradition not to be simply adopted from the model, pattern, and form of the western creative industries. the reinforcement of the myth of manguni was not simply inspired by economic interests either. cultural interests also inspired the development and reinforcement of the myth of manguni as a local tradition as an attempt to maintain the minahasan identity. in other words, entrepreneurs and cultural observers adapted and modified the pattern and model of creative industries in accordance with the context and interests. the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of minahasa, north sulawesi, was realized not only in the form of souvenirs with their highly valuable value, but also in the forms of the local governmental symbol, the symbol of brigade manguni (the traditional biggest organization), the symbol of the church of masehi injili minahasa/gmim (denomination of the biggest church in north sulawesi, the symbol of the waraney wuaya community, which means preservation of the regional identity, the community integration, and minahasan cultural religiosity. the ideology of the myth of manguni in the community of minahasa was revealed to identify the general socio-culture which directs and exemplifies the minahasan way of thinking. such identification was combined with the concept of ideology and the theory of deconstruction to destruct and find out the ideology forming the cultural description the minahasan community. such an ideology was not strange to the minahasan community; it had been so integrated into the people’s way of life that they did not recognize it. further, the ideology which did not benefit the human entity contributed to the acknowledgement of the human nature. as stated by thompson (2003: 18) that an ideology functions to tighten the social relation which is collectively agreed. the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the minahasan community, north sulawesi, contained the ideology of heroism, the myth of the origin of minahasa, amusement, the 4 communication between human beings and the nature and the creator, conservation, religiosity, and the ideology of communication. the implication of the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the community of minahasa, north sulawesi, on the system of the minahasan socio-culture included the aspect of ideological superstructure, the aspect of social structure and the aspect of material infrastructure. from the dimension of ideological structure, the myth of manguni was made to be getting popular as a creature which was able to transmit the message of natural phenomenon which could be both positive and negative to the lives of the minahasan people. apart from that, the reinforcement of the myth of manguni also implied the development of sciences and became the source of inspiration in the development of the values of art, literature, and heroism of the minahasan people. its implications on the social structure included the political, kinship, and character educational aspects. in the political aspect, manguni was frequently used as a discourse by many parties (especially the bureaucrat, politician, and non government organization) to acquire support and socio-cultural and political legitimacy for the sake of power. from the family and kinship dimension, the minahasan people ’s awareness of the important meaning of the signs provided by manguni as the attempt made by human beings to maintain the harmonious relationship between themselves and their fellowbeings, between themselves and the nature, and between themselves and the creator, was getting better. apart from that, what the minahasan people believed in the signs provided by manguni before doing any activity was getting stronger. the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the minahasan community from the educational dimension strengthened their belief that manguni was smart, brave, and wise which should be exemplified in education. economically, such reinforcement could increase the minahasan level of life by creating items such as souvenirs which were highly valuable economically and specific to minahasa. from the ecological dimension, such reinforcement caused the minahasan people to be aware of preserving the habitat of manguni, which was getting scarce, so that its population would increase. conclusion and suggestion several conclusions could be drawn. first, the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the minahasan community was realized in the forms of economic value and 5 regional symbol. second, the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the minahasan community, north sulawesi, contained the ideology of heroism, the myth of the origin of minahasa, amusement, the communication between the nature and the creator, conservation, religiosity, and the ideology of commodification. third, the implication of the reinforcement of the myth of manguni in the minahasan community, north sulawesi, on the minahasan socio-culture included the aspect of ideological superstructure, the aspect of socio-culture and the aspect of material infrastructure. the regional government should carry out the programs it has planned continuously as oral traditions are the state and regional assets which should be protected. the cultural observers and stakeholders should actively participate in socializing the values that the myth of manguni contains to the minahasan community. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank and highly appreciate prof. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u. as supervisor for his full attention, supervision and encouragement during the completion of this present study, prof. dr. a.a. anom kumbara and prof. dr. aron meko mbete, as co-supervisor 1 and co-supervisor 2 for their supervision during the completion of this dissertation. bibliography barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies, teori dan praktek. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. barthes, rolan. 2007. membedah mitos-mitos budaya massa. yogyakarta: jalasutra. danesi, marcel. 2010. pesan, tanda, dan , makna. yogyakarta: jalasutra. fairclough, norman. 1995. discourse and social change. chambridge: politi press. larrain, jorge. 1996. konsep ideologi (terjemahan). yogyakarta: lkpsm. mayske rinny liando. 2013. “pemberdayaan mitos burung manguni dalam khazanah industri kreatif pada masyarakat minahasa di sulawesi utara”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. piliang, yasraf amir. 2003. hipersemiotika tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna. yogyakarta: jalasutra. thompson, john b., 2003. analisis ideologi, kritik wacana ideologi-ideologi dunia. (terjemahan). yogyakarta: ircisod. van zoes, aart. 1993. semiotika (terjemahan). jakarta: yayasan sumber agung. volosinov, n. v, 1973. marxism and the philosophy of language (judul asli markizm i filosofia (terjemahan ladislav matejka & i.r titunik). new york and london: seminar press. microsoft word artikel maulana sandi 2 e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 discursus of management of taman ayun temple after unesco determined as a part of world cultural heritage maulana sandijaya private entrepreneur email: sandijaya15@gmail.com received date : 15-03-2019 accepted date : 26-06-2019 published date : 31-08-2019 abstract unesco made a movement to establish taman ayun temple as world culture heritage in 2012. puri ageng mengwi as the owner of taman ayun temple considered revitalization of taman ayun is the way to preserve cultural heritage. the revitalization is also for beautifying taman ayun temple in order to give pleasure for visitors, it continuing from 2013 until 2016. however, the revitalization emerged many pro and con between mengwi and gulingan villages, part of society felt ignored and disturbed. for example, the “pekaseh”, puri mayun wed and kaleran, merchants in tenten market, and badung goverment. theoriticaly, taman ayun temple as world culture heritage should give advantages for society surrounding, but in this case, farmer’s members of subak beringkit and bukti batan badung did not get any compensation from unesco and taman ayun. the condition showed up many difference point of view, each sides conveyed their opinions and strongly defend their thoughts. this condition was very interesting to study the form of discourse, ideology behind discourse and implication of diskursus in reality. the researcher got all of those diskursus from interview, observation, and newspaper. this research used qualitative method by collecting data through observation, interview and documentation from newspaper. data analyzed using hegemony theory, relasi kuasa theory, and kuasa pengetahuan theory. those three theories as the base in researching to uncover the problems in diskursus. the result of the reasearch pointed out the differences of ideology behind diskursus management of taman ayun temple after unesco establish it as one of world culture heritage. keywords: manufacture, diskursus, taman ayun temple, world cultural heritage. introduction as a predominantly hindu area, bali has many large temples. one of them is taman ayun temple in mengwi village, mengwi district, badung regency. this temple, which was built in the 17th century, is the paibon (mother temple) mengwi royal family. at the beginning of its establishment, aside from being a mengwi royal family temple, taman ayun temple e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 also functioned as an interchange temple representing a number of large temples in bali. by praying in taman ayun temple, hindus are like praying in other large temples in bali. over time, taman ayun temple has become a tourist attraction. taman ayun temple is increasingly famous after being designated as part of the world cultural heritage (wbd) or world cultural heritage by unesco in the city of st. st. petersburg, russia, june 29, 2012. taman ayun temple is included in a package of cultural landscape of bali province: the subak system as a manifestation of the tri hita karana philosophy. wbd status was welcomed enthusiastically by puri ageng mengwi as the owner and manager of taman ayun temple. physical revitalization or arrangement of areas outside taman ayun temple is carried out for three years in a row (2013-2015). the establishment of taman ayun temple as part of the wbd and physical revitalization affects the level of tourist arrivals, especially foreign tourists. based on data from the regional tourism office (disparda) of badung regency, the level of tourist visits to taman ayun temple in general increased by an average of 20-30%. however, the physical revitalization of taman ayun temple and the surge in tourist arrivals caused many contradictions. the manager of taman ayun temple under puri ageng mengwi felt that the physical arrangement was aimed at both tourism and maintaining the wbd label. on the other hand, many parties feel disadvantaged and marginalized. one of them is a small trader in tenten market who loses after being relocated. seeing the swift phenomena of contradictions and discourse struggles between the community and the manager of taman ayun temple, the writer is interested in examining taman ayun temple under the title "discourse on the development and management of taman ayun temple after being established by unesco as a world cultural heritage". the research problem is formulated into the following questions. (1) what is the form of discourse on the management of the taman ayun temple after it has been established as a world cultural heritage; (2) the ideology behind the discourse; (3) discourse implications. the purpose of this research is to find out whether the management of taman ayun temple after being determined as a world cultural heritage, can provide benefits for local residents. this is because the stipulation of taman ayun temple as a world cultural heritage is based on the philosophy of tri hita karana, by reflecting on socio-economic and religious functions. research method e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 this research is a qualitative research paradigm of cultural studies (cultural studies). the data collection was carried out with in-depth interview techniques with various relevant informants who had an attachment to taman ayun temple. starting from puri ageng mengwi, managers, pekaseh, and traders. next, the researcher made observations to observe the phenomena that occurred after taman ayun temple was designated as part of the world cultural heritage. while the document study is carried out to obtain related documents. one of them is looking for print media news data in the 2014-2016 news. the collected data were analyzed with qualitative analysis techniques through hegemony theory, power relations theory and the power theory of knowledge. according to the theory of hegemony, the phenomenon of attempts to maintain power by the authorities. the said authority has broad meaning, not only limited to the state authority (government). hegemony can be defined as the dominance of one group over another group, with or without the threat of violence, so ideas dictated by the dominant group to the dominated group can be accepted as something that is reasonable (common sense). while the theory of power relations, talking about power, discourse, and knowledge are inseparable aspects. the issue of power is always directly proportional to knowledge and knowledge always intersects with discourse or discourse, so that between knowledge, discourse and power is always relational. knowledge and power have a reciprocal relationship. this is also what is seen and seen in the management discourse of taman ayun temple after being designated as a world cultural heritage. results of the research the results showed that the discourse of taman ayun temple management after being established by unesco as part of world cultural heritage occurred in various events. among other sources of funds used for the revitalization project outside the taman ayun temple. funds for repairs were taken from the badung abpd. the total funds spent on the development of taman ayun temple since 2013-2016, amounted to rp 31 billion. the withdrawal of funds from the badung apbd became a discourse because taman ayun temple was a private temple owned by puri ageng mengwi. this discourse also involved the badung dprd circle. the second form of discourse was the response of the people of the gulingan and mengwi villages to the taman ayun temple revitalization project. people who were annoyed reacted by protesting by putting up banners in the temple to the east side of bentar. the banners contain the demolition signature of the temple briefly. gulingan villagers e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 also came directly to puri guna convey aspirations. the arrival of the residents rollicking to puri is a rare and unexpected event. the people of gulingan village as a traditional society are always obedient to puri ageng mengwi as a traditional ruler. this can be related to the concept of "god of the king" that the king is a manifestation of god or god in the world (ardika, 2015: 15). the fact of the discourse and the resilience of citizens is in agreement that discourse is a means of producing citizen resistance to the dominance of the authorities. in damanik (2010), discourse theory looks for how social practices articulate and contrast the discourse that shapes social reality. the social reality referred to in this case is the conflict between puri ageng mengwi and other interested parties. the results also showed the interests or ideology of the parties involved in the discourse. the most visible ideology is the political ideology of power and economic ideology. economic ideology seen an increase in the number of tourist visits. however, this level of visit did not have a significant impact on the economy of the surrounding community who worked as traders. while the political ideology of power is evident in the efforts of the taman ayun temple management to approach the local government to make taman ayun temple a leading tourist attraction. this can be marked by the budget for the arrangement of taman ayun temple which is taken from the badung regency regional budget. in this ideological practice, puri ageng mengwi can be called using the patron client ideology. the patron client ideology itself places two parties, one party as a patron and the other party as a client. this relationship involves instrumental friendship where an individual with a higher socio-economic status (patron) uses his influence and resources to provide protection and / or benefits for someone with a lower status (client). in turn, clients respond by offering general support and assistance including personal services to patrons. recent research shows the implications or impacts of the management discourse in taman ayun temple after being designated as a world cultural heritage. one who felt victimized was a trader at tenten market. the arrangement of the outer area of taman ayun temple touched dozens of stalls of traders who used to sell at the edge of the road in front of taman ayun temple. traders who used to sell using carts and relocated tables made a new place. the new place is about 50 meters from the entrance to taman ayun temple. unfortunately this new place is not strategic so it makes the market quiet. many traders moved to new place. this ineffective relocation actually led to new traders selling at the edge of the road in front of taman ayun temple. e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 this is not in accordance with the basis of unesco to establish taman ayun temple as a world cultural heritage because it is based on the outstanding universal value of the tri hita karana philosophy. the main objective of determining as a world cultural heritage is to increase the preservation of the region, empowering the community in managing the area, maintaining ecological balance and realizing agricultural revitalization. the main objective must be in accordance with the philosophy of tri hita karana which emphasizes the importance of harmonious human relations with god (parhyangan), with each other (pawongan), and with the natural environment (palemahan). this means, the philosophy of tri hita karana is very important to be applied in the management of world cultural heritage as a tourist attraction (ardika, 2015: 14). however, the fact is that disharmony occurs between managers and local resources. conclusion and suggestion based on the description above it can be concluded, that the discourse that occurred in the management of taman ayun temple after unesco was designated as part of world cultural heritage contained the hegemony and dominance of puri ageng mengwi over other parties. the implications of the policy are resistance from citizens. the meaning of resistance was seen from the brave traders selling at the edge of the road in front of taman ayun temple. as a tourist attraction that has been recognized by the world, taman ayun temple that looks calm on the surface turns out to keep turmoil in it. even though the turmoil at a cursory glance does not seem the attitude of the community shy towards puri ageng mengwi as a traditional ruler. supposedly, taman ayun temple as a hindu holy place that has received world recognition can provide positive benefits for the surrounding community. puri ageng mengwi should be more sensitive to the wishes of the surrounding community. the public wants taman ayun temple to be proud and at the same time be able to raise the people's economic status. the main purpose of establishing taman ayun temple as a world cultural heritage must be in accordance with the philosophy of tri hita karana, which emphasizes the importance of harmonious human relations with god (parhyangan), with each other (pawongan), and with the natural environment (palemahan). acknowledgement e-journal of cultural studies august 2019 vol. 12, number 3, page 7-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 the researcher would like to thank all those who have helped complete this research. thank you to supervisor i; prof. dr. i nyoman darma putra, m.litt, who has taught how to write scientific papers that are good, correct and easy to read. thank you also to supervisor ii; dr. i gusti ketut arsana, m.sc who already give ideas and input. appreciation was also conveyed for all parties who could not be mentioned one by one. the author would like to thank all those who have facilitated this research. references ardika, i wayan, dkk. 2015. implementasi tri hita karana dalam pengelolaan warisan budaya dunia sebagai daya tarik wisata di bali. denpasar: universitas udayana. dinas pariwisata kabupaten badung. 2013. profil dinas pariwisata kabupaten badung. dinas kebudayaan provinsi bali. 2013. cultural landscape of bali world heritage site. geria, i wayan, dkk. 2012. konservasi pusaka budaya kabupaten badung. badung: dinas kebudayaan kabupaten badung. widiarta, i nyoman. 2015. pengelolaan daya tarik wisata pura taman ayun sebagai bagian dari warisan budaya dunia (tesis). denpasar: universitas udayana. microsoft word artikel wayan suastini terbit5 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 70 reinterpretation of mass ngaben in bali ni wayan suastini pgri mahadewa university of indonesia email : wayansuastini160@yahoo.co.id received date : 29-05-2020 accepted date : 25-10-2020 published date : 30-11-2020 abstract the essence of the implementation of the “ngaben massal” ceremony, is a deconstruction of hegemonic discourse in society, a deconstruction of the hegemonic tradition in the ngaben discourse, starting from the rise of philosophical public awareness starting from the clearer understanding of society in religious literature. from this understanding, other reinterpretations emerge, such as reinterpretation of the meaning of economy, social solidarity and education. this reinterpretation of the meaning of the ngaben ceremony is a very important basis for appreciation so that mass ngaben can be widely accepted in most community groups. the implementation of the above is very important that can be grown in the implementation of the mass ngaben ceremony, as a medium of education, is the emergence of public awareness of the essential values of a yajna ceremony such as the ngaben ceremony itself. so that the essential value of a yajña ceremony (ngaben) is no longer buried by the routine of a tradition, which is nothing more than a traditional obligation which can give the impression that a yajñas ceremony like ngaben with the hegemonic tradition is just a burden of tradition that is independent of its essence and meaning. keywords: mass ngaben, deconstruction, discourse, cultural hegomony introduction ngaben ceremony as one religious ceremonies, require a very large cost to the hindu community in particular. in carrying out the ngaben ceremony, very large funds are needed, ranging from one hundred and fifty million to two hundred million rupiah. with the large cost of such ceremonies, most people think that to be able to ngaben they must have ngabehin funds (in excess). with that understanding, ngaben becomes a "label" or "stamp" for wealthy people. with such a stamp or label, of course people who are economically underprivileged, will never be able to carry out the ngaben obligations for their ancestors, because it requires a very large private ngaben ceremony. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 71 even if the community can do this, for example, they must make sacrifices by selling their property such as inherited land. the way to do yadnya in this way, especially for people who are not well off economically, by selling inherited land only for the benefit of the yadnya (ngaben), what else to impoverish the people who do it is actually not in accordance with the teachings of hinduism literature which teaches ambeg parama arta and ahara legawa that is to use finance in accordance with the priority scale and the principle of simplicity. to overcome this problem so that people who are less economically able to carry out their obligations to carry out the ngaben ceremony, to ease the burden of the very large costs of the ngaben ceremony is through mass ngaben. the mass ngaben ceremony has undergone a shift that began in the 2000s, where initially the ngaben ceremony was carried out with planning and preparation carried out by those who have sawa (family members who will be aben), as in making the completeness of the ceremony facilities related to the ngaben ceremony carried out in mutual cooperation, thus unconsciously that there is an education for the younger generation so that they know and understand in making the completeness of the ceremony (bebantenan) because making offerings is part of the culture, which we must preserve and inheritance to our children and grandchildren. this shift is caused by the people's lifestyle and the condition of the people's economy is getting better, which impacts everything measured in money. recently, development has not only occurred in the city, because the limited time for balinese hindus in preparing the ceremonial facilities has led most of the hindus to buy offerings from banten craftsmen, the term is "nunas puput". the younger generation are starting to wonder why implementing hinduism in bali in the form of rituals / ceremonies is so difficult and expensive. the "model" of hindu-balinese people in urban areas to carry out the yadnya ceremony now looks commonplace, such as: rental tents, rental of corsies, catering e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 72 messages, and nunas ayaban in geria complete with a complete sulinggih. all practical and economical even though the aspects of the adat-dresta of mutual assistance were lost, and the sacred aspect made the offering to the yajamana lost. based on the description above, it is a dilemma for the sustainability of balinese cultural life in the future, this is a phenomenon for hindus because the ngaben ceremony for hindus is a form of yadnya and is also an obligation to do so, and is associated with the phenomenon. spirituality from schreurs (2002) which provides an understanding of spirituality as a personal relationship with a transcendent figure. spirituality includes an individual's inner life, idealism, attitudes, thoughts, feelings and expectations of the almighty. review of related literature spirituality is an innate human need to relate to something bigger than the human being. the term "something that is greater than a human being" is something that is external to the human being and draws a feeling to that person, in line with schreurs' (2002) understanding of spirituality, which implies spirituality as a personal relationship to a transcendent figure. spirituality includes an individual's inner life, idealism, attitudes, thoughts, feelings and expectations of the most kusa. spirituality includes how the individual expresses his relationship with the transcendent figure in everyday life. in addition, it is in line with the opinion of elkins (1988) which defines spirituality as a way of being and experiencing something that comes through awareness of the transcendent dimension and has the characteristics of several values that can be identified with oneself, life, and anything that a person considers as powerful. meanwhile, the notion of spirituality from fernando (2006) states that spirituality can also be about feelings of purpose, meaning, and feelings of connection with others. this opinion does not include religion in defining spirituality and spirituality. spirituality can be expressed in everyday life including in the workplace. ashmos (2000) defines spirituality in the workplace as an introduction that employees have a "life in" which is nurtured and nurtured by meaningful work that takes place in a community context. ashmos' definition of spirituality in the workplace has three components, namely inner life, meaningful work, and community. ashmos wanted to emphasize that spirituality in the workplace is not about religion, even though people sometimes express their religious beliefs at work. spirituality which refers to the definition of tischler (2002), namely spirituality as e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 73 something related to certain behavior or attitudes of an individual, being a spiritual person means being open, giving, and loving. after describing several definitions of spirituality and spirituality in the workplace, we will further describe the components of spirituality. components of spirituality obeyelkins (1988) has nine components, namely the transcendent dimension, meaning and purpose in life, life mission, life sacredness, material values, altruism, idealism, awareness of tragic events and the fruit of spirituality. it is further explained that the components of spirituality include the relationship of an individual with a power that exceeds himself and also with the people around him. a person with a developed spirituality will have the above components. next, we will describe the aspects of spirituality. according to schreurs (2002) spirituality consists of three aspects, namely existential aspects, cognitive aspects, and relational aspects. next, we will describe what competencies are obtained from developing spirituality. humans are in principle both religious and spiritual (homo religious and homo spirituality). this is marked by its ability to understand and reach out to the transcendent, that is, that which is outside and beyond itself. this ability causes him to be able to experience ecstasy, (both natural and supra-natural), when he encounters something completely different and does not originate from the ordinary sphere of the world and experience. experience of something completely different and not originating from the realm of the world and ordinary human experience is called religious experience (hardjana, 2005: 28-29). this is the content and essence of religious experience, appreciation of god which causes people to have the ability, ability, and sensitivity to know and understand the existence of the divine (maman, et al., 2006: 1). thus, religious experience is man's knowledge of "something" that is outside of himself, which transcends and transcends himself, the transcendent, the divine, which is obtained directly through the conscious relationship between himself and the "something" beyond himself. another "something", the transcendent, the divine in the language of religion is called god. this religiosity is the core and source of religion, namely the feeling and awareness of the relationship and re-bond between humans and god because humans have known and experienced again about god and believe in him (hardjana, 2005: 51). this is the reason for kahmad (2000: 63) to state that religion is a sacred shelter that protects humans from situations of chaos (chaos). for adherents, religion contains teachings about the highest and e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 74 absolute truth about human existence as well as instructions for safe life in the world and the hereafter, namely as humans who are devout to their god, civilized, and human. that is, religion is something that is cultural because religion is a symbolic universe that gives meaning to human life and the most holistic and comprehensive explanation of all reality. given that in addition to dogma or doctrine, religion also provides moral guidelines for living life in the social world to bring about goodness, safety and welfare for all. likewise hardjana (2005: 51) asserts that from the appreciation of awareness of the relationship and return to god, religion emerges with its four main elements, namely dogma, doctrine or teaching; worship or cult; morals or ethics; and institutions or organizations. this means that religion has four main elements, namely existential, the aspect which concerns the whole of life; intellectual, aspects related to understanding; ethical, the aspect of manifestation in behavior; and institutional, the aspect related to the institution. although the two views are different, in practice, religion and religiosity must and must be combined into a unified whole. according to hardjana (2005: 63) through such practices, dogma is returned to the nature and will of god; worship finds its meaning as a means of relating to god; religious morals are met with god's will; and religious institutions return to their true nature as a means of maintaining and developing understanding, relationships, and the performance of god's will. instead, it was emphasized that in order to make the appreciation of religion authentic, deep, and have a positive impact on life, religion needs to be brought to spirituality. spirituality means living based on spirit. in relation to the transcendent, that spirit is the spirit of god. spirituality is life based on the influence and guidance of god's spirit. with spirituality, humans intend to make themselves and their lives shaped in accordance with the spirit and ideals of god. it is this spirit and ideals of god that are used as guidelines in life, both in individual and social dimensions. given that spirituality feels so abstract, so that its appreciation is more concrete so that in practice it is manifested by following the lives of religious figures, both founders and followers who can be emulated (hardjana, 2005: 64). a spiritual person is aware that in this life he has two main tasks from god, namely first, to develop into a human with the qualities expected by god; and second, carrying out a life mission to bring good, safety and welfare to society. for spiritual people, religious dogma is used as a starting point and a means to explore the nature and will of god and understand his mysteries. worship is used to convey accountability to god regarding all actions in e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 75 accordance with its two main duties. religious morals are activities to take part in god's attributes and work together with god to bring good, salvation and prosperity to the world. then, religious institutions are only a means of maintaining and developing the faith of the people. the most important thing in religious institutions is the maintenance and development of the religiosity and spirituality of the people to achieve goodness, safety and welfare (hardjana, 2005: 65--73). carry out the mission of life to bring good, safety and welfare to society. for spiritual people, religious dogma is used as a starting point and a means to explore the nature and will of god and understand his mystery. worship is used to convey accountability to god regarding all actions in accordance with its two main duties. religious morals are activities to take part in god's attributes and work together with god to bring good, salvation and prosperity to the world. then, religious institutions are only a means of maintaining and developing the faith of the people. the most important thing in religious institutions is the maintenance and development of the religiosity and spirituality of the people to achieve goodness, safety and welfare (hardjana, 2005: 65--73). carry out life's mission to bring good, safety and welfare to society. for spiritual people, religious dogma is used as a starting point and a means to explore the nature and will of god and understand his mysteries. worship is used to convey accountability to god regarding all actions in accordance with its two main duties. religious morals are activities to take part in god's attributes and work together with god to bring good, salvation and prosperity to the world. then, religious institutions are only a means of maintaining and developing the faith of the people. the most important thing in religious institutions is the maintenance and development of the religiosity and spirituality of the people to achieve goodness, safety and welfare (hardjana, 2005: 65--73). discussion understanding hinduism can be done through three approaches, namely understanding the tatwa or philosophy of religion, morals or ethics, and ceremonies or ceremonies. meanwhile, economic activities or activities, according to the theory, consist of three activities, namely the activities of creating / producing, distributing and consuming or consuming. religious understanding through the implementation of the ceremony is a consumption activity on the other hand in the realm of economic activity. when approached using the venn diagram, it turns out that the two activities overlap. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 76 this means that understanding religion through the implementation of ceremonies is an expenditure of ritual consumption when viewed from the economic realm. does this also mean that performing ceremonies is an economic activity? from the other side upakara is a yadnya or human offering to the five elements of life, namely to god, holy people (rsi), humans, the underworld, and animals. the five yadnya are known as 'panca yadnya' or the five types of offerings, namely the yadnya, rsi yadnya, manusa yadnya, pitra yadnya, pitra yadnya and butha yadnya. the frequency of ritual events for the yadnya, namely offerings to god almighty and all of its manifestations in one isaca year (420 days) consists of 108 days. this activity is a holiday that is routinely carried out such as the full moon (full moon), tilem (dead moon), coma ribek (kliwon monday), tumpek (kliwon saturday), saraswati holiday, galungan holiday, kuningan and others. the five yadnya for deva, saints (rsi), humans, the underworld, and animals are known as 'panca yadnya' or the five types of offerings. there are still more ritual activities outside the routine, such as building temples, inaugurating temples, and religious observances (objections) or odalan. the ritual activities of the manusa yadnya consist of 11 activities ranging from newborns, breaking the umbilical cord to marriage and finally cleaning the body and soul (pewintenan). if all the five yadnya are carried out properly, almost a third of the time owned by hindu families in bali is used for ritual activities (sukarsa, 2005c). the implementation of ceremonies in bali includes the ngaben ceremony, seen from the time allocation for female and male workers, the number of needs for certain items for the needs of dewa yadnya, the amount of expenditure for per-family and per-capita ceremonies per year and research on how income and understanding of religion affect towards the expenditure of ceremonies. the ngaben ceremony in bali is a religious activity that will definitely be carried out by the family for the deceased. there are several levels of the size of the ceremony depending on the type and variety of completeness of the ceremony, namely the large (main), medium (middle) and small (kanista) levels. even though the ceremonies are held at different levels, the goals achieved are the same, namely wanting to unite with the almighty and for the welfare of the world. (sukarsa, 2005b). in human efforts to achieve the goal of life, namely physical and spiritual well-being (like tan pawali dukha), the community (hinduism in bali) maintains good relations with nature and the environment. likewise they maintain a good relationship with god who created the world and everything in it as well as e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 77 with fellow humans. these three good relationships are known as tri hita karana. to maintain the three good relations between humans and one another requires an activity that has consequences for expenses in the form of ceremonies. these three good relationships are known as tri hita karana. to maintain the three good relations between humans and one another requires an activity that has consequences in the form of a ceremony. these three good relationships are known as tri hita karana. to maintain the three good relations between humans and one another requires an activity that has consequences in the form of a ceremony. at the moment, our economy is on the way to recovery from its downturn due to several national and international incidents. on the other hand, several suggestions were received to prepare this nation from the flow of globalization. take part in competition on an international scale. in the midst of this global competition, the struggle to apply economic theory as a solution is still very exciting. pull and pull between one stream with another. since the middle ages, when the ethical principles that colored economics began to be abandoned, secular economic values had a place in the hearts of the people and were very popular (spiegel, 2000). like day after night, adam smith's the moral sentiment, published in 1759, gave a high spiritual enthusiasm to economics. these messages are such as: self-love, morality, justice, equality, equity, humanity, religious values, social welfare, public needs, public interests, solidarity etc. these definitions can be used as capital to give spiritual enthusiasm in economics. nineteen years later (a time that is so short compared to the times of the development of economics), adam smith's second book was published and its content is as contrasted as day with night. the book is entitled an inquiry into the nature of the wealth of nations. what is surprising is that people are more interested in the contents of this second book. economic jargons echoed by adam smith in his book include: homoeconomicus, free entry free exit, least cost combination, profit maximization, economic animal, free competition, invisible hand. the key word to all this jargon is efficiency. who works efficiently can stay in the market and live. the inefficient leave the market and die. the economic point of view is regulated through the market mechanism, the price is regulated by the 'invisible hand'. the government must refrain from regulating economic activities. let wages, rent, salaries, income, welfare, interest and profits be regulated by the market. many experts at that time were very optimistic about this flow. jean baptiste say e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 78 even said that with this idea there would be no overproduction, no idle sources or factors of production. the bid itself will create the bid, he said. 'supply criate its own demand since the aggregate cost of production is spent for the aggregate product' is written in his book 'treatise on political economy (1821). apart from the optimism of these thinkers, on the other hand, there were also those who felt pessimistic about the economic conditions at that time. if analyzed using practice theory according to bourdieau, it can be argued that the implementation of ngaben massal is a practice that is reproduced from the habitus. habitus, in bourdieau's mind is a latin word which refers to a condition, appearance or situation or habitual (jenkins in nurhadi, 2004: 107). a praxis which is a product of habitus in it contains an understanding of an adjustment to objective conditions, and there is a reciprocal or dialectical relationship between them. 107). a praxis which is a product of habitus in it contains an understanding of an adjustment to objective conditions, and there is a reciprocal or dialectical relationship between them. 107). a praxis which is a product of habitus in it contains an understanding of an adjustment to objective conditions, and there is a reciprocal or dialectical relationship between them. the ngaben ritual praxis which is carried out collectively, in the context of the interaction between the habitus and its disposition, on the one hand, and the constraints, demands and opportunities of the social or market arenas which are adjusted to the habitus or place of movement of actors on the other, so that the economic habitus will reproduce an the praxis of the ngaben massal ceremony with a simpler and more practical order, as a product of the interaction of social, economic and theological habitus. reproduction of action in the form of mass ngaben is a form of adjustment or adaptation to the current socio-economic conditions of society which are increasingly differentiated towards the needs of life which are increasingly competitive in their fulfillment. so that this can also be understood from the "logic of action" according to michel lallement, whose general idea is to present the reasons for individual action by taking into account the diversity of drivers and rationality including the economic rationality of an action (giddens, in translation of ninik rochani sjams, 2004: 283) , things like this are economic considerations in the implementation of mass ngaben, and this is a spirit that can inspire and mobilize community cooperation to carry out the ngaben masal ceremony. in previous times, the community carried out the ngaben ceremony always on a large scale, this can be understood because the condition or economic condition of the community e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 79 at that time was still possible, seen from the distribution of the occupation which was still small with the amount of land that was still very large so that the community had no difficulty in conducting large ceremonies. unlike the situation as it is now, where the population is very dense, and is also increasingly pressed by other socio-economic needs. so that here the community needs to make changes to the tradition regarding the way the ceremony is held towards a more economical one without reducing the meaning of the ceremony. life purpose: maximizing satisfaction / profits, by means of natural factors, capital, labor and skills. life purpose: attaining moksha (union with god), through: dharma, artha and kama. motto: work is a tool to achieve maximum satisfaction (homoeconomicus) motto: work is an obligation and dharma to achieve moksha (homotatwamasi) to control nature tends to destroy, adjust to nature tends to preserve. to maximize the benefits of choosing the path of "seizing from competitors or losing opportunities" {(free fight, free entry and free exit) / (death to compassion for life)} the principle of coexistence, acting for fellow living beings (tat twam asi). the end of the hunt for economic activity leaves behind 'pollution, trash and destruction'. all resources must be owned, because the concept of 'private ownership' life is also for the welfare of others. we are born naked, we die naked too, don't be too greedy. rich size, fulfillment of needs as much as possible because of the location of satisfaction in the maximum consumption (maximum utility). if you want to feel less poor, reduce your needs, don't increase your supply or try to make ends meet. this means restraint of lust. focus on oneself. focus on togetherness and others. society is encouraged to take / get a free society to give (working with two hands, with a thousand hands). legalizing all means to achieve success (including competition, crime, corruption and greed), prioritizing cooperation and eliminating ways that are not heavenly. often loses responsibility and self-respect when it comes to accumulating wealth. respect for oneself is very important through giving to others, because having a principle is better to give than to receive. toil for the sake of accumulating wealth to limit a lifestyle of glamor-simplicity, tends to torture oneself. thinking that money can solve all problems, problems can be solved by "spiritual" behavior. everyone tries to manipulate the economic system for personal gain and gain. often results in unqualified leaders. avoid manipulation and uphold the rules honestly, preventing the imposition of 'external-costs' (negative externalities) on others. due to the importance of economic growth, the distribution of income is very unequal. some people get e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 80 more than they need, while others cannot get what they need. the distribution of income is maintained very evenly. the tradition of the ngaben ceremony which is carried out by highlighting the majestic and festive ceremonial aspects, is actually in the development of this situation, it is no longer suitable to be carried out, let alone carried out by expressing oneself just for an impression that someone can or is able to follow the existing traditions so that they can gives a special pride to a prestige socially for those who do. for example, the community tries to follow the tradition of utterances in larger doses, this is because there is a concern about gossip or public judgment through "social labels" such as stingy, stingy (demit) and other expressions that are considered to disturb the image or social value towards the implementation of the ngaben ceremony. the occurrence of community concerns like that is also caused by the fact that in the local community there is a hegemonic cultural discourse, regarding the way of carrying out smaller (simpler) ceremonies. such hegemonic cultural discourse seems to represent a strong legitimacy for the way the ceremony is carried out on a large scale, so that it can subordinate the simple or small way of carrying out ngaben. hegemonic cultural discourse in a linguistic structure, which is alive and often spoken by the local community, is for example in the phrase "yen ngelah gae sing dadi demit" which means that if people have a ceremony (yajña) they should not be stingy or stingy, as is a phrase that is often used by the community that is : "sing dadi demit" which refers to a person who performs a yajña is to become a traditional shackle, who hegemony in the people who wish to carry out the ceremony more simply so that the people here will feel ashamed (lek) if they do so. shame (lek) for the community has become a tendency for people to always carry out large-scale ceremonies even though they force themselves only to survive the community's gossip. in the context of such thoughts, according to wiana (2002: 171), it is necessary to have a reform of thought and action. the concept of hindu reform is used as the basis for performing general yajña ceremonies including the ngaben ceremony. the concept of hindu reformation is utpati, stithi and pralina. utpati means that you must always be able to develop good and correct ways of working for the yajna in accordance with hindu religious literature in order to keep up with the times. stithi means that you must consistently maintain the most substantive values of the yajna ceremony. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 81 things that are still in accordance with the times must be properly maintained. meanwhile, pralina, which means obsolete traditions, let alone contradicting hindu literature, should be grudgingly abandoned, by means of such a ceremony it will be able to shift the meaning itself to the level of meaning with the veiled intention of upholding the status of symbols in social position in society rather than meaning. the philosophical and theosophical ceremony itself peodal thoughts in the way of carrying out the ngaben ceremony as mentioned above, have been reformed, by reinterpreting the meaning of ngaben massal as a deconstruction of the hegemonic tradition in the ngaben discourse, through the rise of public awareness in understanding the meaning of ngaben according to religious literature. there is a change in the mindset of society like that, it is very reasonable, because at this time, people have wide access to growth centers due to the increasingly smooth means of communication and communication with the outside environment which results in intensifying contacts with elements of modernization. such changes in thinking are also supported by the increasing level of public education, and also the expansion of socio-religious institutions that have carried out religious enlightenment missions to the community. thus, the deconstruction that occurs is in the direction of community thought by placing the meaning of ngaben not as a ngabehin which means that it exceeds the cost aspect. but the public realizes that ngaben is a moral obligation that must be carried out to the ancestors as a debt payment (rnam). from the awareness of that obligation comes the public's thinking, so that ngaben can be carried out as lightly as possible, by no longer oriented to large ritual customs -great in terms of organizing the ngaben ceremony. in order to carry out their obligations as lightly as possible, a public mindset emerges to carry them out together, namely with ngaben massal. the impact of the implementation of ngaben massal, in addition to being a medium to foster family solidarity internally, but also to foster a sense of solidarity in the wider community among clan (soroh) groups of ngaben massal participants themselves. in the ngaben ceremony, each group of members of the ngaben massal participant felt that they were in the same social category as a poor community, namely by having a relatively similar socioeconomic background (equality) so that here a common feeling (sense of belonging) with great sympathy and enthusiasm for the success of the implementation of the mass ngaben. ngaben massal is done by the balinese, especially those who are hindu, has an educational meaning for the community, because here the community does it together in e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 82 mutual cooperation. in this joint activity, structurally it involves the various skills and abilities of the people involved in the ngaben massal, to prepare the equipment for the ngaben ceremony, to the procession of the ceremony. through interactions in this joint activity, people exchange experiences and knowledge (social experience). in this joint activity, there can also be a process of transferring experiences and skills from people who have understood well the ngaben ceremony order, to people who are still unfamiliar with their knowledge of the ngaben ceremony in particular and other ceremonies that involve making offerings. in every ceremony (ngaben), in the process of transforming various skills to the next generation, for example the knowledge and skills of making offerings or offerings, bhoga systems, and also other ceremonial equipment. all these skills can be transformed from generation to generation or conveyed to people who are still unfamiliar with ceremonial facilities and infrastructure. conclusion the essence of the implementation of the ngaben massal ceremony, is a deconstruction of hegemonic discourse in society, a deconstruction of the hegemonic tradition in the ngaben discourse, starting from the rise of philosophical public awareness starting from the clearer understanding of the community in religious literature. from this understanding, other reinterpretations emerge. such as a reinterpretation of the meaning of economy, social solidarity and education. this reinterpretation of the meaning of the ngaben ceremony is a very important basis for appreciation so that mass ngaben can be widely accepted in most community groups. the implementation of the above is very important that can be grown in the implementation of the ngaben massal ceremony, as an educational medium, is the emergence of public awareness of the essential values of a yajna ceremony such as the ngaben ceremony itself. so that the essential value of a yajña ceremony (ngaben) is no longer buried by the routine of a tradition, which is nothing more than a traditional obligation which can give the impression that a yajñas ceremony like ngaben with the hegemonic tradition is just a burden of tradition that is independent of its essence and meaning e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 83 references ashmos, d, p. (2000). spirituality at work: a conceptualization and measure. journal of management inquiry. 9 (2): 134 elkins, d. n., dkk. (1988). toward a humanistic-phenomenological spirituality: definition, description and measurement. journal of humanistic psychology. 28 (4): 5-18 fernando, m. (2006). the influence of religion-based workplace spirituality on business leaders’ decision making: an inter-faith study. journal of management and organization. 12 (1): 23 hardjana, am. 1993. penghayatan agama: yang otentik & tidak otentik. yogyakarta: kanisius. hardjana, agus m. 2005. religiousitas, agama, dan spiritualitas.yogyakarta: kanisius. howard, s. (2002). a spiritual perspective on learning in the workplace. journal of managerial psychology. 17 (3): 230 jenkins,richard.1992.pierrebourdieau routladge. terjemahan oleh nurhadi. yogyakarta : kreasi wacana terjemahan oleh nurhadi. yogyakarta : kreasi wacana kahmad, dadang, h. 2000. sosiologi agama. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya. maman, kh, deden ridwan, m. ali mustofa, dan ahmad gaus. 2006. metode penelitian agama: teori dan praktik, jakarta: rajagrafindo persada. pals, daniel l. 2001. seven theories of religion. yogyakarta: qalam. sukarsa, i made. 2005a. pengaruh pendapatan dan pemahaman agama terhadap pola konsumsi ritual masyarakat hindu ditinjau dari berbagai dimensi waktu. disertasi. universitas airlangga. tidak dipublikasikan. ______________. 2005b. sisi ekonomi sebuah upacara. buletin studi ekonomi. volume 10 no. 2 th.2005. issn 1410-4628. ______________. 2005c. tingkat partisipasi wanita pada persiapan dan pelaksanaan upacara ritual di bali selatan. laporan penelitian. pusat studi wanita universitas udayana denpasar. ______________. 2006. nilai-nilai ekonomi hubungan manusia dengn tuhan dalam pelaksananaan trihitakarana di desa pakraman kabupaten gianyar. buletin studi ekonomi. volume 2 no. 1 juli 2006. issn 1907-3275. schreurs, a. (2002). psychotherapy and spirituality: integrating the spiritual e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 70-84 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 84 spiegel , h.w.2000. the growth of economic thought. duke university press. london. syani, abdul. 1995. sosiologi dan perubahan masyarakat. bandar lampung : pustaka jaya. tischler, l. (2002). linking emotional intelligence, spirituality and workplace performance: definitions, models and ideas for research. journal of managerial psychology. 17 (3): 203 wiana, i ketut. 2004. makna upacara yadnya dalam agama hindu ii. surabaya: paramita. ——————. 2002. memelihara tradisi veda. denpasar:bp. young, c., koopsen, c. (2007). spiritualitas, kesehatan, dan penyembuhan. medan: bina media perinti. microsoft word artikel rahmat terbit4 e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 implications of haroa traditional practices in religious life of muna people in muna district rahmat sewa suraya1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, ida bagus gde pujaastawa3, ni made wiasti4 1halu oleo university, 234cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1mhat_suraya@yahoo.co.id, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id,3guspuja@gmail.com, 4made_wiasti@unud.ac.id received date : 19-03-2020 accepted date : 08-02-2020 published date : 28-02-2021 abstract this study aims to reveal and explain the representation of religious values in the practice of haroa and the relationship between cultural practices (haroa) in the diversity of the muna people. this study uses ethnographic methods with qualitative analysis. empirically, this research finds that in their daily life, the muna people make religion and culture coexist in the midst of their religious social activities. traditions and cultures that live earlier in society actually already have civilization and social rules so that when islam developed in the life order of the muna people there was not much change. this tradition becomes a medium in broadcasting and teaching the values of virtue in the teachings of islam. the haroa tradition carried out by the muna people from generation to generation when commemorating the muslim holidays is the most effective medium in teaching all the commands and prohibitions of allah swt. the haroa tradition supports the islamic ideology of the muna community that hansuru-hansuru adhati, soano konohansuru, which implies that even though customs and traditions are destroyed, religion must not be destroyed. the haroa tradition for the muna community is to emphasize always making the principles of islam a life shield so that in every activity they always represent the values of islamic teachings. key words: islam, tradition, haroa, civilization, practice introduction in the life of the muna people, "haroa" is a tradition that has been carried out by the ancestors of the muna community. this practice is carried out from generation to generation to the present. the process of implementing the haroa tradition is carried out by residents from house to house. in the religious life of the haroa tradition it is carried out by the muna e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 community coupled with the celebration of religious holidays in islam. this shows that the existence of haroa as a cultural product has a positive synergy with the religion of the muna people, namely islam. culture that lives in a society is basically a picture of the mindset, behavior and values adopted by the community concerned. from this point of view, religion on the one hand contributes to existing cultural values, so that religion can run or even be accommodating to the cultural values it adheres to. on the other hand, because religion as revelation has absolute truth, religion cannot be aligned with local cultural values, even religion must be a source of value for the sustainability of these cultural values (ghazali, 2011: 31). in fact (nashir, 1999: 14) emphasized that religion is an important and vital thing in human life. religion is the totality of life that is sacred, deep, and guides and determines the direction of human life itself, even religion must be a source of value for the sustainability of these cultural values (ghazali, 2011: 31). the muna people believe that the sources of life, such as: fire, wind, water, land and all that animates, are symbolic of the unity of nature; in addition, it becomes the basis for understanding islam in the muna community as well as inspiring the value of islamic morality on muna culture (luthfi, 1997: 100). in the process of carrying out the haroa, each house prepares various kinds of typical muna cakes such as fried banana or sangara, cucuru, rice, lapa-lapa, ketupat and so on. the cakes are placed on the tray (cake holder) typical of the butonese. the cakes are served to invited guests who are invited to the homes of residents who hold haroa. in addition to residents around relatives, neighbors were also invited to attend the haroa together. if the invitees, neighbors and relatives have gathered, the haroa event began. the haroa tradition is led by one of the syara 'mosques or traditional leaders who are called by the host. in the muna community, holding positions as syara masjid (masigi facility) are usually classified as traditional and / or religious (islamic) leaders. because in the view of society they are the ones who are trusted and given the mandate by the community to control rituals such as thanksgiving, religious haroa, and so on. if it is looked at jw schrool's opinion, who gave many opinions about the existence of culture in several regions in indonesia which was influenced by elements of the pre-hindu era, old indonesian culture, elements from the hindu era and elements of the islamic period. this opinion is in line with “eastern culture was heavily influenced by religion during its early development. eastern culture is also generally very much influenced by religion during its early development. eastern culture is also generally associated with social norms in the e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 community. malinowski (1983: 63-79) asserts that socio-cultural changes within an ethnicity are largely determined by the development of the existing structural functions in society. the opinion above, if it is related to the basis of the implementation of the haroa tradition practice in the culture of the muna people, can be seen as a combination of religious wisdom and social norms that apply in society. even in muna society likens religion as the last shield in social life, "hansuru-hansuru adhati, soano konohansuru religion". customs or traditions may be destroyed, the important thing is not to destroy religion that is the expression in the philosophy of the muna community. so, in the practice of the haroa tradition, there are elements of religion combined with the religion practiced in social life that provide religious wisdom to the people who practice it. the face of traditional islam refers to the sociological view of religion as put forward by durkheim (1992: 251), that religion is only defined as a collection of hereditary beliefs and individual feelings, religious rituals and practices that have been rooted from generation to next generation. this definition of religion merely shows the collective spirit of a community group. the practice of religious ceremonies as stated by durkheim dominates the islamic diversity of the muna community. muna muslim communities in rural areas prioritize traditional religious ceremonies rather than islamic living practices as required by islamic sharia. cultural practices related to the religion of the muna people are manifested in the form of the haroa tradition. the haroa tradition has been going on for a long time as it has been institutionalized in the culture of the muna community and has become one of the oral traditions in the muna community. the haroa tradition covers all aspects of the life of the muna people, including in religious activities. nowadays, this practice is often criticized, that all kinds of traditional practices that have no legal basis in the koran and al-hadith are contradictory and should not be done, especially if they are done in the name of religion. however, in this global era, the muna people continue to carry out this tradition (suraya, rs 2014). in this regard, the objectives of this study are: (1) to reveal and explain the representation of religious values in the practice of haroa of the muna people in muna district; (2) to find the relationship between the islamic religion and cultural practices (haroa) in the diversity of the muna people, so that they can benefit the community, as well as for the government as policy makers, e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 literature review the implementation of haroa can be seen as a traditional practice combined with diversity, especially islam, which can be implemented because it has become a habitus in muna society, and is supported by the existence of capital, namely cultural and social capital and the existence of a realm. this is as bourdieau's opinion states a generative formula that explains social practice with the equation (habitus x capital) + field = practice (harker et al, 2005: xxi). bourdieu explained that in analyzing the social practices of actors, it can be seen through their capital, habitus and the domains they use. according to bourdieu habitus is a mental structure that they understand through social life, basically a product of the internalization of the structure of their social life (bourdieu, 1990: 130-131). meanwhile, for bourdieu there are various types of capital at stake in the arena, namely economic capital, social capital, cultural capital and symbolic capital. economic capital includes things such as the means of production, material and money that are easily used for all purposes and are passed on from one generation to the next. the two cultural capitals are included in all intellectual qualifications that are formally reproduced as well as family heritage. meanwhile, social capital is manifested through relationships and networks formed through the realm which is a useful resource in determining and reproducing social positions. then symbolic capital includes all forms of prestige, status, authority and legitimacy (fasri, 2007: 98-99). research methods in this research, the method used is a qualitative method. qualitative research is a research method that produces descriptive data in the form of written or spoken words from people and observable behavior, namely in this study the muna people practice the haroa tradition in every celebration of religious holidays in islam, or important moments related to islam. in this research it is directed at the setting and the individual holistically (moleong, 2014: 6). recognizing the above facts, research uses ethnographic principles (spradly, 1997) in collecting and analyzing data by means ofdescriptive-qualitative (endraswara, 2003), which analyzes the data continuously, so that the researcher gets complete reasoning about the research results achieved in the problem. e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 results and discussion the haroa tradition refers to the concept of an oral tradition. pudentia (ed), (1998,: vii) states that the oral tradition is "all spoken discourse including the spoken and the literate" or it is also said to be "a non-literate discourse system. more clearly, the discourse on oral tradition is explained by sibarani (2012: 7-15) that the oral tradition is not only in the form of fairy tales, mythology, and legends with various messages in it, but also about people's cognitive systems, sources of identity, means of expression, religious systems and beliefs. , the formation and enforcement of customs, history, law, medicine, beauty, creativity, community origins and local wisdom in the community and its environment. in this sense, the oral tradition is not just an "oral tradition", but all the cultural traditions passed down from one generation to another or later "from mouth to ear" using oral media. in practice, the oral tradition is often related to religious activities in a society. in detail regarding the form of implementation of the haroa tradition in muna diversity can be seen in the following table: table 1. momentum for the implementation of the haroa tradition in the diversity of the muna community. no. the timing of the haroa tradition haroa tradition name information 1. 12 rabiul awal 10 rabiul akhir haroa maludhu commemorating the birthday of the great prophet muhammad, saw. (birthday of prophet muhammad) 2. 27 rajab haroa radjabu commemorating isra mi'raj 3. 15 sha'ban haroa isyifu commemorating the night of nifsyu sha'ban (as another answer to the birth of imam mahdi) 4. 1 ramadan haroa tembahawula determination of 1 ramadan to start ramadan fasting 5. 17 ramadan haroa qunu commemorating the descent of the qur'an (nuzul qur'an) 6. 21-27 ramdhan haroa qadhiri waiting for the night of laitul qadri, (waiting for the angel gabriel to come down to earth) 7. 1 shawwal haroa roreaha mpu'u celebrating eid al-fitr 8. 6 shawwal haora nomoalono completing less fasts after fasting in the month of ramadan 9. 10 zulhidjah haroa roreaha hadji celebrating eid al-adha. the table above shows a series of structured and sequential implementation of the haroa tradition in a year. in practice, these haroa traditions are based on the local culture of the muna community, which has existed since long before the muna people embraced islam. after the entry of islam by preachers, the local culture that had taken root in the life of the muna community was not immediately eliminated, but the local culture that had taken root in e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 the muna community was used as a medium for broadcasting islam. therefore, every implementation of the celebration of important days in islam is always included with the practice of the haroa tradition. so that the islamic teachings presented by the preachers can be well received. therefore,the implementation of the haroa tradition which is coupled with the religious activities of the muna community, especially in relation to the celebration of religious holidays or religious moments in islam as described in the previous chapter, certainly has implications for the spiritual life of the muna people. in its implementation, it represents the religious aspects of the muna people as religious and cultured people. the implications of the muna people's haroa practice are described as follows. 1. haroa practices as motivation in carrying out god's commandments in religious activities, the muna people who embrace islam can be seen from the activities of implementing haroa which are related to religious momentum. the implementation of haroa can have implications for the understanding and beliefs of the muna community on islamic values related to the pillars of islam and the pillars of faith in islam. the pillars of islam and the pillars of faith are as follows: pillars of islam: 1. say two sentences of the creed 2. establish the 5 daily prayers 3. paying zakat 4. fasting in the month of ramadan 5. perform hajj for those who can afford it pillars of faith: 1. have faith in allah 2. have faith in angels 3. have faith in holy books 4. have faith in the prophets and apostles 5. have faith in the day of resurrection 6. believe in qada 'and qadha the pillars of islam and the pillars of faith in islam are a concept to always obey allah as the creator and ruler of all the realms of human life. the muna people in muna regency e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 believe that the two pillars are the foundation of their diversity. the muna people then formed cultural practices, especially the haroa, as a medium for reminders, advice, and warnings about the beauty and greatness of allah, the god they believed in. the practice of haroa is then filled with activities with islamic nuances as a form of obedience to its religious values. the practice of haroa that is carried out by the muna in their daily life contains a very deep meaning for life and efforts to fulfill their needs, both physical and spiritual needs. as a religious person, of course his life must be filled with various kinds of religious activities. in islam, there are orders to pray, fast, pay zakat, and orders to perform the pilgrimage if you can. these commandments are the main pillars in islam which are directly contained in the pillars of islam. in particular, the muna people make the order of prayer as a medium for teaching it to children and the muna community in general. inharoa radjabu, haroa tembahawula, haroa roreaha mpu'u, haroa roreaha hadji is haroa-haroa which is used as a vehicle to teach the pillars of islam. all of these parts are inseparable parts of one another. the commemoration of isra mi'raj which is always held every year is an effort for muna people to foster islamic values with full faith in which it contains sacred values about the importance of prayer commands. the muna people through their culture hold haroa radjabu to deepen their islamic values through in-depth understanding of the nature of the commandment to pray. haroa radjabu which is carried out as part of commemorating the feast of isra mi'raj is a step of the muna people in maintaining their faith in allah, the god of the universe. haroa practices that have implications for islamic law, for example those related to the implementation of obligatory prayers are haroa radjabu or haroa rajab in the month of rajab. in the understanding of the muna people that haroa radjabu is very closely related to the isra mi'raj incident of the great prophet muhammad, saw as an understanding in islam that the isra mi'raj incident is an event experienced by the prophet muhammad, saw, facing god (allah, swt ) through the angel jibril to receive the order for the five daily prayers. to commemorate this event, the muna community commemorates it by performing haroa radjabu. in the haroa radjhabu, it is not only filled with salvation prayers but also contains advice on the struggle of the prophet muhammad in receiving prayer orders. the order to pay zakat as an obligation that every muslim must fulfill has indirect implications for the economic life of the muna people in muna regency. the order to pay zakat eventually encourages the muna to always work hard, which of course must be based e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 on the values of islamic teachings. one of the uses of the hard work accumulated during work is to pay zakat. through this, the command to pay zakat contains the value of mutual cooperation which is also the spirit of the muna people in their daily lives. in haroa roreaha mpu'u and haroa roreaha hadji also contain the value of mutual cooperation for the muna people that in the implementation of haroa there is the nature of giving to one another. therefore, the haroa tradition that has been carried out from generation to generation by the muna people in muna regency plays an important role in shaping the religious character in him. the values in the haroa tradition become a means of control for society so that all activities carried out are always based on religious values as taught in islam because in fact the haroa tradition is an aspect of driving the muna people to continue to maintain and lay the foundations of their religion. in another part, it can be seen that the cultivation of islamic values in the daily life of the muna people is felt by the implementation of the haroa tradition. one that appears is the existence of traditionharoa tembahawula part of the part that is done in commemorating the determination of 1 ramadhan to start ramadan fasting. of course this is not merely a ritual arena alone, but far from it contains spiritual values that bind the muna people as godly and cultured beings. haroa tembahawula which is carried out by the muna community as the determination of 1 ramadan to start the ramadan fast is an effort to deepen the values of islamic teachings in the midst of their life. this is always done every time entering the beginning of the month of ramadan as a form of obedience to allah's commands as the mainity of the fasting month for everyone who is muslim. fasting is one of the obligations that must be carried out by every muslim, without exception muslims in the muna community. from generation to generation haroa tembahawula has become a series of activities every time entering the month of ramadan because it contains the muna people's belief in the oneness of allah as well as their belief in the teachings of the truth in islam. 2. haroa practices as actualization of faith in angels in the religious practice of the muna people, there is a belief and belief in the existence of angels as contained in one of the pillars of faith which reads "having faith in angels". this belief has grown from generation to generation among the muna community as a bergama community. in order to maintain this belief, muna society teaches it through the e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 implementation of haroa qadhiri. haroa is one of a series of activities in the middle of the holy month of ramadan, as it is known that in the holy month of ramadan there is one night which is believed to have virtue in it, namely that night is better than a thousand months known as the night of laitul gadar. the traditions and culture that they become the teak of the muna community are used as a medium to welcome the evening of lailatul qadar. with this tradition, the muna people were then able to easily understand and carry out every command and teaching in islam. the implementation of the haroa qadhiri to commemorate the night of lailatul qadar is an effort to strengthen the faith and devotion of the muna people to the god of allah swt. haroa qadhiri for the people of muna is something that must be fulfilled and carried out not only as an expression of gratitude for the gift of sustenance but more than that is an acknowledgment of their faith by believing in angels. on the night of lailatul qadar, it is believed by the public that the angel jibril will bring the grace of lailatul qadar to every human being on earth. in welcoming the angel gabriel who brought grace, the muna people flocked to carry out the haroa qadhiri as a sense of gratitude and joy for the descent of lailatul qadar. with this haroa qadhiri, the muna community will wait for the lailatul qadar with various kinds of prayers and islamic activities so that when the lailatu qadar arrives they can get its glory. haroa qadhiri indirectly fosters the faith of the muna community towards the majesty of allah swt, god the creator of the universe. 3. haroa practices as actualization of faith in allah's apostle one form of recognition of islam in islam is by having faith in the messenger of allah. the muna community from generation to generation after the entry of islam in the midst of their life and becoming the only religion whose truth is believed to have begun to teach every member of society to always believe in the apostles of allah as contained in the pillars of faith which reads "faith in allah's apostles" . this form of kemimana was then strengthened in his socio-cultural activities, especially by always commemorating the birthday of the great prophet muhammad saw. (birthday of prophet muhammad). when the activities of the prophet muhammad saw's birthday, in the habits and traditions of the muna people, it is always accompanied by haroa maludhu in almost every house of the muna community. in the midst of the community, the e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 implementation of mauled is usually carried out at the mosque, while the haroa is usually carried out at home. in this haroa maludhu, the people of muna made it a momentum to recall the services of the king of the prophet muhammad saw who had struggled in strengthening islamic faith. through this haroa maludhu tradition, the muna community then teaches each child about the history of the prophet muhammad, stories of his struggles and various kinds of legacy. haroa maludhu tradition which is always led by an imam, then always and always teaches the greatness of the prophet muhammad every time he does haroa maludhu. by teaching each of the greatness of the prophet muhammad, the examples of the prophet muhammad will be obtained indirectly which can then be used as examples in everyday life. for the muna people who are obedient to religion and culture, they always make the prophet muhammad a patron, reference and role model in doing and managing the life of their people. in the muna community there was also haroa radjabu to commemorate isra mi'raj of prophet muhammad saw. in the religion of islam, prayer is a pillar of religion and the struggle of the prophet muhammad in getting orders to pray five times a day is in the isra mi'raj incident. to commemorate isra mi'raj in the traditions of the muna community is the existence of the haroa radjabu so that later the struggle of the prophet muhammad will not be forgotten in upholding islam. on the other hand, with the haroa radjabu activity, the public is reminded of the existence of prayer orders that must be carried out continuously as evidence and acknowledgment of obedience to allah's orders. 4. the practice of haroa as actualization of faith in the book of allah islam has a holy book which serves as a guide for life. we are the holy muslim ummah is the koran. to maintain the authenticity and uniqueness of the al-qur'an, every year the routine of the al-qur'an is commemorated or commonly known as the nuzul qur'an. in the life of the muna people, the activity of commemorating the nuzul qur'an is always carried out in mosques. however, in the customs of the muna people there is a tradition that is carried out at the commemoration of the nuzul qur'an, namely there is a haroa qunu. haroa qunu this is an activity carried out by the muna community during the commemoration of the nuzul qur'an. haroa qunu in the muna community is carried out in people's homes led directly by an imam to read a prayer. in this haroa qunu tradition, the muna people make it a place to get to know more about the superiority of the qur'an which e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 will later be applied in everyday life as a guide for life. nuzul qur'an for the muna community is an islamic activity to further strengthen understanding and knowledge of the values in islamic teachings, while the haroa qunu activity is a form of the muna community's tradition as a medium for teaching the values of islamic teachings in all corners of the muna region. the muna people believe that studying the qur'an is a way to get to know their life, especially the various kinds of things that have been outlined by allah regarding the merits of a thing or situation. through the activities of the nuzul qur'an and the haroa qunu tradition, the community makes it a momentum to better understand the essence of islamic teachings in accordance with those embedded in al-qru'an. in maintaining the virtues and privileges of the al-quran, of course there must be a lot of study and study. the muna people really appreciate and always maintain their islamic values in their diversity so that it is highly recommended for their children to always study the contents of the al-qur'an, one of which is by following recitations. in the tradition of society, every child khatam qur'an will always hold haroa kahatamuno qur'ani. this haroa is a form of gratitude for the success of a child in mastering the recitation of the koran. on the other hand, the existence of haroa kahatamuno qur'ani continues to increase children's love for the holy book al-qur'an. basically, diversity refers to a condition in which human life is based on spiritual values. the view of religious spirituality is always spiritual, because everything comes from god, who is spiritual. that is, the reality of spirituality is a manifestation of a higher desire, which is directed towards divine attributes (pilliang, 2009: 322). several meanings of haroa, as described by the informant above, indicate that haroa in the life of the muna community is closely related to religious social life. this means that the muna people doing haroa socially can erase mistakes that have been done in previous times, while religiously the practice of the haroa tradition can cleanse the sins that have been committed so that with the hope that when they finish doing haroa, this haroa tradition has direct implications for the religious beliefs of the muna community. this can be seen in the presence of haroa tembahawula which was held to determine the beginning of ramadan. in haroa, of course, it will give birth to or foster a spirit of worship among the community. the religious values contained in haroa are able to penetrate the minds and souls of the community because when performing the haroa tembahawula ceremony they are encouraged by the belief that fasting is a worship that has e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 high value in life in the world, especially in the hereafter. therefore, every time the muna community carries out haroa tembahawula, this momentum is the first step in cleaning themselves and their minds before entering the fasting month of the holy month of ramadan. in another part, namely haroa qunuwhich was carried out to commemorate the revelation of the qur'an is believed by the muna community to be a historic day as muslims. at that moment, the muna community in commemorating it was carried out with haroa qunu to foster love for the koran as a holy book which contains instructions, lessons, and even warnings. by implementing the haroa qunu indirectly, the muna people love the koran even more. the haroa qunu tradition is carried out from generation to generation by the community because it is believed that behind the tradition it contains philosophical and historical meanings that are fundamental to their beliefs. this philosophical meaning leads the people of muna to be increasingly convinced of the divine instructions and warnings contained in the al-qur'an. whereas with this philosophical meaning, the people of muna attended the history of the journey of the revelation of the qur'an as the holy book of muslims. these two things are the main things that are implanted in the midst of the muna community. with the existing belief, it grows in the soul to make the koran as a guide and life guidance. al-qur'an is used as a living trade that is used in all aspects of life and it is instilled through the haroa tradition so that the muna people do not forget the greatness of the al'qur'an and become a shining light in their life journey both as personal beings and as social beings. in islam there is an order to perform the pilgrimage. as a reminder of the virtue of the pilgrimage, the muna people are always followed by the haroa roreaha hadji ceremony every eid al-adha. every family or household in the muna community always holds haroa roreaha hadji to commemorate the arrival of eid al-adha, but on the other hand the haroa tradition also implies that in muna society the virtue of having a pilgrimage must be fulfilled. therefore, every muna community always tries and works hard to fulfill this one of the pillars of islam. with the existence of haroa roreaha hadji, indirectly the spiritual spirit of islam makes the muna community even more active in doing business. the haroa tradition carried out by the muna community is in principle to improve the quality of the muna community's faith. it is discovered through implementationharoa qadhiriwhich is still being implemented. haro qadhiri is an implementation of the belief in angels. the muna people believe that in this life there are supernatural beings, namely angels. therefore, haroa qadhiri is carried out to welcome the night of laitul qadar or the e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 night starting a thousand months. on that night it is believed that the angel jibril will descend to bring karamah for muslims on the night of lailatul qadri. haroa qadhiri is not only a routine on the night of the month of fasting alone, but more than that because of the belief that in islam you must have faith in angels. in the end, there is the haroa tradition which is continuously carried out by the muna community, which creates a love for worship. by carrying out haroa, there is motivation to always obey and obey all the commands and prohibitions of allah. this belief is getting stronger every time haroa is carried out as part of the actualization of islam and faith. with this, the haroa tradition was used by the muna community as a source of motivation to continue worshiping. conclusion the cultural practices and traditions of the haroa that prevail in the muna community are a form of efforts made to keep allah, the lord of the universe closer together, by always studying the teachings of islam. in the life of the muna people, tradition is used as a medium to teach the values contained in islam. the various kinds of haroa in the midst of the life and habits of the muna community which are always included during celebrations or in commemorating muslim holidays are a way to attract the attention of the public to always obey and obey every teaching and prohibition that has been outlined allah saw. this tradition brings people closer to their religion so that every commandment and prohibition contained in islamic teachings can be easily understood and carried out by the muna community. the haroa tradition which contains islamic prayers is an indication that the traditions carried out by the local community can collaborate with the demands of islamic teachings. acknowledgments with all humility, the author would like to express his deepest gratitude to all those who have contributed to this writing. my special gratitude goes to all the informants who have provided a lot of information or data related to the problems of the research carried out. the research and development agency of southeast sulawesi province which has granted research permits to the muna regency government which has facilitated and provided various facilities in the context of carrying out the research carried out. likewise, thanks to various parties who have helped in completing the writing of this article. e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 29-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 references bourdieu, p. 1990. the logic of practise. california : standard university press durkeheim, emile. 1992. the elementary form of the religious life. new york : free press. endrawara, suwardi. 2012. metodologi penelitiaan budaya. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press fashri, fauzi. 2007. penyingkapan kuasa simbol (apropriasi reflektif pemikiran pierre bourdieu). yogyakarta : juxtapose ghazali, adeng muchtar. 2011. antropologi agama, upaya memahami keragaman, kepercayaan, keyakinan dan agama. bandung : alphabeta. harker, richard, dkk. 2005. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik pengantar paling kompherensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu. yogyakarta : jalasutra. malik, luthfi muh. 1997. islam dalam budaya muna. suatu ikhtiar menatap masa depan. ujung pandang : pt. umitoha ukhuwah grafika. malinowski, bronislaw. 1983. dinamika bagi perubahan budaya suatu penyiasatan mengenai perhubungan ras di afrika. kuala lumpur : dewan bahasa dan pustaka kementrian pelajarn malaysia. moloeng, l.j. 2014. metode penelitian kualitatif. bandung : remaja rosda karya nashir, haedar. 1999. agama dan krisis kemanusiaan modern. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar pilliang,yasraf amir. 2003. dunia yang dilipat : tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta : jalasutra. pudentia, (ed). 2008.metodologi kajian tradisi lisan. jakarta : atl. sibarani, robert. 2012. kearifan lokal, hakikat, peran, dan metode tradisi lisan. jakarta : atl. spradley. p. james. 1997. metode etnografi. tiara wacana. yogyakarta. suraya. r.s. 2014. tradisi haroa pada etnik muna : fenomena budaya dalam kehidupan beragama di era global. jurnal kajian budaya vol. 10 no, 20 1 commodification of telajakan at ubud village, gianyar, bali ida bagus brata faculty of education mahasaraswati university, denpasar email: info@unmas.ac.id abstract this study was intended to understand the phenomenon of the commodification of telajakan at ubud village, gianyar regency, bali in the era of globalization. it focused on how the commodification of telajakan took place in the era of globalization; what factors causing the commodification of telajakan to take place; and what were the impact and meaning of the commodification of telajakan at ubud village. the data were collected through observation, interview, library research and documentation study. the theory of commodification, the theory of discourse, the theory of power and knowledge, and the theory of globalization were eclectically used in the present study. the results of the study were as follows. the commodification of telajakan was defined as how it was produced as economic space, how it was distributed through printed media, announcement board, from mouth to mouth, and through the meetings held by traditional organizations, and then it was consumed by the owners and others undertaking businesses. the factors contributing to the commodification of telajakan were market ideology, business of tourism, technological flow, and mass media as the popular cultural agent, mimicry, and economic libido. for the sake of money, telajakan was not regarded as a local genius any longer; its value as traditional green open space was neglected; as a result, ecological damage could not be avoided; the aesthetics of the balinese architecture was getting extict; and the balinese identity was getting destructed. keywords: tourism, commodification, telajakan, globalization. introduction this study explored the commodification of telajakan in the era of globalization at ubud village, ubud district, gianyar regency. from the perspective of cultural studies, this present study discussed a reality taking place in relation to the matter pertaining to how telajakan, as one of the open traditional spaces, was used as the place where business was undertaken (brata, 2012). the rapid flow of global culture to ubud area has caused the practices of market ideology framed with the industry of tourism to appear. the industry of culture, popular culture, life style, and the culture of consumerism illustrate this (ibrahim, 2003: 15). telajakan, as one of the traditional open spaces, has been commodified (picard, 2006: 164), as an adaptive form following what tourists desire. mailto:info@unmas.ac.id 2 globalization has caused the function of telajakan, as one of the identity features of traditional open space with it values, to be getting disappear. in addition, the streets have become narrow and, as a result, traffic jams cannot be avoided. the commodification of telajakan in the era of globalization is defined as how it is produced, distributed, and consumed by the market; how it is commercialized and traded as a commodity or service, or commodified in various forms or shapes of space with economic value. this present study was intended to explore and understand the commodification of telajakan in the era of globalization at ubud village. apart from that, it was also aimed at identifying and understanding the factors causing the commodification of telajakan to take place in the era of globalization at ubud village, and its impact and meaning in the era of globalization at ubud village. in theory, it was expected that the result of the present study would contribute to the development of sciences and the studies related to the value of traditional space previously conducted. in practice, it was expected that the result of the present study may give input to the decision maker as to how to manage telajakan as one of the traditional open spaces as part of the sustainable development in order to anticipate the impact of the ideology of market framed with the industry of tourism. research method qualitative method was used in the present study to give emphasis on an indepth description which is ethic, emic, and holistic in nature through the approach of cultural studies (barker, 2004: 29). ubud village was chosen as the location where the study was conducted for the following reasons. first, empirically, most telajakan at ubud village had been commodified for economic purposes; and second, ubud village, as the center of arts and culture had undergone many changes; it seemed that it did not need to show off the values of space any longer. the qualitative data supported by quantitative data were used in the present study. the primary data were obtained through field observation and in-depth open interview, and the secondary data were obtained by tracing or consulting books, journals, documents, encyclopedia, and internet. the informants in the present study were purposively determined. those who were chosen were made to be able to represent the objective field condition determined 3 based on their social statuses and roles in the community. the main instrument used was the researcher himself as the data collected were the qualitative data, that is, the data which were obtained from the informants. in this case, the researcher was equipped with an interview guide, a tape recorder, writing equipment, and telephone. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, documentation and library research. the in-depth interview was the most important part of the whole process of collecting the primary data. the data were also checked and rechecked. direct observation was importantly made to observe, pay close attention to, and directly record various matters pertaining to the problems under study. the library research included the activities of tracing, collecting, and analyzing resources such as books, articles, journals, encyclopedia and internet. the data were analyzed while the study was conducted. the data were descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively analyzed. result and discussion when ubud village was determined as one of the icons of the world’s tourist destinations, the impact of the development of tourism could be felt. the economic growth at ubud village inspired investors, business doers and job seekers coming from different parts of indonesia to come; as a result, the total of population increased. such a growth of population affected the traditional space; more space was needed for residences; more space was needed for undertaking businesses in order to survive. such a condition caused the owners of telajakan to be caught in the law of demand and offering. as a consequence, how space was used shifted from being framed with cultural value to being faced with economic value, as space was needed to exhibit commodities (sutrisno, 2010: 282). this led to what is referred to as the market of telajakan with a motive of obtaining benefit. in the era of globalization, the commodification of telajakan was defined as how it was produced to be spaces with economic values; it was used where cafes, boutiques, art shops, electronic shops were built, depending on what was desired by the market. then, telajakan was distributed as space where businesses were undertaken in the form of promotion through printed media, announcement board, from mouth to mouth, and through meetings held by traditional organizations. after that, telajakan, as space where businesses were undertaken, was consumed (utilized) by the owners and others to exhibit their businesses in order to earn money. based on that, 4 commodification, apart from being defined as production of commodities were also defined as how products and services were distributed and consumed (fairclough, 1995: 207). the more developed the industry of tourism at ubud village, the less local people who were interested in working as farmers. the shift in profession from working as farmers to being employed in the industry of arts and craftsmanship caused the agricultural culture-based social capital, on which the tolerance and solidarity among human fellows, ‘saling asih, saling asah, and saling asuh’ were based to be getting extinct. the concept of ngayah (doing something without being paid) shifted to the concept of mebayah (doing something for payment). using money as the measurement caused human to be greedy (nugroho, 2001: 103). this indicated that the market ideology was becoming the foundation of people’s lives; the impact of globalization was making such a condition worse (ritzer and goodman, 2011: 598). being determined as one of the tourist destinations, ubud village was getting progressively meaningful to the development of the people’s socio-economy. however, this also meant that the intervention in the traditional space layout, such as telajakan, was getting stronger. the fact showed that the economic spaces constructed as the places where what was needed by tourists were offered made use of telajakan. the existence of technology with its new accompanying values caused various problems to occur to traditional space lay-out. as an illustration, the introduction of electricity, telephone and internet shop with their electronic equipment needed new spaces. the form of telajakan had to be adjusted to the change in the human activities it accommodates in order to anticipate the development of technology. it was commodified through mass media in such a way that it could be used as places where capitalistic ideology-based businesses can be run. the uncontrollable imitating nature caused more and more people to commodify telajakan into space where businesses could be run. the need to fulfill all their dynamic and complex necessities and the need to satisfy their uncontrollable and continued economic libido caused them to exploit traditional open space greedily and arbitrarily. anthropocentrism constitutes an ideology which believes that man is the center of all the activities in the universe, as if whatever is done on the earth is legal provided that they can satisfy what man desires and needs (hardiman, 2003: 95). such an anthropocentric view is used to justify the commodification of telajakan in the era of 5 globalization. it was exploited for the purposes of making money. it had not been considered a local genius any longer. the values of telajakan as green traditional open space had been neglected; as a result, ecological damage could not be avoided, the balinese architectural aesthetics was getting extinct, and the balinese identity was getting destructed. however, socio-economically, on one side, tourism was beneficial to the local people; however, on the other side, it led to dependence and a social gap. conclusion and suggestion the commodification of telajakan at ubud village in the era of globalization took place through the process of production, distribution and consumption. it was produced to be space where economic activities were run, distributed through mass media, announcement board, news release, from mouth to mouth and meetings held by traditional organizations by the owners and others to satisfy what was desired by the market. the factors which were responsible for the commodification of telajakan at ubud included the ideology of market, business of tourism, the flow of technology, and mass media as the agent of popular culture apart from mimicry and economic libido. for the sake of material, telajakan was not considered a local genius any longer; its values as traditional open space was neglected, ecological degradation took place, the balinese architectural aesthetics was getting extinct, and the balinese identity was getting destructed. on one hand, tourism was beneficial socially and economically; however, on the other hand, it also led to dependence and social gap. it was expected that the result of the present study would be used as a consideration by the owners of telajakan and the leaders in all levels of life and the decision makers in the village/sub-district, district and regency/city levels, both executive and and legislative institutions, and entrepreneurs when solving various types of developmental problems for the sake of collective welfare; telajakan should be used as one of the traditional open spaces. acknowledgement the writer was assisted and motivated by various parties. therefore, in this opportunity the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. as supervisor, prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s. and prof. dr. ir. sulistyawati, m.s., supervisor 1 and supervisor 2 for their invaluable contribution to the completion of this present study. 6 bibliography barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies, teori dan praktik. kreasi wacana: yogyakarta. brata, ida bagus. 2012. ˮkomodifikasi telajakan pada era globalisasi di desa ubud kecamatan ubud kabupaten gianyar”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. fairclough, n. 1995. discourse and social change. chambridge: polity press. ibrahim, idi subandy. 2003. “kamu bergaya, maka kamu ada” dalam david chaney. lifestyles sebuah pengantar komprehensif. yogyakarta: jalasutra. nugroho, heru. 2001. uang, rentenir dan hutang piutang di jawa. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. picard, michel. 2006. bali: tourisme culturel et culture touristique (terjemahan). jakarta: kpg (kepustakaan populer gramedia) forum jakarta-paris. hardiman, f. budi. 2011. ruang publik, melacak partisipasi demokratis dan polis sampai cyberspace. yogyakarta: kanisius. ritzer, george dan douglas j. goodman. 2011. teori sosiologi modern (dialihbahasakan alimandan). jakarta: kencana. sutrisno, mudji. 2010. “krisis ruang publik kultural”, dalam f. budi hardiman (ed). ruang publik melacak partisipasi demokratis dari polis sampai cyberspace. yogyakarta: kanisius. 1 marginalization of small retailers as a consequence ofthe growth of minimarket in denpasar city i wayan adnyana teachers’ training college of pgri bali seroja street, tonja, denpasar email: wayanadnyana59@yahoo.com abstract the growth of minimarket, especially the circle k minimarket in denpasar city has been so fast that small retailers with their limitations have been getting left behind. this present study explored the marginalization of the small retailer as a consequence of the growth of the circle k minimarket in denpasar city. it was conducted to identify the forms of the marginalization of the small retailer as a consequence of the growth of the circle k minimarket in denpasar city. the theory of generative structure proposed by bourdieu and the theory of power and knowledge proposed by foucault were used eclectically to answer the problems of the study. qualitative research method with the approach of cultural studies was employed. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, and documentation study. the data were descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively analyzed. the result of the study showed that as a consequence of the growth of the circle k minimarket the small retailers became marginalized in economy; business network; technology; management; and socio-politics. keywords: marginalization, small trader, circle k minimarket. introduction denpasar, as the center of government, tourism, banking and other services, has been developing as a city of trade indicated by the fact that more and more shopping centers, and modern and traditional markets have been built. the market will be full with products with global quality and price. the products without quality will be left behind by consumers. according to adlin (2006: 121), nowadays the relationship between consumers and products is not inspired by utility, function and need, but by what is referred to as the logic of sign and the logic of image, meaning that culture is produced for common people whom are considered the market share from this approach. the small retailers have been made worse by various limitations; their capital is too small, their human resources are too low, their network is too limited, and the image that they pay less attention to cleanliness; they are dirty and the services they provide to the customers are not good. according to the urban people, buying things at the minimarket is a need, which is believed to sell products with warranted quality. in mailto:wayanadnyana59@yahoo.com 2 addition, cleanliness is given priority and the services it provides is good. it is this which contributes to good perception. according to the consumers, image is more important than anything else. based on the background above, the present study was intended to explore the forms of the marginalization of the small retailers as result of the growth of the circle k minimarket in denpasar city. in theory, it was expected that the present study could widen the scientific insight into the small retailers and minimarket from the perspective of cultural studies. in practice, it was expected that the present study could give deeper information on the modern retailer or minimarket, and that it could be used as a reference when issuing any policy and controlling the growth of the minimarket. research method this present study is oriented towards what is responsible for the growth of the minimarket causing the small retailers to be marginalized. the study was conducted in south denpasar district for the following reasons. (1) it is the district where many minimarkets have been established; (2) there is a phenomenon that the small retailers are getting marginalized; and (3) several minimarkets established in south denpasar district are not completed with the permits needed. in this present study qualitative data were used, supported by quantitative data which were obtained from various types of primary and secondary data sources. the informants were determined using snowball technique, meaning that the main informants were determined first. the main instrument was the researcher supported by an interview guide, a digital camera, and writing equipment. the data were collected using the techniques of observation, in-depth interview, and documentation study. the data were descriptively and qualitatively analyzed through the following steps; data reduction, data presentation, data interpretation, and conclusion drawing. the theory used in the present study was the theory proposed by pierre felix bourdieu (1930-2002), a french philosopher. in the theory of generative structure, it is stated that (habitus x capital) + field = practice. the relation between individuals and structure is similar to the relation between habitus and field involving capital.bourdieu (in harker et al, 2009: 13) states that habitus is a system of a durable and transposable disposition which functions as the generative basis for the objectively integrated and structured practices. the theory of discourse proposed by michael foucault (1926-1984) 3 and the relation of power was used to analyze power and knowledge. this theory was inspired by foucault’s view of the discourse of power and knowledge, and explains how discourse and knowledge can be used as a tool by the ruler. discourse results in knowledge and the social practice following it, subjectivity, the relation of power implied in knowledge and social practice, and the social practice and the interrelation among all aspects (foucault, 2002: 9). foucault (in sara mills, 2003: 33) focuses on the analysis of the impacts of various institutions on people and the roles they play in resisting such impacts. the essence is the analysis of power. result and discussion the annual growth of the modern retailers ranged between 10% and 30%. the head to head competition as a consequence of the fast growth of the modern retailers badly affected the traditional ones; the number of the traditional retailers was decreasing and their omzet went down as well. in relation to that, bourdieu (in harker, 2009: 13) concerning the social practice stated that the competition between the small retailers and the modern ones caused the former to marginalized. the small retailers with the habitus they had and acquired from their living experience had a clear concept that trading was their livelihood. from the economic, social and cultural capitals they had, they were still left behind. in addition, the management they applied, the services provided to the consumers, the technology applied, and the social network they had made their access to the political institutions and government extremely limited. such a condition was not undergone by the minimarket management. this is in accordance with what is stated by foucault concerning the discourse of power and knowledge, especially how discourse and knowledge could be used as a tool. discourse resulted in knowledge and the socio-political practice accompanying it, the subjectivity it formed, the relation between power hidden in knowledge and social practice and the interrelation among all the subjects (foucault, 2002: 9). to what extent the consumers were understood affected the sales. understanding the management of the network of supplies in the unifying business process was absolutely needed (utami, 2010: 164). in practice, many minimarkets were established without referring to the regulation issued by the mayor number 9 of 2009 concerning how traditional market, shopping centers, and modern shops should be organized and supervised (dinas perijinan kota madya denpasar, 2009). it was still hard to supervise and control them. surprisingly, out 4 of 18 modern shops in south denpasar district, 13 did not have permit, meaning that the only 72% was supervised and controlled. the other phenomenon which appeared to cause the small retailers to be marginalized was the change in the consumer behavior. the consumers wanted to buy things in a comfortable place where they were well served and could find products with warranted quality. almost 75% stated that it was such things which had motivated them to go to the circle k minimarket. individuals, groups or even organizations chose, bought and used products to satisfy their desire (kotler, 2002: 181). the modern retailers used an integrated retail concept referred to as c.a.r.e. (customer, activities, relation and enterprising) based on what was needed by the consumers (lynda and cynthia, 2001: 7). internal and external factors caused the marginalization to take place (amirulla and hardjanto, 2005: 19). the internal factors included the availability of educated and trained human resources, the working tradition and culture which were oriented towards efficiency. this made the management of the minimarket more efficient. the external factors included the competition between the small retailers and the minimarket management. in addition, the quota given by the government through its intervention allowing the minimarket establishment in denpasar city, was exceeded and this could be considered a form of hegemony from the government. this is in accordance with what is stated by featherstone (2008: 22) that competition and monopoly took place between the established group and the ignored one. conclusion and suggestion as a consequence of the growth of the circle k minimarket, the small retailers became marginalized in economy, business network and management system, technology and socio-politics. the factors which contributed to the marginalization of the small retailers could be classified into internal and external factors. in relation to the conclusion stated above, there are several things which are recommended in the present study. it is suggested that the small retailers should reinforce themselves. it is suggested to other researchers that they should explore more deeply the practices done by particular parties which may inflict the small retailers. 5 acknowledgement this study could not have been completed without assistance from numerous parties. therefore, in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. (ing) ir. i made merta as the main supervisor, prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u., as cosupervisor i, and dr. putu sukardja, m.si as co-supervisor ii for the correction and input provided to the writer. bibliography adlin, alfathri. 2006. resistensi gaya hidup: teori dan gaya hidup.yogyakarta: jalasutra adnyana, i wayan. 2013. ”pertumbuhan minimarket circle k dan marginalisasi pedagang kecil di kota denpasar”, disertasi, program doktor. program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. amirullah dan hardjanto. 2005. pengantar bisnis. yogyakarta: graha ilmu. harker, richard, cheelen mahar, dan chris wilker (ed.). 1990. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik. yogyakarta: jalasutra. dinas perijinan kota madya denpasar, 2009. ”peraturan wali kota denpasar nomor 9 tahun 2009 tentang penataan dan pembinaan pasar tradisional, pusat pembelanjaan, dan toko modern”. featherstone, mike. 2008. postmodernisme dan budaya konsumen. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. foucault, michel. 2002. pengetahuan dan metode karya-karya penting foucault. yogyakarta: jalasutra. kotler, philip. 2002. manajemen pemasaran. jakarta: pt prenhallindo. lynda, w.k.n dan cyinthia, t.l.m. 2005. managing the brick-and-mortar retail stories. jakarta: pt bhuana ilmu populer. mill, sara. 2003. michel foucault. routledge: london. utami, christina whidya. 2010. manajemen ritel, strategi dan implikasi operasional bisnis ritel modern di indonesia. jakarta: salemba empat. 6 microsoft word artikel pande artadi terbit3.docx e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 revealing the ideology behind the minimalist of residential development practices in south kuta i made pande artadi 1, a. a. ngurah anom kumbara 2, putu rumawan salain 3, ida bagus gde pujaastawa 4 1 institute of arts, indonesia,2cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university, 3 faculty of technic, udayana university 4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1m.artadi@yahoo.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3rumawansalain@yahoo.com, 4guspuja@gmail.com received date : 17-02-2020 accepted date : 18-04-2020 published date : 31-05-2020 abstract the practice of developing minimalist residential design in south kuta is increasingly being accepted massively in balinese society. the residential design carries the values of modernity and is independent of the environmental context and values of balinese culture. its physical appearance is geometric, simple, clean and without ornamentation. the minimalist residential development and acceptance is contrary to the bali provincial regulation no. 05 of 2005 concerning architectural buildings which require all buildings including residential buildings to display balinese style. massive acceptance of this residence has implications in the dimensions of balinese environmental, social and cultural identity. the research objective is to uncover the ideology behind developing and accepting minimalist housing in south kuta; and reveal its implications for balinese culture. for this purpose, the research approach used is the cultural studies and design studies approach. the type of data collected is qualitative data which is then analyzed by interpretive qualitative analysis methods. to understand and interpret data, deconstruction theory, semiotics and identity theory are used. the results of the study revealed that there are three ideologies behind developing and accepting minimalist occupancy in the middle of south kuta society are capitalist, materialistic and functionalrationalist ideologies. the implication of the receipt of this residence in the community is the chaos of traditional residential values and deprivation of balinese identity. keywords: ideology, minimalist architecture, functionalism-rationalism. introduction change is a reality that cannot be avoided and is a part that always color every civilization journey of a society. in this world there is no static civilization in the eternal sense, e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 but dynamic along with the development of the needs of its people (pitana, 1994). likewise, the form of housing that always develops along with the increasing demands of society, the development of science and technology. this fact is increasingly seen when there is a wave of globalization that makes the culture of each nation always in the process of transformation. the architectural symbols, meanings and language that were once agreed upon in traditional communities were subsequently eroded in global forces which led to a process of homogenization, threatening sustainability, eliminating its existence and even losing its identity. globalization as part of the process of cultural homogenization is also emphasized by piliang who views globalization as a process of expanding the influence of capitalism and a liberal democratic system that leads to cultural homogeneity, so that every place including the urban environment looks the same and uniform including the form of housing (piliang, 2010). historically, the people of bali are known as people who are very firm in carrying the values of tradition and maintaining local culture, including architecture. this fact is shown by the presence of various discourses in the development of balinese civilization that seeks to counteract and anticipate the negative effects of globalization, such as: baliseering discourse, cultural tourism, to the ajeg bali discourse. this fact shows that the balinese are very determined in maintaining the integrity of their cultural heritage. the determination of the balinese people for tradition should also influence the behavior of the community in building their dwellings, but the reality is that some have begun to abandon the characteristics of traditional balinese dwelling and even turn to the concept of "minimalist" dwelling. this residential design carries the values of modernity by prioritizing the function, strength of the ratio, and ignoring the past (ahistorical). the design expression is geometrical, simple, clean without ornamentation and is independent of the environmental context and values of balinese culture. the minimalist residential development and acceptance is contrary to the bali provincial regulation no. 05 of 2005 concerning architecture of buildings which require all buildings including residential buildings to be of balinese character. this becomes interesting and important, because if it continues then what the hopes and ideals in the 'ajeg bali' movement to strengthen and strengthen balinese culture is in fact far from expectations, even the concern for the sinking of balinese identity in the current globalization is increasingly apparent. no less interesting is what happens is that the government as a policy maker and regulatory enforcer seems to be silent and allows this e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 to happen. regional regulation no. 5 of 2005 which is expected to be a guideline for stakeholders in controlling residential development practices, at the implementation stage deviates from the provisions. minimalist housing is increasingly developing and accepting massively in the middle of balinese society in the district of south kuta. massive acceptance of this residence has implications in the dimensions of balinese environmental, social and cultural identity. based on the description, the research problems, namely: (1) what is the background of developing and accepting minimalist residential design in a massive way in south kuta even though in reality it is contrary to the characteristics of traditional balinese dwelling? (2) what are the implications of developing and accepting minimalist dwelling in south kuta? research methods the science approach used as a starting point in research is the cultural studies and design studies approach. this research was conducted in kuta selatan district, badung regency, bali. this sub-district was chosen because three major local balinese developers as the unit of analysis are in this district and even most of the residential products are in the area of south kuta. there are two types of data sources used in research, namely primary and secondary data sources collected through field methods and library methods. all data were analyzed using the qualitative interpretative method. this analytical method is pursued through three stages, namely: (1) data reduction stage; (2) data display presentation stage; and, (3) the stage of drawing conclusions. to understand and interpret the data used deconstruction theory, semiotics and identity theory. discussion piliang and jaelani (2018) say that ideology as the science of ideas is present through a continuous process in the context of creating meaning to distinguish themselves from others. ideology is a belief about the world, ourselves, and others that tends to be accepted uncritically, as something natural and unchanging (piliang & jaelani, 2018). williams views ideology as a belief system that is illusive of the character of a particular class or group through the process of forming meaning or ideas (williams, 1977). this means that ideology is an idea that is trusted and can be accepted in a person or group of people massively even if it is false or illusive. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 from this definition it can be understood that the ideology in this case can build a belief in a person or balinese people to see minimalist dwelling from a certain point of view, although it is accepted uncritically but can be trusted naturally without being questioned. ideology is able to move the way of thinking of balinese people who seem to contain logical values but the reality is irrational, false and tends to be illusory. this happens because this ideology works in a process of thinking that is normative, natural and natural so that it can generally be accepted as something that is natural and does not even need to be questioned anymore. the results of the study revealed that the ideology behind the development and acceptance of minimalist residential design in south kuta is the ideology of capitalism, materialism and functional-rationalism. these three ideologies are the driving force behind the practice of residential development so that minimalist residential design can be accepted in the midst of balinese society in south kuta. in fact, minimalist residential development is increasingly developing and accepting massively amid the people of south kuta. the growth in the number of minimalist houses which is increasingly high causes the face of housing in this region to change into an urban environment with a visual form that tends to be rigid, industrial and foreign in local contexts. the image of balinese dwellings that were previously unique and have an identity, were later eroded in the flow of modern waves with an urban atmosphere, and global image. the three ideologies as important aspects underlying the practice of residential development are spelled out more sharply in the following description: a. the ideology of capitalism marx said that capitalist ideological capitalism is a means used by the dominant class or the ruling to distribute ideas, so that it can be accepted fairly by the whole society (sanderson, 1993). in the industrial world the practice of capitalism is clearly seen with all kinds of forms of production and reproduction to be made into commodities and marketed with the sole purpose of looking for profit. the power of production in this case is not to explore the use value (utility value) but to find more value (profit) from the exchange rate. to pursue high profits, the presence of products for capitalism is not based on needs, but relies on millions of 'desires' and libido that flows without limits. daniel bell said that in this condition of society, what is called society is actually not a group of people who have a common interest, but a combination of individual atoms looking for various forms of pleasure, e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 satisfaction and prosperity of each. the economic machine becomes a place where each individual atom is tripping, cheating, nudging and preying (bell, 1976). in the case of this study the influence of capitalist ideology is evident from the various efforts of developers in fulfilling the desire to take maximum profits through various means, namely ignoring local architectural values, as well as violating and opposing the provisions of the provincial regulation of bali no. 05 of 2005. developers tend to override characteristics of traditional balinese architecture. the developer's compliance with the local regulation is only at the level of proposing a building permit (imb), then in the development process the developer deliberately overrides the principles of local balinese dwelling, because it is considered to be in conflict with minimalist residential values. to smooth out these desires, developers often collude with unscrupulous regional devices. local regulations are only enforced in the licensing process, so that housing development project permits are issued by the government. meanwhile, the style and image of the dwelling when built tend to follow the tastes and demands of the market, without considering prevailing regulations. the fact that occurs is that almost most of the residential products that have been built are minimalist by prioritizing physical shapes that are geometric, formal, rigid, and far deviating from the principles of local balinese architecture as stipulated in regional regulation no 05 of 2005. the rise of residential development that deviates from the imb standard provisions has been realized by the local government, but the government as the enforcer of the regulation remains silent and allows this to happen. the reasons for building considerations are often justifications for the government not to enforce these regulations. as a result, the same deviation is more often done by developers, minimalist residential development practices become increasingly massive. the regional government, through the regional work units, should be a part that plays a role in the control process. the regional apparatus should carry out various executions of sanctions against violations that occur. however, the reality that occurs is colluding with developers by obscuring regulations, allowing violations to occur, and providing an opportunity to distort the regulation network for their interests. this condition is said by jean baudrillard in the perfect crime (1997) is a form of hyper-criminality, which is 'crime that transcends crime'. law enforcement officials commit acts of violation of the law, actions that obscure the principles of regulation and even destroy traditional balinese values. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 for michael foucault, such behavior is part of a state of mind disorder or the phenomenon of madness. a condition in which humans are blinded to lustful desires, unable to control and tame desires (foucault, 1989). foucault's explanation can represent the desire of capitalism which always tries in any way to look for opportunities for the release of its energy for profit alone. this behavior is pursued in ways that break the law, defy regulations, break morality and crush taboos. in this case the ideology of capitalism in the practice of developing minimalist housing has penetrated even dismantled every boundary of the value system, norms and even regulations that apply in society. in addition to this, the practice of capitalism also utilizes loopholes in information technology advancement through social media advertising to manipulate actions in order to influence and attract consumer interest. advances in virtual technology produce an illustration of residential product advertising that exceeds reality. virtual technology in the design stage makes it easy for architects to create artificial or superficial residential simulations by imaging engineering and taking over the natural world of reality. illustration of residential product advertisements owned by developers juggle the natural conditions of bukit jimbaran in south kuta which tend to be hot, dry and barren into a cool and beautiful residential area. this is what baudrillard said as hyper-reality, which is something that goes beyond or beyond reality itself. the new reality that exists transcends reality, in which all things present themselves as if they were something, even though it is not itself (baudrillard, 1981). the residential environment that is present as a result of the sophistication of computer simulation technology (computer-simulated environment) can be said to be the world of simulacra that is "imitation of reality", where in semiotics a marker is a simulacrum as something that does not duplicate something else as a reference model, will but duplicates itself. therefore the markers in this product illustration no longer have a natural relationship with reality, even completely cut off with reality. in semiotics the signs that build the image of dwelling in this illustration are said to be false signs (pseudo sign), that is, the sign shown in the illustration of the dwelling environment is not genuine, artificial, even 'fake'. markers that build as if in fact (original), but fake. this reality by boudrillard is said to be 'masks and perverts as basic reality' which is 'masking reality through signs' (baudrillard, 1981). in this case the practice of developing minimalist residential design in south kuta is a form of capitalist ideology that has led to the awareness of the balinese people in a condition where reality has been taken over by models or simulations of reality. the instincts of e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 developer capacity appear by creating new realities, namely imaginary realities that seem real. the hope is to be able to influence and foster consumer interest in buying these residential products. b. materialism ideology materialism is a belief that does not recognize the nature or reality other than material that can be touched, touched, observed, measured, and observed. all that is not material is only an illusion or fantasy. the nature of reality is material nature. materialism promotes the elimination of mental and spiritual values, removes religious values, does not believe there are other forces in the visible world, and cast doubt on religious doctrines. such a skeptical attitude was made by karl marx as the originator of dialectical materialism. for him the factors that hinder the development of society are religious groups who are seen as capitalists, because religion is used as a tool to maintain their dominance. religion is like opium for people who can lull it, so they cannot understand the real problem or pain that they have to solve or cure. religion is like a drug that does not cure illness, but only reduces pain. religion helps reconcile the ruling class and provide an illusory hope for a better spiritual world in the future (haryanto, 2015). hidayat in his writing entitled "design as an ideology phenomenon" said that the ideology of materialism as a notion that considers that nature was created is to be processed and solely in order to meet the needs of life and human pleasure. the concept of thinking and way of looking like this further separates man from nature, there is no more equality position between humans and the universe. this understanding views all other living creations (animals and plants) as beings without souls, because it is treated like an object without a soul (hidayat, 2011). the statement asserts that materialism breaks the fabric of harmonious relations between humans and the universe (microcosm and macrocosm). humans are free to process and treat nature to meet material needs as a source of happiness. this means that the form of dwelling that carries this ideology avoids the forms that were born from religious symbolic expressions but prioritizes the mind, true, logical and free from delusion and falsehood. in the practice of developing minimalist housing in south kuta, it is apparent that materialist ideology clearly underpins the nature of architect thinking. the expression of materialism can be seen from the planning stage (design stage) to the final manifestation in e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 the field. in the planning process the architect as part of the developer never considered the values of traditional balinese architecture which originated from the balinese belief system. the traditional concept of ulu-teben or sacred-profane space with unique and specific zoning patterns has been removed. sacred-profane values in the traditional spatial layout no longer appear in minimalist dwellings. in the design process, i.e. in spatial organization, they consider pragmatic functions and interests. spaces with limited land are optimized to meet the needs of functions that have been standardized by the developer. the orientation is to optimize the use of space so that minimum standards are met for living rooms, bathrooms, bedrooms, kitchens and car parking spaces. the representation of materialism in minimalist housing is to reject and negate principles that contain religious values and symbols. the representation of this concept of thinking is clearly seen in the illustration of the advertisement pamphlets for the residential products sold. the main thing in advertising is the material reality, which is seen and felt by the five senses, which is measurable, pursuing outward form and consideration of pragmatic functions. consideration of local architectural values born and sourced from local belief systems is no longer a potential product advantage and must be prioritized. however, design style, price, strategic location, number and completeness of spaces (material entities) are priorities. in this case minimalist housing only accommodates the needs of modern society without leaving space to protect the activities of the 'contemporary' balinese people who still adhere to the value systems and norms inherited by their predecessors. the ideology of materialism has diminished sensitivity or deviated the sensitivity of developers to the environment of the universe. instinct wants to separate oneself from the universe increasingly sharply seen in residential designs that are artificial, in the sense of unnatural and not integrated with nature. imitation materials for industrial products for finishing materials occupy increasingly dominating. ceramic tiles with natural stone patterns and characters replace the function of local materials based on local industries, such as: pejaten brick, tulikup rub brick, darmasaba rub brick, taro sand stone, silakarang sand stone, kerobokan sand stone, kelating sand stones and sambiran sand stone. this means that minimalist residential design has ruled out regional regulation no. 5 of 2005 which promotes the use of local materials as one of the principles in creating and implementing atb characters. this fact is part of the ideological perspective of materialism which tends to keep e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 a distance from all things that are natural and natural, without creating a residential design that can interact with the environment in which it was built. materialism also appears in the relatively closed nature of minimalist residential design. minimalist housing as a building mass forms an environment separate from the natural environment. minimalist residential design tends to be closed, openings on the walls (fenestration elements) are quite small and minimal to create a pattern of interaction of space and outside which is very limited. representation of materialism in this dwelling is the behavior of the occupants who are instructed by the architect to tend to keep their distance and limit themselves in interacting with their exterior environment. this fact is very contradictory to the concept of local housing which tends to be open, where every time the building faces court yard (the cathuspata concept). openness in traditional balinese dwellings creates an uninterrupted flow of space between the exterior of the dwelling to the interior of the dwelling. the unity between interior and exterior spaces in traditional dwellings in bali reinforces the meaning of the unity of harmonious relations between humans (microcosm) and nature (macrocosm). materialism gives birth to a form of dwelling that is dominated by the forms of simple elements (simplicities), abstract geometric and rigid, so that the shape often looks in contrast to the surrounding environment. geometric shapes (lines and boxes) are very clearly visible on the facade of the building, such as: roof elements, overstake, and wall composition to all elements of fenestration. these forms do not represent anything other than themselves. the presence of this form does not leave room for local balinese image elements to enter in it. consideration of materialism led to the design of housing following industrial logic with western value systems. obviously these forms exist regardless of where they are. not sensitive to the environment and tend to attach importance to the minimalist modern image. c. rationalist-functionalism ideology prioritizing the power of reason, reason and mind as the main source of advancement of knowledge is the concept of thinking of the ideology of functionalism. awareness of the importance of the power of reason is a legacy from the cartesian doctrine of rene descartes thought that holds that truth must be determined or obtained through evidence, logic, and analysis based on facts, not from sensory experience. through the power of ratio and the use e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 of reason (logos) in every life activity, the ideal value criteria of various cultural forms are broken down and reduced to the level of essential or functional functions. in the field of art, design and architectural ideology functionalism increasingly shows itself through a dictum "form follows function" which was conceived by luis henry sullivan (1855-1924). this statement was made to criticize the phenomenon of the spread of works of art and architecture that use ornaments excessively without considering aspects of function. the same phrase was also written by adolf loos (1908) through the dictum "ornament is crime". even loos considers that the use of ornamentation is equated with the habits of primitive people who always decorate the body and all its equipment as low taste and criminal crime (sumalyo, 1997). the ideology of functionalism in design and architecture believes that patterns and concepts of beauty are born solely from consideration of the function of the building elements. the ideology of anti-functionalism is the repetition of old (ahistorical) forms, but prioritizes the forms that were born from new technology (reinforced concrete, glass, steel) that developed in the early xx century. sumalyo said that high functionalism's belief in the power of reason and logical thinking led to the development of these ideology bearers also known as 'rationalists'. the architectural form that carries a rationalist ideology has building elements (walls, roofs, doors, windows) arranged in composition and elements that all have functions (sumalyo, 1997). ikhwanuddin said that in functionalism, consideration of economic benefits (economic utility) becomes the main benchmark in finding forms. everything that is not useful and not economical will be avoided. functionalism rejects the use of patch ornaments which is more due to traditional reasons or false pretense creation (ikhwanudin, 2005). this means that the use of ornamentation in art according to the function of functional-rationalism is in contradiction with the principle of 'economic utility' (economic utility), because there is a waste of good use of labor, time and material. the ideology of functionalism-rationalism in the case of the practice of developing minimalist housing in south kuta is evident through the principles of standardization. residential products that are mass produced in several areas by three major developers are the result of the process of rationalizing the needs of human activities in space. the process of rationalization presents the categorization, classification or specification of spaces that protect the activities of the developer's version of society, so that they are absolute and always present in every product. the spaces are the living room, dining room, bedroom, e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 family room, kitchen and bathroom / wc. this spatial categorization is present as a result of the process of synthesis of basic activities and the process of generalizing community needs based on the developer's point of view. the complexity of activities and needs is simplified in mathematical rational formulation, the value of the product is reduced, so that what remains is only the value of the function. the result is a dwelling with a spatial organization and standard dimensions of type 36, 45, 50, 60. spaces that exist in each type follow the standard results of rationalization from the developer. in the functionalization-rationalization model, the floating performs a synthesis without involving the analysis of the needs of contemporary balinese society, resulting in spatial organization and categorization that deviates from the needs of balinese society. contemporary balinese society is a typical society that adopts modern values but still adheres to and considers the system of values and norms inherited by its predecessors, namely values that originate from belief systems. in understanding the traditions of various panca yadnya ritual activities, such as: dewa yadnya or rites for the god, resi yadnya or rites for the holy priest, manusa yadnya or rites for human, pitra yadnya or rites for the ancestors and butha yadnya or rites for the supra-natural spirits performed in spaces that have been determined in the traditional residential zoning system. yadnya activities such as the purification ceremony for new-born baby, tooth filling, and wedding in the traditional spatial layout occupy the middle zone with clear pavilion; likewise the location of the holy place (the clan temple) occupies the main-utamaning zone (the concept of sanga mandala). in fact, the ideology of functionalism-rationalism promoted by the developer creates a 'universal functional' space categorization according to the developer's understanding, without considering the relational background and culture of its inhabitants. the reality that occurs is that some of yadnya ritual activities, especially manusa yadnya and pitra yadnya can be carried out anywhere without considering the values and hierarchy of space (utamamadia-nista), as a result of the unclear function and value of space from the viewpoint of local value and belief systems. . in this case the minimalist residential area of south kuta has failed to interact with the balinese people as residents. minimalist dwelling is not able to effectively communicate with its main user, but rather consider rational functions and minimalist imagery. standardization of housing as part of the developer's ambition to build a housing model for everyone (universal) and in all places, regardless of where the shelter is located. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 functionalities that are carried out fanatically and blindly cause a loss of balinese authenticity, as if they no longer value and present a local image with the richness and uniqueness of its form. the minimalism housing that was developed in south kuta only looked at the terminology of function alone. geometric forms are present in the poor meaning (content) of both the shape and contents. the obsession of the developer to carry out functional reasons gives birth to geometric shapes that create formal, stiff expressions and do not even represent a dwelling. ideology functionalism-rationalism triggers the presence of a homogeneous environment, a monotonous environment, an environment that loses its self-image and even loses its identity. the developer's instinct to break away with local principles, then create a uniform visual region between one another. functionalismrationalism breaks away from the context of the balinese cultural environment where the dwelling is built. the implication of the massive acceptance of minimalist housing in the middle of balinese society is the creation of disorder and disorientation in the dimensions of balinese residential values. this fact is seen through the practice of developing residential design that overrides the ulu-teben value system, the spatial concept of sangamandala, tri angga and cathuspata. minimalist residential space organization does not present the zones of sacred spaces of 'main' value that protect religious needs, or conversely there is no more zoning of 'worthless' space for various activities that are profane. the development and acceptance of minimalist housing in the midst of society creates an irregular or chaotic condition of the occupancy value of the community. a condition of residential values which is on the level of 'chaos' as explained by james gleick in "chaos: making a new science". in his writings it is defined that chaos is a condition or situation of non-irregularity or chaos (objects, economic, social, political) that cannot be predicted by patterns, such as wisps of cigarette smoke scattered wildly, irregular river water flows, or like tap water that flows with changing forms (gleick, 1987). if this irregularity continues, then there is a void of norms (anomie) and even loss of norms and authentic values of balinese occupancy. the next implication is the uprooting of balinese identity. torabi & brahman which states that the character of a building can be an important point in forming identity. in the context of the relationship between architecture and identity, architecture is part of the identity of a society that contains a message, meaning, and also the character refers to where the e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 community grows (torabi & brahman, 2013). the practice of minimalist residential development does not take into account local philosophies, construction systems, ornaments and various local building materials. minimalist housing tends to be modern in blurring the identity of bali's environment, making it similar to the environment in other regions or other parts of the world. minimalist housing represents a global image that encourages and accelerates the process of cultural uniformity, especially in the field of housing. besides this, the minimalist residential design looks very contrast with government regulations and the design of balinese-built buildings built by the government. the practice of developing minimalist residential design creates an environment that is homogeneous, anonymous, has no identity or no identity. conclusion the ideology underlying the development and acceptance of minimalist residential design in south kuta includes: first, the ideology of capitalism. this ideology is evident from the efforts of developers in fulfilling desires by taking various methods, including violating and opposing the provisions of regional regulations. this is done by building transactional relations with individual regional task force units, so that all affairs and desires become smooth. the influence of capitalism is also evident from the behavior of developers who take advantage of advances in information technology in advertising and computer technology to take manipulative actions to attract consumer interest and hegemony. second, the ideology of materialism. this ideology is represented by the developer's assertiveness in rejecting various strategic considerations and tends to want to separate himself from nature. materialism creates an all-artificial residential design, in the sense of being unnatural and not integrated with nature. imitation material from industrial products for finishing materials has always been the choice and increasingly dominating, this means that the values of materialism lead to residential design following the industrial logic with the 'western' value system. third, functional-rationalism ideology. this is evident through the mass-produced residential products as a result of the rationalization process, thus creating a developer version of the universal space standards. rationalization overrides the specific needs of contemporary balinese society. the practice of rationalization in the material industry technology produces building materials with standardized standards, consequently the visual e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 expression of occupation is synonymous with abstract geometry, straight lines, clean without ornamentation and industrial image. the third practice of ideology which underlies the development and acceptance of minimalist housing in south kuta has implications for the creation of disorder and disorientation in the dimensions of balinese residential values. traditional values are no longer a consideration in residential development. minimalist dwelling creates a disorderly or chaotic condition of the occupancy value of the community, even the pattern cannot be predicted (chaotic), to the point where it obscures the authentic values of balinese dwelling. the development and acceptance of minimalist housing in the midst of the people of south kuta also has implications for depriving balinese identity. minimalist housing represents a global image that encourages and accelerates the process of cultural uniformity, especially in the field of housing. the practice of developing minimalist residential design delivers visuals of a balinese environment that is similar to residences in other regions. a homogeneous environment and no identity. references baudrillard, j. 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(1994). dinamika masyarakat dan kebudayaan bali. denpasar: bali post. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 20-34 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 sanderson, s. (1993). sosiologi makro: sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosial. jakarta: rajawali. sumalyo, y. (1997). arsitektur modern akhir abad xix dan abad xx. yogyakarta: universitas gadjah mada. torabi & brahman. (2013). effective factors in shaping the identity of architecture. middleeast journal of scientific reasearch, 106-113. williams. (1977). marxim and literature. new york: oxford university press. microsoft word artikel angsuviriya final e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 attitudes towards the names and the tastes of foods in songkhla province, thailand angsuviriya1, chanokporn2 12faculty of liberal arts, prince of songkhla university, thailand email: 1chanokporn.a@psu.ac.th, 2poon_chanok@hotmail.com received date : 21-12-2018 accepted date : 12-01-2019 published date : 28-02-2019 abstract the objective of this article is to study the attitudes of different age and ethnic groups reflected through the names and the taste of food, that is the southern thais have a positive attitude towards more tasteful or the taste of hot than the other ethnic groups while the chinese thais they have a more positive attitude towards insipid taste than the other ethnic groups. for the malaysian thais they have a more positive attitude towards the taste of sweet than the other two ethnic groups. as for main course dish, the most popular main course dishes in all the 3 groups are “kangsom” (sour soup made of tamarind paste) and “kangtaipla” or “kangphungpla”. as for dessert, the most favorite desserts in all the 3 groups are “klauybuatchee” or klauybuat (banana in coconut milk) and “lotchong” or “singaporean lotchong”. in addition, it is found that the chinese thais and the southern thais have a negative attitude towards beef, eels, buffalo meat etc, while the malaysian thais have a negative attitude towards pork because they are muslim. when age groups have been taken into account, age group 1 (15-25) does not like spicy foods, compared with the other age group. while age group 2 (35-45) has similarities in the food names of those in age group 1 and age group 3; therefore, there are more food names in age group 2 than those in the other groups. in addition, for age group 3 (55 or more) more local names of foods are found. keywords: attitudes, the names and the tastes of foods, the ethnic introduction “urban inhabitants and countrymen in the southern thailand have many physical characteristics; i.e. the light-colored, yellow or brown or dark skin, small bodies, tall and big bodies, curly or straight hair. these physical characteristics have been attributed to the assimilation of the ethnic races because of intermarriage. it may be said that there are no ethnic purity or a pure race in the southern people of thailand. all of them are the product of e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 the ethnic assimilation more or less. the process of assimilation has been developed for over 40,000 years ago. (srisuchart, 2544) there are ethnic diversities and the racial assimilation in hat yai district, songkhla province because of migration. however, the ethnic groups can be divided into 3 main groups: the southern thais, the malaysian thais, and the chinese thais. since all of 3 main races live in the same area so they borrow cultures each other such as languages, foods, and utensils etc. but they still maintain their own identities which we can study through the names of foods. local foods have the relation to the way of life, value, culture, nature or food resources in each region. however, there are also acculturations. nevertheless; there are many original local foods in southern thailand e.g. khawyam, khangkheypla, khanomla, khanomba, and khanomkhaipla etc. but some kinds of foods have been influenced by neighboring countries or the other regions of thailand. (sorajaphan, 2544) besides, thailand has been influenced by neighboring countries, for example southern thailand has been influenced on food by malaysia, so muslim and chinese foods have been brought to local foods. in addition, the influence of northeastern food such as somtam (green papaya salad) or foods of the middle of thailand prevailing throughout southern thailand contribute to the increase in the popularity of fast food such as pizza, kfc in southern thailand. muslim’s food culture in southern thailand is that malaysian muslims always eat food together in form of food set called “edae”. in the tray, there are soup, vegetables, dried food e.g. fried-fish, fried-beef, cooked vegetable as salad, also shrimp-paste, nambudoo, various kind of vegetables called ulae. in the bowl there are dish-spoons, small bowl for washing hands, the members sit around the tray, put rice into one’s mouth with one’s own fingers, a left hand for using dish spoon. nowadays although many families change the way of eating from sitting on the mat to sitting on the chair while eating, not very few families continue providing food set and using hand when eating (dalan, 2553) while chinese food that thais have been used to is chaozhou cuisine which has been derived from guangdong province, the so called cantonese cuisine. it was brought in the late ayutthaya period after western influences had been declined. the first thing the chinese brought to the ayutthaya kingdom was a wok while western cooking practice uses a frying pan. e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 in the past foods that are high in fat were not popular for the thais, their staple foods were vegetables, fish etc. their cooking practice is to boil, to grill and to roast. chinese people had introduced the new ways of cooking practice to the thais; i.e. to stir fry, to deep fry, and to steam with a steamer box but in the past the thais knew how to steam with a steamer made from bamboo. in addition, the thais borrowed chinese words such as fry, coat with sugar. in term of food, the thais did not like insipid soup or clear soup but they liked a kind of spicy, salty, and sour curry with colorful chili such as kangsom, kangphet, tomyam (hot and sour soup). the chinese brought chinese soup to the kingdom of thailand later. (khachachiva, p. & y., 2553) in term of taste of southern foods, the southern thais favor tasteful foods such as very spicy, very salty, very sour etc. spicy taste comes from dried or fresh chili, salty from salt, shrimp paste or fish sauce, and sour from ripe tamarinds, tangerines, zalaccas, little plum mangoes, plum mangoes, or all kinds of oranges, especially garcinias. however, sweet foods are not popular for them; except songkhla people (sorajjaphan, 2544) in term of geographical region, the south of thailand is situated near the equator. as a result, people lose their energy easily so they consume a kind of food high in energy for compensating it. it is believed that foods consisting of heat element give more energy; therefore they help stimulate a cardiovascular system to work effectively. as a result, the southern people favor for a kind of spicy, sour, salty and sweet food. vegetables containing heat element are always spicy, astringent and bitter such as sataw (stink beans), cashew leaves, blume etc., if eaten with red chili paste, these vegetables are the so called “phaknao” (various vegetables) or “phakjum”. the ingredients of spices are always consisted of turmeric for fishy smelled curry. this gives energy. in addition, there is khaoyam, consisting of turmeric leaves, phahom leave, blume indian leaves, lemon grass, fine dried chili, budoo or shrimp paste, mapraokhua (coconut stirred in a pan), fruits or sour sprouts. the southern thais always prepare dried and salted foodstuffs for eating in the rainy season in order to give them energy. the cooler the weather is, the more appetizing they are. these foods making them appetizing are salted mackerels, salted king mackerels, salty field crabs, indian anchovy, budoo etc. as for dessert, there are many kinds of desserts; however, the main ingredients are flour (or starchy fruits), sugar and coconut. (phongphaiboon, 2544) the names of foods and tastes reflect the lifestyle and attitudes. this shows the relation between language and culture according to ethnosemantic study. ethnosemantics is the study in order to access insight into culturally significant cognitive system, studying e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 through language. this study has another name; i.e. the new ethnography, ethnographic semantics. this study has been derived from the belief that language reflects thought and world view of the speakers. as a result, the analysis of the semantic fields of any ethnic languages can be insightfully shown thought and world view of those ethnic groups. (phrasitrathasinth, 2529) the study of language and culture is considered to be important for the ethnoscientific approach especially foods. this study has been referred to frake (phasukkit, 2543). he is the pioneer of studying culture through the analysis of language. frake’s works show the concept of terms in each culture. frake have claimec that studying terms in any cultures not only receives the meaning of the terms but also knows that there are or there are not things in each culture because these terms tell us that people in the society consider the importance and how they understand things around them. there are some ethnosemantic studies of taste term in thai academic circle such as an ethnosemantic study of taste term and taste attitudes in thai dialects by phasukkit anchalika, 2000, an ethnosemantic study of taste terms and taste attitudes in chaozhou by mekbantoon phornladda, 2004, and a study of taste term in tai ethnics in the lower north by jirananthnaphom suphatra and singhnoi anchlle, 2553. : an ethnosemantic study of taste term and taste attitudes in thai dialects (phasukkit, 2000). this study aims to analyze taste terms in thai dialects of bangkok, chiang mai, ubonratchathani, and nakhon sri thammarat by categorization. the results show that all the four dialects have 8 common basic taste terms representing 8 basic taste categories: sour, sweet, salty, bitter, hot, flat, astringent, and chewy. as for the attitude towards tastes, all the four communities have positive attitudes towards crisp + starchy. in addition, chiang mai speakers have negative attitude towards almost bitter and unpalatable tastes while ubonratchathani speakers have negative attitude towards these two and also nasal. an ethnosemantic study of taste terms and taste attitudes in chaozhou (mekbantoon, 2004). this study aims to categorize taste terms in chaozhou into basic taste terms, nonbasic taste terms, and taste attitude terms. the results show that in chaozhou there are 9 basic taste terms representing 8 basic taste categories: flat, sour, salty, sweet, hot, bitter, astringent and moist. the meanings of all the basic taste terms are differentiated by 7 dimensions of contrast: duration of taste sensation, nauseousness, pungency, soreness, stickiness, thirstiness, and tingle. the analysis of taste attitude terms e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 shows that they are divided into 3 groups according to the meaning: positive, negative, and neutral attitudes. the positive category can be divided into 7 groups: savory, delicious, good, appetizing, tasteful, and not bad. the negative category can be divided into 7 groups: not savory, not delicious, not good, fatty, difficult to eat, tasteless, and strong, and neutral category can be divided into 4 groups: easy to eat, simple, not different, and moderate. a study of taste term in tai ethnics in the lower northern by jirananthanaphom suphatra and singhnoi anchalee (2010). the result of the study shows that there are 41 taste terms, consisting of only one taste such as very spicy, very sour etc. and mixed tastes such as spicy and salt and sour and sweet in the lower northern of tai. there is no significance in structure, syntax and ethnosemantics of taste terms, but there is slightly variation of vocabularies. in regard to attitude towards taste, it is found that there are 3 attitudes according to the meaning: positive, negative and neutral tastes. the positive tastes are good-smelling and cool, “nua” (delicious) etc. that are related to smells, textures and attitudes while the negative tastes are bitter , fishy, hot, fattening etc. that have relation to taste buds, smells, touches, and attitudes. the neutral tastes are spicy, sour, salty, acrid, crisp etc. that are related to taste buds, smells, touches, textures and attitudes. according to 3 studies of taste term, there are both similarities and differences, that is phasukkit’s and mekbantoon’s studies are doing research by using the componential analysis, while jirananthanaphom and singhnoi’s study is the analysis of structure. however, the similarity of 3 studies is the analysis of attitude towards taste in order to understand the relation between language, thought and culture. the purpose of this study is to analysis attitude towards tastes in 3 different age and ethnic group: the southern thais, malaysian thais, and chinese thais that are divided into 3 age groups : 15-25, 35-45, and over 55 years old. the informants in each age and ethnic groups were asked the questions about how their attitudes towards food are in order to analyze the attitudes towards the names of foods. positive attitude towards the names of foods and tastes the names of foods and tastes reflect positive attitudes. these positive attitudes have been divided into main course dishes, desserts and tastes. that is: e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 main course dishes the most favorite curry for 3 ethnic groups and different age group is ‘kangsom’ because this soup is firstly elicited, the second position is spicy curry or phatphet dish. these dishes that the informants told are in accordance to the most favorite taste for the southern people. they love spicy dishes. in addition, each ethnic group still favors other main course dishes: the southern thais ‘kangsom’ is the most popular main course dish for the southern thais in all age groups, except age group 1 (15-25). this age group favors more main course dishes cooked from pork than other 2 groups. they like such as fried-pork, khawmudang, kraprawmusup (stir-fried pork with basil), khanamusup (stir-fried pork with kale) and phakbungmukrop. in addition, the southern thais like other spicy salient tasteful foods; i.e. kangpungpla, phatpet, namprik , khuakling. moreover, this southern thais also love sea fish. they play a major role as the staple food of the local people such as kangsomplakaphong, kangphungpla and phatphetpladukthale, etc. furthermore, shellfish are also popular such as crabs, clams, and shrimps. as for vegetable, they are the ingredients of kangliang and stir-fried vegetables and stink beans with shrimp paste eaten with various vegetables which are the so called “phaknao” and also other local dishes such as yamhuakrok (cashew nut salad) yamlokmut (sapodilla salad). the chinese thais ‘kangsom’ is also the most popular main course dish for the chinese thais in age groups 2 and 3. next is kangtaipla. in age group 3 there are more food names than the other 2 age groups; that is, the names of foods show both spicy and harsh taste of thai food; i.e. kangtaipla, kangkhuapu, phatsatawkapi (stink bean stirred with shrimp paste), budoo. in addition, they still love eating chinese foods such as abalone, sea barnacle, yellow noodle, chinese spices with steamed pork, chicken. the most favorite meat of this ethnic group is pork. they bring it to cook food such as roasted-pork, deep-fried, three–layered-pork. the favorite food of age group 2 and 3 are similar but age group 2 love eating more seafood than age groups 3. they love phatphetplakaphong, hoykrangphao (cockles burnt in hot ash), tomyam etc. the reason for age group 3 consuming less seafood than the other age groups might be seafood is high in cholesterol. as for age group 1, they have not shown their favorite e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 food clearly. however, they love curry with coconut milk, omelet, yamkhaikhem (salted egg salad). some informants favor northeastern foods such as somtam (green papaya salad). this is because northeastern foods prevail throughout all the regions because of the migration of the northeastern thais. the malaysian thais ‘kangsom’ is also the most popular main course dish for the malaysian thais in age group 1, 2 and 3. moreover, age group 1 also likes phatphet. age group 1 and 2 favor spicy or harsh taste food such as phatphet, kangsom, beef curry, kangkhua, shrimp paste, pungwau, pungpla and tomyam etc. now age group 1 also loves somtamplala (green papaya salad with fermented fish). in addition, they love consuming khawyam, pungwau, foods made of beef. all age groups loves stir-fried beef, spice with beef curry, beef soup, fried beef, rice topped with stir-fried beef etc. in addition, this age group favors for main course dishes tasting sweet such as stir-fried beef, fried red meat, vegetables stirred with sweet and sour sauce, green curry with beef etc. desserts the most favorite dessert especially for the southern and malaysian thais is kluaybuatchee (bananas in coconut milk). next is lotchong, while the chinese thais favor chaokuay (chinese jelly) and muntom (yam boiled in syrup) etc. however, there are still the favorite desserts: the southern thais there are differences in the favorite desserts from each age group. age group 1 like kluaybuatchee, thaptimkrob, fakchieum etc. age group 2 love ruammit , fruits, mokang while age group 3 like lotchong, kluaychieum, and khanomchan etc. in addition, age group 3 loves foreign desserts such as yam-roll etc. the chinese thais there are differences in favorite desserts from each age group; that is, there are more names of desserts in age group 2 than those in age group 1 and 3 such as muntom, piaklumyai, lotchong etc. moreover, there are variations of khawniew and niew which age group 3 use niew in stead of khawniew. age group 3 also love chaokuay , niewmamuang, e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 niewrian etc. and they favor fruits as dessert while there are the least names of food in the age group 1 such as lotchong, fakchieum, kluaychieum and bualoy etc. the malaysian thais there are differences in favorite desserts from each group too. the most favorite dessert in group 2 and 3 is kluaybustchee while the most favorite dessert in group 1 is lotchong. moreover, there are mores names of desserts in group 1 and 2 than those in group 3 because desserts are not popular for the elder people due to being worried about their health. in addition, desserts are popular for the malaysian thais in ramadon month. they always eat desserts such as ruammit, lotchong, kluaybuatchee, fakthongbuat. it is observed that a popular dessert is a kind of ‘buat’. it is an ingredient to cook with coconut milk. tastes the most favorite taste of 3 ethnic groups is ‘hot’, except age group 1. they like sour and sweet instead. this might be that they are so young that they can’t have hot and spicy food. however, there are some interesting tastes they like in each ethnic group: the southern thais the most favorite taste in all age groups of the southern thais is ‘hot’. in addition, other tastes they like are ‘sweet’, ‘flat’, ‘salty’ ‘bland’ and tasteful which are related to main course dishes they like. the popularity of spicy main course dishes of the southern thais is considered one of the identities of the southern people in thailand. the chinese thais the most favorite taste in age group 3 and 2 of the chinese thais is ‘hot’ while the most popular taste in age group 1 is “sweet”. in addition, they also love ‘salty’ ‘sour’ ‘flat’ ‘bland’ and ‘tasteful’. compared with other ethnic groups, the chinese thais like ‘spicy’ less than the other age groups. they have told that traditional southern foods are so spicy that they have not eaten them because they are not good for their health. they prefer ‘flat’ to ‘spicy’. they also told that if they want to eat ‘spicy’ food, they will eat food that is not too spicy. e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 the malaysian thais like the chinese thais, the most favorite taste in age group 2 and 3 of the malaysian thais is ‘hot’ while the most popular taste of age group 1 is ‘sour’. also, they love ‘salty’ ‘sweet’ oily and sweet and ‘chewy’. since the most popular foods of the malaysian thais taste ‘sweet’, they have more taste terms of ‘sweet’ than other kinds of taste terms. however, they also like another taste such as ‘sour’, ‘hot’ ‘salty’. the least popular taste is ‘flat’. in addition, age group 2 and 3 have more taste terms than age group 1. negative attitude towards the names of foods and tastes the names of foods and tastes reflect negative attitudes. at first, mostly informants only told ingredients of food and the foods they do not like such as desserts. as a result, negative attitudes towards the names of foods, ingredients and tastes have been discussed instead. the southern thais the least popular food of age group 1 is lookniang, next is an ingredient of southern food such as sataw (stink bean), lookliang, and vegetables. they do not like vegetables. as for age group 2, the least popular taste is ‘sweet’ they also do not like ‘oily food’ and ‘prickle’. the least popular meat in age group 3 is beef and eels. next is frogs, and turtles. they also do not like foods tasting sweet, oily or flat food. the chinese thais age group 1 do not like food tasting ‘hot’ or ‘harsh taste’ such as northeastern foods, phungpla, ‘prickle’, salty eggs, and thousand eggs. the least popular meat in age group 2 is beef, food made of beef, northeastern foods, western foods and local food such as budoo, kungsom, plasom. as for age group 3, there are more names of foods which they do not like than the other age groups ;i.e. beef (this might be that they respect kuan-im goddess), oily food, foods tasting ‘sour’ such as moosom, kungsom, plasom, eels, buffalo meat etc. the malaysian thais there are more names of foods in this ethnic group than the other age groups. the least popular meat in age group 1 is ‘catfish’ ; they also do not like their own foods such as e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 plapangdang, kangpae, phungwau, nangwau etc., foods tasting ‘bitter’, ‘hot’ and fresh-water fish. as for age group 2, they do not like satawdong (prickled stink beans) and eels and do not like the same foods as group 1. moreover, they do not like ‘prickle’ food or food tasting ‘sour’ such as hoydong, kungsom, satawdong etc. and food tasting sweet and oily such as curry with coconut milk. age group 3 do not like foods made of pork because they are always prohibited from eating pork; moreover they have negative attitude towards pork. they also do not like local foods such as sataw, lookniang and lookliang. the results of study of attitudes towards the names of food in different age and ethnic group in hat yai district, songkhla province are found that the informants told the names of foods which they have eaten, and always found but have not loved to consume. this is not only the attitudes of the informants towards the foods but also the taste of individuals. this is some examples of the relation between attitudes and the names of foods and tastes according to ethnic and age groups. table 1, the southern thais giving examples of the names of foods and tastes according to attitudes age food age group 1 age group 2 age group 3 positive attitude 1) main course kangsom (1) fired pork (3) kangphungpla (2) kangliang (1) kangsom (5) phatpet (2) kangliang (2) kangphungpla (1) kangsom (8) kangphungpla (1) chili paste (2) fried vegetables (2) 2) dessert klauybuatchee (3) taptimkrob (1) fakthongchieum (1) ice cream (3) ruammit (2) mokang (1) lotchong singapore (1) lotchong (2) klauychieum (2) khanomchan (2) 3) taste hot (4) sweet (3) sour (2) salty (2) hot (6) salty (2) harsh (2) sour (1) hot (4) flat (3) bland (3) sour (2) negative attitude name of food and ingredient lookniang (3) fried vegetable (2) stink bean (2) curry (1) dessert (2) food with coconut milk(1) fried chicken (1) beef (3) eel (3) frog (2) e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 table 2, the chinese thais giving examples of the names of foods and tastes according to attitudes age food age group 1 age group 2 age group 3 positive attitude ๑) main course curry (1) omelet (1) yamkhaikhem (1) papaya salad (1) kangsom (3) pork (1) seafood (1) phatpetplakaphong (1) kangsom (5) kangtaipla (2) yellow noodle (1) kangkhuapu (1) ๒) dessert lotchong (1) fakchieum (1) klauychieum (1) bualoy (1) muntom (๓) piaklumyai (๓) lotchong (๒) klauybuat (๒) chaokuay (๓) niewmamuang (๒) niewrian (๒) bualoykhaiwan (๑) ๓) taste sweet (3) salty (1) sour (1) hot (4) salty (4) sour (3) sweet (3) hot (6) sweet (3) sour (3) flat (2) negative attitude name of food and ingredient phungpla (1) salty egg (1) thousand egg (1) beef (6) fermented fish (2) mutsamannieu (1) beef (7) musom (2) curry (2) table 3, the malaysian thais giving examples of the names of foods and tastes according to attitudes age food age group 1 age group 2 age group 3 positive attitude ๑) main course phatpet (3) kangsom (3) stir-fried beef (2) fried rice (1) kangsom (7) kangphungpla (1) shrimp paste (1) kangliang (1) kangsom (8) fried vegetable (2) plapriewwan (1) rice topped with stirfried beef (1) ๒) dessert lotchong (4) fakthongchieum (2) luktanchieum (1) chaokuay (1) klauybuat (5) fakthongbuat (2) niewthuadam (1) ruammit (1) klauybuat (3) lotchong (2) fakthongchieum (2) ruammit (1) ๓) taste sour (5) sweet (5) salty (4) hot (3) hot (8) salty (6) sweet (3) sour (2) hot (3) sour (3) salty (2) flat (2) negative attitude name of food and ingredient catfish (3) plapangdang (2) kangpae (2) plasom (2) stink bean (3) eel (3) plapangdang (2) pork (2) prickle (2) prickled stink bean (๒) stink bean (1) e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 note: ขอ้สงัเกต ตวัเลขในวงเล็บคอืจาํนวนผูบ้อกภาษาทใีหข้อ้มูล mostly the members in all age group in the family love to eat the same kind of food, except harsh taste or spicy foods are popular in age group 2 and 3, while the malaysian thais in all age groups can eat spicy food. however, some members love different food from the other members in the family, for example, children loves northeastern foods, whereas parents like southern local food. this is the taste of individual too. fast food is popular for age group 1 in all ethnic groups. this may be because the society has changed so it has an influence on consuming at present. according to the attitude towards the names of foods, in the future the behavior of consuming of people in hat yai district , songkhla province can be predicted. as a result, there should widely be the study in this issue by expanding the areas, ethnic groups in order to access the attitudes towards the taste through names of foods in the consumerism or materialism นอกจากนีผูว้จิยัยงัพบว่าอาหารสมยันิยมหรอือาหารฟาสตฟ์ู้ดไดก้ลายเป็นทนิียมแกผู่บ้อกภาษาโด ย เ ฉ พ า ะ ใ น ก ลุ่ ม อ า ยุ ที 1 แ ล ะ เ กื อ บ จ ะ ทุ ก ก ลุ่ ม ช า ติ พั น ธุ ์ อัน เกียว เนื อ ง กับ สภ าพ สัง คม ทีเปลียน ไป จึง มีผ ลต่ อก ารบริโภ คข อง คน ใน ยุค ปัจ จุบันนี ไ ด้ ซงึจากทศันคตขิองผูบ้อกภาษาทีมต่ีอคําเรยีกชอือาหารดงัผลวจิยันีอาจทาํนายความเป็นไปในอนาคตเกยีวกบักา ร บ ริ โ ภ ค อ า ห า ร ข อ ง ค น ใ น ชุ ม ช น ห า ด ใ ห ญ่ จั ง ห วั ด ส ง ข ล า ไ ด้ ท า ง ห นึ ง จึงควรทีจะศึกษาประเด็นดังกล่าวใหก้วา้งขวางขึนโดยขยายขอบเขตของพืนที ขอ้มูลหรอืกลุ่มชาติพนัธุ ์ เพอืใหไ้ดค้ําตอบทคีรอบคลุมเรอืงทศันคตทิมีต่ีอคําเรยีกชอือาหารในสงัคมยุคบรโิภคนิยมหรอืวตัถุนิยมสมยัใหม่ refrences dalan, w. (2010). malaysian thai food’s identities: southern muslim kitchen. bangkok: the halal science center chulalongkorn university. (trans.) frake,charles.o. (1961). language and cultural description: essays. stanford, calif.: stanford university press jirananthanaphon, s & singhnoi, a, (2010). an ethnosemantic study of taste terms and taste attitudes of tai ethnic groups in lower northern thailand. journal of humanities naresuan university (7,3 september-december). (trans.) kachashewa, palasri & yotphicha. (2010). the most popularity of chinese food. bangkok: modern housewife. (trans.) e-journal of cultural studies february 2019 vol. 12, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 mekbantoon, p. (2004). an ethnosemantic study of taste terms and taste attitudes in chaozhou. m.a’s thesis, chulalongkorn university. (trans.) phasukkit, a. (2000). an ethnosemantic study of taste term and taste attitudes in thai dialects. m.a’s thesis, chulalongkorn university. phongphaiboon, s , (2001). southern structure and cultural dynamics with development. trf. (trans.) phrasitrathasinth, a. (1986). road to be a linguist. bangkok : linguistic department, faculty of arts chulalongkorn university. (trans.) sorajaphan, a. (2001). southern local food. songkla: songkhla rajabhat university .(trans.) srisuchart, a. (2001). southern roots characteristic, physical appearance, geographical features and psychological features. bangkok: trf. (trans.) fight among political actors on printed media as part of general election held to vote for regent of bangli regency in 2010 ni made ras amanda gelgel faculty of social and political sciences udayana university email: rasamanda13@gmail.com abstract in the era of after reformation, indonesia has developed rapidly enough in political sector and mass media freedom. in the local level such as in bangli regency, bali province, the fight among political actors on the printed mass media took place when the general election to vote for the regent was held. the general election which was held to vote for the regent was full of dynamism in which the candidates fought against one another on the longer mass media. the problems of the present study are as follows: (1) what was the fight among political actors on the printed media when the general election was held to vote the regent of bangli regency in 2010 like?; (2) the factors leading to it?; and (3) what was the impact and meaning of the fight among the political actors on the printed media? the theories used in the present study were the theory of discourse of relation of knowledge and power, the theory of the impact of media such as the agenda setting, the theory of framing, the theory of media text analysis, the theory of hegemony, and the theory of capital. the research method used was the qualitative approach with critical paradigm. the forms of the fight among political actors took place in the arenas of news articles, advertorials, advertisements, and paid articles. the fight taking place in these arenas started from the fight for the self-image of the actors to the political issue. the factors leading to it was political factor, economic factor, and mass media. the fight among the political actors affected political sector, economic sector, and cultural sector. the fight among the political actors on the printed media contained pragmatic meaning of the media and political actors, the image, popular life style, and change of political culture in bangli. keywords: printed media, politics, general election, political communication, political actors. mailto:rasamanda13@gmail.com introduction in the era of after reformation, every sector of life changed and developed in indonesia in general and political sector and freedom of mass media in particular. these two sectors developed and met each other within the context of political communication through mass media. the fight among the political actors when the general elections were held to vote for the national and local leaders took place in the national and local levels. in bali such a fight also took place. the data prepared by kompas showed that in bali there were more deviations than those in the other parts of indonesia. media were assumed to play an important role in transmitting and stimulating political problems (negrine, 1996). the openness and freedom in expressing opinions had been a global trend; the political fraud was easily adopted as the national issue by the media (firmanzah, 2007: 45). in the present study, the general election held to vote for the regent in bangli in 2010 was chosen as the object of the study for several reasons. the first reason was that there were many candidates; the second reason was that there were conflicts before, after and when the general election was held to vote for the regent in bangli; the third reason was that reelection was held at several voting places; and the last reason was that the time during which the fight among the political actors took place became extended. the general election held to vote for the regent in bali were attended by five pairs of candidates of the regent and deputy regent. this showed that there was a high political participation. therefore, it was interesting to further explore what was the fight among the political actors on the printed media in relation to the general election held to vote for the regent of bangli regency in 2010 like; what factors contributing to the fight among the political actors and what were the impact and meaning of the fight among the political actors on the printed media in relation to the general election held to vote for the regent of bangli regency in 2010. theoretically, this present study would enrich the cultural studies in general and political communication and the use of printed media in particular. practically, this present study would help overcome and avoid the conflicts frequently taking place in relation to practical politics. the theories used in the present study were the theory of discourse of relation of knowledge and power proposed by foucault, the theory of the impact of media such as the theory of agenda setting proposed by dominic, the theory of framing, the theory of media text analysis proposed by shoemaker and reese, the theory of hegemony proposed by antonio gramsci, and the theory of capital proposed by blourdieu. they were used eclectically and helped one another in analyzing the problems. research method the method used in the present study was the qualitative approach with a critical paradigm. based on the theories and literature review, the object of the present study is the fight among the political actors on the printed media when the general election was held to vote for the regent of bangli regency in 2010. therefore, the research method used was the method of critical discourse analysis with framing analysis. the instrument used was an interview guide. the data were collected using the technique of in-depth interview and documentary study. the in-depth interview was intended to obtain wide information from the key informants. result and discussion the fight among the political actors on the printed media in relation to the general election held to vote for the regent of bangli regency in 2010 can be described as follows. first, the arena in the printed media where the fight among the political actors took place could be divided into four forms. the political actors fought through the discourse of political issues and image. as stated by bourdieu (in ritzer, 2004: 252) that every candidate used discourses as one of the arenas to acquire power. the forms of the fight among the political actors on the printed media could be divided into four; they are news articles, paid news articles, advertorial articles, and advertisements. each area had its advantages and disadvantages. the news articles tended to be used as the arena where the political actors argued about the political issues, and the political actors who were involved in it were the pair of candidates ib brahmaputra – wayan winurjaya (brahmawijaya) and the pair of candidates i made gianyar – sedana artha (gita). they argued that the general election should be repeated. brahmawijaya showed that there were many indicators of deviations when the general election was held. however, such an issue was opposed by gita who claimed that brahmawijaya intimidated the panwaslu (the supervisory committee of general election) and kpud (the local committee of general election) bangli. advertisement was one of the other forms, which was used by the pair of candidates gita. they showed the issue that they affiliated with pdip. in addition, they claimed that they were cultured and highly educated. the political issue adopted through the advertisement was making bali shanti (bali peaceful) and voting from the heart. advertorial was the next form, which was used by the pair of candidates wayan arsada-lasmawan (alas). advertorial was used by alas to construct self image and their political programs. in the local people’s opinion, they constructed the image that they were educated, highly appreciated the balinese culture, close to the former regent of bangli, arnawa. in addition, they also constructed the image that they were simple and popular among the local people. alas constructed hegemony through advertorial. gramsci stated that power should be understood as relation. alas was able to dominate the information transmitted to the subordinate classes so they accepted the ideas and political interests of the ruling group through advertorial. the next form was that the fight among the political actors took place through paid news articles, which were mostly used by the pair of candidates brahmawijaya as a means of their political communication. they also constructed their positive image through paid news articles. from the forms of the fight among the political actors described above, the factors contributing to the fight among the political actors could be identified. there were three dominant factors which contributed to the general election held to vote for the regent of bangli regency in 2010. they are economic factor, political factor, and mass media. the economic strength or capital was recorded as the most dominant factor leading to the fight among the political actors on the printed media. the paid news caused the costs needed by the political actors to communicate their political programs on the mass media to be high. at this point, the printed media were frequently motivated to obtain more benefit, meaning that the power of the market or the interests of the capitalist dominated the fight among the political actors on the mass media. the political factor which contributed to the fight among the political actors was the political ideology of the pairs of candidates and their political parties and communication strategies. every pair of candidate had different capital. the capital strength became the consideration of the political strategy used by the political actors. the fight over the combination of capitals which was stated by bourdieu in richardson (1986) took place when the general election was held to vote for the regent of bangli regency in 2010. the capital which changed its form also took place when the general election to vote for the regent of bangli regency was held. among the three capitals stated by bourdieu (1986), the economic capital mostly affected the fight among the political actors on the printed media. in other words, the economic capital dominated the social and cultural capitals. the next factor contributing to the fight among the political actors was the media themselves. the media could be divided into two; they are the media staff and the media ideology. shoemaker and reese (1996: 76) stated that personal values would determine how a journalist made news. the interaction in which the political actor and media used each other was a common thing when a general election was held. such an interaction had already been a routine when the campaign was held for a general election, including the general election which was held to vote for the regent of bangli regency. the media routines which would charge expensively for news, advertorials and political advertisements could not be separated from the media’s sources of funds. the fight among the political actors could not be separated from every societal aspect. such a fight widely affected and was meaningful not only to the political sector only. the fight among the political actors on the printed media also affected the economic sector and cultural sector. it also affected the system of political communication which used the printed magazine as a form of communication between the political actors and their constituents. its impact on the economic sector was that the general election was used as a means of obtaining as much benefit as possible. the media prepared space for the political actors to campaign their political programs. the space could be in the forms of advertisements and advertorials. in practice, it turned out that when the general election was held to vote for the regent of bangli regency in 2010, the media prepared other spaces for the political actors such as paid news or popularly termed as the trading of news plotting. the price of one plot was different from that of another plot, depending on the number of pages and the column length. the price ranged from rp. 10 million to 16 million for every publication. conclusion and suggestion the increase in the use of the printed media as the arena where the political actors fought against one another depended on the economic strength of the political actors. the reason was that the fight among the political actors when the general election was held to vote for the regent of bangli regency cost a lot. the political cost which was high enough was made higher by the cost needed to use the media to communicate the political messages of the political actors. politically, this contributed to the high cost politics, which economically affected the political actors and the printed media. the political actors were expected to have sufficient capital; otherwise, they could not fight against one another. the hegemony of the economic strength in the fight among the political actors when the general election was held to vote for the regent of bangli regency on the printed media could dominate the knowledge which was developing in the community. according to foucault, power is closely related to knowledge. knowledge supports power, and power supports knowledge (foucault, 1980: 98). therefore, if the media cooperated with the political actors for the sake of economic and political interests, then the readers and constituents would be the final expectation. it was expected that the constituents would be the active and critical readers. they were expected to be able to choose and read that there were practical and pragmatic interests of the political actors in every article issued on the media. this was necessarily done in order to avoid the media from making the readers get ignorant through the subjective and dependent news. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the three supervisors: prof. dr. i gde parimartha, ma, prof. dr. i wayan ardika, ma, prof. dr. i nyoman darma putra, m.litt. thanks are also expressed to all the staff of the doctorate program of cultural studies, school of postgraduate studies, udayana university. bibliography firmanzah. 2007. marketing politik. jakarta: yayasan obor. foucault, michael. 1980. power/knowledge: selected interviews (c.h. gordon, ed). havester: brighton. negrine, r. 1996. the communication of politics. london: sage publication. richardson, j.e (ed). 1986. handbook of theory of research for the sociology of educative. greenword press. ritzer, george, douglas j. goddman. 2004. teori sosiologi modern (terjemahan). jakarta: l kencana. shoemaker, pamela and stephen reese. 1996. mediating the message, theories of influences of mass media content. usa: longman publishers. microsoft word artikel ni luh putu ariyani terbit1 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 “dadi-dadi dogen” as ideology in the development of elementary school library in the city of singaraja, buleleng, bali luh putu sri ariyani1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, nengah bawa atmadja3, ida bagus gde pujaastawa4 1,2,4*cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university, 3sociology education study program, ganesha education university, singaraja, indonesia email: 1putu.sri77@gmail.com, 2anom.kumbara@unud.c.id, 3nengah.bawa.atmadja@gmail.com, 4ibagus@unud.ac.id received date : 06-01-2021 accepted date : 09-09-2021 published date : 30-11-2021 abstract the law of the republic of indonesia number 43 year 2007 concerning libraries states that schools are required to have school libraries based on the national standards of library (snp). this condition forces every school to develop a library, even though the conditions are still far from the standard set. to realize the existence of library, each school uses various resources in its school to establish a school library. this study aims to explore the efforts of primary schools in singaraja city to fulfill their obligations in providing library space. this study uses a qualitative approach based on critical social theory commonly used in the cultural studies approach. the data collection was carried out by in-depth interviews, involved observation and document study. data analysis in this study follows peter berger's model with the following steps: conceptualization, conceptualization results, verification, and objectivation. the results show that the obligation to have a school library at the primary school level is not easy due to various obstacles. this gave rise to the ideology of permissivism or in balinese it is called dadi dadi dogen. this ideology allows schools to use various types of spaces to become libraries, for example classrooms, teacher rooms, warehouses, uks, and so on. keywords: elementary school libraries, dadi dadi dogen, permissivism, ideology. introduction libraries are often likened to the heart of an educational institution, including schools. the law of the republic of indonesia number 43 of 2007 concerning libraries states that schools are required to have a school library (sutarno ns., 2008: 157-158). library management must follow the national library standard (snp). in this way, it is hoped that e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 the library can be optimally useful for users, especially teachers and students. this is also corroborated by permendiknas no. 24 of 2007 concerning standards for educational facilities and infrastructure for elementary, junior and senior high schools, it is stated that a library is mandatory in every school. even school accreditation is also related to school library ownership (prastowo, 2018: 105-106; sutarno ns, 2004: 31-32). legally-formally, every formal education unit is required to provide educational facilities and infrastructure in the form of a school library (triwiyanto, 2019: 52-53). the school's obligation to have a library is related to the ideal function of the library, first, the library is a bridge to the nation's civilization. second, the library is an institution capable of storing the nation's cultural heritage. third, the library is a place to transmit knowledge. fourth, the library as a center for p3ir (education, storage, research, information, and recreation). fifth, libraries can improve the quality of education and the nation's competitiveness (hartono, 2016: 23-24). sixth, the school library also functions to develop a reading culture both among students and teachers (uu ri 43/2007, chapter viii, article, 48). this condition causes the library to continue to be developed in a more perfect direction, both regarding collections and equipment and management towards digitization to suit the demands of the current era of people's lives, namely the so-called digital society (skinner, 2019; schwab, 2019; schmidt and cohen, 2014). although there are formal provisions that require educational institutions to have school libraries, in reality there are still many schools that do not yet have a school library. the most severe conditions occur in elementary school libraries (sd) when compared to junior and senior high school education units. this condition is reflected in the school library in elementary schools in singaraja city. field observations show that the condition of the school library at the junior and senior high school levels is relatively better than the elementary school library. this symptom is not only reflected in the facilities and infrastructure, but also in the management system, involving librarians. this symptom can be seen, for example, in the library management of state senior high school 1 (sman 1) singaraja. the sman i singaraja library won first place in the provincial school library competition, and won fifth place at the national level. there is something even greater, namely sman bali mandara in buleleng won first place in the management of school libraries in indonesia for 2019. this condition indicates that the management of high school libraries at both national and local levels – the case of library management at sman i singaraja and sman bali e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 mandara singaraja, is better than the sd library management system. the state of the elementary school library is even more interesting when compared to the university library management system, for example the ganesha university of education (undiksha) in singaraja city. the undiksha library is quite adequate, both in terms of its facilities and infrastructure as well as its management system, involving many librarians. this symptom indicates that the management of the university library is much more professional when compared to the elementary school library management system. likewise, hartono (2016) reveals many weaknesses in elementary school library management so that there is a very wide gap between ideal expectations and the existing reality about school libraries. this difference should not actually occur, considering that whatever the form and level of education, it refers to the applicable rules, namely the ri law number 43/2007, starting from elementary school to university, it is mandatory to have an adequate library to provide convenience for students in learning. with all its limitations, schools develop an ideology of permissivism or in the field known as dadi-dadi dogen ideology as a justification for library management practices that are not in accordance with the provisions. this is in accordance with the function of ideology in human life, namely as a tool to legitimize power, desires, interests and desires to be valid (alhusser, 2014). this understanding of the function of ideology makes efforts to dismantle those who use ideology very important. in the context of elementary school libraries, the principal as the party with power is the party responsible for the emergence of this dadi-dadi dogen ideology. methods and theory this study uses a qualitative approach based on critical social theory which is commonly used in the cultural studies approach. referring to kriyantono (2015) critical theory assumes that an organization including elementary schools and their libraries, as well as various other organizations that have power relations with elementary schools is an arena for ideological battles, such as power, influence, interests, and control. the study was conducted at four elementary schools in singaraja city, namely sdn 1 paket agung, sdn 2 banyuasri, sdn 1 kampung bugis and sdn 4 banyuning. the selection of four elementary schools as research locations also refers to the design of this study, namely a qualitative e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 approach in the form of a case study. the selected case studies are compound case studies or collective case studies. referring to the thoughts of yin (1994), nisbet and watt (1994), the subjects of this research are, first, those who are in the elementary school environment, namely principals, teachers, library managers, administrative staff, and students. second, institutions outside elementary schools that have links to elementary schools, such as the buleleng regency government represented by the buleleng regency youth and sports education office, the buleleng regency dprd, especially the commission that handles education and budgeting issues, the education council, school committees that accommodate parents, leaders people who care about education, educational leaders, entrepreneurs, ngos, and so on. ideology makes the elementary school library unfit as a learning resource for teachers and students. it is very appropriate to study using a critical theory approach. this is because critical theory directs the study of irregularities in society (injustice, inequality, discrimination, injustice) by looking for sources and causes as well as sources of resistance and/or improvements that may be made so that conditions become better (haryatmoko, 2016: 2-3; sim and van loom, 2008; hidayat, 2013). the data obtained is examined using the perspective of cultural studies, which is studied to try to dismantle the various dominant discourses about library management, as well as its marginalized condition, which is a map of meaning that is not neutral, because it always contains ideology, power games, interests, and desires. these aspects are hidden so that a reality will appear reasonable and accepted as a general truth. this needs to be criticized so that what is considered a general truth, its negative sides are exposed. critical theory that is integrated with critical thinking is related to efforts to evaluate a general belief by questioning its assumptions that are not necessarily acceptable based on common sense and/or normative principles. in this regard, the use of critical theory in studying educational problems giving birth to critical pedagogy will focus more on negative testimonies about education (tilaar, 2011). or as stated by kriyantono (2015: 54) the use of critical theory in any field, including cultural studies, is always focused on criticizing social practices related to the implementation of the public interest. the aspect that was criticized was the game of power, interest, and desire based on ideology, capital accumulation, and knowledge which resulted in the marginalized or the benefited. this is very important, because cultural studies is of the view that through a critical e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 attitude, it will be able to provide enlightenment to the community about the existence of a certain culture that dominates human life which is enforced through dominating and/or hegemonic power relations. based on this understanding, this research is expected to be able to reform towards a better social order. discussion from the field findings, it can be seen that the management of the school library in the research location is still far from standard. this condition cannot be separated from the lack of attention from the government and all other stakeholders. the school's limitations in managing the library have implications for the emergence of the dadi-dadi dogen ideology based on field findings initiated by the school principal. this ideology then has an impact on library management and its role in learning as described below. 1. principals implement policies based on dadi-dadi dogen's ideology the condition of the library in each elementary school is largely determined by the principal's policy as a leader. this idea relates to the implementation of regional autonomy which gives the regions the authority to manage their own households, including in the fields of primary and secondary education. for this reason, school-based management (sbm) was developed with a policy core, namely giving authority to school principals to empower schools, the power to develop school programs, and managing resources and potential in schools so that effective and efficient schools were realized. the achievement of this target is very dependent on the performance of the principal in the form of the ability to create a conducive work climate for teachers and staff employees so that the vision, mission, goals, and school programs run well (suhardan and suharto, 2003). in this regard, the principal must try to instill certain values in the context of managing teachers, including mental development. this includes the ability of the principal to complete the facilities, infrastructure, and learning resources in order to provide convenience for teachers in carrying out their main tasks, namely conducting teaching activities in the classroom and outside the classroom (suhardan and suharto, 2009: 16). in this context, the principal is obliged to develop a school library in order to make it easier for teachers to carry out teaching and learning activities. however, as stated above, school principals find it difficult to develop school libraries due to material infrastructure constraints. this is in the form of e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 limited space to build a library building. likewise, how they fill the elementary school library with a collection of textbooks, study desks for students, and/or other library technology so that the school library can function optimally is not easy for the principal. all of this is inseparable from the limited economic capital or financial capital owned by sdn 1 pakek agung, sdn 4 banyuasri, sdn 1 kampung bugis, and sdn 4 banyuning. in short, to borrow sanderson's (2011: 60) idea there are material infrastructure constraints faced by the four sdns so that they fail to realize the ideal school library as outlined in the nsp. it was not easy for the principal. all of this is inseparable from the limited economic capital or financial capital owned by sdn 1 pakek agung, sdn 4 banyuasri, sdn 1 kampung bugis, and sdn 4 banyuning. in short, to borrow sanderson's (2011: 60) idea there are material infrastructure constraints faced by the four sdns so that they fail to realize the ideal school library as outlined in the nsp. it was not easy for the principal. all of this is inseparable from the limited economic capital or financial capital owned by sdn 1 pakek agung, sdn 4 banyuasri, sdn 1 kampung bugis, and sdn 4 banyuning. in short, to borrow sanderson's (2011: 60) idea there are material infrastructure constraints faced by the four sdns so that they fail to realize the ideal school library as outlined in the nsp. the four principals have tried to build a good library by using all the resources they have. however, their efforts have not been successful due to material infrastructure constraints. this condition can give rise to ideology among school principals. this is related to the idea that material infrastructure is the basis for ideology (superstructure) (sanderson, 2011; balibar, 2013; magnis-suseno, 1999; piliang and jaelani, 2018; thompson, 2006). “ideology is beliefs about the world, ourselves, and people, which tend to be accepted uncritically, as natural and unchanging. ideology plays a major role in building what is called common sense so that it is used as a guide to act in realizing a goal (piliang and jaelani, 2018: 90). bourdieu uses another term to describe ideology, namely doxa(takwin, 2003: 99) or jenkins (2004: 100) interpret doxa as the logic of belief. doxa or ideology appears through knowledge that is simply accepted according to the habitus and field of the individual without being thought or weighed critically. ideology does not only apply in state life, but also in everyday life. ideology is applied by using language and other symbols in a social interaction. in this way, humans absorb and are influenced by ideology as reflected in one's actions in a dominating and/or hegemonic social structure (takwin, 2003: 119-137). ideology as a e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 reflection of material infrastructure as stated by althusser (2007: 201) calls or forms individuals as subjects, namely subjects who act. “what is the strength of ideology is the tendency to be followed. for ideology, truth appears in action. it lives not in contemplation, but in action. the most important thing from the function of ideology is to fill emotions, as well as religion” (nuswantoro, 2001: 137-138). thus, humans often position ideology such as religion as reflected in their actions in social life. in order to strengthen the idea that the dadi-dadi dogen idea as an ideology can also be linked to the thoughts of rokhmat and surahmat (2011: 32-39) about language. human recognition of the environment uses language. language stores reality in the form of expressions. likewise, mcleland (2005: 127) states "we do not come into direct contact with reality through ratio, but through the image/image we have of it. we make descriptions of reality in language. … reality is made up of the words, images and metaphors we use to describe it”. language does not only contain a reality, but also values. all of them are stored in the mind and shape human actions in interacting with other humans (rokhmat and surahmat (2011: 32). in this regard, the linguistic expression dadi-dadi dogen is a linguistic expression that contains reality, namely the very limited condition of the school library, both in terms of the availability of space and library technology, resources, and financial capital. this limitation makes it difficult for principals who are legitimized by the disdikpora of buleleng regency to implement school library arrangements following the rules that refer to the snp. limitations like this have resulted in the principal and related parties bringing up linguistic expressions dadi-dadi dogen in the management of the school library. the linguistic expression dadi-dadi dogen not only stores the reality of a school library whose management is okay, but also contains values, starting from this idea, it is not surprising that the actions of school principals, teachers, and library staff are inseparable from the ideology that is formed as a representation of the infrastructure they face in managing school libraries. they are bound to the ideology expressed in the form of language and action, namely dadi-dadi dogen. this ideology is used by school principals as a schemata for managing school libraries. this idea can be seen in its entirety in chart 1 below. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 chart 1 dadi-dadi dogen as an ideology that guides the actions of principals in managing school libraries (sources of field data are combined with the thoughts of piliang and jaelani, 2018; althusser, 2007 and marx in balibar, 2013). referring to chart 1, the ideology of dadi-dadi dogen or it's okay to be equated with permissiveness. kbbi (big indonesian dictionary in the dictionary compilation team of the center for language development and development, 1995: 758) shows that permissiveness means being open, allowing or allowing permission. dadi-dadi dogen as an ideology can be equated with permissivism. burton (2007: 38) shows that ideology is manifested in the form of discourse, namely the language used to express ideological views and values about cultural institutions. dadi-dadi dogen as an ideology formulated in the form of language is a collection of values as a reflection of the material infrastructure constraints faced by school principals in building school libraries. this symptom can be proven from the various actions they take. they use the classroom as a school library room on the grounds that, because there is no separate library building, the classrooms can be used as a school library. likewise, at sdn 4 banyuning, because it does not have a classroom, the principal believes that the teacher's room is used dadi-dadi dogen as ideology elementary school principal school teachers base library primary school elementary school student librarian e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 as a school library. this condition resulted in the teacher's room and the school library room at sdn 4 banyuning being united in one room. sdn 1 paket agung has a more unique story. this sdn is next door to sdn 4 paket agung. both have limited classrooms to be used as school libraries. this condition resulted in the two sdn using one school library room with the status of joint property. the principal of sdn 1 paket agung argued that, because of the limited classroom space, it was impossible to build a library building, so they had one school library for two. this arrangement is not feasible, considering the prevailing rules that each school is required to have its own library or separately. the arrangement of the school library space is no less interesting. library technology is not available in accordance with applicable requirements. because of that, the headmaster considereddogen dadi-dadi replace the reading desk in the library with a study table used by students when they study in class. likewise, these four sdns do not have professional library staff. the school librarian is a high school graduate, except sdn 1 kampung bugis is a graduate of the hindu religious education high school he is a hindu religion teacher so that teaching hours are sufficient, then he is assigned to the school library. the principal also argued that his actions were random because professional librarians were very rare. this idea can be observed in the results of an interview with dewa sukarya (59 years) the head of sdn kampung bugis as follows. if in the past, nika was given because she has hours, it's not a rule and dinner can be placed in the library. but coincidentally, teacher tiyange nikadurung received training. so just don't want to go keto. so wherever schools already have libraries, please coordinate there so that they can arrange books according to whatever rules in the library or read where on youtube on google there must be how to manage a good library (interview with the head of sdn kampung bugis). the results of this interview represent what happened to the four elementary schools, namely dadi-dadidogen that teachers who lack teaching hours are given the task of managing school libraries so that the number of teaching hours meets the requirements. likewise, dadidadi dogen are looking for library staff who are important high school graduates who are there to look after the school library. they are expected to learn independently about library management technology so that the school library is functional. the application of the dadidadi dogen ideology is legitimized by disdikpora so that its enforcement becomes stronger. thus, the hope that they will learn independently about library science is not fulfilled so that they are just a school librarian. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 2. implications of dadi-dadi dogen's ideology on library management the implementation of dadi-dadi dogen ideology in placing school librarian staff has further implications that they are also dadi-dadi dogen in managing the library. as a result, the arrangement of books in the school library, service system and others is also commonplace. this situation resulted in the existence of school libraries at the four sdns, but they did not meet the requirements according to the snp. the dadi-dadi dogen ideology does not apply to school principals and library staff, but as shown in figure 1, it also applies to teachers and students. they also think that dadi-dadi dogen use the school library because of the management that dadi-dadi dogen. in short, as shown in chart 1. the ideology of the dadi dogen is a collective ideology that applies both to the internal school environment and the external environment, namely disdikpora. the application of the dadi-dadi dogen ideology not only resulted in the school library not meeting the requirements as outlined by the nsp, but also being marginalized. or just as accessories for school. the placement of the school library only as a school accessory combined with the ideology of dadi-dadi dogen resulted in the school library not becoming a priority for the principal and disdikpora. this symptom can be seen from the fact that the allocation of bos (school operational assistance) funds, as stated by i made sedana (50 years old) former head of psmp division at the youth and sports education office of buleleng regency, which is 20% for the purpose of procurement and maintenance of educational facilities and infrastructure . this includes 5% for the procurement of textbooks and non-text books. the provision of funds for the procurement of textbooks and non-text books is very small so that it is difficult to increase the collection of books in the four school libraries the amount of bos funds depends on the number of students. book purchases are regulated by superiors, namely only books published by erlangga publishers or intan pariwara publishers. thus, the procurement of textbooks and non-text books at the four sdns cannot be separated from the power of attorney. this symptom indicates that it is exactly what damaningtyas (2015: 171) put forward as follows. so that there are no barriers to entry to schools, educational bureaucratic support is needed, they need to bring letters of recommendation from higher education officials, such as the head of kandep p and k (regency/city departmental p and k offices (darmaningtyas, 2015: 171). ). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 this pattern results in whether we like it or not, school principals are obliged to follow it, because publishers cleverly use power of attorney to market their books, which also means they make a profit. limitations of bos funds have resulted in principals prioritizing the use of bos funds to support the smooth running of pbm. given, pbm is directly in touch with the achievement of the mission, vision, and goals of education in elementary schools. as a result, the school library is secondary so that the procurement of books, for example, is difficult to increase. the opportunity for school libraries to provide optimal services for students is getting smaller, because the book collections are keto-keto dogen (just like that). cover the school library is an inseparable part of learning activities in schools because it is a source of learning for students and teachers. this does not happen optimally because the library is marginalized so that it is not able to provide facilities and infrastructure for users. the process of marginalization that causes library services to be not ideal is not an important problem for schools. this condition occurs because the principal develops the ideology of dadi dadi dogen which makes the condition of the library lacking a normal condition. this ideology appears in various discourses conveyed by the principal which is then passed down to all teachers. not only for teachers, is the ideology of dadi-dadi dogen also adopted by parents of students so that the condition of the library as it is becomes a matter of course. references althusser, louis. 2007. filsafat sebagai senjata revolusi. yogyakarta: resist book. balibar, etienne. 2013. anti filsafat: metode pemikiran marx. 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(ed). pedagogik kritis: perkembangan, substansi dan perkembangannya di indonesia. jakarta: rineka cipta. halaman 13-58. triwiyanto, teguh. 2019. gelombang liberalisme pendidikan mengawal tata kelola pendidikan untuk rakyat. jakarta: kompas. undang-undang no. 43 tahun 2007 tetang perpustakaan. jakarta: pnri. yin, robert k. 1994. studi kasus desain dan metode. jakarta: rajagrafindo. microsoft word artikel ida ayu kade sukmadewi terbit2 e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 triggered factors of gringsing tenganan double ikat commodification in the globalization era ida ayu kade sri sukmadewi1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, i nyoman suarka3, ni made wiasti4 1denpasar institute of the arts, 2,34 cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1 d.srisukma@gmail.com, 2anom.kumbara@unud.c.id, 3nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 4made_wiasti@unud.ac.id received date : 10-08-2021 accepted date : 08-02-2022 published date : 28-02-2022 abstract the double woven cloth of gringsing, tenganan, karangasem bali serves as a ritual medium in traditional, religious, marriage activities, is sacred, and weaving skills are inherited from generation to generation (habitus) from their ancestors. globalization and the entry of the tourism industry have influenced the development of the gringsing double ikat fabric. development is carried out by commodifying form and meaning, so as to create products with new meanings. the purpose of this study is to identify and understand the factors that cause the commodification of double ikat fabrics in gringsing tenganan, karangasem in the era of globalization. this study used descriptive qualitative method. the techniques used in data collection, namely observation techniques, in-depth interview techniques, and document studies. the collected data were analyzed using analytical techniques, verified (data display), and concluded in narratives, tables, photos, and charts. the theory used in this research is the commodification theory of barker and piliang. the results of the study, namely the commodification of double ikat fabrics in gringsing tenganan, karangasem in the era of globalization occurred due to internal and external factors. internal factors that support the commodification of the gringsing double ikat fabric are the economic orientation of the tenganan community, the orientation of equality and freedom of life as well as ideology and outlook on life. external factors such as globalization and tourism development in tenganan pagringsingan village, karangasem. keywords: commodification, gringsing double ikat, globalization introduction globalization is a process between individuals, between groups, and between countries that interact, depend, and influence each other across national boundaries. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 globalization brings quite complicated consequences for every country, especially developing countries (latief, 2000: 32). globalization affects the occurrence of socio-cultural changes in society that cannot be denied, so that people want it or not, whether they like it or not, will be affected because globalization has entered various aspects of human life, including the life of the tenganan people. the development of tourism also affects the tenganan community, which is supported by the stipulation of the tenganan pagringsingan traditional village as a tourism village in 2014 through the decree of the regent of karangasem number 658/hk/2014 concerning the designation of tourism villages in karangasem regency. with the establishment of tenganan village as a tourist village, internal and external factors increasingly affect the tenganan community, especially the gringsing double ikat weavers. people who previously woven for ceremonial purposes in tenganan village began to shift to an economic orientation by preparing woven products for tourist souvenirs visiting tenganan village. the influence of globalization, tourism, lifestyle, and culture of consumerism, gringsing double ikat cloth, apart from being used for ceremonies, is also in great demand by foreign tourists as souvenirs. in addition, gringsing fabric is widely used in the world of fashion, pre-wedding and wedding events. this makes the writer interested in conducting research on the factors that cause the commodification of double ikat woven fabrics in grinsing tenganan, karangasem in the era of globalization. literature review understanding the concept according to soedjadi (2000:14) is an abstract idea that can be used to conduct a classification or classification which is generally expressed by a term or a series of words. according to bahri (2008:30), the notion of a concept is a unit of meaning that represents a number of objects that have the same characteristics. piliang (2006: 21) says that commodification is a process of making something that was previously not a commodity so that it is now a commodity. meanwhile, barker (2005: 517) defines commodification as a process associated with capitalism. object, quality is used as a sign as a commodity. a commodity is something whose main purpose is to be sold in the market. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 gringsing cloth is the only traditional indonesian woven fabric made using the double ikat technique. the work can reach 2-5 years. this cloth comes from tenganan village, bali. generally, local people have gringsing cloth that is hundreds of years old which is used in special ceremonies. the word gringsing comes from the word gring which means pain and sing means no, so when combined it becomes not sick. that's why many people think that gringsing cloth contains magical value as a repellent against reinforcements and is used for spiritual purposes. while the term globalization was first used by theodore lavitte in 1985, it comes from the word "globo" or "globe" which means the globe is like a globe, which refers to an understanding that the world community is like a globe that is connected and affects each other. others cross the geographical boundaries of the nation-state (dwiko, 2010; xiii). according to fredman, globalization is a very close interrelation between countries, markets, and technology that allows individuals, companies and countries to reach all corners of the world faster, deeper, and wider (sasono, 2008: 2-3). ). in relation to this research, it can be understood that the era of globalization is an era of opening up the people of tenganan pagringsingan to the entry of global culture with all its aspects, which has implications for the interaction between local culture and global culture through the presence of foreign tourists. the discussion on the causes of the commodification of the gringsing tenganan karangasen double ikat woven fabric uses the commodification theory.commodification theory is used to explain that a cultural product that is considered sacred is degraded to profane and belongs to the wider community (barker, 2000). the theory of commodification according to piliang explains how a cultural artifact undergoes a process of commercialization and being traded. ardono (in piliang 2003: 89) says that commodification does not only occur in consumer goods, but also in art and culture. ardono (in piliang 2003: 89) says that commodification does not only occur in consumer goods, but also in art and culture. research methods this study used descriptive qualitative method. qualitative research uses data types in the form of descriptions or descriptions in the form of words and actions related to research e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 problems (moleong, 2011:157). data collection in this study was carried out by in-depth interview techniques, observation techniques, and literature study techniques. interviews were conducted with several informants, namely the current and former head of the tenganan village manager, the head of the tenganan village manager and his guides, the flogger who often covers activities in tenganan village, the tenganan village weaver community, the gringsing woven cloth seller community and other communities related to the use of cloth. gringsing weaving. discussion the commodification of the gringsing tenganan double ikat fabric is influenced by several factors, both internal and external. the internal factors of the commodification of the gringsing double ikat woven fabric include economic orientation, orientation to equality and freedom of life, ideology and outlook on life. external factors include globalization and tourism development. internal factors of commodification of gringsing ikat double woven fabric a. economic orientation economic orientation and welfare of life is one of the basic human traits that always strive for a better life. humans are homo economicus, namely economic humans who always try with their rationality to obtain the maximum results from the various possible choices faced (deliarnov, 2006: 26-27). economic orientation occurs in the pre-production, production and post-production stages. the economic orientation in the commodification process of gringsing double ikat fabrics, especially at the pre-production stage, can be seen from the activities of procuring raw materials related to the process of procuring cotton to make yarn. economic orientation in the production stage, covering yarn spinning, dyeing and weaving. the economic orientation in the post-production stage is the distribution process carried out by the tenganan community in distributing gringsing double ikat fabric products for sale to consumers. gringsing fabric materials such as yarn and dyes purchased at the market and agents by the weaver community in tenganan village, can be seen in figure 1. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 figure 1. left (top of balinese thread, bottom of semi factory thread) right (red dye material) double woven ikat gringsing source: dayu sukma document 2020 an interview with putu yudiana as the head of tenganan village for the 2014-2020 period as well as a gringsing double woven fabric entrepreneur said: in the past, the process of preparing yarn for dyeing took 5-6 years, because of the process of drying old cotton, thinning it, until it became a skein of yarn and processing dyes to dyeing. now the dyeing process is the fastest every 2 years, so it takes about 3 years to prepare the yarn and dye. bali yarn, semi-manufactured yarn can also be purchased in the market at an affordable price, bali yarn 250.000/roll and semi-factory yarn rp. 15.000/ roll. in the past, the process of preparing candlenut oil was carried out from collecting candlenut fruit until the candlenut oil was ready to be used as a dye for gringsing cloth, in the globalization era, skinless candlenut for making candlenut oil in suitable conditions can be purchased in the market, especially in the klungkung market. making 10 liters of candlenut oil costs around rp. 700,000 – rp.900,000, ash water is made by the weaver community in tenganan village (yudiana, january 31, 2021). b. orientation of equality and freedom of life from the perspective of tradition, tenganan has a very clear and firm cultural territorial area, and applies to the culture of the tenganan ethnic community, karangasem. territorial as a general concept means territorial boundaries. deleuze and guattari in hidayat explain this general concept with two meanings, namely as concrete boundaries and abstract boundaries (hidayat, 2008: 135). in the context of this understanding, the territory of the tenganan community includes various elements and their rules are passed down from generation to generation. the territorial elements are: 1) the tenganan weaver community, 2) supporting resources for e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 weaving activities, 3) the knowledge and skills that weavers must possess, 4) the whole series of production processes, production results, 5) symbols and meanings. woven motifs, and 6) sorting the use of weaving according to the ceremony being carried out. interview with i cobby wiryadi, a youth from tenganan village who participates in managing tourism in tenganan village, said: the procedure for using ceremonial clothes is the same as the use of everyday clothes, but the difference is in the use of gringsing weaving. because this weaving is a sacred woven cloth and has high religious, spiritual and aesthetic values, the inclusion of gringsing cloth is a must. the use of gringsing cloth with various patterns creates a luxurious impression, supported by other attributes in the form of gold and silver headdresses. the use of gringsing double ikat weaving in tenganan village is usually used in certain ceremonies, such as the ceremony for the first month (kasa) and the ceremony for the fifth month (sambah). gringsing double ikat cloth is also used in wedding ceremonies (cobby, march 6, 2021). an interview with ibu kembang, one of the weavers in tenganan village who was met while preparing clothes for rejang dancers in tenganan village, said: the use of the gringsing double ikat woven fabric should not exceed the ankles, so that before using the gringsing double ikat woven fabric, it is filled with ordinary cloth used as tapih, on top of which only gringsing double ikat woven fabric is used, because the gringsing double ikat fabric is wovenis a woven cloth that is sacred and has high religious, spiritual, and aesthetic values (kembang, january 31, 2021). figure 2. the use of gringsing double woven cloth by rejang dancers source: dayu sukma document 2021 the narratives of the resource persons and the images above emphasize several things that are closely related to the use of gringsing double ikat fabrics and decorations used for ceremonies, as well as the territorial area of gringsing double ikat woven fabrics in relation e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 to the existence of the tenganan human (community) in their development towards maturity. maturity which is described in disguise in the explanation, includes understanding both physiologically and psychologically. the main emphasis in the cultural context of the tenganan people lies in terms of psychological maturity or mental/spiritual maturity. c. ideology and way of life ideology is an ideal or rule that directs a person's actions or behavior, or assumptions that lead to the formation of a system of subjective ideas (harsoyo, et al. 2006:53). while the view of life is a thought, idea, knowledge or inner attitude of a person or society about life (kbbi, 2008). thus, what is meant by the ideology or way of life of the tenganan people are the rules that guide the subjective behavior of the tenganan people which come from thoughts, ideas, knowledge or inner attitudes that are embraced by the tenganan people in general and serve as a reference for living together. bertens (2007) explains that values related to right-wrong, good-bad adopted by a group or society are ethical or moral suggestions (bertens, 2007:5). the ideology in the process of making gringsing double ikat cloth is the process of purifying the individual through ceremonies performed from birth (when he is not yet pure), the individual is purified until he is able to purify himself as an adult. the ideology in the names of the gringsing motifs is the process of recognizing the nature of life, the elements of life, the processes that exist in life (interaction with nature, humans and god – tri hita karana), the ideology of balance (tapak dara), the ideology of tri hita karana. murti, and rwa bhineda. an interview with putu yudiana, the head of tenganan village for the 2014-2020 period, and the entrepreneur of the gringsing double ikat fabric, said: the development of the gringsing tenganan double ikat fabric is indeed very closely related to the development of tourism and the opening of the isolation of tenganan pagringsingan village. after increasing tourist visits to tenganan village, the community began to be moved with new thoughts about what to make for tourists. the community began to make gringsing double ikat and other ikat cloths, which were displayed in each of the weaver's houses, to be sold to tourists visiting tenganan village. (yudiana, january 31, 2021). external factors of commodification of gringsing double ikat there are two external factors for the commodification of gringsing double ikat woven fabrics, namely globalization and tourism development. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 a. globalization the phenomenon of globalization has presented the reality of people's lives in developing countries, especially traditional societies, that there is a tendency for two different cultures to exist (which appear contradictory), namely between global culture and local culture. in this regard, trijono in i nengah (2005: 112) explains that this contradiction occurs because before globalization hit local communities, people actually had local culture (tradition) as a superior product in countering global culture. life will move forward with an urge to be modern, modernization becomes a normative project as well as a goal to be achieved, as a manifestation of an increasingly rational society in the sense of leading to modernity (hardiman, 2003:10). the gringsing tenganan double woven ikat which has the quality as well as a symbol for the tenganan people in general (sacredity, magic, religion as well as a cultural complement, a symbol of social status, and way of life) in its journey must deal with or interact with global culture through the openness of the tenganan community with all its cultural richness includes the gringsing double ikat weaving, in accepting global culture through tourism (tourists). an interview with putu yudiana, the head of tenganan village for the 2014-2020 period, and the entrepreneur of the gringsing double ikat fabric, said: the development of the gringsing double ikat cloth that took place in tenganan village occurred in 1972, when a research group from the fur volkerkunde museum, basel, schwitzerland, urs ramseyer brought photos of gringsing cloth, some of which are no longer in tenganan village and their names are no longer known. the research group was very instrumental in bringing photos of these ancient fabrics to be studied and remade, so that the people of tenganan pagringsingan village can revitalize the uniqueness of the cultural heritage so that gringsing cloth with various existing motifs remains the identity of the local community. government support also strongly supports the development of the gringsing double ikat fabric by providing tools and repairing the road to tenganan village with the aim of increasing people's income (yudiana, january 31, 2021). an interview with made asih, one of the weavers of gringsing double ikat fabrics who also sells woven fabrics at his home, said: now we can no longer weave the way our ancestors did. the difficulty we face is that we don't have enough cotton gardens and people with yarn spinning skills are rare. besides that, we can buy woven materials such as yarn and dyes in stores or directly from traders. in addition, we can sell our woven products directly here to visitors and traders who come to tenganan village (asih, january 31, 2021). e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 the statement of the resource persons mentioned above, shows that the commodification of the gringsing double ikat woven fabric is influenced by various factors. implicitly the factors expressed by the resource persons above include: (1) knowledge and skill development, (2) the existence of capital and equipment, (3) the purpose of economic profit in addition to meeting their own needs, (4) opening up market opportunities. (tourists), (5) the loss of traditional production resources and all supporting aspects, and (6) the availability of new production resources as a result of the development of modern science and technology, and (7) the operation of markets that provide the raw material resources needed by weaver. in the face of globalization, both developed and developing countries will try their best to develop the right strategy to deal with globalizing actors (wibowo, 2010: 3). suyatna in dwija (2005) says that whether we like it or not, whether we like it or not, or whether we are ready or not, this global era full of competition must be experienced and cannot be avoided, on the contrary, it must be welcomed and faced through quality development by bringing out excellence. which is expected to win the competition (dwija, 2005: 12). interview with i putu cobby wiryadi, a young man from tenganan village who is involved in managing the tourist village in tenganan village, said: previously, cotton and dyes for the gringsing double ikat fabric were produced from tenganan village and other villages. now most weavers buy the desired yarn in the market or agents, as well as dyes, although the yarn dyeing process is the same as the previous process but there are new dyeing techniques that cause the yarn dyeing process to be faster, resulting in a faster gringsing double ikat woven fabric. anyway (cobby, 15 december 2020) with regard to the commodification of the gringsing double ikat fabric, the westernization dimension of globalization is more of the entrepreneurial principles applied by the tenganan weavers in an effort to modify the gringsing double ikat fabric rationally, productively and efficiently so that it can be used as a community commodity. commodities themselves are merchandise or materials that have economic value offered or provided by producers to meet consumer demand. consumer demand is manifested in purchasing activities, while producer offers are realized in the form of sales, which take place in a place commonly called the market. there are times when other roles appear, namely intermediary traders who participate in facilitating the buying and selling process carried out by producers and consumers. (ferlianto, 2005:10). e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 b. tourism development the gringsing double ikat fabric in tenganan village is a work of traditional knowledge, the result of the cultural creativity of the community, especially in the tenganan pagringsingan traditional village, karangasem bali. knowledge, skills have been inherited since centuries ago, even the only one in bali or in indonesia because gringsing tenganan cloth is the only tunun cloth that uses the "double ikat" technique which is full of meaning in the manufacturing process. the development of the tenganan traditional village as a tourist object and attraction has its own uniqueness and distinctiveness so that it can be a special attraction for tourists. in traditional and religious ceremonies, gringsing is often functioned as decoration or decoration, besides that gringsing is also functioned for offerings and penganggo (clothing), ranasan, ider-ider. in the funeral ceremony, gringsing also functions as ampok-ampok (pubic cover) and as rurub kajang (a blanket that covers the body). indications are that the commodification of gringsing double ikat cloth in tenganan village occurs due to economic interests, by taking advantage of opportunities for tourism development, especially tourist visits. the basis of the encouragement of economic interests is the desire of the tenganan people to change the living conditions of the tenganan people in order to get out of the squeeze of economic difficulties, which then colors the whole way of working in the gringsing double ikat fabric system that emphasizes creativity, productivity and work efficiency. hadi soesastro (2005) said that creativity, productivity, and work efficiency are the principles adopted in the capitalist economic system that emphasizes rationality, as a direct result of the stagnation of economic development since the new order era which failed to realize the welfare of society, so that this capitalist economic system finally recognized and accepted by the government and the people of indonesia (soesastro, 2005: 152). commodification is a process associated with capitalism that objects, qualities, and signs are converted into commodities, namely something whose main purpose is to be sold in the market (barker, 2005: 517). the quality and mark that is converted into a commodity through a commodification process is the gringsing double ikat woven fabric. the gringsing double ikat fabric which has certain qualities as well as a symbol for the tenganan people in general (sacredity, magic, religion as well as a complement to culture, and way of life) must deal with or interact with global culture through the openness of the tenganan people with all e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 their cultural richness, including the gringsing double ikat fabric, in accepting global culture through tourism (tourists). the interaction between global culture and local culture does not necessarily result in the commodification of gringsing double ikat fabrics directly, but at least has become the main trigger, which affects other triggers that have more direct implications for the commodification of gringsing double ikat fabrics. as the main trigger, tourist arrivals to tenganan village had occurred long before the mobilization of activities to modify and commodify gringsing double ikat fabrics. the statement of the resource persons mentioned above, shows that the commodification of the gringsing double ikat woven fabric is influenced by various factors. implicitly the factors as described described are (1) the development of knowledge and skills, (2) the existence of capital and equipment, (3) the purpose of economic profit in addition to fulfillingown needs, (4) the opening of market opportunities (tourists), (5) the loss of traditional production resources and all supporting aspects, and (6) the availability of new production resources as a result of the development of modern science and technology, and (7) the operation of the market which provides the raw material resources needed by the weavers. empirically, the commodification of gringsing double ikat woven fabric is a dynamic of change involving all aspects of the production, distribution and consumption systems. the dynamics of this change is a conscious effort made by the tenganan weaver community when the weaver community has to deal with various problems related to the existence of the gringsing double ikat cloth itself. the problems faced are the disappearance of traditional knowledge and technology needed in the production of gringsing double ikat fabrics, the weakening of the availability of traditional production resources of gringsing double ikat fabrics such as cotton and dyes, and the limited space for gringsing double ikat woven fabrics to move due to their cultural territory. meanwhile, on the other hand, in line with the development of globalization and the wider movement of the free market economy, various resources related to the production of double ikat gringsing woven fabrics such as yarn and dyes can be easily purchased for further use in re-growing double ikat fabrics. gringsing. in addition, the presence of tourism has increasingly provided opportunities for the tenganan weaver community to become an opportunity that can be utilized as a potential consumer for the commodification of gringsing e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 double woven fabric, as well as government support through training and business capital assistance. conclusions & recommendations based on the results of the analysis above, conclusions can be drawn about the factors that led to the commodification of double ikat gringsing tenganan, karangasem woven fabrics in the era of globalization, namely internal factors and external factors. internal factors that support the commodification of the gringsing double ikat fabric are the economic orientation of the tenganan community, the orientation of equality and freedom of life as well as ideology and outlook on life. the economic orientation of the tenganan community consists of orientation in the pre-production stage, the production stage and the postproduction stage. the orientation of equality and freedom of life is the tenganan weaver community, supporting resources for weaving activities, knowledge and skills of weavers, symbols and meanings of the motifs of the gringsing double ikat woven fabric and the sorting of uses/woven garments. the ideology and way of life of the tenganan people also support the commodification of the gringsing tenganan double ikat woven fabric. in addition to internal factors, the commodification of the gringsing double ikat fabric is also influenced by external factors such as globalization and tourism development in tenganan village. recommendations from the authors, namely: tenganan traditional village, karangasem must always pay attention to internal factors and external factors that support the commodification of gringsing double ikat fabrics. the commodification of production, distribution and consumption in the era of globalization and tourism development cannot be avoided, but must be followed and the people of tenganan must be able to select while maintaining the ideology and view of life owned by the people of tenganan village. references barker, chris. 2005. culture studies, teori dan praktek. london: sage publication. barker, cris. 2000. cultural studies: try and practice. london: sage publications. bertens, k. 2007. etika. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. deliarnov, 2006. ekonomi politik. jakarta: penerbit erlangga. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 20-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 departemen pendidikan indonesia. 2008. kamus besar bahasa indonesia. jakarta: balai pustaka. djamarah, syaiful bahri. 2008. psikologi belajar. jakarta: rineka cipta. duija, i nengah. 2005. “tradisi lisan, naskah dan sejarah: sebuah catatan politik kebudayaan”. wacana jurnal ilmu pengetahuan dan budaya, volume 7 no.2 tahun 2005. dwiko, sidik jatmika. 2010. gerak remaja. kanisius, jogyakarta. hardiman, f. budi. 2003. pustaka filsafat melampaui posotivisme dan modernitas. jogyakarta: penerbis kanisius. harsoyo, y., dkk. 2006. ideologi koperasi menatap masa depan, yogyakarta: pustaka widyatama hidayat, komaruddin dan putut wijanarko. 2008. reinventing indonesia: menemukan kembali masa depan bangsa. jakarta: pt. mizan publika. latief, dkk. 2000. tsunami catalog and zoning in indonesia. journal of natural disaster sciences, 22(1): 25 – 43 latief, h. 2007. mengenal bahaya tsunami. moleong, lexy j. 2011. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. jakarta: pemaja rosdakarya. piliang, yasraf amir, 2003. hipersemiotika tafsir cultural studies atas matinya makna. yogyakarta: jalasutra. piliang, yasraf amir, 2006. transpolitika: dinamika politik di dalam era virtualitas. yogyakarta: jalasutra. sasono, adi. 2008.rakyat bangkit bangun martabat. pustaka alpabet, jakarta. soedjadi. 2000. kiat pendidikan di indonesia. konstatasi keadaan masa kini menuju harapan masa depan. jakarta: dirjendikti depdiknas. soesastro, hadi. 2005. pemikiran dan permasalahan ekonomi di indonesia dalam setengah abad terakhir: 1066 – 1982. paruh pertama ekonomi orde baru. jogyakarta:kanisius. wibowo. 2010. manajemen kinerja. jakarta: rajawali pers. keputusan bupati karangasem nomor 658/hk/2014 tentang penetapan desa wisata di kabupaten karangasem microsoft word artikel made narawati terbit 3 e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 patriarchal cultural representation in the protestant christian church community in bali (gkpb) made narawati1, i nyoman suarka2, ni made wiasti3 1departement of religion, gianyar regency, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1madenarawati@yahoo.co.id, 2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 3made_wiasti@unud.ac.id received date : 05-03-2020 accepted date : 06-04-2021 published date : 31-05-2021 abstract the protestant christian church in bali (gkpb) is the largest protestant church in bali. the protestant christian church in bali (gkpb), in determining the number of strategic officials, refers to the 2014 church order regarding membership in article 107 paragraph 1, 8 (eight) people elected at the synod session must consist of at least 2 female elements and 1 youth element . complete synod council personnel (msl-gkpb) head of departments and chair of special institutions, 2016-2020 period, totaling 30 people; 27 men (90%), while only three women (10%). the patriarchal culture is very strong in determining strategic positions in gkpb resulting in male domination in leadership structures and policies that tend to be gender biased. with qualitative methods and using the theory of power-knowledge relationships michel foucault, according to foucault, knowledge and power have a reciprocal relationship. continuous violation of power will create a form of knowledge, and vice versa, the administration of knowledge will have an effect on power. the second is pierre bourdieu's structural theory, which describes how symbolic violence and the division of roles in society shape habitus. keywords: representation, patriarchy, symbolic violence introduction the discourse on gender and in particular with the subordinate object of women is an interesting discussion and continues to be born in recent studies. there is a kind of historical circulation that makes the discussion of women as the main object of symbolic violence, which distinguishes gander from domestic roles and public roles (bourdieu in haryatmoko, 2016). although currently, the role of women has entered the public sphere, however, the position held by a woman cannot be separated from jobs whose criteria seem more domestic, such e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 as secretary or customer service. only a few are able to enter the managerial or institutional leadership level. this imbalance cannot be separated from the stigma, from the values and morals embedded in a patriarchal society, as is still generally true in indonesia. constitutionally, indonesia is a nation that upholds gander equality. this can be seen in the mandate of the 1945 constitution, in which article 28d paragraph (1) reads, "everyone has the right to equal treatment before the law". article 28d paragraph (3) of the 1945 constitution of the second amendment mandates that "every citizen has the right to equal opportunities in government". article 28h paragraph (2) which reads, "everyone has the right to get special facilities and treatment to get the same opportunities and benefits in order to achieve equality and justice". it is clear in the constitution that women are entitled to equal treatment in government. the legal basis above, provides a big picture that gender equality is one of the foundations of indonesian social justice. but has this actually happened in an individual praxis step? it seems that this has not fully happened, or that subordination to the lives of women in indonesia is still ongoing today, including the role of women in the protestant christian church in bali. for christians, the bible is a source of teaching, a source of morals and a source of inspiration. in the creation that god did for 6 days, god created man on the sixth day after everything existed. humans are made to protect the contents of this world. at the peak of all this, allah created the first male and female human, adam, but not alone, because allah also created the first human, namely eve, who is the mother of all living things. in the old testament, there is a tension between the dynamic of god that liberates his people and views men and women as equals. genesis 1:27 "so god created man in his image, in the image of god he created him, male and female he created them". but this picture is sometimes translated differently,. so that the value is then understood as a social level in which men are the main and women are the second. in addition, in the process of creation there is a division of domestic and public roles, which considers the domestic role only as a support for the public role, not seeing it as a balance and mutual benefit in building an equal social system. an example of this can be seen from the domestic roles that are generally played by women more dominantly, such as caring for children, gathering, and concubines. meanwhile, men take public roles to protect the structure of a family, and participate in hunting groups that support the life of the social e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 community, so that they become leaders in an organization. this difference then gets bigger inequality when it enters industrial society, which then castrates the role of women and brings them to the environment of economic production. which measures the value of work from the economic value obtained (sanderson, 2010: 403). so that women who occupy domestic positions earn less than men who fulfill public roles. with the monopolization of high status professions by men, women who had a balanced division of roles in the early days were left out and only used as a support for men's lives. this then enters almost all social structures of society, one of which is in the leadership of the gkpb institution. if you look at the explanation of the 2014 church order regarding membership in article 107 paragraph 1, there are 8 (eight) people elected in the synod session consisting of 2 women and 1 youth element. it is hoped that there will be a female element, but in reality, women are only a complement to meeting the requirements of a “female element”. based on datafrom made kertiyana, head of gkpb administration and personnel complete synod assembly (msl): 25 people consisting of 22 men (88%) and 3 women (12%). the complete synod council (msl) in which there is a daily synod council (msh) in the session and the implementation of the duties of responsibility is assisted by the head of departments and head of institutions totaling five people. complete synod council (msl) plus head of departments and head of institution consisting of 27 men (90%) and 3 women (10%),head of head: 10 people consisting of 6 men (60%) and 2 women (40%), emeritus pastors: 18 people consisting of 15 men (83%) and 3 women (17%), active pastors: 59 people consisting of 37 men (63%) and 22 women (37%), vicar: 19 people consisting of 8 men (42%) and 11 females (58%). from this data, it is stated that the number of female pastors is very large in gkpb. however, in terms of quantity, until now (2016-2020 period) these strategic positions have been positioned for men (90%, both pastors and nonpriests). the existence of power and knowledge relations that bind the values and morals of society forms a continuous historical cycle in the domination of men over women. foucoult (in haryatmoko, 2016) women are the object of violations of norms and morals that are most regulated in religious law, women's bodies become objects under community control which leads to a biopolitical system that gives male power to women's bodies. so it is not surprising, if this system is rooted in a religious institutional system that castrates women's rights to be in leadership positions. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 in the life of a country, if the relationship between women and men is still asymmetrical, it can be said that the society is still in a patriarchal culture. marla mies said that this culture is considered a value system that places men in a higher place than women, and this situation permeates various dimensions that exist in society, so that it is not an exaggeration in such a cultural system. men are on the side that dominates, while women are on the side who experience themsubmission (mies, 1986: 37).however, from where the cultural system emerged, what knowledge supports it and how this form of symbolic violence can survive becomes an endless cycle. so far, these questions have not been adequately expressed so that it is interesting enough to be studied further. in this discussion, the focus of the problems to be studied are 1) how the power of gkpb knowledge in male leadership dominance, and 2) how the existence of church women in the circle of symbolic violence. research methods this study uses a cultural studies paradigm with a qualitative approach. the data collection technique was done by observing, interviewing and studying documents. the data analysis process was carried out in three stages in a cycle, namely data reduction, exposure, drawing conclusions and verification. in this research, the theoretical basis used is the theory of the power relations of knowledge by michel foucault and the theory of social practice by pierre bourdieu. according to foucault, knowledge and power have a reciprocal relationship. continuous violation of power will create a form of knowledge, and vice versa, the administration of knowledge will have an effect on power. according to bourdieu in social practice there is a battle between agents for competing capital (economic, social, results and discussion gkpb's power of knowledge in the domination of male leadership the protestant christian church in bali (gkpb) is the largest protestant church in bali, formed on november 11, 1931 which was marked by the baptism of 12 balinese in the yeh poh river, dalung kuta badung bali. according to the records of the gkpb, in 1948, the spread of religion was carried out using a model that was tried to be applied using european culture, which was full of the spirit of change from its original religious roots, and its early adherents were sometimes called "black dutch". this process did not produce satisfactory results, so it was decided to adopt balinese culture to bring balinese people closer to e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 protestant christianity. blimbingsari village later became the first village to become a product of acculturation of balinese culture and protestant christianity. but this is not easy, entering 1969, the population of church congregations increased. this increase was in line with the advancement of tourism in bali, which then opened up business opportunities for the church community, and gave birth to the dhyana pura hotel in the vicinity of seminyak. this hotel later became the backbone of church funding in bali, which is quoted in dustien wiebe's writing, "from the poorest church to the richest and strongest church in indonesia". now gkpb is located in all districts and cities in bali province, consisting of 68 churches and 17 faith development centers (bpi) with 3,822 members of the family (kk) 12,875 people. after surviving more than 100 years of acculturation of balinese and protestant christianity, it had a big impact on the patriarchal system that was born in the gkpb institution, until in 2014 the church order rules clearly provided only 2 seats for women out of 8 people who were elected in the synod to sit. as a participant in the assembly session. with this imbalance, women congregations and women pastors began to be disturbed by discrimination of their voice in assemblies. according to luh debora murthy (2004) this then also has an impact on injustice for women in bali such as discrimination within the family, workplace, society, government and justice even in places of worship which ultimately causes losses for women because they are deemed incapable of lead things. the patriarchal culture adhered to by the balinese people, and several church theologies / gkpb as well as scriptural texts that are interpreted differently form a kind of patriarchal cultural hegemony. foucault (1980) knowledge is a way of how power imposes itself on subjects without giving the impression that it comes from the domination of certain groups, but comes from sources with independent theological logic criteria (in haryatmoko, 2016). the relationship between power and knowledge makes a discourse for the birth of power, in this case, it can be seen that women's discrimination is born from interpretations generally carried out by men, which makes the holy book vulnerable to gander discrimination, but because it is considered independent and born from logic. theology, then the knowledge formed in the interpretation becomes a suggestion to form the episteme of women who are under men. it is in this circle that the power in gkpb circles the dominance of men. which is far from being the spirit of early protestant christians who became dissidents of the church's authoritarian root rule. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 the male-dominated circle of power in the gkpb seemed to reverse the spirit of equality that protestant christianity echoed back to its starting point. this proves that acculturation for the spread of protestant christianity in bali has setbacks in thinking, although it has succeeded in building its doctrine and increasing its congregation. this is almost similar to what waber (2006) believed, that protestantism was born to support the dominant culture by interpreting its verses. however, the idea of protestianism is far from just supporting the dominant culture, because protestianism is born from a modern spirit and change, but the circle of power is always tied to one big idea, which results in a pile of interests which then forgets the roots of protestianism. this interest then became the root of discrimination for women who were in the gkpb, especially in achieving strategic positions in the synod. during the establishment of the gkpb, which used a democratic system in electionsfour years as leadership, women pastors have not received the confidence to become leaders. the power factor that binds men to become the stigma of power in gkpb is born from the hegemony of power, which is increasingly influential in the praxis sphere, because the election consensus is also dominated by men. if you look at the gkpb document (2012) in the 45th synod election session, the number of participants who attended the election was 73.16% for men and 26.83% for women while the 46th synod election session of 2016, the number of participants who attended the election. selection of 72.03% was given for men and 27, 96% for women. so that it is impossible for female candidates who participate in the competition to win.according to singgih (2019), “gender injustice is one of the contexts in indonesia, including within the church. realizing this context, there have been various attempts made by the church, one of which is by feminists, including feminist theologians, and by the gkpb to overhaul these regulations, and to provide the widest possible space for women to access strategic positions ”. what singgih said was true in his mind, but in reality and regarding leadership politics, this was only used as the gkpb democracy tagline, because the maneuvers of knowledge in the rules established by the gkpb were corrupt in determining its policies from the start. slogically thinking the power has determined its absolute victory, at the end of the election by consensus. so that is the rule it is only used as a formality to support the ideology of equality in gkpb, but the role of men is absolute to be at the top of the leadership, which has been e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 regulated in the power strategy in gkpb. so what foucault said (in haryatmoko, 2016: 17) the strategy of power as inherent in the will to know. through discourse, the will to know is consumed in knowledge. the domination of discourse transmitted through knowledge from the interpretations of the gospel became the male power to become dominant in the church's power. this deviation has become increasingly confused and far from the protestant spirit described by waber. discrimination against women is used as a collaboration of knowledge of power which becomes the super dominant role of men in the church organizational structure, which results in women only getting a portion as a complement, or acting as a support for men at the top of the leadership. so that there is an episteme that shapes the values and morals of women not to move above men because of the manipulation of power that designs what is appropriate for women and where their position should be. this fact, can be seen in the quote from the interview of the female pastor, triasih widhyati, which implies the position of women that the congregation does not trust and is less progressive in the election. "the churches in gkpb, represented by the congregation council / presbyter, proposed very few female pastors as prospective msl members to the verification committee to be selected by the synod session participants. the proof is that there is only one woman pastor proposed by several churches as a candidate for general secretary, that is myself, and i have to compete with five male pastors ”. the hegemony of power, which triasih widhyati was not aware of in her statement, proves that the congregation's awareness has been manipulated to elect men as prospective members of the msl, which is evidence of how the episteme of the church congregation has been in a circle of power that is controlled by their values and subconsciously to choose men. men as prospective members of the msl. the selection should be done fairly through the competence of prospective msl members regardless of the gander that binds them to their bodies. however, power which has become a form of values and moral power has blinded the congregation to submit and obey the provisions which position women as a support, not as the top leader, and prioritizing men as the first choice. if around the 16-17 century power was exercised through physical domination such as war, struggle, prohibition, or against prohibition. at present, power is exercised in the form of energy management using knowledge, through written tests, interviews, opinion polls, and e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 consultations which become rites of truth of the fruit of power. without realizing it, we enter into this scientific form, and consider it a truth produced from justice, thus directing our values and morals to blindness to that truth. so that what the church congregation chooses is a form of power manipulation that encourages the idea of nominating men over women. foucault (1980) explains that there are certain techniques to shape individuals through knowledge. it is undeniable that the individual is the result of the ideological representation of society, but the individual is also a reality created by the technology of power, which foucoult believes is a body discipline. body discipline that is carried out in the form of patriarchy is the most visible, because the actions taken by men and women are very different and cannot be equated. this distinction is the fruit of the power strategy, which forms a general ideology, that men are the basic form of domination and power and women are a form of the subaltern which only becomes a support. so that the discipline of women's bodies will be the responsibility of men as those in control of power. political, church women in a circle of symbolic violence symbolic violence in the gkpb power circle can be seen in the dominant role of men at the executive level (msh) and the complete synod council (msl). this domination then brought women into a circle of symbolic violence which resulted in a patriarchal policy that silenced women in the gkpb organization. generally, ideas that come from women pastors at meetings are time-limited, are reprimanded and are considered unimportant. this cannot be separated from the reference to the interpretation of women's morals in 1 corinthians 14: 33-35 as follows, "as in all the congregations for the saints, women are to be silent in the meetings of the jama'at. for they are not allowed to speak. they must submit themselves, as the law also says. if they want to know something, that is fine. they ask their husbands at home. because it is rude for women to speak in jama'at meetings. " the description of the above verse provides an illustration of how moral control over women becomes knowledge and power which becomes symbolic violence to discipline women's bodies. bourdieu (2010) explains that the lack of capital from a dominated class causes the dominant class to gain control over the culture it deserves in its production, as a differentiator for their class. this explanation also answers that the dominance of men who have symbolic capital, social capital, and economic capital, based on patriarchy in balinese customs found e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 in the structural pattern of cultural change, gives men the power to produce cultural capital to differentiate their social status from women. . based on 1 corinthians 14: 33-35 and a combination of balinese customs which positions women as a second class society, it makes the development of patriarchal values and morals in the church structure. this cultural production then becomes a single reference and truth produced by men as absolute truths that must be followed by women. whereas the spirit of protestantism was inseparable from protests from politicized religious actions for the interests of certain groups, but what happened in gkpb group interests were re-formed to dominate, and left protests in women's bodies whose values and morals were exploited to submit to male power. the gkpb seemed to be a new domination structure that was opposed by protestantism in its early days by martin luther. this domination then forms symbolic violence that is perpetrated by men in a number of activities within the gkpb circle. one of the most obvious examples is at the complete synod council election session, with the provision of two seats for women. it is clear that this form of regulation is the fruit of the knowledge that is produced into a culture that discriminates against the position of women which basically injures the democratic process in gkpb. the failure to understand equality in the gkpb then put women in a domestic position, with greater responsibility. obviously, this is no longer the vision and mission of christ but only the use of knowledge by the dominant group for the personal welfare of the group, thus as facilities, the habit of mecik mangosteen (don't want to speak the truth) prestige and salary are the main goals. this is in line with lord acton's famous expression. power tends to be corrupt, absolute power is corrupt absolutely. gkpb is a male power circle that becomes absolute and corrupt in the arena of power struggle. the election activities for the complete synod council (msl) are often tinged with money politics and gender bias doctrines. this continued during the male leadership period, which tended to override the position of women in the structure. the simple language of women then becomes a subaltern that is directed and dictated to follow what is right according to men. gkpb is a male power circle that becomes absolute and corrupt in the arena of power struggle. the election activities for the complete synod council (msl) are often tinged with money politics and gender bias doctrines. this continued during the male leadership period, which tended to override the position of women in the structure. the simple language of women then becomes a subaltern that is directed and dictated to follow what is right according to men. gkpb is a male power circle that becomes absolute e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 and corrupt in the arena of power struggle. the election activities for the complete synod council (msl) are often tinged with money politics and gender bias doctrines. this continued during the male leadership period, which tended to override the position of women in the structure. the simple language of women then becomes a subaltern that is directed and dictated to follow what is right according to men. according to bourdieu (in haryatmoko, 2016), symbolic violence in the contemporary social system lies in the role of women in domestic work. generally, women will occupy secretarial positions, and assistant assistants who still place women only as supporters of men's jobs. this was also expressed by i nengah rata: “the patriarchal culture really influences gkpb, so that bishop gkpb has never been a woman. men are considered stronger. the leadership ability is not inferior, women's social matters are considered weak. respondents chose men because of the field of service and women's social issues such as childbirth and breastfeeding ". this statement at the same time confirms bourdieu's concept of symbolic violence that is felt by women as a result of male domination which is embedded as women's absolute duty. this situation then becomes one of the cultural productions born from the conversion of two capitals in the arena of power hunting, economic capital and cultural capital. men who own economic capital will convert women's cultural capital to submit and obey according to the cultural production needed by men. so that the new cultural capital that is owned by women is the result of male cultural production that moves women's values and morals to be ethical in their every action. under these conditions, there is almost no possibility of women occupying important positions in the gkpb organizational structure. when women are unable to establish their dominance and begin to produce a culture of equality. the equality that every woman desires is an idea of equality which is the most basic of all religions, races and ethnicities. however, this equality can only be realized, if there is resistance and struggle in the arena of power that can encourage the formation of women's culture in equality. conclusion gender bias that exists in the gkpb organizational structure and women's daily lives, shapes women's values and morals and produces a general culture that becomes a single truth. women can only stay in a body that is rebelling against the domination of men who are at the helm of gkpb. power and knowledge are intrinsic to the gender case studies in gkpb. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 the knowledge produced from the holy bible is used to form a series of rules, which discriminate against the position of women in the organizational structure and in women's daily lives. the power of men in dominating and shaping the justification in gkpb, which results in symbolic violence which is applied to the position of women who play a role in the domestic sphere. this analysis also finds that there is a need for cultural production from the subaltern, which can be a counter-culture that is an alternative to the single truth produced by men. one concrete step, can be done by placing an equal number of seats between women and men at the msl. in addition, it can be done by building women's confidence to be competitive and equal in everyday life. references barker, chris. 2000. cultural studies theory and practice, california : sage publication ltd. barker, chris. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: penerbit kanisius baudrillard, jean. 1993. symbolic exchange and death. california: sage publication. bourdieu, pierre. 2010. dominasi maskulin. yogyakarta : jalasutra foucault, michel. 1980. power/knowladge. london :travistock publication limited. foucault, michel. 1984. the foucault reader. new york : pantheon books. fromm, erich. 2002. konsep manusia menurut marx. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. haryatmoko. 2016. membongkar rezim kepastian: pemikiran kritis post-strukturalis. yogyakarta: penerbit kanisius mies, marla. 1986, patriarchy and accumulation on a world scale; women in the international division of labour. avon the bath press. murthy, luh debora. 2004. gender dan kekerasan di bali, dalam bishop k. suyaga ayub, gereja yang hidup, kumpulan refleksi hamba-hamba tuhan, bali: percetakan gkpb. sanderson, stephen k. 2010. makro sosiologi : sebuah pendekatan terhadap realitas sosial. jakarta : pt rajagrafindo persada. schaublin, brigitta hauser. david d, harnish. 2014. between harmony and discrimination. leiden : brill e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 21-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 tim grasindo. 2017. uud 1945 & amandemennya untuk pelajar dan umum. jakarta: grasindo.tim penulis sejarah gkpb. 2012. dinamika gkpb dalam perjalanan sejarah. jakarta: pt bpk gunung mulia. waber, max. 2006. etika protestan dan spirit kapitalisme. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. microsoft word artikel george terbit3 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 genealogy of conservation ngos on the establishment of the ambel-ma'ya tribe conservation area in raja ampat george mentansan1, i ketut ardhana2, i nyoman suarka3, i nyoman dhana4 1papua manokwari university, west papua, 234cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university e-mail: 1georgementansan@gmail.com, 2phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com, 3nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 4nyomandhana@ymail.com received date : 02-03-2020 accepted date : 12-09-2021 published date : 30-11-2021 abstract this article aims to reveal the genealogy of the international conservation ngo towards the establishment of the ambel-ma'ya tribal conservation area so that the ma'yalibit bay conservation area in raja ampat is formed as well as a departure station for the establishment of other conservation areas in raja ampat. the research approach uses a cultural studies approach with descriptive qualitative research methods and slices of theory used, namely, the genealogy of practice and power from michel foucault.the results showed that before international conservation ngos operated in raja ampat, they recruited actors and agents who were recruited from intellectuals of the ma'ya indigenous peoples' institutions and religious and traditional leaders. conservation ngos act as captains as well as organic intellectuals and traditional intellectuals for the ambel-ma'ya tribe in the ma'yalibit bay of raja ampat acting as sea commanders in the boat of conservation ideology. conservation ngos are hiding behind the discourse of knowledge about high marine tropical biodiversity and the threat of its degradation as a result of the fishing behavior of fishermen who are not environmentally friendly, becoming the basis for discourse on knowledge, articulation and practice of language texts and capital of power to carry out discursive practices in the formation of conservation areas on tribal waters stage. abel-ma'ya. keywords: genealogy, ngo, conservation, ambel-ma'ya, raja ampat introduction raja ampat has 4 main large islands and approximately 610 small islands and only 35 inhabited islands. the big islands are: waigeo island, salawati island, batanta island and misool island. the district capital known as waisai is located on waigeo island and this city is the administrative and bureaucratic center of raja ampat regency as well as the center of economy and trade. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 demographically, the population in this region in 2019 based on bps data of raja ampat regency amounted to 47,885 people spread over 24 districts in an area of 67,379.60 km2. of the total area above, the land area is only 7,559.6 km2, while the rest is the ocean area. the dominant sea area in this district causes the people of raja ampat to make their main livelihood as fishermen and is interspersed with cultivating shifting fields and sago trees. the position of the raja ampat region which is in the bird's head span of papua causes the community to be said to be multicultural because the islands in this district are inhabited by the indigenous raja ampat tribe, namely the ma'ya tribe, also inhabited by nomad tribes such as the beser, umkai, usba tribes. , wardo and kafdarun as well as the tribes of the archipelago. the ma'ya tribe as the original tribe of raja ampat inhabit the four large islands while the immigrant tribes mostly inhabit the small islands. one of the original sub-tribes in raja ampat who inhabit raja ampat is the ambel-ma'ya sub-tribe in ma'yalibit bay, waigeo island. raja ampat's high biodiversity is due to the fact that this area is in the world's coral triangle, but the massive threats of deforestation are becoming more and more real because the fishing behavior of outside fishermen who use explosives, poisons and nets is quite high in the waters of raja ampat. with the adoption and adaptation of destructive fishing technology from outside fishermen by local raja ampat fishermen. the collaboration of these two fishermen has a great influence on the threat of degradation and the existence of natural resources in tropical waters in raja ampat in the future. the above conditions have become a concern and have become a trigger for conservation ngos to collaborate and synergize in taking steps to prevent, protect and conserve natural resources while at the same time encouraging schemes or models for the use of marine resources by the surrounding community, especially fortifying the raja ampat sea from the parties and unscrupulous parties. unscrupulous fishermen from outside (sorong, seram, maluku and sulawesi) who take marine products using modern technology are destructive. taking refuge in the shield of biodiversity potential and biodiversity degradation as a tool for discourse, articulation and discursive practice of knowledge, international conservation ngos (the nature conservancy and conservation international) in an effort to establish a marine conservation area in the indigenous waters of the ambel-ma'ya raja ampat tribe. mayalibit bay on waigeo island, raja ampat is a practice field for international conservation ngos and organic intellectuals as well as traditional intellectuals in the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 discourse on the establishment of the raja ampat marine conservation area and has become an embryo for the birth of conservation areas throughout the raja ampat waters which have now reached 1.3 million hectares. . therefore, this article aims to hack into how the genealogy of conservation ngos in the conservation area of the ambel-ma'ya tribe in the mayalibit bay of raja ampat takes place. research method the method used in the genealogy research of conservation ngos in the conservation area of the ambel-ma'ya tribe in raja ampat uses a cultural study approach with qualitative research methods. according to sugiyono (2005), research is used to examine the condition of natural objects, where the researcher is the key instrument. specifically, moleong (2016) states that qualitative research is research that intends to understand the phenomena of what is experienced by the research subject, for example, behavior, perception, motivation, action and others holistically, and by way of description in the form of words and language. , in a special context that is natural and by utilizing various scientific methods. so in the research on genealogy of conservation areas in the ambel-ma'ya tribe, the researchers rely on the knowledge base on the two definitions above. in data collection, the technique of determining informants was carried out purposively (sugiyono, 2016) and data collection was carried out by means of observation, interviews and documentation (sugiyono, 2016). the research data were analyzed using the miles and huberman method, namely: displaying data, reducing data and drawing conclusions (silalahi, 2009) and presented in a qualitative descriptive model of scientific variety. discussion the ma'yalibit bay marine conservation area was formed on november 15, 2006 as the climax of the celebration of the victory of the power of knowledge and practice of power carried out by the ruling class of conservation ngos as directors, organic and traditional intellectuals as actors and agents from the ma'ya tribe in the arena of life. ambel-ma'ya people in the mayalibit bay of raja ampat. the success of this practice of knowledge and power of the ruling class has resulted in an area of 53,100 hectares of the customary waters of the ambel-ma'ya tribe being handed over to be used as a conservation area. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 long before the customary declaration made by the ambel-ma'ya indigenous people in raja ampat to surrender their waters for conservation purposes, it turned out that the practice of knowledge and the dominance of guerrilla power attacked and continued to pressure the ambel-ma'ya community to agree and surrender their customary waters for the benefit of ngos. conservation in establishing a water conservation area in the mayalibit bay area in raja ampat. these knowledge and power practices are based on three knowledge bases obtained from academic intellectual agents, namely, first, the international conservation ngo in raja ampat conducts screening and recruitment of actors and agents of conservation workers ambel-ma'ya. second, the potential for biodiversity in the heart of raja ampat and third, the threat to biodiversity in the stomach of raja ampat. 1. selection of actors and conservation workers agencies in ambel-ma'ya waters power according to foucault (2002) is a relationship that is formed and disseminated through many channels, in ways that are sometimes contradictory and competitive, and generally overlap. barker (2009) states that power exists at every level of social relations. it is not only the glue that holds social life together or the coercive power that places people below others, but it is also a process that builds and paves the way for any form of action, relationship or social order. thus, the power that is in the hands of conservation ngos armed with a myriad of finances, a dozen networks and chunks of relationships forms power (foucault, 2002) which places this ngos in the upper class or the ruling class to employ anyone who is deemed to have the capacity or capability to carry out the tasks or as a servant of the ruling class. conservation ngos produce actors and agents who are equipped with a number of knowledge tools and ammunition that can be used to recruit and direct agencies to work according to the direction of the authorities to achieve predetermined goals. the practice of power is carried out systematically by first recruiting agencies (bourdieu, 1984) field workers who are employed as important organs in the conservation ngo organization of the raja ampat site. they gain power and legitimacy from conservation ngos that are embedded or owned by a particular individual in a hierarchical structure of power relations, namely the nature conservancy and conservation international. conservation ngo agents who come from within the ambel-ma'ya tribe themselves are educated intellectuals who have direct cultural attachments to the ambele-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 ma'ya tribe as well as local intellectuals (patria and arief, 2003) who incidentally are highranking officials on the ma tribal adat council. 'yes (dasma'ya). the above phase concerns the recruitment of conservation ngo workers who come from the ambel-ma'ya tribe, both organic and traditional intellectuals (patria and arief, 2003) controlled through a mechanism called by gramsci as hegemony (gramsci, 2013; barker, 2009; laclau and mouffe). , 2008; simon, 2004; patria and arief, 2003). hegemony according to gramsci in simon, (2004) is not a relationship of domination by using power, but a relationship of agreement using political and ideological leadership. more broadly, gramsci's hegemony is a chain that is obtained through a consensus mechanism rather than through oppression of other social classes (patria and arief, 2003), for example, it can be through existing institutions in society that determine directly or indirectly the cognitive structures of society. . so that the use of conservation workers who are in the ambel-ma'ya tribe as well as leaders of traditional councils and religious leaders is a strategic choice for conservation ngos. the practice of hegemony is carried out on local intellectual actors through recruitment as conservation workers by imprisoning conservation logic on field actors obtained. knowledge about the biodiversity of the waters of the ambel-ma'ya tribe and its potential for deforestation is a module for upgrading and transplanting knowledge so that they are willing to work as couriers in the ambel-ma'ya socio-cultural arena in raja ampat. the intelligence and ingenuity of conservation ngos in recruiting local intellectuals is a surefire choice in launching the practice of knowledge and power against the ambel-ma'ya community because it uses a cultural approach which in cultural studies views the concept of culture as an inseparable part of power and domineering relations in society, especially the communityof capitalist (hasan, 2011). organic intellectual actors (gramsci, 2003) as mechanics of recruiting and employing traditional intellectuals (gramsci, 2006) as manual laborers who are in direct contact with the ambel-ma'ya community act in the realm of representation of their tribal culture and present themselves as communication channels in the practice of sticking. discourse and ground the power of knowledge to the ambel-ma'ya tribe about the importance of conservation. the mobilization of local intellectual actors from the ambel-ma'ya tribe to hurry and move quickly to ground conservation knowledge is carried out through socialization (gramsci, 2013). communication in the form of socialization is a form of soft power (nye, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 2008); hegemony (gramsci, 2013) used in addition to the hard power approach (nye, 2008); domination and coercion (gramsci, 2013). so that socialization is one of the effective ways to spread discourse and build rational communication (fauzi, 2003; habermas, 2012 and barker, 2009) to conduct argumentative conversation efforts through language to convey messages on the formation of conservation areas that lead to consensus (simon, 2004; gramsci, 2013; patria and arief, 2003; hasan, 2011; laclau and mouffe, 2008). organic and traditional intellectual hard work in the field which is supported by large funding in plugging conservation knowledge, imprisoning the awareness of the ambel-ma'ya tribe as desired by the sponsor and directing it to the control of the ruling class of conservation ngos about the importance of establishing conservation areas including threats of damage to waters ambel-ma'ya community due to destructive fishing behavior such as the use of potassium, explosives, poison ties and nets. the socialization was also accompanied by the screening of conservation films to describe conditions in other parts of the world that had previously carried out conservation of the distribution of leaflets, photos, 2. discourse on ambel-ma'ya marine biodiversity in raja ampat talking about discourse, attention will be directed to the conception of language and practice that is integrated in the concept of discourse, discursive practice and discourse formation (barker, 2009) because through discourse there is space to talk in the same way about a particular topic with a motive or set of ideas, practices and ideas. a form of knowledge that is repeatedly discoursed throughout the arena of community social activities so that it gives birth to various common objects in various arenas. one of the discourse modalities referred to by conservation ngos is that based on the results of scientific surveys conducted by international researchers such as: veron, et al (2009); huffard et al, (2009); allen and erdmann (2009, 2012) they recorded that in the waters of raja ampat is home to 577 species of coral in the world, 1,476 species of reef fish, 15 marine mammals,1, limestone islands (karst), coral islands, coral reefs (patch reef), and sea mountains. another study conducted in 2011 by becking (2011) stated that there are 1 an island of coral that surrounds a lagoon partially or completely e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 56 saltwater lakes in raja ampat that were formed between the karst limestone ecosystems in misool and wayag. the richness of raja ampat's marine resources and its coasts and lands becomes the power of discourse through language as a meaning-forming machine. through discourse, it is able to create human knowledge (foucault, 2002) and pride and capital in how to treat wealth and how it will be in the future. thus, this potential and advantage is universally used as a knowledge base in policy practices as well as the orientation of conservation ngos, organic and traditional intellectuals to maneuver and work in the struggle for the formation of conservation areas. discourses and articulations about the potential for marine biodiversity in the seabed of the ambel-ma'ya tribe continue to be raised to form "habitus, cultural capital and terrain" (bourdieu, 1977) which are widely disseminated in meetings held from village to village as the material object of socialization as well as exhaling the negative consequences of the destruction of these natural resources for the future of the children and grandchildren of the ambel-ma'ya tribe in raja ampat. this condition is a manifestation of how knowledge and power work through language (foucault, 2002). the maintenance and breeding of discourses and practices of conservation knowledge on a massive scale has continued to be embedded in the ambel-ma'ya community for approximately 2 years since the conservation ngo entered raja ampat as a new district in 2002, so that it is understood that the power of knowledge is variously seen in the power relations that exist within the scope where the relationship runs which aims to realize its own organization. the structure of the ruling class system in working to imprison indigenous peoples in the bay which is carried out systematically through actors (giddens, 1984; gramsci, 2009). as well as the massive stretching of their work, the natural prison is present for the ambel-ma'ya tribe in the utilization of water resources that have been regulated both in terms of fishing gear, the capture area is even involved as a volunteer to monitor and report if there is a violation in the conservation area that has been established. it is therefore seen that no power is exercised without a set of goals and objectives (foucault, 2002) that conservation ngos seek to achieve. this condition shows that social group elites (conservation ngos and their cronies) formulate what is acceptable or valuable cultural capital and what is not (bourdieu, 1977). by formulating e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 cultural capital that makes sense, what is right and proper to do and discards what is inappropriate, inappropriate and illegitimate, the dominant class group preserves the results of knowledge and skills that at least show the status they have. 3. discourse on damage to aquatic ecosystems for the ambel-ma'ya tribe in raja ampat the success of conservation ngos (tnc and ci) working in raja ampat on the discourse of degradation and the threat of damage to raja ampat's aquatic ecosystems has become the basis for fighting for conservation which is their ideology (barker, 2009). hiding behind scientific studies, such as uncontrolled destruction of natural resources and overfishing is a problem not only in raja ampat but also throughout indonesia (mckenna et al, 2002). as a result, legal certainty is needed, especially at the local level covering all aspects of environmental and fisheries destruction. destructive fishing practices such as the use of tiger trawls by foreign fishermen, the practice of anaesthetizing fish using potas (potassium cyanide) are also carried out by foreign fishermen, while local fishermen use bore roots.2as an anesthetic for fish (widayatun et al, 2002; djohan et al, 2002; augustina et al, 2002) as well as the use of cyanide and bombs which showed a large number of coral fragments that were destroyed irregularly which was suspected to be due to explosives (nurul dm s and giyanto, 2007) is an illegal way of catching fish. the threat of deforestation due to illegal logging within conservation areas is also a problem factor because it not only removes valuable natural resources, but erosion from logging sites produces silt that has a direct effect on coral reefs as well as the development of government infrastructure and roads (atlas raja ampat, 2006). . the practice of using traditional fishing gear still applies in conservation areas because the fishing gear used by the local community is categorized as environmentally friendly. the case in aceh is also the case that through the conservation of local wisdom the community can be maintained and sustainable, especially those related to the use and management of coastal and marine areas (evi apriana, 2016). raja ampat, which is also an archipelagic area, has traditional wisdom related to the community's treatment of land and sea natural resources such as sasi.3(shiffa and muhammad, 2016; mcloed, 2 processed liquid from tree roots that contain toxins 3 customary rules that prohibit a community from catching or taking marine products in a certain area for a certain period of time e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 2007; nurdina et al, 2020) which is a traditional conservation practice in maluku was later adopted and adapted to coastal and marine communities of bird's head landscapes in papua including the ambel-ma'ya tribe in raja ampat by zending4 so that the conservation ideology launched by conservation ngos together with their cronies has proven effective and has a broad impact to benefit the entire community in raja ampat, the raja ampat sea needs the help of conservation ngos in the form of marine conservation practices for the ambel-ma'ya indigenous people. the game of discourse, shrewdness in articulating and elaborating the natural wealth, dangers and preservation of local wisdom above into contextual and social texts have subdued the ambel-ma'ya community in the power and control of conservation ngos and their workers. text in the view of anang (2008) which states that text is a language that is carrying out certain tasks in the context of a situation. text is also an example of lingual interaction where people actually use language; whatever is said or written in an operational context. so referring to the meaning of this text, the practice of discourse through communication intensification (habermas, 2012; hardiman, 2009) as well as lingual articulation and campaign texts in the form of leaflets, brochures, films, at the same time supported by the role of actors and agents for the sake of the ideology of conservation in the package of discourse on degradation and deforestation which is suspected to be threatening and is actually real in the life of the ambel-ma'ya tribe as the sole owner of raja ampat. conservation ngos exist because indigenous peoples need them and are obliged to provide special support from the ambel-ma'ya community because it is actually the ambel-ma'ya tribe who are able to limit, reduce and even prevent the spread of this destructive tumor wildly. hard work, conclusion underlying the thoughts in the discussion above, it is concluded that: 1. the international conservation ngo in raja ampat recruits actors and conservation agents from the intellectual group of the ambel-ma'ya tribe who are employed as machinists and field laborers to establish a conservation area in the ma'yalibit bay of raja ampat 4 religious figures assigned to spread christianity in the land of papua e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 2. high biodiversity; the threat of degradation of aquatic ecosystems owned by the guts of the ambel-ma'ya tribal waters has become the basis for discourse, knowledge practice and a field of power for conservation ngos to mobilize their agents in spreading the conservation virus in a structured, systematic and massive manner to the communities in the bay of ma'yalibit who caused the ambel-ma'ya tribe to hand over their waters to be used as a modern conservation area. references allen, g. and m.v. erdmann, 2009. reef fishes of the bird’s head peninsula, west papua, indonesia.check list5(3), p: 587-628. allen, g. and m.v.erdmann, 2009. two new species of damselfishes (pomacentridae: chromis) from 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jakarta. 109 p. marginalization of parwa leather puppet in gianyar regency in globalization era i made yudabakti hindu university of indonesia denpasar sanggalangit street, tembau, denpasar email: www.unhi.ac.id abstract this present study discussed the marginalization of the parwa leather puppet in gianyar regency in the globalization era. it discussed the form, the causing factors, and the impact of marginalization. the qualitative interpretative method was used to analyze the problems of the study. the data were collected using the techniques of observation, in-depth interview, documentary study, and library research. the data were qualitatively analyzed. the results of the study showed that there were several forms of marginalization occurring to the parwa leather puppet ‘wayang kulit parwa’ (wkp) in gianyar regency. this was indicated by the change in the context of performance and indication of marginalization. the forms of the context of performance were made up of the facts that (a) the viewers shifted from the young generation to the old generation; (b) it used to be performed as an offering but now it was performed as a commodity or comodification; (c) technology played more important roles (the lighting, sound system, and the material for making the puppet), and d) the accompanying gamelan orchestra changed. marginalization was indicated by (a) the fall in the frequency of performance, (b) wkp was getting less popular in the community; (c) fewer people were getting interested in wkp performance; and (e) wkp was getting less respected. the factors responsible for the marginalization of wkp in gianyar regency were the facts that less people were interested in wkp, the decrease in the wkp puppeteer’s activities, the policy issued by the traditional institution was weak, and the supervision made by the local government of gianyar was weak. in addition, wkp was less prospective; the current community needed more amusement than guidance, the rise in the impact of foreign cultural art, more and more sources of modern amusements were made available, and the impact of telecommunication technology. the marginalization of wkp in gianyar regency led to impacts and meanings. one of the impacts was that the puppeteers showed their resistances through creative, defensive, creative, innovative and transformative movements. keywords: marginalization, parwa leather puppet, globalization introduction the parwa leather puppet is a multidimensional performing art which is highly great as it contains highly valuable aesthetic and philosophical values (mulyono, 1975: 2). as a consequence, indonesians including balinese have been proud of it since a long time ago. in relation to that, it is not wrong that on 23 november 2003 unesco determined that the indonesian puppet is a masterpiece of the oral and intangible heritage of humanity; in other words, it is considered the world’s great cultural creation (solichin, 2010: 14). this means that the puppetry art of indonesia (bali) is a great world’s cultural heritage. therefore, it needs to be http://www.unhi.ac.id/ preserved and developed so that it is still in existence in the current global era. however, what was stated above is different from the fact in the field. the balinese people in general and those living in gianyar in particular are not interested in wkp any longer; it is not considered an art which is highly valuable any longer; they are not proud of it any longer. the facts that they are more interested in modern arts broadcast through television or other modern media proves this. that means that the great era of the puppet show is fading away (haq, 2010: x). it is this phenomenon which is occurring to wkp in gianyar regency; its existence is threatened as it is not taken into account in various activities. it is important to discuss this problem and to find what has been responsible for it; as a result, wkp in gianyar regency will not become marginalized in the current global era. research method qualitative interpretative method was used in the present study. the data used were the field data which were then interpreted in order to obtain accurate meaning. the study was initiated by determining (a) the research planning, (b) the research location, (c) the types and sources of data; the data used in the present study were qualitative data which were not in the form of figures; they were in the forms of oral and written data, pictures or other actions; the primary data were obtained by interviewing the puppeteers, cultural observers, and wkp observers; (d) the determination of informants; the informants were accurately selected based on their expertise, physical/spiritual health, age, memory, and their skill in story telling; (e) the research instruments; in the present study the instruments included the puppet show, those from whom information was obtained; (f) the technique of collecting data; the data were obtained using the techniques of observation, interview, documentary study, library research; (g) the technique of analyzing data; the attempt made to sort the data, how to organize them, how to order them into patterns, categories, and units of basic description; finally, the theme was discovered and work hypothesis was formulated as suggested by the data; and (h) the results of analysis were presented; in the present study, they were formally and informally presented. informally presented means that the results of analysis were presented in a narrative manner, and formally presented means that the results of analysis were presented in the forms of pictures, tables, charts, and photos and then they were poured into a discussion. results and discussion the marginalization of wkp in gianyar regency started from what was initially and thoroughly observed in the field and then an accurate answer was searched out. the marginalization was indicated by several important occurrences. the marginalization of wkp in gianyar regency was indicated by the form of the context of performance and the indication of marginalization. the form in the context of performance included the facts that (a) the viewers shifted from the young generation to the old generation; (b) it used to be performed as an offering but then it was performed as a commodity or commodication; (c) more roles were played by technology (lighting, sound system, and the material for making the puppet was changed), and (d) the accompanying gamelan orchestra was changed. the marginalization was indicated by the facts that (a) the decrease in the most popular wkp puppeteer’s activities; (b) the fall in the popularity of wkp in the community; (c) less and less people were interested in getting involved in the performance; (d) the government paid less attention to wkp, and (e) wkp was less respected. the factors causing wkp to be marginalized in gianyar regency in the current global era are the facts that (a) people were less interested in wkp, (b) the drop in the wkp puppeteer’s activities, (c) the weak policy of the traditional institution, and (d) weak supervision from the local government of gianyar. in addition, wkp was less prospective; people needed more amusements than guidance; the increase in the impact of foreign culture; the availability of sources of modern amusements, and the impact of telecommunication technology. the impact of the marginalization of wkp in gianyar regency in the current global era included the resistances shown by the puppeteers as an attempt made to face the impact of global culture; they showed defensive resistance, creative resistance, innovative resistance, and transformative resistance. the wkp performing art was revitalized by the movements of preservation and innovation (renewal). aesthetically, the modern aesthetic elements were bravely collaborated with traditional aesthetics. the social meaning appeared when diffusion took place between what was specific in wkp and various new forms which were introduced in the world’s art in gianyar regency with solidarity and tolerance. solidarity is the attitude collectively taken by the puppeteers and society to resurrect wkp. tolerance is the attitude of appreciation taken by the puppeteers and the society particularly the puppetry art lovers. by developing the two attitudes, it was expected that the society would take wkp into consideration in every activity; as a result, the marginalization of wkp could be avoided. the marginalization of wkp in gianyar regency affected the welfare of its supporters and society in general. that was initiated by making several innovative movements and various activities in wkp performing art. the continued innovative movement caused the existence of wkp to be diverse in regard to how it is performed. the numerous new creations of wkp caused the society to take it into consideration in every activity. then, it highly contributed to the increase in the puppeteers’ income, the gamelan orchestra players accompanying the performance, and the people who earned a living by working as traders. then, general economic rotation would take place if wkp were more frequently performed. per capita income and the welfare of people in general and the puppeteers and their supporters in particular would improve. conclusion and suggestion first, the form of the marginalization of wkp in gianyar regency was initiated by the change in the context of performance and indication of marginalization. the change in the context of performance included the facts that a) the viewers shifted from the young generation to the old generation; b) wkp used to be performed as an offering but then it was performed as a commodity or commodification; c) more roles were played by technology (lighting, sound system, and the material used for making the puppet), and d) the change in the gamelan orchestra accompanying the performance. the marginalization was indicated by a) the decrease in the performing activities of the popular wkp puppeteers in gianyar regency; b) the decrease in wkp popularity in the community; c) less and less people were interested in getting involved in the performance/in becoming the supporters; d) less attention was paid by the government, and e) wkp was getting less respected. second, the factors causing wkp to be marginalized in gianyar regency are the facts that a) less and less people were interested in wkp; b) the activities of wkp puppeteers went down; c) the policy issued by the traditional institution was weak; and d) the supervision made by the local government of gianyar was weak. as well, wkp was less prospective; people needed more amusements than guidance; the impact of foreign cultural art went up; the sources of modern amusements were more available, and the impact of telecommunication technology. third, the impact of the marginalization of wkp in gianyar regency was in the form of resistances shown by the puppeteers; they showed defensive, creative, innovative, and transformative resistances. in relation to the study of the marginalization of wkp in gianyar regency in the current global era, it is hoped that the parties which are responsible for preserving wkp (the traditional institution, the local government, the cultural observers, puppet observers and lovers) should give opportunity and financial assistance to the puppeteers to perform wkp so that its existence will be developing. the other regencies in bali should be aware that the marginalization of wkp in gianyar will not take place in their respective areas. intensive supervision may be made to avoid the existence of wkp from being extinct. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank (1) prof. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u., as head of the doctorate program of cultural studies of udayana university; (2) dr. putu sukarja, m.si., as the secretary of the doctorate program of cultural studies of udayana university for their supportive encouragement during the completion of this e-journal on time as one of the requirements for the open examination. many thanks are also extended to dr. i gede mudana, m.si. for his supervision during the completion of this e-journal so it is eligible for being internationally published. in addition, a word of appreciation should go to the administrative staff of the doctorate program of cultural studies of udayana university such as putu surkaryawan, st. for the information given to the writer in relation to the completion of this international journal so it may be used as needed. it is hoped that god reward them for what they have done for the writer. bibliography dibia, i wayan. 1995. “dari wacak ke kocak” dalam mudra, jurnal seni budaya, nomor 3, tahun iii, denpasar: isi denpasar. gulo, w. 2002. metodologi penelitian. jakarta: pt. gramedia widiasarana indonesia. haq, muhammad zaairul. 2010. tasawuf pandawa (puntadewa, werkudara, arjuna, nakula, dan sadewa). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. mulyana, deddy. 2002. metodologi kualitatif pradigma baru ilmu komunikasi dan ilmu sosial lainnya. bandung: pt. remaja rosdakarya. mulyono, sri. 1982. wayang asal-usul, filsafat dan masa depannya. jakarta: gunung agung. solichin. 2010. wayang masterpiece seni budaya dunia. jakarta: sinergi persadatama foundation. yudabakti, i made. 2013. “marginalisasi wayang kulit parwa di kabupaten gianyar pada era globalisasi”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. microsoft word artikel ida bagus oka wedasantara terbit1 e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 survive strategy and struggle of marapu adherents in tarung village, west sumba ida bagus oka wedasantara1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, i nyoman suarka3 1master degree programme of cultural studies, udayana university, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1wedasantara@gmail.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id received date : 12-03-2021 accepted date : 06-04-2021 published date : 31-05-2021 abstract marapu is the indigenous religion of community in tarung village and sumba island in general. marapu adherents experience hegemony including state discrimination and the spread of religion by the church elite. this study aims to reveal the hegemony process experienced and the survive strategies and struggles of marapu adherents. data were analyzed using hegemony theory and practice with qualitative research methods. the results showed marapu adherents experience state hegemony in the aspect of their religious legality. this condition was used by church elite to spread their religion. the people of tarung village accept christian/catholicism, but still maintain the marapu ideology as their religion, so that the reality that occurs in the local community is the practice of religious dualism as strategy of survive and negotiation. the struggle of marapu followers continues after the decision of constitutional court number 97/puu-xiv/2016 by trying to obtain a determination as marapu customary law community. keywords: hegemony, survive strategy, struggle, marapu, indigenous religion introduction the state is a tool of elite power that has an ideological interest in perpetuating agreements between subordinates and suppressing efforts to liberate the lower classes against upper class positions (santoso et al., 2015: 82). the interests of the elite, according to gramsci (in takwin, 2009: 72-74) can be persuasively instilled in the lower class society through various state-owned awareness engineering institutions. an institution has a set of rules in carrying out its regulations on civil society, such as laws or various policies. the power of the state in determining what constitutes "religion" is contained in presidential decree no.1 of 1965 which was later adopted into a law in 1969. the description of the legal product states that indonesia only recognizes six religions, namely islam, e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 christianity, catholicism, hinduism, buddhism and confucianism. meanwhile, those outside of the six religions are classified by the state as a belief (mysticism, spirituality, psychiatric), and the government tries to channel them towards a healthy outlook and towards the one godhead. unhealthy stigma is a construction of mainstream religions towards believers as an atheist, heretical, infidel and idolatrous ideology (subagya, 1981: 240). the state even long beforehand oversaw the existence of religious sects by establishing a bureau for the monitoring of community beliefs streams (pakem). on 19-21 august 1955, the indonesian spiritual congress board (bkki) was established, however various bkki proposals were rejected by the state and mainstream religious leaders affiliated with the political elite. on the other hand, the state increasingly marginalized believers when the house of representatives (dpr) and the ministry of religion discussed the definition and requirements of a religion (subagya, 1976: 120). the ideological strength of the state and mainstream religions, apart from having created a majority-minority classification, has in fact worsened the condition of believers. even though religion has an important position because it is able to influence human life (haryanto, 2016: 21). religious issues have recently returned to the spotlight. the public was shocked by the decision of the constitutional court regarding the inclusion of "believers" in the religious column of family card (kk) and identity card (ktp). after the decision was read out on november 7, 2017, adherents outside of the six religions in principle did not need to manipulate or empty the column of their religious identity, although they could not show specifically considering the large number of believers in indonesia. marapu is one of the believers whose petition was granted by the constitutional court. marapu followers can be found in tarung village. administratively, tarung village is in the area of sobawawi village rw 9 rt 20, loli district, west sumba regency, east nusa tenggara province. based on the results of the author's data collection in 2017, residents in tarung village assessed 219 people with the proportion of marapu 37.91%, catholic 31.52%, christian 30.15%, and islam 0.42%. although the data above shows that the people of tarung village truly adhere to marapu, in reality they still experience hegemony practices. however, the marapu adherents in tarung village have still survived through various survive strategies, for example maintaining the marapu ideology and adopting religious dualism, as well as e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 fighting for their identity after the constitutional court decision which was reviewed in the discussion section. concept and theories in this study, the authors used two concepts, namely marapu and religion. according to wellem (2004: 42) marapu is belief in the highest god or divine and ancestral spirits. meanwhile, boersema (2015: 72) argues that marapu is a religious term for the sumbanese people. soeriadiredja (2013: 60) deeply defines marapu as the native religion of the sumba people. according to gramsci (in bocock, 2007: 124) religion operates as a moral value system, a related belief system and a ritual / symbolic system. religion operates hegemonically by producing a moral value system that is leading which is often enshrined in various state laws. religion becomes an arena for rulers to practice hegemony, while marapu adherents launch counter hegemony through various strategies to fight for their religion. the theory on which this paper is based includes hegemony and practice. gramsci's idea can be interpreted as a domination of the state and church ideology of a group of marapu adherents to spread to all the people who underlie an organization. the involvement of traditional cultural and intellectual methods is able to paralyze critical awareness and manipulate the ideology of the people under control, so that without realizing it, the ideology supports power (strinati, 2016: 207). bourdieu's theory of practice leads to a strategy to determine the position of each agent, namely marapu and the church, in the contestation arena based on capital accumulation (fashri, 2014: 109-111). both dominant agents and subordinate agents usually apply defensive strategies more often to defend or protect their positions, this phenomenon can be seen in the contestation that occurs in the people of tarung village (haryatmoko, 2016: 51). research methods the research was designed based on qualitative methods through the application of participatory observation, in-depth and unstructured interviews with purposive-determined informants, and document studies. this qualitative research method emphasizes a thick description that is emic, ethical, and holistic (saifuddin, 2005: 89-91). the method used by researchers of cultural studies is also known as the naturalistic method because the research e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 is carried out in real conditions, so that qualitative research does not only describe sociocultural phenomena but finds the hidden ideology behind it (ratna, 2010: 94-95). discussion state and church hegemony against marapu the state of indonesia is not only guided by one religion, but also guided by the one godhead, where all religions and beliefs are respected for their position and every citizen is free to adhere to his religion and belief and to carry out his worship. however, it is ironic that the marapu adherents cannot demonstrate that they are able to embrace religion freely. in carrying out their religious rituals, they can only do it on the island of sumba. this limitation is motivated by the practice of state hegemony which subordinates marapu's position as a believer. this marginalization constructs the marapu adherents and his teachings rarely appear in the national realm. this hegemonic treatment has actually been felt even by a marapu follower who only graduated from elementary school, the results of the interview show that the awareness built by the elite has led those who are oppressed to live in the shadow of state power, they are aware that their current modalities cannot be used as the basis for liberation from hegemony. based on the results of observations in 2016 in tarung village, the filling of the religious column for marapu adherents in the family card was marked with the belief, while the identity card was left blank / given a line like (-). but ironically, when the author visited the office of the central bureau of statistics, west sumba regency, the data provided by the officer showed that the number of followers of the faith from 2011 to 2015 was zero, and the officers chimed in on the grounds that marapu was part of the sumba culture, meaning that it was not a religion. , so it doesn't matter if it's not in the table. if you pay attention to the data obtained from the office of the ministry of religion, west sumba regency, this shows that there has been manipulation of data that is not in accordance with the reality of the existence of marapu followers in order to cover up the interests of the mainstream religious elite, especially church domination to perpetuate the ideological domain. the data that contains elements of discrimination against marapu adherents above can be compared with data held by the west sumba regional development planning agency. table 1 shows the condition of the number of marapu followers (aliran kepercayaan) in west e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 sumba regency which has experienced a significant increase since the revision of the population administration law was passed in 2013.this increase is related to the struggle of marapu followers from the shackles of the state and church elites, and to restore their existence in the public. religions 2011 (people) 2012 (people) 2013 (people) 2014 (people) 2015 (people) 1 katolik 20.961 23.483 29.215 22.393 29.215 2 kristen 79.065 79.406 64.975 62.977 56.823 3 islam 8.849 9.291 5.664 6.240 6.870 4 hindu 195 199 214 248 248 5 budha 0 0 0 0 0 6 khonghucu 0 0 0 0 0 7 aliran kepercayaan 4.119 4.242 17.719 28.049 28.765 total population 113.189 116.621 117.787 119.907 121.921 table 1. population of west sumba regency by religion, 2011-2015 (source: regional profile of west sumba regency, 2015) marapu adherents in tarung village are among those who have / have not completed formal education and work in the agricultural sector as well as crafters. based on the research results, none of the children with student status were registered as marapu followers, in addition to the practice of hegemony through formal education. since childhood, the children of marapu's parents have been baptized to obtain legality from one of the mainstream religions. a baptism certificate is an official document issued by the church authorities to show that the person concerned has passed the sacrament of baptism. in west sumba and districts on sumba island, the legality of a baptismal certificate equals a birth certificate. the baptismal certificate serves to fulfill administrative requirements such as attending school and working in the formal sector. the use of a baptismal certificate as a substitute for proof of birth, because the traditional marapu marriage, namely by the local community it is called a customary mat title, cannot be recorded based on the state law system, in other words if the marriage is not through a church procession, then the couple cannot have a marriage certificate, thus impact on making birth certificates and being unable to send children to school. the issue of birth certificates had become a central issue in west sumba, when the save the children partner of the sayangi tunas cilik foundation on 9 december 2016 pioneered a joint declaration with the local government and local residents, especially marapu e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 followers. in the event, the participants of the declaration were committed to fulfilling the rights of every child, without exception in west sumba, to obtain a birth certificate. however, at the moment of handover of birth certificates by the regents and deputy regents to parents, the author found an irregularity. the names of the children who are said to have obtained birth certificates are registered as having baptized names, meaning that they are children who have actually participated in the sacrament of baptism. the arena of struggle for marapu followers cannot be separated from the ideological control mechanism, the church in sumba has a relationship with government officials in managing civil registration (strinati, 2016: 207). this relationship was revealed when the author listened to a conversation between a pastor and a congregation who was about to baptize his child, when the conversation about the baptismal procedure was about to end, the pastor suggested that his congregation did not need to go to the village office because the church had coordinated with the civil registration authority to take care of it. administrative documents. survive strategy of marapu adherents in tarung village a. marapu’s ideology defense strategy according to gramsci (in barker, 2014: 138) ideology cannot be separated from daily practical activities, ideology provides an order of practical and moral behavior for people in everyday life. religion as a set of ideologies contains the most powerful elements in every society to direct collective action (haryanto, 2016: 234). the survival of the people of tarung village cannot be separated from the marapu ideological values which are dogmatically transmitted from generation to generation. the marapu ideology was able to survive through the involvement of the younger generation in religious practice and narrative (oral tradition) by generations of rato rumata and the rato kabisu as organic intellectuals. religion has become an arena for marapu adherents to struggle to pass on marapu teachings to their children, especially during wulla poddu. wulla poddu is a communal ritual held by the people of tarung village for one month, held once a year between october or november. one day before the closure of wulla poddu, the residents who had migrated or lived outside the tarung village area would return to their original homes. at that moment, after being in touch, the rato will convey marapu's knowledge to his extended family / clan (kabisu). knowledge is transmitted to family members e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 by involving them in the wulla poddu ritual and telling of the earth-heaven creation process, the birth of the first human, the origins of ancestors, and the series of human life cycles. since birth, the people of tarung village have not missed the ritual procession of their life cycle. danandjaja (1985: 19) explained that in living life humans will go through a series of critical phases. these phases begin when the human is still in the womb of the mother until the human dies, so that a ceremony is held as an effort to neutralize the various dangers that are believed to befall them. these ceremonies became known as life cycle ceremonies. the rituals of the human life cycle that are still carried out by the people of tarung village include: 1) a ritual when the fetus is three months old which is called gollu umma; 2) pangarana, namely the ritual of giving names taken from the names of the ancestors; 3) kahutti'i is a ritual that is performed for the first time when a child shaves his hair; 4) malingo or commonly known as circumcision, is held when boys are grown up; 5) the wedding ritual includes three series, namely demawinne (proposing to a woman's house), pa'uma anamangoma (a ritual for women who start a household), tuntas belis (the final stage of the marriage series, where the groom hands over the belis that has been agreed with the bride); 6) the death ritual begins with the tengi watu ritual (pulling the grave stone), then the burial ritual procession, namely patane. b. religious dualism as a survive strategy and negotiation the life lived by the followers of marapu tarung village to survive the hegemony of the state and the church is by adhering to one of the religions recognized by the indonesian state, in this case, namely christianity or catholicism. there is no rejection in them of the principles brought by the church and it is not easy for them to abandon the principles passed down from their ancestors. the two conflicting religious principles are accepted and lived up to, so that the reality experienced by the community in tarung village is a religious dualism. in the context of the local community, the phenomenon of religious dualism is referred to as "half marapu and half christian / catholic" as expressed by lidda mawo mude that since the people of tarung village were born, before being baptized they have been given names through the marapu ritual called pangarana. for the people of tarung village, religious dualism is a strategy to obtain their rights as citizens, especially in order to facilitate population administration affairs and save themselves from stigmatization. likewise, from among children in order to get education at school to e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 college. even though in the early stages the principles of the church were limited to administrative purposes and the value of religious subjects, the doctrine of education could manipulate awareness into something that could be trusted, so that christian / catholicism was not automatically considered as "the religion of ktp". half marapu and half christian / catholic are two opposing ideologies, but one unity is balanced and side by side in the religiosity of the people of tarung village. religious dualism is a construction of community identity in tarung village to reduce the forces that want to dominate. they do not hesitate to present their dual identity in public, as in picture 1 below, which shows a sumba dancer wearing two religious symbols, namely the cross necklace and the mamoli necklace. picture 1. sumba dancers wearing a cross necklace and a mamoli (dokumen: oka, 2016) bourdieu (in ritzer, 2012: 907) defines the field / champ as a battlefield, namely the arena of struggle that guides agents' strategies to determine their position based on the accumulation of capital ownership. the phenomenon of religious dualism in the people of tarung village has resulted in a balanced position between the two parties in the contestation arena. the struggle to position the strategy of each agent, namely between marapu and the church (christian / catholic) yielded to each other by loosening the boundaries of religious dogmatic teachings. giving aims to maintain the position of the two ideological forces in the dynamic arena of contestation, as stated by bourdieu (2020: 68) that pretending to be modest to show superiority (condescension) is the best strategy to strengthen the position. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 the loosening of the boundaries of religious dogma as a defense strategy shows that there are negotiations taking place between marapu and christian / catholicism. the dualism of religion in the people of tarung village is a manifestation of compromise to reduce the forces that want to fight for symbolic power. according to bourdieu (in fashri, 2014: 141-144) symbolic power is a power to construct reality, an invisible power because in hiding the practice of domination it takes a subtle form as symbolic violence, which is violence that is soft and invisible, so it does not accept resistance because it has gained social legitimacy. the struggle of marapu adherents after the constitutional court ruling the decision of the constitutional court of the republic of indonesia number 97/puuxiv/2016 regarding the inclusion of "believers" in the religious column of the family card (kk) and identity card (ktp), is a breath of fresh air for marapu adherents in tarung village. expressions of happiness were seen in several news uploads about the verdict on their social media. after the verdict, rato rumata with his symbolic capital fought for the discourse of tarung village as a customary institution with legal status. the plan, through customary deliberations, obtained an agreement from all the rato in tarung village so that it could be followed up. on 20 october 2017, the west sumba regency government issued a decree of the west sumba regent number kep/hk/588/2017 concerning the establishment of a tarung site village traditional institution, sobawawi village, loli district, west sumba regency, 2017 fiscal year. although the regent's decree above was motivated more by the urgency of the fire incident in tarung village that occurred on 7 october 2017, and it can also be said that it was the government's response to the results of literacy efforts "basic rules for the association of marapu loli indigenous peoples, west sumba, east nusa tenggara" which was successfully compiled by rato rumata after the implementation of wulla poddu in 2015, namely on 20 november 2015. however, the struggle of marapu followers is still quite long because in terms of this regent decree uses the word "establishment" as if the customary law community unit in tarung village formed in 2017, so what they really need is recognition through "determination" (palar and sungkar, 2019). as a practical matter, it is very difficult for minorities to carry out legal religious activities without access to institutional status that has the authority to become a legal entity. for example in the construction of houses of worship which require religious groups to be legal e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 entities. apart from that, they also receive religious donations, permits or notices religious holidays, or receive religious services from the state. in the indonesian context, there is a strong tendency how the right to freedom of religion or belief guaranteed in the constitution can only be enjoyed by religious groups recognized by the state, while religious groups outside those that are recognized face discrimination (hafis, 2016: 233). the decision that the marapu adherents fought for, especially by rato rumata and the people of tarung village, has yet to come to light. their struggle after the constitutional court ruling as a "gateway" is still a long way to go so that marapu is not eroded by extinction. conclusion based on the above discussion, marapu adherents experience state hegemony in the aspect of their religious legality so that they become targets for the spread of religion by church elites. the survival strategy of the marapu adherents is to maintain the marapu ideology through the involvement of the younger generation and narrative (oral tradition) as well as undergoing religious dualism as a form of negotiation. after the constitutional court decision, the struggle of the people of tarung village was still continuing to get the determination of the marapu customary law community. references barker, chris. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: pt kanisius. bocock, robert. 2007. pengantar komprehensif untuk memahami hegemoni. yogyakarta: jalasutra. boersema, jan. 2015. perjumpaan injil dan budaya dalam kawin-mawin. jakarta: yayasan komunikasi bina kasih. bourdieu, pierre. 2020. bahasa dan kekuasaan simbolik. yogyakarta: ircisod. danandjaja, james. 1985. upacara-upacara lingkaran hidup di trunyan, bali (life cycle ceremonies in trunyan, bali). jakarta: pn balai pustaka. fashri, fauzi. 2014. pierre bourdieu: menyingkap kuasa simbol. yogyakarta: jalasutra. hafis, muhammad. 2016. “registrasi agama dan organisasi-organisasi keagamaan” dalam alamsyah m dja’far dan atikah nur’aini (ed). hak atas kebebasan beragama atau berkeyakinan di indonesia, pp: 229-264. jakarta: wahid foundation dan tifa foundation. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 haryanto, sindung. 2016. sosiologi agama: dari klasik hingga postmodern. yogyakarta: arruzz media. haryatmoko. 2016. membongkar rezim kepastian. yogyakarta: pt kanisius. palar, m.r.a. dan lailani sungkar. 2019. proses literasi hukum adat kampung tarung nusa tenggara timur : upaya pengakuan eksistensi. masalah-masalah hukum (mmh) jilid 48 no. 1, januari, pp: 111-122. ratna, nyoman kutha. 2010. metodologi penelitian: kajian budaya dan ilmu-ilmu sosial humaniora pada umumnya. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. ritzer, george. 2012. teori sosiologi: dari sosiologi klasik sampai perkembangan terakhir posmodern (edisi kedelapan). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. saifuddin, achmad fedyani. 2005. antropologi kontemporer: suatu pengantar kritis mengenai paradigma. jakarta: kencana. santoso, listiyono dkk. 2015. epistemologi kiri. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media. soeriadiredja, purwadi. 2013. marapu: konstruksi identitas budaya orang sumba, ntt. antropologi indonesia: indonesian journal of social and cultural anthropology vol. 34 no. 1, januari-juni, pp: 59-74. strinati, dominic. 2016. popular culture: pengantar menuju teori budaya populer. yogyakarta: narasi. subagya, r. 1976. kepercayaan – kebatinan kerohanian kejiwaan – dan agama. yogyakarta: kanisius. subagya, r. 1981. agama asli indonesia. jakarta: sinar harapan dan yayasan cipta loka caraka. takwin, bagus. 2009. akar-akar ideologi: pengantar kajian konsep ideologi dari plato hingga bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. wellem, f.d. 2004. injil dan marapu: suatu studi historis-teologis tentang perjumpaan injil dengan masyarakat sumba pada periode 1876-1990. jakarta: bpk gunung mulia. hegemony of international standard education at public senior high school 78 jakarta tuntun sinaga postgraduate program udayana university, denpasar email: tuntunsinaga@gmail.com abstract the act number 20 of 2003 concerning system of national instructed that international standard education unit be opened in every regency/city in every part of indonesia as an attempt made to anticipate the globalized era. this study was intended to understand the forms of hegemony of pbi and the factors contributing to it at public senior high school 78 jakarta. in the present study, the theory of hegemony, the theory of discourse of power/knowledge, and the theory of social practice were eclectically used with qualitative approach. the data were taken from documents, brochures, mass media, experts in education, community leaders, teachers, students, parents and the headmaster. the data were taken through interview, observation and documentary study. the data were validated through the process of triangulation which includes data reduction, data presentation, data verification, and interpretation. the result of the study showed that (1) the hegemony of pbi took place in the forms of the standardization of education, the capitalization of education, the image of international quality, the stratification of education and (2) the factors contributing to the hegemony of pbi were the politics of national education and the discourse of globalism. hegemony took place in the form of internationalization of eight snp and “benchmarking” of the quality of education in oecd countries in order to anticipate globalization. it is suggested that the general middle education which reflected the philosophy of national education, pancasila, need to be reconstructed. keywords: hegemony, standardization of education, globalization. mailto:tuntunsinaga@gmail.com introduction as an attempt to develop the national education, the government designed a pbi unit based on what was instructed in the act number 20 of 2003 concerning the system of national education ‘sistim pendidikan nasional’ article 50 clause (3): “the government and local government undertake at least one unit of education in all levels of education to be developed into international standard educational unit”. in general, the government policy in education reflects how it views community, its political belief and interests (sirozi, 2007: 17-18). from political perspective, the policy of pbi is ideological-cultural in nature and constitutes a form of the government hegemony in the discursive contestation within the context of politics, economy, social and culture. in this case, hegemony refers to the concept of the domination of the dominating group (the government) over the subordinate groups (the community of education) through the process of intellectual, moral and political leadership and its implementation is supported by intellectuals referred to as the organic intellectual. hegemony takes place when the subordinated classes have accepted the way of thinking of the dominating class (bocock, 1986: 33; simon, 1999: 9; gramsci, 1971:57). since 2006 the government had developed the pbi unit in the form of schools which were designed to be international standard ‘rencana sekolah berstandar international (rsbi) which exceeded the national standard of education ‘standar nasional pendidikan (snp)’. the rsbi was designed to be the school which would be developed into the international standard school ‘sekolah bertaraf internasional’ (sbi). then this led to a paradox in various aspects such as the teaching staff, the educational facilities, and the leadership of such an education unit. what could be observed from the national education was the phenomenon of the implementation of the principles of neoliberalism which was not in line with the idealism of the constitution (rifai, 2011: 141-143; tilaar, 2007: 242; darmaningtyas, 2012: 58-61). it is important to see the matters pertaining to education from the ideologicalcultural perspective. the reason is that, in theory, the attempt made to solve the matters pertaining to education should commence by correcting the non realistic assumptions as the basis for making the policy of educational politics (widja, 2009: 5). the present study was conducted at public senior high school 78 jakarta for the reason that it was relatively close to “the eight minimal standards” of national education in order to deserve “the rsbi status”. in this case, it was interesting to explore critically the discourse of pbi in order to understand the forms of the pbi hegemony and the factors leading to it. research method this present study employed descriptive-qualitative method. the primary data were obtained by interviewing the teachers, the headmaster and his assistants, the students, the students’ parents and the experts in education. the secondary data were in the forms of laws, regulations, and guide to the sbi implementation (endraswara, 2006: 115-119); mulyana, 2002: 173-176). the instruments used in the present study were an interview guide, a camera, and a computer. the data were validated through the process of triangulation which included data reduction, data presentation, data verification and presentation. as this present study is a qualitative study, the data were informally (descriptively) presented. discussion rsbi unit constitutes the development of capitalism and neoliberalism in education as, in its implementation, it “only” gives opportunity to particular socioeconomic groups. based on the field data, the “benchmarking” of the quality of education which refers to the quality of education of the countries which are members of the organization for economic cooperation and development (oecd) socially and economically affected various components of the national educational standard. the quality educational services, for example, was getting capitalistic, stratified and was only enjoyed by particular social groups. however, according to the 1945 constitution, the national education is indented to produce intelligent indonesians (tilaar, 2007: 242; tilaar, 2006: 76). inn 1970s paulo freire and ivan illich criticized the world of education which was always assumed to be full with good deeds; in fact, however, it contains suppressions. in this case, education is considered reproducing the system of capitalism (fakih, 2001: xxi). the field finding showed that the policy of pbi and standardization of educational components caused the text books needed at public senior high school 78 jakarta to be imported. in addition, the cambridge examination was held, the costs needed became high and the economically weak people became marginalized. in this matter the globalized ideology operated through the policy of standardization of education which is full of competitive values and replaces the state socio-cultural values. in this matter, the pbi discourse dominates the education at public senior high school 78 jakarta. this took place through the relation between snp and “international standard of education” in the form of standardization of education. the forms of hegemony of pbi at public senior high school 78 jakarta included the standardization of education, the capitalism of education, the image of international quality, and the stratification of education. the standardization of education referred to the act of sisdiknas (the system of national education) 20/2003 article 50 clause (3) concerning pbi unit as a strategy to anticipate the problems of the quality of education and the low national compatibility in the globalized era. the capitalization of education resulted from the implementation of oecd-oriented pbi unit and the rationalization of education as an investment which led to the commodification of education. the image of international quality at public senior high school 78 was achieved through the reality of education and the qualification of the teaching staff which was not in accordance with what was required by the “international curriculum” in order to be sbi. the stratification of educational services resulted in regular class, rsbi, and international class. the factors which contributed to the hegemony of pbi were the politics of national education and globalism. the government dominated the community of education through pbi, the discourse of standardization, and compatibility in the globalized current. in this case, the act of sisdiknas number 20 of 2003 and the government regulation number 19 of 2005 concerning snp required that pbi unit should be developed without taking the objective reality of a school into account. globalization contributed to the international standardization such as the accreditation of iso management, the adaptation of oecd curriculum and the use of the english language as the educational medium in order to be internationally recognized. the government and the group of intellectuals rationalized the policy of pbi through various socializations of education, discourses and jargons such as “globalized challenge”, “standard quality human resources”, “international compatibility” , the iso certificate, “productivity” and the importance of mastering foreign languages especially english (permendiknas no. 78 of 2009 concerning the implementation of sbi). conclusion and suggestion pbi which was designed to lead to quality education and international compatibility was responsible for political, social, economic and cultural problems. the discourse of globalism and the politics of national education resulted in the hegemony of pbi at public senior high school 78 jakarta in various forms such as the standardization of education, the capitalization of education, the stratification of education, and the image of international quality. the hegemony of pbi was influenced by internal and external factors, the politics of national education and globalism. the ideology of globalism in the policy of pbi caused education to be capitalistic, discriminative, and exclusive, and contributed to injustice. it is suggested that the act of sisdiknas number 20 of 2003 with its various education policies should be comprehensively explored. acknowlegement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank the directorate general of higher education for the bpps scholarship provided to the writer, and the principal of public senior high school 78 jakarta for supporting the process of the present study. the writer would also like to thank the teaching staff of the doctorate program of cultural studies, school of postgraduate studies of udayana university such as prof. dr. aron meko mbete, prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u., and prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u. for their input to this article. bibliography bocock, robert. 1986. hegemony. chichester: ellis horword limited. darmaningtyas. 2012. manipulasi kebijakan pendidikan. resist book. yogyakarta endraswara, suwardi. 2006. metode, teori, teknik penelitian kebudayaan: ideologi, epistemologi, dan aplikasi. yogyakarta: pustaka widyatama. gramsci, a. 1971. selections from prison notebooks. new york: international publisher. mulyana, d. 2002. metodologi penelitian kualitatif paradigma baru ilmu komunikasi dan ilmu sosial lainnya. bandung: pt. rosdakarya. simon, r. 1999. gagasan-gagasan politik gramsci. yogyakarta: insist press dan pustaka pelajar. sirozi, m. 2007. politik pendidikan: dinamika hubungan antara kepentingan kekuasaan dan praktik penyelenggaraan pendidikan. jakarta: raja grafindo persada. tilaar, h.a.r. 2007. mengindonesia etnisitas dan identitas bangsa indonesia. jakarta: pt rineka cipta. widja, g. 2009. pendidikan sebagai ideologi budaya: suatu pengantar ke arah pendidikan kritis. denpasar: kajian budaya, universitas udayana 1 dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts of badung regency at the bali arts festival xxxii (2010) i gusti ayu srinatih postgraduate program udayana university, denpasar email: srinatih@gmail.com abstract dolanan is a childrens game which is done while singing in order to have fun. as one of the cultural heritage, dolanan contains great national values which can be imparted into children as the foundation of character building thus having a platform and a strong identity. nowadays dolanan is marginalized because children are more fond with various types of imported games which is packaged with sophisticated technology that makes them increasingly kept away from its own cultural roots. this reality is really concerning because we can lose an effective tool in imparting cultural values which is important for character building. based on that reality, a research is conducted entitled “dolanan mabarongbarongan performing arts of badung regency at the bali arts festival xxxii in 2010”. the problem that is the focus of this research is the factors that led to the creation of representation of dolanan mabarong-barongan of badung regency in the xxxii bali arts festival in 2010. this research is a qualitative research, viewed from cultural studies prespective. to dissect the problem, the social practices theory of pierre bourdieu is used. the result of this research is that the factors that led to the creation of the representation of dolanan mabarong-barongan are the bali arts festival, the ideology of the artist, the creativity of artists, community, arts education institutions, government policies, and globalization. keywords: performing arts, dolanan mabarong-barongan, bali arts festival. background in ancient times, dolanan lived and flourished in the community traditionally and was carried down through generations, but is now less popular in the community. dolanan mabarong-barongan is a children's game by imitating the barong dance movements done while singing in order to have fun. as one of the cultural heritage, dolanan contains noble values of national culture that can be imparted into the children as the foundation of character building so that they have a platform and a strong identity. today dolanan is increasingly marginalized because children prefer imported games that are packed with sophisticated technology, therefore more and more children are "kept" away from their own cultural roots. this reality is very worrying because we could lose one of the effective means to impart cultural values which is very important for the formation of their character. based on the explanation, the research on dolanan entitled "dolanan mabarongbarongan performing arts of badung regency at the xxxii bali arts festival in 2010" is conducted. the problem in this study is the factors that led to the creation of the dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts of badung regency at the xxxii bali arts festival in 2010. mailto:srinatih@gmail.com 2 research method this research uses qualitative approach and reviewed from the perspective of cultures studies. the data were collected using a document study, interviews, recordings, and literature reviews. methods and techniques of data analysis that includes three activities, namely data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusion (verification) to finally get the new findings. this research aims to study and understand in more depth the factors that led to the creation of dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts of badung regency at the xxxii bali arts festival in 2010". the benefits of this research are theoretical and practical. theoretically for the development of science and practically it will benefit the choreografer. result and discussion dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts of badung regency at the xxxii bali arts festival in 2010 is a new work of art that is a transformation from traditional dolanan mabarong-barongan to performing arts as a form of the practice of meaning. this work of art is accompanied by children’s gong kebyar rare angon from smp negeri 2 abiansemal, badung, and performed at the xxxii bali arts festival in 2010. the theory used to analyze the problem above is pierre bourdieu's theory of social practice, which is (habitus x capital) + field = practice (in richard harker et al., ed., 2009: xx). this theory is used to examine how the artists look at the dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts as a social practice; that the artist has a “habitus” in order to produce a new work of art (dolanan); they require “capital” in the form of creativity, experience, skills, knowledge, and economics. in addition, the artist also require a “field” in the form of objective network position, namely the academic community, artists, culture experts, audiences, and government. the factors that led to the creation of the new art works are as follows. (1) bali arts festival bali arts festival was implemented for the first time in 1979. as a new idea by prof. dr. ida bagus mantra, the governor of bali at the time, bali arts festival received tremendous reception and support, proven by the overflowing of audience watching each event. today the bali arts festival is an annual event based in the art center in denpasar. bali arts festival is an important space for creativity for the development of art and cultural life in bali. in the xxxii bali arts festival in 2010 the dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts of badung regency was created. the government through its policies issued the bali regional regulation no. 07 year 1986 about bali arts festival (pangdjaja, 1997: ix) created development programs of art and 3 culture, one of which is to create regulations regarding arts festival. the goal, in addition to keep, maintain, and develop the full potential of local art and culture, is also to give a room for balinese artists in developing their art creativity locally, nationally, and internationally. the government's efforts can be seen from the xxxii bali arts festival in 2010 that have reached the age of thirty-two years. an achievement that should be appreciated because in the history of art and culture performances in indonesia, presumably only in bali that a cultural event in the form of a festival has held it for thirty-two years and ongoing. (2) the ideology of the artist the ideology of the artist as a creator becomes crucial because functionally it has a very important role in the creation process of representation of dolanan mabarong-barongan of badung regency. in this regard, the artist with the ideology is known as one of the agents of change. sztompka (2010: 225) explains that the agent was fully human and social which consists of humans in the context of individual and humans as a collective agent. therefore, what is presented by sztompka is basically making it clearer that the process of modernization, the role of the artist as "individual agents", basically has a social network with other arts communities. they are musicians, dancers, culture experts, stage manager, audience, art educational institutions and the government, which in this context is referred to as "collective agent". sumardjo (2000: 265) states that ideology of an artists is imaginary. its presence is strongly influenced by the artists socio-cultural background. furthermore, j.s. badudu (in kamus umum bahasa indonesia, 1996: 525) states that ideology is a credo, bow or ideological dogma. in this regard, ideology can be interpreted as an credo or doctrine done by the artists for its occupied arts. if it is associated with the dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts then the artwork is essentially representing two ideologies (acculturative): the ideology derived from traditional values and ideology derived from modern values. (3) creativity of the artist julius chandra (1994: 17) in his book creativity revealed that creativity is the mental ability of different types of typical human skills that can give birth to a unique, different, original, completely new, beautiful, efficient, effective and appropriate disclosure. referring to the above opinion creativity in this study means the artists with its creativity is able to create the representation of dolanan mabarong-barongan art performance that is different from the others, new, original, and contains the value of beauty. the birth of the creativity of the artists is actually determined by the ideology owned by the artist itself. from this ideology then it is known the destination and orientation of the artists in creating works of art. ideology which then affects the creativity of the artists as 4 mentioned above, basically is also implemented in the process of creating the dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts of badung regency in the bali arts festival xxxii in 2010. (4) the community the community has a huge role in creating a change in the art performance of dolanan mabarongan-barongan badung regency. this is proven through their participation in realizing the dolanan. as an agent of "social collective" the community has the task to assist "individual agents", which is the artist itself in creating the art works that are created. without the active participation of community then it’s likely the existence of dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts of badung regency will not be realized as expected. this reality can not be separated from the collective nature contained in the creation of dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts. the creators of this new art work are three artists, but when seen from the creativity process up to the performance, the role of other parties such as supporting artists, culture experts, cultural critics, audiences, and others is enormous. all of these elements are referred to as agents of "social collective", whose job it is to help the artists or so-called "individual agent" in performing the works they create. (5) arts education institution arts education institutions, both in the scope of vocational education and higher education such as indonesian arts institute, essentially is a "space" of learning. according to massey (in barker, 2005: 358), the meaning of space is not something "empty" but culturally produced by social relations. supanggah (2000: 12) explains that the art institution in indonesia has dimensions: on one hand as an institution of higher education that teaches the science and art practices, but on the other hand is also a preservation and innovation institute (laboratory in creating new works) and a research institution that studies arts intrinsically and extrinsically. therefore, as the multifunctional education "space", the involvement of arts education institutions in creating the progress and development of the arts in indonesia, can not be doubted. this is proven by the increasing number of arts graduates who are able to develop their ability (skill) and knowledge in the community. this reality proves that it is no exaggeration that the existence that dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts of badung regency can not be separated from the art institution's involvement in creating an art learning "space" for the community. art educational institution mentioned here are non formal institutions and formal institutions that gave birth to "academic arts community" and "non-academic arts community" or often known as natural artist. 5 (6) globalization according to muhammad jazuli (2012), globalization is translated as the picture of the world becomes more uniform and standardized through technology, commercialization, or western-influenced culture synchronization. as a result of the globalization process, all aspects of culture, such as belief systems, livelihood systems, social organization systems, technological equipment systems, knowledge systems, art system, and language system undergoes a transformation such as changes in shape, appearance, and the characteristics of the culture itself. in line with the above explanation, essentially the socio-cultural environment in badung regency which at first is traditional has now transformed becoming modern, obviously influencing the produced art work. this is reasonable if the traditional dolanan mabaronganbarongan of badung regency eventually evolved to follow the progress of time or as a result of the influence of globalization. conclusion and suggestion based from the research results, a conclusion can be drawn that the creation of the dolanan mabarong-barongan performing arts of badung regency at the bali arts festival xxxii in 2010 was caused by several factors, which are the bali arts festival, the ideology of the artist, creativity of the artists, community, arts education institutions, government policies, and globalization. furthermore, it is suggested that all competent authorities should take concrete steps in an effort to explore, develop, and expand dolanan as an asset and identity of the nation. acknowledgement a message of appreciation is conveyed to prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u.(promotor), prof. dr. i gde semadi astra and prof. dr. nanik sri prihatini, s.kar., m.si. (co-promotor), prof. dr. dr. ketut suastika, sp.pd-kemd (rector of udayana university), prof. dr. dr. a.a. raka sudewi, sp.s(k) (director of post graduate program, udayana university), prof. dr. made budiarsa, ma (assistant director 1 of post graduate program, udayana university), prof. made sudiana mahendra, ph.d. (assistant director 2 of post graduate program, udayana university) prof. dr. i wayan cika, m.s. (dean of faculty of letters, udayana university), prof. dr. a. a. bagus wirawan, s.u. and dr. putu sukardja, m.si. (head and secretary of culture studies study program, udayana university), prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m.hum, and other professors at doctorate program culture studies study program, prof. dr. i wayan rai s., ma. (previous rector of isi denpasar), dr. i gede arya sugiartha, sskar., m.hum. (rector of isi denpasar), and other parties that cannot be named individually. 6 bibliography badudu, j.s. 1996. kamus umum bahasa indonesia. jakarta: pustaka sinar harapan. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: pt bentang pustaka. chandra, julius. 1994. kreativitas. yogyakarta: kanisius. harker, richard, cheelen mahar dan chris wilkes. 2009. habitus x modal + ranah = praktik: pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdiaeu. yogyakarta: penerbit jalasutra. jazuli, muhammad. 2012. http://muhammadjazuli.wordpress.com/2012/04/09/pendidikandalam-globalisasi. cited 5 februari 2013. pangdjaja, ida bagus. 1997. bali arts festival. denpasar: nv. percetakan bali. srinatih, i gusti ayu. 2014. ““representasi dolanan mabarong-barongan kabupaten badung pada pesta kesenian bali xxxii tahun 2010”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, universitas udayana. sumardjo, jacob. 2000. sosiologi seniman indonesia. bandung: penerbit institut teknologi bandung. supanggah, rahayu. 2000. “seni tradisi dan ekonomi kerakyatan”, makalah forum seminar dan festival kesenian pelajar se-jawa dan bali 24 s.d. 26 agustus 2000, ponorogo. sztompka, piotr. 2010. sosiologi perubahan sosial. jakarta: prenada media grup. http://muhammadjazuli.wordpress.com/2012/04/09/pendidikan-dalam-globalisasi http://muhammadjazuli.wordpress.com/2012/04/09/pendidikan-dalam-globalisasi microsoft word artikel luh suwita utami terbit 5 e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 power relations in the tamblingan inscription in the x-xiv century ad luh suwita utami1, i wayan ardika2, i made suastika3 1 bali archaeological center, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1utami.balar@gmail.com, 2ardikawayan52@gmail.com, 3made.suastika57@yahoo.com received date : 15-01-2021 accepted date : 10-03-2021 published date : 31-05-2021 abstract the king, as the ruler of a region, in the past published inscriptions that functioned as a tool in disputing his power. the inscription contains a discourse about granting rights by the king or high-ranking royal officials to a group of residents in an area. in the x-xiv centuries ad in bali, a number of inscriptions were published for the balinese who lived in tamblingan. this inscription tells about various obligations, taxes, social rules and curses to the people in tamblingan issued by the kings.this study aims to determine the form of power relations, ideological elements, and implications of power relations contained in the ancient balinese inscriptions of the x-xiv centuries ad related to the tamblingan area. the data collection method used in this research is a literature study of the inscriptions published in the x-xiv centuries ad related to the tamblingan area. in addition, the research also uses interview and observation methods. this research is expected to reveal the forms of power relations of several kings who issued inscriptions for the tamblingan region. the theories used are deconstruction theory, power relation theory, hermeneutic theory, and discourse theory. in these inscriptions power relations occur in social, economic, religious and social aspects. the ideologies are economic ideology, political ideology and knowledge ideology. keywords: power relations, tamblingan inscriptions, ideology introduction inscriptions are one of the written sources used as historical sources from the past. in the inscription there are two characteristics, namely (1) the presence of information from the ancient indonesian era, the majority of which is obtained through understanding what is written on it in accordance with the nature of the textual data and (2) both the media (material) and its content, the inscription is a product of activity (culture). humans in the past (kusumohartono, 1994; lutfi, 2016). e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 inscriptions are sources of past history written on stone, metal, wood, palm leaves and clay. the inscription is an official decision, formulated according to certain rules, containing a gift in the form of granting rights by the king or high-ranking official of the kingdom to a group of residents. all these gifts are accompanied by ceremonies, witnessed by certain officials with cursing for those who dare to violate the official decision ordained by the king. therefore the inscription is the official decision of a king (suantika et.al, 2009:1) disclosure of several socio-cultural aspects of past societies can be done by paying close attention to the structure of the inscription. another aspect that appears in the inscription is the mention of the names of hindu gods and spirits who are asked for protection when the inscription is set. this shows that in addition to belief in the gods of the hindu pantheon, our ancestors still believed in the existence of spirits that inhabit certain places (boechari, 2012: 23). boechari (2012) also states that a very important information contained in the inscription is the mention of the kings who ruled before. these names are certainly very important for historians, because they may not appear in other inscriptions. the accidental discovery of the inscription on the east bank of tamblingan lake, tamblingan hamlet, munduk village, banjar district, buleleng regency in 1987 opened up information about a group of people and kings who controlled the area. through reading, it can be seen that the inscription found contains news similar to the gobleg pura batur c inscription. the most striking difference is the number of years of publication of the inscription, the gobleg pura batur c inscription is dated to 1320 saka while the new found inscription is dated 1306 saka. the substance of the two inscriptions shows similarities, namely an order to the tamblingan blacksmiths who have fled to return to the tamblingan area, to work as usual (suarbhawa, 2007:1). from all the inscriptions that mention the community in tamblingan, several things can be informed as follows: 1. inscription 110. gobleg pura batur a. this inscription without year numbers, based on the script and language structure used, is thought to date from the reign of king sri ugrasena (837-858 saka). mention about the residents of tamblingan village with a group of people who claim to be jumpang waişnawa or groups of worshipers of lord vishnu. in this inscription also mentions several names of royal officials who seem to get a special task from the king. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 2. inscription 104.b tamblingan pura endek i. year 844 saka or year 922 ad. this inscription was published by the queen sri ugrasena. mention two high-ranking royal officials and the names of village officials or banua tamblingan. furthermore, the duties and obligations of the residents of tamblingan village are mentioned. 3. inscription 104.c tamblingan, pura endek ii it is estimated that the reign of the queen sri ugrasena. addressed to a group of residents of the village of tamblingan which is a group of shiva. the people of tamblingan village have an obligation to the kingdom in the form of taxes. 4. inscription 305.d tamblingan, pura endek iii, no year number. the inscription mentions the names of the kings sri gunapriya dharmmapatni and sri dharmadoyana warmadewa. the contents of the inscription are that the residents of the village of tamblingan, represented by village officials and elders, went to the king to request that their damaged and damaged palm inscriptions be replaced with copper inscriptions. so that their next generation can pass on the rules in the inscription 5. inscription 1011. gobleg pura batur b. it is estimated that it comes from the reign of king anak wungsu in the years 971-999 saka. the exemption of several types of iron tax levies and the king's policies regarding various matters relating to people's lives are contained in this inscription. 6. inscription 511 tamblingan, temple endek iv. year 1041 saka (1119 ad). issued by sri maharaja sri suradhipa. contains a decision at the request of the tamblingan community represented by village officials and elders, so that they are not subject to the work of repairing forts, gates, wantilan, puncagiri, and all kinds of mutual cooperation in manasa 7. the kerobokan inscription/buyan sanding tamblingan inscription from the reign of sri maharaja haji jayapangus. this inscription is addressed to residents who live in the village of buyan sanding tamblingan, it mentions activities related to traffic activities on the lake, various types of taxes, and community obligations in buyan sanding tambingan e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 8. the bulian b. inscription was published in 1103 saka by sri maharaja haji jayapangus. awarded to karaman banu bwah, this inscription contains a cursory description of the blacksmiths in tamblingan. 9. tamblingan inscription (pan niki) / 901.b inscription tamblingan pura endek v, published in 1306 saka without the name of the king. it contained the king's order to the blacksmiths to return to tamblingan again. he also ordered arya cengceng not to disturb the residents of tamblingan and to live in lo gajah. 10. gobleg inscription at pura batur c does not mention the name of the king. its contents are almost the same as inscription 901.b tamblingan pura endek v so it can be ascertained that this inscription is a repetition of the king's order, which reports about the order of the blacksmith community to return to tamblingan and so that a character named arya cengceng don't bother them anymore based on the contents of several inscriptions, it can be seen that in the x-xiv centuries ad the tamblingan area had received the attention of the ruling king in bali. over a span of 400 years, there were five kings who issued official decisions regarding the people of the tamblingan area. the ruler or king in power has a very respectable position, both in the royal order and in the life of court relatives. in the royal order, the position or honorable position is at the same time the highest position, namely as head of state and head of government. the kings who issued inscriptions for the people in the tamblingan area, apart from aiming to maintain the stability of the security and welfare of the people, can be suspected of having an interest in a group of people in the area. a special attention from the king who ruled in his time, was given to the layer of power occupied by the craftsmen, servants, peasants and laborers. this attention is mainly to a group of craftsmen or groups who have special skills called pande. this seems to be related to the efforts of the ruling group to strengthen its power. as quoted by ardika (2015) from brumfiel and earle who stated that the emergence of artisans in society is often also associated with the presence of the political elite. the community in the tamblingan area as described in the inscription is a dynamic society. people live from farming, trading, as artists, as craftsmen and craftsmen. this has been discussed in several studies related to the tamblingan area which was studied from inscription sources. the discussion of the inscriptions that mention the tamblingan region has never discussed other possibilities that can be assumed from the policies decided by the e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 king towards the tamblingan region. research conducted so far on inscriptions has only focused on the identification and transcription of the text, while in-depth research in dismantling the assumptions and ideology behind the text of the inscription has not been done much. the problem that will be raised in this paper is how the form of the power relations of the kings contained in the ancient balinese inscriptions of the x-xiv centuries ad related to the tamblingan area, what ideological elements contained in the old balinese inscriptions of the x-xiv centuries ad related to the territory tamblingan, and what are the implications of the ideology contained in the ancient balinese inscriptions of the x-xiv centuries ad related to the tamblingan area. the model of this research is the inscription that mentions the tamblingan area in the x xiv centuries ad will be deconstructed to see the existence of power relations in the discourse of the inscription. in addition, to find out the ideological elements and ideological meanings contained in the power relations. this study will use several theories, namely the theory of deconstruction, the theory of power relations and the theory of hermeneutics to answer the research questions. the research method uses qualitative methods by means of literature studies, interviews and observations. it is hoped that this research can reveal the power relations contained in the government system in the inscription that mentions the tamblingan area. general description the current location of tamblingan is a banjar or hamlet located on the edge of lake tamblingan. administratively, it is included in the munduk village area, banjar district, buleleng regency. on a number of inscriptions, the tamblingan area is mentioned in several forms of territorial unity. in the inscription 110. gobleg, pura batur a and inscription 104.b tamblingan pura endek i, the tamblingan area is referred to as the child of banua i tamblingan. inscription 305.d tamblingan temple endek iii, gobleg inscription pura batur b and inscription 511. tamblingan temple endek iv mentions tamblingan area as karaman i tamblingan. with the difference in the mention of this territorial unity, it can be stated that the community groups facing the king are experiencing development, that is, from a group of residents called the banua i tamblingan then it becomes a smaller unit of people called the karaman i tamblingan. this shows that the tamblingan area has undergone a territorial e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 change. however, from another inscription, namely the buyan sanding tamblingan inscription, it is stated that the tamblingan area is referred to as a different area. from this mention, it is not known with certainty whether what is meant by karaman buyan sanding tamblingan in this inscription are two different karaman or only one karaman who lives in an area. we can know that at this time buyan and tamblingan are the names of two lakes that are side by side. the topography of the tamblingan area as mentioned in the inscription, if traced based on the current toponym of the village name, illustrates that the tamblingan area in the x-xiv centuries ad was much wider than the current tamblingan area. the tamblingan area is currently just a hamlet on the edge of tamblingan lake. the extent of the tamblingan area as mentioned in the inscription shows the vast territory of the king who controlled the tamblingan area at that time. all orders and rules imposed by the king will cover all the people in the area under his control. as a fairly large area, tamblingan received special attention from several kings who ruled bali in the x-xiv centuries ad. these kings issued several policies related to the people in the tamblingan area. there are five kings from the ancient balinese era who published inscriptions related to the tamblingan area as described in the table above. the form of power relations in the tamblingan inscription in the x-xiv centuries ad the status of a leader in the social structure of the community carries a function or role to control, regulate and supervise so that collective goals are achieved and the socio-cultural values of the community are maintained. in traditional societies power is always associated with belief systems, based on religious principles and on supernatural powers. rulers or leaders hold dualistic power, namely worldly and spiritual. both are in one hand, that a king holds worldly power and spiritual power, or the raja-priest institution (budhiharjo: 2012, 163). this is related to the concept of the god of kings, this concept is a manifestation of the relationship between religion and politics in the government system. this understanding presents the position of the king who is believed to be divine. kings are considered as reincarnations of gods or as descendants of gods. as a source of power the king became the bearer of law and order, the protector of religion and defended his country from attacks from outside enemies e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 in strengthening and developing his power the king tried to control the existing sources of power, namely, military power to control power. economic power to control land, labor, material wealth and production, legal power to maintain, change and facilitate interactions. the power of tradition to control the belief system and values that exist in society. ideological power to control outlook on life and integrity. the diversioner's power to control the interests of satisfying secondary needs. (sukanto, 1982: 254-265; ardika, 2013: 136) the inscription is an official government announcement issued by the king or high ruler of the kingdom that contains important royal decisions. the inscription contains legal decisions, taxes, and the legitimacy of power. the balinese rulers in the x-xiv centuries ad who issued inscriptions for the people in the tamblingan area also served to strengthen their power in maintaining dominance in social, political and economic aspects as well as "forcing" people's loyalty to themselves. the following will discuss the king's decision that is required to be carried out for the people who are in his territory. 1. power relations in social aspects the social aspect is everything that is inherent in human life such as traditions, customs, and social groups. it seems that in the published inscriptions, the king imposed some rules on this social aspect. the same is true of the inscriptions published for the people of the tamblingan area. the king paid attention to several things in the social aspects that exist in society, the rules applied to the community regarding privileges to one group, household rules, rights rules regarding slaves and other rules regarding community activities. a. rules of residence in the tamblingan area inscription 110. gobleg pura batur a, is the first inscription that mentions the existence of the community in the tamblingan area. in one part of the inscription it is reported about the king's policy relating to the existence of a family or married couple without offspring, who resides in the tamblingan area, if the spouse those who died were required to hand over all the cooking utensils they brought to live in tamblingan, to be handed over to the hermitage in tamblingan. in another source, the inscription 1011. gobleg pura batur b also mentions the same thing, namely about the obligations that must be fulfilled by married couples who live without offspring, if they die in tamblingan, their obligation is to hand over their inheritance to the hermitage. inscription 511. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 the regulations made by the king for married couples do not only apply to married couples, those who are about to get married have also applied regulations, especially to different social groups. this rule is important to set regarding inheritance in the form of assets and social obligations from a family with their descendants. the king's power appears in the rules of residence as mentioned above, namely the king has an interest in the inheritance of the residents so that the king establishes the rule. b. crime and slavery in communities in the tamblingan area inscription 511. tamblingan pura endek iv in the sambandha section states that at that time manasa did not stop being robbed, causing damage to manasa. the people of tamblingan asked his majesty sri maharaja sri suradhipa to repair the fort at manasa, so they asked to be released from other obligations. the ancient balinese kings who published inscriptions for the people in tamblingan had made policies related to crime. as in foucault's theory of punishment and discipline, in his criminal policy the king stipulates a number of fines for people who violate and disturb security in the tamblingan area. in the inscription 511. tamblingan temple endek iv it is stated, if any resident of tamblingan commits a crime, they will be fined and subject to sin. the fine was handed over to hyang api in central kalimantan. on the other two inscriptions, it was informed that the people in the tamblingan area had faced criminal events in the form of attacks from a group of people. this is contained in two inscriptions, namely the gobleg pura batur inscription and the 901.b tamblingan v inscription. another social rule contained in the inscription is the existence of slaves in the tamblingan area. in the ix century ad in bali, based on some ancient balinese inscriptions, it was stated that there were people who owned slaves or ulens. the sukawana ai inscription published in 804 saka or 882 ad, and the srokadan d inscription published in 999 saka or 1077 ad mentions the existence of slaves as a substitute for payment for debts owned by someone. inscription 1011. gobleg pura batur b contains rules from the ruler for slaves in the tamblingan area. regulations regarding slaves are still contained in the buyan sanding tamblingan inscription. the news from the inscription provides information that at that time people positioned slaves as "goods" that had economic value. these slaves were “merchandise” that had a sale value or were valuable to be traded by the public. when the owner died or experienced financial difficulties, the slave could be exchanged for money. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 c. disaster rules and environmental aspects in tamblingan area the people who live in the tamblingan area are very dependent on the lake. because it is close to the lake, the risk of disaster is certainly unavoidable. the occurrence of incidents of residents who died while doing activities on the lake and the death of pets seemed to get the attention of the authorities. the gobleg pura batur inscription contains information that if a villager drowns in the lake, they do not have to be reported to the hajj or the king, the community will not be blamed for the incident, but they will be charged for burial and purification ceremonies for the area. the 511 tamblingan inscription of pura endek iv also reported things related to the disaster. rules regarding disasters related to livestock are also contained in the buyan sanding tamblingan inscription, this disaster regulation is closely related to the existence of tamblingan lake. the inscription provides information that the king arranges a certain ceremony and fines if any pets die in tamblingan lake because this is considered to pollute the sanctity of the lake. the purpose of the stipulation of this rule is for the public to supervise their pets and maintain the sanctity of tamblingan lake. d. metalworker and artists group in tamblingan area in the inscription that mentions the tamblingan area, it is reported that a group of people who work as craftsmen with certain skills are called groups or pande groups. this pande group consists of the gold pande, the blacksmith, and the brass pande. the pande profession is no different from the craftsman profession. but in many countries, a blacksmith depends on the need for tools that are needed by other people, especially in agriculture and warfare. pande mas is a type of metal craftsman mentioned in several ancient balinese inscriptions such as the bebetin ai inscription (818 saka), the trunyan ai and b inscription (813 saka and 833 saka) and the pengotan ai inscription (855 saka). the news about this pande is also contained in several other inscriptions, namely, inscription 503d. tamblingan pura endek iii published by kings sri gunapriyadharmapatni and sri dharmmodayana warmmadewa, inscription 1011. gobleg pura batur b, inscription 511. tamblingan pura endek iv, inscription bulian a, inscription 511. tamblingan temple endek iv provides more complete information about this pande group, it is stated that the tamblingan community is allowed to do candala work. the same is true for the buyan sanding tamblingan inscription. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 2. power relations in economic aspects the authority possessed by the king causes the king to have the right to regulate the territory of the kingdom, including some of the results of the people's efforts, especially in the form of materials that must be submitted to the king. the king's rights in the form of material in the inscription are called drwyahaji or "owned by the king". the ruler also has the right to collect services from the community in the form of labor to build in various main sectors related to physical development, such as the construction of sacred buildings, roads, agriculture and village halls, this term is called bwatthaji or buncanghaji (laksmi, 2006: 59). ). a number of taxes are mentioned in the ancient balinese inscriptions, as well as the sources of the inscriptions that mention the tamblingan area. taxes levied by the authorities are a source of income, the tax is determined by the authorities. the tax collection mechanism or tax arrangement is made in accordance with the policies issued by the king, this policy is stated in the inscription. the timing of tax collection, the amount to be paid and the use of the tax must have been through a consideration by the authorities. a. drwayahaji as an offering in the form of material to the ruler drwyahajiis a number of offerings from the people to the king according to the activities they do. there are dozens of drwyahaji in inscriptions which generally begin with the prefect 'pa' and when viewed from the meaning of the word, the prefix 'pa' can be said to be an abstract form of 'tax on..', or 'tax for..'. (goris, 1974: laksmi, 2006: 57). the offerings in the form of drwayahaji in inscriptions that mention the people in the tamblingan area are offerings of several types of taxes. the inscription that mentions this is inscription 104.b tamblingan pura endek i, inscription 1011. gobleg pura batur b, in inscription 511. tamblingan pura endek iv is a levy imposed on the implementation of marriage, b. buncanghaji as an offering in the form of services to the ruler buncanghajiis an offering to the king in the form of labor services for several development sectors in the kingdom, especially physical development. this buncanghaji seems to be offered not only to the king, but also to a sacred building, because buncanghaji is an act to worship the greatness of god, either by constructing a sacred building or by performing rituals aimed at the gods. sources of data regarding buncanghaji offerings by e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 people in the tamblingan area are contained in the 110. gobleg pura batur inscription, 1011 inscription. batur temple gobleg b, and 305.d tamblingan temple endek iv 3. power relations in religious aspects the ceremony is the activity of the people in their devotion to god, gods, ancestral spirits and other spirits with the aim of getting protection. this ceremony can be repeated every day, every month, every season or waiting for a good day that has come to be calculated by the people. inscription 110. gobleg pura a mentions a number of sacred buildings related to the tamblingan community. it was mentioned that there were sacred buildings of hyang tahinuni and hyang wihara, where the king emphasized that the public was obliged to take care of the two sacred buildings. besides these two buildings, another sacred building is hyang api. the sacred building of hyang api has social and religious functions. this building is religiously functioned as a holy place to worship the greatness of god almighty in its manifestation as the god of fire and the holy spirit of the ancestors. while related to its social function, it is a sacred building that is used as a place to submit offerings related to social activities such as inheritance management, ancestral spirit ceremonies or marhantuang tax regulations, procedures for receiving guests or foreigners and handling crimes (murjana, 1988: utami, 2006: 103). regarding religious ceremonies contained in the inscription found in inscription 1011. gobleg pura batur b, which states that if a tamblingan community takes a black stone or sela krsna, they are required to provide food to everyone, including the caksu supervisors. this black stone-taking ceremony should be accompanied by carrying out caru-serving as well as the traditional etiquette that used a goat. an important ceremony that is often performed by the people of tamblingan is the caru prayascitta ceremony. as contained in the pura baur b gobleg inscription, it is stated that if there are signs of a major disaster in the tamblingan area to provide soil particles, if the sign causes disaster for many people, they should carry out caru prayascitta (caru pinrayaccipta) with a grace period of a day and a night using daksina. . another source, the buyan sanding tamblingan inscription, states that if there are residents who experience the loss of their livestock such as cows, if the cow is found by the owner, they are allowed to take it without e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 having to report to the thani. but if it causes bad things for his village, the owner of the cow must hold a ceremony in the form of caru prayascitta for his village. inscription 511. tamblingan temple endek iv also mentions the caru prayascitta ceremony related to burial. the community is subject to a burial tax of 2 masaka 2 kupang which is imposed if a villager drowns in the lake. information about the burial ceremony which was accompanied by caru prayascitta was also included in the buyan sanding tamblingan inscription, which reported on burial taxes not only for humans, but also for pets. 4. power relations in legal aspects ancient balinese inscriptions from the ix-xiv centuries ad contain various problems that arise in society. in some inscriptions, the end of the inscription often contains a paragraph that mentions a curse to confirm the king's decision so that it is not violated or changed by anyone in the present or in the future (ardika, 2018: 2). if the provisions in the inscription are violated, it will result in misery and suffering for the rest of his life. the final part containing this curse is called sapatha. in the tamblingan inscription of the x-xiv centuries ad, the mention of sapatha is not found in all published inscriptions. of the ten inscriptions that have been examined, only two inscriptions contain the sapatha, namely inscription 1011. gobleg pura batur b and inscription 511. tamblingan pura endek iv. in the inscription 1011. gobleg pura batur b, it is stated that anyone who disobeys sri maharaja's decision, the residents of the tamblingan village in the area, male or female, must receive a terrible punishment. a similar curse sentence is also contained in the 511 tamblingan temple inscription of endek iv. sapatha written in the inscription is a political and religious discourse that functions as a controller against those who do not obey the rules that have been set by the authorities. this disobedience deserves punishment, but the punishment received is not corporal punishment but the threat of cursing. the threats contained in the inscription aim to discipline the people who are in the king's territory, so that they follow all decisions and stipulations that have been contained in the inscription. 5. ideology affecting power relations ideology is the science of ideas or analytical tools in the social sciences to find out the ideal idea. ideology is also a concept that is lifted from and used to cover social reality to e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 legitimize class domination by making the ideology seem natural and historical (macey, 2001: 198-199) in the sense that it is not related to socio-political interests. the king was a central figure in the politics of the government of the ancient balinese kingdom. the king determines the purpose of government and this goal will be achieved if the king has sufficient ability in it. the king must be able to protect and avoid his people from all harm, destroy all obstacles, carry out surveillance, and ensure the welfare of his people. the ten inscriptions published for the people in the tamblingan area, contain various problems, several obligations and important matters relating to the lives of the people who live there. the king who ruled this area for a certain period, has made several efforts to keep the condition of society stable. the inscription contains information about the existence of rules imposed on the community, both in the social, economic, religious and legal fields. in the decision issued by the ruler, ideology is contained which is an idea for the common good which is the way of life of the community, nation and state a. economic ideology economic ideology is a view that reveals perspectives on how the economy should work towards its goals. from an economic perspective, there is a liberal capitalist ideology and a socialist communist ideology. capitalism and communism are distinguished according to ownership. capitalism recognizes individual ownership, whereas communism negates individual ownership. liberalism and socialism in the economic system are distinguished according to the presence or absence of the role of the state in economic policy. liberalism wants to give up the role of the state in economic policy and leave it to the market mechanism. socialism is the opposite, economic policy is entirely carried out by the state. in a number of inscriptions that mention the tamblingan area, it is mentioned about the presence of a specialist group which is a group of metal craftsmen or pande. metal craftsmen or this pande group had a very important position in ancient bali, because they produced agricultural tools, daily equipment and weapons needed by the government and society. the emergence of metal craftsmen in bali is an interesting thing because metal raw materials are not found in tamblingan. this indicates the existence of inter-island trade to obtain these raw materials. based on archaeological research that has been carried out in several places around lake tamblingan by the denpasar archaeological center, a number of archaeological artifacts provide clues that the location has long been inhabited by humans. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 artifacts found in the form of rings, knives, spurs (a type of knife for cockfighting), betel (cutting tools for blacksmiths), hooks used to strengthen wood, anvils, bronze wire, metal crust, copper, and tin on a black soil layer. . this finding raises the suspicion that at this location there have been metal workshop activities, especially blacksmith activities (suantika, 2002; utami, 2002). 2006:1). metal craftsman profession is classified into two parts, namely craftsmen as producers of commodities and craftsmen as performers of art (art). in addition to setting policies on community activities, the authorities also collect taxes on this group of craftsmen. the existence of the pande group in the tamblingan area is also a capital for the rulers. the goods produced by metal craftsmen are regulated in such a way by the ruler. various rules issued by the king, with the hope that this pande group will feel comfortable staying in the tamblingan area. the goal is that the potential of this pande group can be controlled by the kings who control the tamblingan area. the link between artisans and the elite is a political model which is expressed in various forms, including: a) monopoly on commodities originating from outside regions through trade which is seen as the main source of profits obtained by the rulers. b) the ruler obtains power and influence over the population through hegemony and monopoly on certain types of food, equipment and weapons. c) control and manipulation of wealth are key factors in building political power. d) control over goods that have prestige and wealth values combined with a regional market system will be able to become a tool or media in supporting the administration and craftsmen who work for the ruler/king (brumfiel and earle, 1987: ardika, 2015: 7) with the existence of a blacksmith group in the tamblingan area, and their production of metal in the form of weapons and jewelry, the rulers feel safe about the source of the procurement of weapons they have. this is certainly related to the stability and security of the tamblingan region. likewise, the jewelry they make will be a sign of the high prestige and wealth of the ruler the economic ideology seen in the economic system of the people in the tamblingan area is fully regulated by the authorities. the authorities want the capital in the community to be fully utilized for the benefit of the government and the welfare of the community. the decision by the authorities to determine the tax units imposed on the community has gone through a consideration so that the community does not feel burdened. in addition, the rulers also want the legitimacy of their power with the important role of the pande group in the e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 tamblingan area. the entire economic system imposed by the authorities is an effort to prosper the community. a stable economy in a power will bring prosperity and prosperity to the people as a whole. b. political ideology political ideology is a collection of ideas that form the basis for regulating power and how that power should be exercised. political ideology is also a basis in regulating the life of a country's people and state administration. the people in the tamblingan area, which were led by a number of rulers during the period from the x-xiv centuries ad, certainly cannot be separated from the values and rules issued by the rulers. ancient balinese inscriptions mention that the position of the king is very high in social stratification, the king is the top layer of power. like the elements contained in political ideology, power is always close to the institutions that carry out government activities. the decisions taken by the rulers are the political steps of the rulers to continue to show their existence in the government. in the inscription 104.b of tamblingan pura endek i, it is stated that there is a pande interpreter in charge of collecting parmesan taxes and making armor. it seems that the position of this pande interpreter is related to the blacksmith group in tamblingan. another inscription that mentions royal officials related to the economic activities of the people in the tamblingan area is the inscription 104.c tamblingan pura endek iii, inscription 1011. gobleg pura batur b. political ideology has the aim of determining the behavior and political attitudes of a country or group. political ideology also aims to guide and direct society towards a common goal or interest. as explained in the inscription 511. tamblingan temple endek iv. this inscription mentions a number of officials who were present at the pakirakirān i jro makabehan session. the presence of this group shows that the king has considered his decision with many parties who play a role in royal politics, and shows the king's legitimacy as the highest decision maker. the mention of the pande interpreter official in the tamblingan pura endek i inscription 104.b which was issued to the community in the tamblingan area, informs that there is an official tasked with supervising the pande group in tamblingan. goris (1961) in his article deposit der pande wsi as quoted by windu tiastuti, talks about the position of metal e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 craftsmen in javanese and balinese society. metal craftsmen or workers who are engaged in metal work, are considered to have certain magical powers. the interdependence relationship between the pande group and the rulers during the ancient balinese period caused the position and role of the pande to become very important. the inscription 901.b of tamblingan temple endek v and the gobleg inscription of pura batur c mention an order from the ruler in the tamblingan area so that the blacksmith who left tamblingan due to the attack of arya cengceng, returned to tamblingan and the ruler guaranteed his safety. this is a form of protection for the pande group community in the tamblingan area, so that they can return to work. the existence of this group in other areas will certainly pose a threat to the rulers of the tamblingan region. in addition to the unstable economy and royal income, can also threaten the security condition of the tamblingan area from enemy attacks due to reduced production of weapons. the main goal of the rulers who set the rules for the pande group in the tamblingan area was the desire to control the metal pande in tamblingan with their production. c. religious ideology religion and ideology are two things that have the same goal, something ideal as desired by mankind. religion is a norm and value in a society, while ideology is a way or strategy to achieve a goal. inscription 110. gobleg pura a, where the ruler obliges the people of tamblingan to perform a number of maintenance obligations to the sacred building. in the buyan sanding tamblingan inscription it is stated that if there is a cow theft that causes something bad for the village, the owner of the cow must hold a ceremony in the form of caru prayascitta for his village. the gobleg inscription of pura batur b also mentions a ceremony called pinrayaccipta, which may be the same ceremony, namely caru prayascitta, which is completed with daksina. the offering ceremony by wr smit (in koentjaraninggarat 1987) stated that in addition to belief and doctrine, the ceremonial system is an embodiment of religion and religion. from the news of the inscription above, it seems that the balinese kings who controlled the tamblingan area, in this case used religious ideology as a tool to attract and attract public attention to regulatory texts related to religious activities. people assume that whatever they do with regard to religious activities is to show their devotion to god and for the balance of e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 human life. religion brings universal norms that are able to sort out good moral principles and reject taboo and forbidden rules. in addition, it also provides supervision to the community with agreed teachings so that they remain on the right track. the king also granted exemption from certain ceremonies such as caru prayascitta as well as freedom from some taxes and obligations due to having to maintain sacred buildings. the king has made efforts to legitimize his power by attracting public sympathy through religious activities. d. ideology of knowledge the position and power of a king is the highest position in government. the king has the authority to carry out his duties as a protector and controller of a country he controls. the king is a figure who in every action becomes an example and role model for his subordinates and the people he leads. the buyan sanding tamblingan inscription states that sri maharaja haji jayapangus adhered to the manawa kamandaka book in his reign. sri maharaja haji jayapangus thinks about the welfare of the country he leads with the aim of making the seven countries strong foucault assesses that power is built through a network of knowledge to obtain the truth. power is obtained from knowledge, and is practiced using discourse through language. there is no practice of power without giving rise to knowledge, so knowledge will always exist in power relations. power is a strategy of knowledge that is practiced, that knowledge will bring power like a person in the field he knows. the inclusion of saptha by the king in the 1011 inscription. gobleg pura batur b and the 511 tamblingan inscription, pura endek iv which contains the number 1041 saka shows that the king had the knowledge to exercise social control and discipline the lives of the people they lead. with this the king expects obedience and acknowledges the king's power. with the authority possessed by a king, the king has the right as a regulator of the kingdom's territory, one of which is to regulate part of the income earned by his people. a clear and regular tax collection mechanism is needed so that the previously determined goals, namely to finance royal expenditures and to improve the welfare of the people, can be achieved optimally. the existence of rules issued by the king related to taxation shows that the authorities have good knowledge of tax accountability. the inscription provides information that tax collection is carried out at certain times. the timing of tax collection for some types of taxes e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 shows that the king has good knowledge of prey institutions. the prey institution is a guideline for the community to carry out farming, trade, government and military activities. implications of power relations in the tamblingan inscriptions of the ix-xiv centuries ad inscriptions are decrees, gifts and privileges issued by the king. this decision is binding and has legal force. according to foucault, power is not owned but practiced in a scope where there are many positions that are strategically related to one another. for foucault, power always accumulates through knowledge, and knowledge always has a power effect. there is no knowledge without power, and conversely there is no power without knowledge (eryanto, 2005: 65-66. halwati, 2013: 156). in old balinese inscriptions published by kings who ruled from the ix-xiv centuries ad which mention the tamblingan area. various important information related to the people living in the tamblingan area can be obtained from this inscription, such as religious activities, economic activities, enacted laws, and policies of the authorities. some of the inscriptions are damaged so that the discourse that is loaded by the king cannot be analyzed properly. but at least it can inform how the rulers conduct power relations in their government. 1. development of social stability the social stability of a stable country can be seen from the government that can carry out its programs in accordance with predetermined territories. the inscription given to the community in the tamblingan area is always used as a guide and orientation to create guidance carried out by the authorities through the government to the community which aims to create an orderly, law-abiding, and prosperous society. the guidance on social stability carried out by the rulers in the tamblingan region was also seen in the king's decision to free the community from a number of mutual cooperation obligations in manasa. this is because they have to make repairs to the forts and gates in the manasa area due to frequent robberies. information about the release of this obligation is contained in the gobleg pura batur b inscription and the tamblingan temple endek iv inscription. with their release from these obligations, the authorities hope that the community will focus more on their other efforts to create social stability. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 decisions made by the authorities, on social aspects related to regional security, one of which is the king's decision to assign sin or punishment to tamblingan residents who commit criminal acts. these crimes include stealing, robbing, blocking, pulling by force (robbing) raging, being impudent, committing murder in secret, acting with violence, bewitching, using poison, and being disobedient to parents. in addition to punitive measures, the authorities also took action to give awards to people who succeeded in arresting thieves who disturbed village security. if a resident manages to catch or even kill a thief or botoh jaka, in addition to getting a prize of 1 mussel, they are released from the prayascitta (prascitta) ceremony. 2. community economic stability in tamblingan area the economic activities of the tamblingan community are dominated by professions as farmers, ranchers and fishermen. farming activities are cultivating land by planting gaga rice, while raising livestock is in the form of raising various types of animals such as buffalo, cows, horses, chickens, and pigs. the people of tamblingan also seem to have mastered several skills, such as weaving, weaving and metal craftsmanship. this group had a close relationship with the ruler, they were allowed to bring in silver from outside and carry out metal smelting activities in their village. metal craftsmen also produce several other types of goods that function as objects that indicate the social status of the community such as jewelry, kris, crowns, sticks and other objects used by their owners to legitimize their power. the development of the agricultural and trade sectors in the tamblingan area, as well as the existence of regulations from the authorities on economic activity, proves that the economic stability of the people in the tamblingan area has developed and is orderly, so that the welfare of the community is well achieved. 3. community discipline through religious sanctions the rulers of the ancient balinese period carried out normalization actions by issuing inscriptions. the inscription can be expressed as a discourse which is a series of provisions or regulations that will later become a reference for the community. the inscription contains various provisions issued by the authorities such as social rules, public obligations in the form of taxes, reasons for issuing the inscription, names of positions in the government bureaucracy and contains curses or sapatha against those who violate existing provisions. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 62 the curse or sapatha written in the inscription is the strengthening of the rules and provisions that have been set by the king or ruler to remain upright and not be changed by anyone, now or in the future. sapatha or curse reflects the existence of power relations in every rule contained in the inscriptions. the tradition that is currently still valid in the tamblingan area is related to the implications of the existence of discipline through religious sanctions, namely the naur danda ceremony. the naur danda tradition is closely related to the implementation of marriages in the gobleg traditional village. that is, if a woman marries out (exogamy) from the gobleg indigenous village to another village, then they are obliged to hold a series of ceremonies called the naur danda tradition. and for men it is not allowed to tease. this naur danda procession is carried out at the village temple (balai agung) at the time of work at the temple. karya is a religious procession that is carried out once a year, precisely on the fifth full moon according to the balinese calendar calculation, which falls in october-november. naur danda ceremony which is held every two years, in each implementation lasts for three months and with a fairly long series of ceremonies. this ceremony has the aim of proclaiming, notifying and requesting the marriage partner that he has left the gobleg traditional village. this ceremony must be carried out by all women from the gobleg traditional village, who marry outside the village, both those who marry with the same or different religious beliefs, conclusion the inscription is a decree issued by the king, as a discourse on the power he has. in the x-xiv centuries ad, people in the tamblingan area received 10 inscriptions from five kings who ruled in bali. these inscriptions, either directly or indirectly, were issued to the people in the tamblingan area. the inscriptions show the king's policy decisions on social, economic, religious and legal aspects. the ideologies that form the basis for power relations are economic ideologies, political ideologies, religious ideologies and knowledge ideologies. the power relations that occurred in the x-xiv centuries ad had implications for fostering social stability, economic stability and discipline through religious sanctions. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 43-63 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 63 thank-you note the success of writing this scientific paper is the result of guidance and discussion with the supervisors who enthusiastically provide input to the author, for that the author expresses his deepest gratitude to prof. dr. i wayan ardika.ma and prof. dr. i made suastika. su the authors thank as much as possible to the head of the bali archeology center for the permission to borrow research data that has been carried out at the institution he leads, so that the author can use and analyze as material in writing this paper. references ardika. i wayan. a.a bagus wirawan. i gde parimartha. (2013). sejarah bali : dari prasejarah hingga modern. denpasar udayana university press ardika, i wayan. n.l. sutjiati beratha. (2015). perajin pada masa bali kuna. denpasar : udayana university press anjani, ni ketut. (2014). tradisi naur danda dalam sistematika perkawinan eksogami di desa adat gobleg kecamatan banjar kabupaten buleleng (perspektif teologi hindu). tesis. progrma pasca sarjana. institut hindu dharma negeri denpasar boechari, (2012). epigrafi dan sejarah indonesia. melacak sejarah kuna indonesia lewat prasasti. jakarta : kepustakaan populer jakarta. hal 3-28 budhiharjo, rahmat. (2012). “sistem pemerintahan kerajaan pengaruhnya terhadap arsitektur bali” nalars volume 11 no 2. hal 161-180 laksmi, ni ketutu puji astiti. (2016). “menggali makna drwyahaji dan buncanghaji berdasarkan data prasasti bali kuna”, forum arkeologi. volume 29. nomor 2. hal 55-64 suantika, i wayan at.al. (2009). prasasti tamblingan. dinas kebudayaan dan pariwisata. kabupaten buleleng : buleleng suarbhawa, i gusti made at.al. (2007). situs tamblingan. i made sutaba. apu, editor. dinas kebudayaan dan pariwisata kabupaten buleleng susanti y, ninie. (2003). kepemimpinan jawa di abad ke-11 masehi. laporan penelitian. pusat pengembangan penelitian. fakultas ilmu pengetahuan budaya. universitas indonesia utami, luh suwita. (2006). kehidupan masyarakat tamblingan abad x-xiv kajian ephigrafis. skripsi. denpasar: jurusan arkeologi. fakultas sastra universitas udayana microsoft word artikel nym sukraaliawan terbit4 e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 utilizing potential of coastal resources for the welfare of fishermen in the west coast region of buleleng regency i nyoman sukraaliawan1, anak agung ngurah anom kumbara2, aa bagus wirawan3, i gde made metera4 1,4the faculty of social and political science panji sakti university, indonesia, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1sukraaliawanyahoo.com@gmail.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3bgs.wirawan@yahoo.co.id, 4metera.made@gmail.com received date : 02-07-2021 accepted date : 10-08-2021 published date : 31-08-2021 abstract this research was conducted in the west coast of buleleng regency with the aim of describing the potential of coastal resources for the welfare of fishing communities. the method used in this research is a survey supported by the observation method. sampling with purposive sampling technique. data analysis was carried out using qualitative descriptive analysis techniques and swot analysis. the results showed that the west coast resources in buleleng regency were in the form of biological resources, namely fishery potential and coral reefs. the potential of these coastal resources can be utilized to improve the welfare of the community through fish farming, coral reef conservation, training to improve tourism services, and providing fish auction sites. the role of other stakeholders such as academics, businessmen, keywords: coastal resource potential, fishermen's welfare, coastal areas introduction fisheries in indonesia involve many stakeholders. the most vital are small fishermen who are the most numerous layer.the coastal area is a potential area that can provide better welfare expectations for the surrounding community who directly depend on coastal activities such as fishermen, fish traders, as well as fish processors and marketers (agusta, 2014). buleleng regency as the regency with the largest area in the province of bali, reaching 1,365.88 km2 or 24.23% of the area of bali province, it also has marine waters covering an area of ± 1,166.75 km2 (12 miles) with a beach length of 157.05 km (sukraaliawan, 2020) in which there is a diversity of biological and non-biological resources as potentials that can provide carrying capacity for the development of coastal communities (badaruddin, 2005). e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 the large potential of marine and fisheries in buleleng, has not been able to provide welfare for fishermen. the conditions of traditional fishermen and labor fishermen still live in a poor condition, giving rise to the irony of the existing potential (jones, 2015). such irony is described as the dominance of the problem of poverty in the lives of fishermen exposed to coastal environmental areas that have the potential for wealth and diversity of natural resources (cahaya, in ulum and anggaini, 2020), or also described as dead rats in the rice barn (satria, 2015). ). they live in poverty and socioeconomic pressures rooted in complex interrelated factors (kusnadi, 2007). these factors can be classified as natural and non-natural factors. natural factors are related to seasonal fluctuations and the natural structure of village economic resources. meanwhile, non-natural factors are related to the limited reach of technology, inequality in the profit-sharing system, the absence of social security for workersdefinite work, weak marketing network, malfunctioning of existing fishing cooperatives, and the negative impact of existing fisheries modernization policies (nawawi, 2009). socio-economic changes in coastal villages or fishing villages have clarified the line of social stratification of the community. labor fishermen have contributed to the accumulation of economic wealth in a small part of the community who own the means of production as well as those who control capital and markets (sumodiningrat dan ari wulandari, 2015). poverty, social inequalities, and the pressures of life that plague fishermen's households do not allow their family members to be actively involved in social responsibilities outside of substantial life problems for them. the poverty of fishermen in buleleng regency has been going on for a long time until now. this can be understood based on a study that was made by the regional development planning agency (bappeda) of buleleng regency in 2004 in collaboration with the center for the study of socio-cultural and environmental development (pppsbl) unipas singaraja (sukraaliawan, 2020), using the gini ratio, it shows a larger income inequality, namely 0 .43 in the fishery/fisherman sub-sector compared to income inequality in the food crop farmers sub-sector of 0.20 and 0.25 in the livestock sub-sector (wahyudi, et al. 2008). based on the gini ratio, it can be interpreted that the people in the fisheries/fishing subsector in buleleng regency at that time had the largest income distribution inequality. or in other words, the fishery/fishermen sub-sector has the lowest income among other farming community groups. this means that non-fishermen's families are more prosperous than e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 fishermen's families. according to satria (2015), the poverty condition of fishermen in coastal areas is inseparable from the influence of two streams, namely the modernization flow and the structural flow. according to the flow of modernization, fishermen always assume that the problem of fishermen's poverty occurs as a result of cultural factors (laziness), limited capital and technology, limited management, and the condition of natural resources. generally, this type of poverty is referred to as cultural or natural poverty. therefore, this stream is full of proposals for modernizing fishermen by making cultural changes by increasing technological capacity and improving their business systems. while the structural flow, assumes that fishermen's poverty is caused by external factors. in the understanding of structural flow, fishermen are poor not because of their culture or limited capital, but because external factors that gradually start from micro-village to macro-structural have hampered the process of vertical mobility of fishermen. in micro-villages there is still an asymmetric pattern of patron-client relationships, namely a pattern of surplus transfer relationships from fishermen to patrons. apart from the contradictions shown by the modernization flow and structural flow, especially those related to cultural factors as the cause of fishermen's poverty, in practice these two streams have hegemonized the lives of fishermen and placed fishermen as a marginal community group both culturally and structurally, so that fishermen experience difficulties. to rise and move forward to realize his equality with other community groups. in the position of fishermen who are so marginalized, a step or effort is needed to help fishermen to be free from the shackles of poverty and also have the ability to improve their quality of life socially, economically, politically and culturally. such factors are often the reason for other parties to negatively assess the social behavior of fishing communities. this perception only preserves the gap in social relations in political relations between the government and fishing communities. in the long term, this is not profitable to encourage the realization of community participation in development. for this reason, it is necessary to reorient the leadership model and development planning targets to be more contextual and participatory. research method e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 this study uses a qualitative approach. the location of this research is inthe west coast region of buleleng regency. types of qualitative data were collected from primary and secondary data sources through observation, in-depth interviews, and document studies. informants are determined by selection based on criteria, namely the actors directly involved in the theme under study. the researcher became the main instrument in this study which was assisted by supporting instruments, such as interview guidelines and data recording devices, both digital cameras and voice recorder applications on cell phones, and laptops for data storage. data were analyzed through data reduction, data presentation and verification phases. interpretation of data in depth and presented descriptively-narratively. discussion poverty and welfare of fishermen. fisheries in indonesia involve many stakeholders. the most vital are small fishermen who are the most numerous layer. they live in poverty and socio-economic pressures rooted in complex interrelated factors. these factors can be classified as natural and non-natural factors. natural factors are related to seasonal fluctuations and the natural structure of village economic resources. meanwhile, non-natural factors are related to the limited technological reach, inequality in the profit-sharing system, the absence of definite labor social security, weak marketing networks, non-functioning of existing fishing cooperatives, and the negative impact of existing fisheries modernization policies. involvement or "participation of all members of the community", from making decisions on development planning, to the implementation and supervision of activities, as well as the utilization of the results by the community is a condition of successful development, for this reason, continuous fertilization efforts are needed for the participation of the community. . the participatory principle is the basis for developing community empowerment, because through participation, the community is expected to have the ability to solve their own problems. the synergy between the government and its people is a sine quanon for development, because development is not an activity carried out by the government for its people, but an activity carried out by the government together with all its citizens. in the sense of "government" and "community", this includes government officials, activists from nongovernmental organizations (ngos), social workers or innovators and community (informal) e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 figures, so that in this context empowerment can be understood as a process of developing community participation. (sukraaliawan et al, 2021). a. the idea of independence of the west coast fishermen of buleleng the condition of coastal and marine resources that are common property with quasiopen access. the term common property refers more to ownership under government control or refers to the nature of the resource which is a public domain, so that the nature of the resource is not without its owner. this means that these resources are not defined in terms of ownership, causing a phenomenon known as dissipated resource rent, namely the loss of resource rents that should be obtained from optimal management. with the quasi-open access nature of the resources, the actions of one party that harm the other cannot be corrected by the market (market failure). this creates economic inefficiency because all parties will try to exploit resources as much as possible, otherwise the other party will benefit. this is the situation that is currently happening. supported by technology, parties who are stronger and able to exploit resources excessively so that the law of the jungle occurs (who is stronger, he wins) and natural production power is disrupted. the practice of empowering fishermen is carried out by actors in this case the government, as well as non-governmental organizations (ngos) through their ability to feel, think, and build a social system which is then realized in the form of policies and plans which are then implemented in the form of programs. in the development management process, a plan is always aimed at the future towards the ideals or desires to be achieved or realized. in national development planning, it contains ideas or ideas that accommodate the interests and needs of the public, including fishermen. ideologically and practically these ideas and ideas can represent the interests and goals of the government to empower the community at large. normatively the representation or presence of fishermen empowerment, in the policy structure of national development planning, can be found in law no. 17 of 2007 concerning the national long-term development plan (rpjpn) of 2005-2025, where the national development vision is: "indonesia independent, advanced, just and prosperous. as a policy statement, the development vision contained in the development plan emphasizes the idea of 'national independence'. in this case, 'independence' implies community empowerment from various aspects. because independence also means being e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 free or free from conditions or conditions of dependence on other parties. according to sudjatmiko (sulaeman et al, 2012: 60) argues that the concept of independence has two perspectives: first, the emphasis is on reciprocal and mutually beneficial relationships in development cooperation, and second, relying more on the ability of their own resources in development. such an idea of independence can be applied to a more limited scope of the program, namely empowering fishermen with the aim of realizing independence, which is independent and free from dependence on other parties. furthermore, in an effort to realize the vision of the development, it is necessary to formulate a mission that can support the achievement of the existing vision. more clearly it can be stated that a mission can explain the overall goals to be achieved by an organization that provides direction and guidance for decision making in the organization. sailendra (2015:17) states that the vision and mission must be built in line, because the vision is the hope that the organization wants to achieve while the mission is the method or strategy that must be taken to achieve these expectations. "wisdom as a tactic and strategy that is directed to achieve a goal. therefore, a policy contains 3 (three) elements, namely: (1) identification of the objectives to be achieved; (2) tactics or strategies of various steps to achieve the desired goal; (3) provision of various inputs to enable the actual implementation of tactics or strategies”. b. appropriate technology for utilization of coastal resources the increasing competition in the use of marine and coastal resources requires the community to maximize their production. one way that is used is the use of technology. the limited knowledge and ability in using this technology is one of the obstacles and triggers for the exploitation of resources that damage the sustainable potential and have a negative impact on the environment. one example is the use of fish bombs and potassium cyanide to catch types of fish with high economic value in coral reef habitats which have damaged and caused severe environmental pollution. another example is the gap in the use of technology between large and traditional fishermen which results in the increasing urgency of traditional fishermen in fishing competition in the use of marine resources, so many switch professions to become fishermen or construction workers. e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 the change in mindset in the national development planning policy as stated in the formulation of the national development mission as stated in the 2005-2025 rpjpn above, can also be interpreted as a form of the government's political will in making changes to the development paradigm, namely the government's commitment to give greater attention to greater contribution to the development of the marine sector. and this can be seen from several policies that have been carried out by the government, such as in the field of institutions, since the 1998 reform, the indonesian government has made institutional arrangements in the field of marine and fisheries. this began with the formation of the department of marine and fisheries exploration (delp), then changed to the department of marine affairs and fisheries (dkp) until now it has become the ministry of marine affairs and fisheries (kkp). the same applies to the organizational structure of the local government, where initially the affairs of the marine and fisheries sector were part of the agricultural service or agency, but when an institution was formed that was specifically assigned the task of managing development in the marine and fisheries sector with the nomenclature of the provincial/regency fisheries and marine service. . likewise, in the field of marine economic policy, there was production and reproduction of government policies in several periods of government, namely during the reign of adurahman wahid (gus dur), delp launched the fish production increase program, better known as protekan. entering the period of megawati's administration, the mina bahari gate program was launched, whose goal is actually the same as protekan, namely increasing fishery production. during the period of the united indonesia cabinet (kib) volume i, the government again launched a similar program with the name marine and fisheries revitalization which also has the aim of increasing fish production (nurlinda and saharuddin, 2016). through the development mission in the marine sector as described above, it is a guideline for the government to take action to seek and encourage the development and improvement of the management of marine resource potential through increasing and developing the capacity of marine human resources as well as the use of science and technology (iptek) in order to improve welfare. community by taking into account the sustainable use of marine resources. guided by this development mission, the government e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 can arrange various empowerment programs for coastal communities in general or fishing communities in particular in the context of community welfare. c. institutional strengthening in maximizing the utilization of coastal resources with the birth of the rules of the game concerning resource ownership rights at the local level, it will indirectly give property rights to local governments. local governments can manage coastal and marine resources more rationally considering the availability of resources and the degradation of resources will determine the level of prosperity of the people in the area concerned. the fisheries development policy that is implemented should not only pursue economic interests (especially increasing the country's foreign exchange from exports of marine products), but also be balanced proportionally with the commitment to preserve the existing fishery resources. in addition, there must also be a high and consistent commitment in enforcing applicable legal regulations in order to avoid social and economic conflicts. local wisdom must be accommodated as one of the legal institutions that can minimize conflicts between fishermen. one form of accommodation of this local wisdom is through the preparation of spatial planning for coastal areas. until now, there are still not many areas and coastal areas that have it so that they do not have the same mission from the various arrangements and policies made for resource management. that. in an effort to develop fishing communities, and to overcome an unfavorable condition among fishermen, as well as to advance development potential with better management, a strategy of institutional strengthening in fishing communities is carried out. through collective institutional strengthening, it is expected to be able to make progress towards the welfare of the fishing community more optimally. institutions in this sense are not merely institutions or agencies or organizations that have a structure, but also include a set of normative orders in social life in order to achieve certain goals (permana and mursitama, 2018). according to hayami and kikuchi (odagiri, 2020) institutional is defined as a general device that is adhered to by members of a community. in connection with this, amanah (2005) stated: e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 "that in principle, the definition of an institution can include a mutual cooperation system, a social and profit-sharing system, and so on, which are collective activities of the community that have complete norms or unwritten rules that are understood and agreed upon by the actors." a broader definition of institutional is put forward by soleh (2014: 88) as follows: institutions are a form of social relations that have at least four components, namely: 1) the existence of a group of people who can be clearly identified; 2) the existence of goals to be achieved, which makes them cooperate/interact with each other; 3) the existence of rules that are adhered to and bind them in interact / cooperate; 4) the existence of an organizational structure, where everyone has a position and role that they must carry out according to predetermined rules. the formation of fishermen's organizations at the local level which are formed independently or through the initiation of community empowerment programs from the government in the form of better organized groups, is the beginning of action to make fishing communities more empowered. the practice of empowering fishermen through strengthening fishermen's institutions is implemented through strengthening the capacity of fishermen's organizations in coastal areas. strengthening fishermen's institutions through increasing the capacity of fishermen's organizations carried out by agents in the form of providing guidance, education and training to people within the organization as one of the organizational elements, is essentially an agent's action directed at efforts to improve and improve the quality of human resources of fishermen's organizations itself. efforts to empower fishermen through institutional strengthening in the west coast region of buleleng regency, in addition to the organizational and management coaching and training as mentioned above, are also carried out by providing institutional facilities that allow the growth and development of dynamic fishing community participation in fishing groups. here, some groups of fishermen have been provided with the assistance of group hall facilities by the government, which by the fishing groups can function as meeting halls. this group center facility is important in realizing the strengthening of fishermen's institutions, because this can foster togetherness and improve the fishermen's democratic process at the group level. e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 the fishing community either regularly every month or incidentally can hold a meeting agenda, some based on certain dates every month, or based on certain days gathering at the group hall to discuss problems faced by fishermen, such as those related to fishing technology, business or financial capital as well as processing and marketing of the catch. figures 3.1 and 3.2 show the existence of balai group which is used by fishermen as a place for routine and incidental meetings. figure 3.1 photo of one of the fishermen's group centers in seririt district source: doc nyoman sukraaliawan year 2018 figure 3.2 photos of fishermen's meeting activities at the group hall source: doc nyoman sukraaliawan year 2018 efforts to empower fishing communities through institutional strengthening as discussed above, are essentially also a form of strengthening local potentials in the life of local communities in bali. in the common life of local communities in bali, which is a collectivity to carry out joint activities or activities, which are traditionally carried out in the form of seka and in fishing communities there are seka nyaring or fishing rods. since the first existence of the seka-seka has been formed in the social life of fishing communities in organizing, e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 maintaining, and developing patterns of social interaction among members in various activities. helping activities, limited personnel assistance and financial assistance and the aim of strengthening traditions can be a characteristic of the seka (astika, 2021) and this has very important meaning in the context of strengthening fishermen's institutions. in fishing institutions, the pattern of interaction involving mutual assistance, labor assistance and financial assistance which is the hallmark of the seka appears in the social relations of fishing communities in the west coast region of buleleng regency, as stated by the informant mr. maskun, who is a civil servant from singaraja, but his wife is from a fishing village in seririt district, so this informant is often involved and in contact with fishermen and really cares about the fishermen's condition so that he gets involved as a fisherman. one of the initiators of the founding of the marine products fishermen group in banjarasem village, seririt district. conclusion in the implementation of coastal and marine resource management aimed at empowering the socio-economic community, the community should have great power to regulate itself in the management of coastal and marine resources in this era of autonomy. the process of transferring authority from the government to the community must be realized. however, there are several things that are still the responsibility of the government, such as the matter of resource fiscal policy, the development of facilities and infrastructure, the preparation of coastal spatial planning, as well as legal instruments for resource management. although this is part of the government's authority, it does not mean that the community does not have contribution and participation in every policy formulation. with the contribution and participation of the community, the formulated policy will be more touching on the real issue and will not harm the public interest. references agusta, inanovich.2014. ketimpangan wilayah dan kebijakan penanggulangan di indonesia: kajian isu strategis, historis, dan paradigmatis sejak pra kolonial. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 25-37 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 amanah, siti. 2005. 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https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 sumodiningrat, g. dan ari wulandari. 2015. menuju ekonomi berdikari pemberdayaan umkm dengan konsep: opop-ovop-ovoc. yogyakarta: media pessindo ulum, m.c. dan anggaeni, n.l.v. 2020. community empowerment: teori dan praktek pemberdayaan komunitas. malang: ub press. wahyudi, i. dkk. 2008. memahami kebijakan publik dan strategi advokasi sebuah panduan praktis. malang: in-trans publishing. 1 ideology of mabarung (competition) of performing art in buleleng regency i nyoman chaya faculty of performing arts indonesia institute of arts, surakarta email: nym_chaya@yahoo.com abstract mabarung (competition) of performing art is a cultural heritage in north bali and has highly contributed to the development of the balinese art and culture. the tradition of mabarung of performing art which was created in buleleng regency constitutes the competitive arena of life in which every pebarung (the player who is involved) does his best to perform the best by optimally presenting the quality of his performance. based on what was described above, it was necessary to reveal the tradition of mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency. the present study focused on the meaningfulness of the implied ideology of the mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency. the result of the study showed that the cultural representation, which was actualized into the mabarung of performing art appeared from the ideas of the grassroot. the government interfered in the mabarung of performing art and a change took place; the mabarung of performing art which used to be freely performed was then performed as a festival/competition, causing the ideology it contained to change. the phenomenon of the mabarung of performing art reflected a self image; the players felt embarrassed if they lost ‘majengah-jengahan’, performed differently from others, and felt too proud of themselves ‘ajum’. in relation to that, it could be identified that the cultural representation which created the tradition of mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency was inspired by the ideology of freedom and self existence. keywords: mabarung, performing art, ideology. introduction the mabarung of performing art is one of the cultural heritages in north bali, which has highly contributed to the development of the balinese arts and culture. the tradition of the mabarung of performing art, which was created in north bali, constitutes a competitive arena of life of being embarrassed if those who are involved in it lose the competition ‘majengah-jengahan’. every player ‘pembarung’ does his best to perform the best by optimally representing the quality of their performance. the creation of the mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency was indicated by an art event in which two groups of gong players (sekaa-gong) competed. they did their best to perform new compositions, which were then referred to as mabarung gong kebyar (mgk). such an event took place in the beginning of the 20th century (mcpee, 1966: 328; goris, t.th: 150, simpen ab, 1979: 1). mailto:nym_chaya@yahoo.com 2 mabarung then grew rapidly as the hobby of the buleleng community; as a result, it was able to form a cultural tradition as part of the ethnical identity of the north bali community. the regent of buleleng regency expressly stated that the tradition of mabarung in the life of cultural art (mgk) was one of specific characteristics of the culture in north bali which should be placed as part of the cultural identity of (local genius) of buleleng regency. he mentioned this in his speech delivered in the opening ceremony of “konferensi dan festival internasional budaya bali 2009” (international conference and festival of the balinese culture 2009). with a highly competitive nuisance, every event of the mabarung of performing art was always evaluated to make progress. therefore, such an event played a highly important and strategic role as it proved to be able to motivate the buleleng community to be creative and innovative. the growth and development of the tradition of mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency were inspired by the ideas coming from the grass-root community, meaning that the cultural representation which was actualized into the activity of the mabarung of performing art reflected an implied ideology in the mind of the northern bali community. the reason was that ideology is a system of belief and a system of values, which were represented in various media and social actions which were regarded as being reasonable to complete the achievement of such an objective. ideology refers to everything which is already implanted in individuals while they are living, covers all practices of life, minor and great actions, common and scientific views, and the conversations about the weather and political climate of a country (althusser, 2005: 3942). research method this present study focused on the meaningfulness of the ideological framework of the mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency. the data were collected through observation and in-depth interview to excavate the primary data and through library research to obtain the secondary data. the data were analyzed descriptively, qualitatively and interpretatively and the technique of data analysis, as proposed by sudikan (2001: 105) was done following the stages as follows: open coding, axial coding and selective coding. 3 the theory used in the present study was the theory of ideology proposed by louis althusser. according to althusser (2005), ideology is something which is profoundly unconscious and not recognized in-depth. according to him, ideology refers to everything which has been implanted in individuals during their lives. the rules which have become a belief are not recognized. from the hammock to the grave, man exists with ideology (takwin in althusser, 2005: xvi-xx). result and discussion the pattern of competition (mabarung) which was created through the mabarung (competition of gong kebyar (mgk) initiated the growth and development of the mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency. as an arena of an activity framed within the domain of the life of art, the problem of the mabarung of performing art touches the artistic and aesthetic world, meaning that the mabarung of performing art is within the arena of meaningfulness of the world of art, which involves the matters pertaining to how to perform and the nature of performing art. the panorama of performance is divided into two. first, the human behavior (performative behavior) referred to as the culture of performance. second, cultural performance which covers performing art, sports, rituals, festivals, and the other forms of festivities (for further detail, see murgiyanto, 1996: 155-167). in the context of what is discussed in the present study, art is under the second category. the mabarung of performing art as an expression of cultural art acts as a symbol of expression. the mabarung of performing art, as what takes place at mgk, may certainly present new creations, especially the creations of gambelan orchestra kakebyaran. the creative artists will never feel satisfied if in the event of mabarung they do not present new creations. they always want to perform differently from what was performed before. in relation to that, putu sumiasa (77 years of age), the highly skilled player of kendang (small drum covered with leather) who were experienced in mgk, stated that “pokoknya setiap akan mabarung, pasti membuat genting yang baru supaya tidak ada yang menduga dan mampu membikin kejutan” (basically, every time he is involved in the event of mabarung, he certainly creates a new creation which cannot be expected by others and is able to make a surprise” (interview held on 12th november 2008). the thing which needs to be emphasized is that in the event of the mabarung of performing art (mgk), the opportunity of freedom is provided to the artists when they 4 express their ability artistically and non-artistically. competitiveness encourages the artists to perform the best; they do their best to be highly popular. such tricks show self image, as can be observed from the fact that they will feel embarrassed if they lose ‘mejengah-jengahan’, the fact that they perform differently from others, and that the fact that they are proud of themselves ‘ajum’. the phenomenon of mabarung should be treated as a cultural text in order to reveal the ideology leading to the creation of the mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency, meaning that the phenomenon of mabarung of performing art is based on the ability to interpret a social phenomenon of life through cultural approach, for example, by paying attention to the value, symbol and inter dependence among the cultural patterns of individual personality. socially and historically, it could be revealed that the growth and development of the tradition of performing art (mgk) in buleleng regency was directly related to the political situation in which buleleng used to be the administrative center of the dutch colonial government. it could be understood that the political pressure made by the colonial government strongly motivated the buleleng community to dream of freedom. apart from that, buleleng had undergone the mobilization of socio-cultural life characterizing the openness of its citizens to acquire freedom. this was revealed by the bali history (1980) in which it was stated that the buleleng kingdom, as one of the kingdoms in bali, was the first kingdom which intended to separate from the center of the power of the kings in bali which was located in klungkung. (team penyusun naskah dan pengadaan buku sejarah bali, 1980” 68-85). the existence of the mabarung of performing art in buleleng had led to a discourse of the “den bukit” community (north bali). in this relation, balyson (1934) stated that the buleleng people suffered from what is referred to “caprise bulelengais”, the community which was getting bored quickly. they always wanted something new and strange. balyson stated “tiap-tiap waktoe selaloe berlainan, lekas bersalin kemaoean” (the balinese people said: “djani kene njanan keto, toesing enteg, tjeliaktjelioek, ngelionang bikas” dsb. [“now they want this, later they want that, they always want something different, they change they wish quickly]. “publiek di negero boeleleng agak bersifat capricious; oleh karena karangan ini mengenai hal muziek, penoelis sebutkan djenis penjakit ini “caprise boelelengais, meaning caprice, dari, ataoe kepoenjaan negeri boeleleng sebagai sindirian” (balyson, 1934: 191). 5 this was interpreted as a discourse of the values of freedom, which were reflected when balyson insulted the changeable characteristic of the buleleng people, jani kene nyanan keto (now they want this, and then they want that), tusing enteg (they always change their mind), celiak-celiuk (turn here and there), ngeliungan bikas (behaving strangely). the cultural observers in buleleng regency and its artists had the same discourse of the characteristic of the buleleng people; they were proud of themselves. such a predicate was always attached to the buleleng artists in the event of mabarung, as stated by i made toja (81 years of age) and i made teken (60 years of age) as follows: “kalau tidak punya rasa ajum, tidak akan bisa membangun atau menghidupkan kegiatan (keseniana) gong, apalagi akan digunakan untuk mabarung)”. [if not being proud of oneself, one cannot make the art of gong survive, especially when one takes part in the event of mabarung. “kalau tampil sebagai peserta mabarung, harus habis-habisan menunjukan suatu kebanggaan diri atau ajum)” (if taking part in the event of mabarung, one should do his best to show such pride of oneself termed as ajum in balinese)” (the interview was conducted on 25 july 2010 and 17 october 2008). the innovative-creative activities which led to the kebyar art, which was then actualized in the activity of the mabarung of performing art (gong kebyar) could be interpreted as an expression which was used to express the values of “rebellion” for freedom, meaning that the ideological framework of the tradition of the mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency could not be separated from the attitude of the buleleng people who intended to show their existence through the activity of cultural activity with the image of freedom as the reference. conclusion and suggestion the cultural representation of the mabarung of performing art in buleleng could be identified as a self image, as could be observed from the behaviors of being embarrassed if getting lost ‘mejengah-jengahan’, performing differently, and showing self pride. the ideology of the creation of the cultural tradition of the event of the mabarung of performing art in buleleng regency was the ideology of freedom and self existence. the ideology of freedom showed the opportunity the artists had to be free in representing themselves artistically and non-artistically. such an ideology of self existence referred to the creativity represented into the behaviors of feeling embarrassed if getting lost, performing differently, and showing self pride. 6 several suggestions are recommended to continue this present study. first, the government should pay more serious attention to the policy which regulates the existence of cultural art. second, the buleleng community should motivate the creativity of gong kebyar buleleng by doing what can be done to maintain the image of kebyar which has characterized the cultural art in north bali. if a great idea such as a great system of competition appeared in the past, which then developed into the tradition of mabarung, from the result of the present study it is expected that a format of competition of art will appear as the format which is dynamic and adaptive to the current existence of the balinese cultural art. acknowledgement in this opportunity the writer would like to thank and highly appreciate prof. dr. i wayan dibia, sst.,m.a. for his full attention and supervision starting from when the proposal was prepared to the completion of this dissertation. bibliolography althusser, louis. 2005. tentang ideologi, marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis dan cultural studies (terjemahan essay on ideology). yogyakarta: jalasutra. balyson. 1934. “gong-gede (kebijar)” dalam bhawanagara, majalah bulanan no. 11-12, terbitan april-mei. chaya, i nyoman. 2012. “ideologi mabarung seni pertunjukan di kabupaten buleleng”, disertasi, program studi doktor kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. goris, r. t.t. bali, atlas kebudayaan. jakarta: pemerintah republik indonesia. mcphee, colin. 1966. music in bali, a study of form and instrumental organization in balinese orchestral music. new haven and london, yale university press. murgiyanto, sal. 1996. “cakrawala pertunjukan budaya, mengkaji batas dan arti pertunjukan” dalam seni pertunjukan indonesia, jurnal masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia (mspi), yogyakarta: yayasan bentang budaya. simpen ab, i wayan. 1979. “sejarah perkembangan gong gede”, stensilan. denpasar, 19 desember. sudikan, setya yuwana. 2001. metode penelitian kebudayaan. surabaya: citra wacana. takwin, bagus. 2003. akar-akar ideologi, pengantar kajian konsep ideologi dari plato hingga bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. team penyusun naskah dan pengadaan buku sejarah bali, 1980. sejarah bali. denpasar: pemerintah daerah tk. i bali. 1 penyelenggaraan pendidikan sekolah termarjinalkandi kota denpasar ni made suciani lembaga penjaminan mutu pendidikan provinsi bali jalan letda tantular, denpasar email:made_suciani@yahoo.co.id abstrak beberapa sekolah mengalami keadaan termerjinalkan di tengah hiruk pikuk kota denpasar. permasalahan yang dikaji yaitu faktor penyebab beberapa sekolah mengalami marjinalisasi, bagaimana penyelenggaraan pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkan, dan bagaimanaimplementasinya terkait dengan lima pilar kebijakan pendidikan nasional serta implikasinya terhadap siswa, institusi sekolah, dan masyarakat.penelitian inimenggunakan pendekatan kualitatif. teori yang digunakan adalah teori dekonstruksi, teori strukturasi, dan teori pendidikan kritis. data dikumpulkan dengan menggunakan metode observasi, wawancara, dan teknik dokumenter, dan dianalisis secara kualitatif. hasil penelitian menunjukkan, munculnya marjinalisasi pada beberapa sekolah karena faktor dualisme kultural antara sekolah negeri dan sekolah swasta, yang meliputi pandangan dan kebijakan pemerintah, keterpinggiran guru swasta dan dampak sertifikasi guru. faktor lain yaitu budaya, karakter dan pandangan masyarakat terhadap sekolah negeriserta labelling terhadap sekolah swasta marjinal, serta minimnya pengelolaan finansial serta pencitraan sekolah untuk bertahan demi gengsi. selain itu terdapat juga faktor teknis seperti lemahnya pengelolaan sumber daya manusia, lemahnya kompetensi danusahausaha peningkatan kompetensi juga lemahnya komunikasi dan kemitraan sekolah dengan pemangku kepentingan, serta tidak adanya supervisi dan evaluasi dalam pencapaian standar nasional pendidikan.penyelenggaraan pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkan dapat dilihat dari sisi intangible seperti disekonomi kumunitas, dehumanisasi pendidikan dan budaya pencitraan pada sekolah termarjinalkan.sedangkan dari sisi tangible yaitu melalui hasil evaluasi diri sekolah.implementasi penyelenggaraan pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkan terkait dengan lima pilar kebijakan pendidikan nasional yaitu ketersediaan, keterjangkauan, kualitas, kesetaraan dan keterjaminan layanan selain itu dianalisis juga implikasinya terhadap siswa, insitusi sekolah dan masyarakat. kata kunci: penyelenggaraan pendidikan, sekolah termarjinalkan, dan dualismekultural. pendahuluan kajian ini pada intinya ingin mengkaji fenomena tentang adanya beberapa sekolah yang mengalami keadaan hampir-hampir bubar atau sering disebut sebagai sekolah “mati segan,hidup tak mau”.undang-undang sistem pendidikan nasional (uu sisdiknas) nomor 20 tahun 2003 dalam pasal 4 menjelaskan mailto:made_suciani@yahoo.co.id 2 tentang prinsip penyelenggaraan pendidikan.pada ayat 1, disebutkan bahwa pendidikan diselenggarakan secara demokratis dan berkeadilan serta tidak diskriminatif dengan menjunjung tinggi hak asasi manusia, nilai keagamaan, nilai kultural dan kemajemukan bangsa.pada kenyataannya, tidak semua sekolahmenyelenggarakan pendidikan dengan baik bahkan ada sekolah yang implementasinya masih jauh dari harapan. fenomena siswa yang tergolong dalam kemampuan intelektual rendah dan kemampuan ekonomi rendah, atau sering disebut sebagai “siswa yang miskin dan bodoh”, yang hanya bisa masuk ke sekolah-sekolah yang dikategorikan sebagai kategori swasta marjinal,menjadi menarik untuk dicermati. darmaningtyas (2007: 339) mengatakan bahwa sekolah termarjinalkan atau terpinggirkan adalah satu-satunya peluang bagi anak yang tergolong miskin dan bodoh.rumusan masalah dalam penelitian ini adalah: (1) faktor-faktor apa yang menyebabkan beberapa sekolah di kota denpasar mengalami marjinalisasi?;(2) bagaimana penyelenggaraan pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkan di kota denpasar?; (3) bagaimanaimplementasi penyelenggaraan pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkan terkait dengan lima pilar kebijakan pendidikan nasional serta implikasinya terhadap siswa, institusi sekolah, dan masyarakat? tujuan dalam penelitian ini adalah untuk menganalisis faktor-faktor penyebab beberapa sekolah mengalami marjinalisasi, menganalisis bagaimana penyelenggaraan pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkan di kota denpasar serta bagaimana implementasinya terkait lima pilar kebijakan pendidikan nasional dan implikasinya terhadap siswa, sekolah dan masyarakat. manfaat dari penelitian ini adalah untuk memberikan makna pada penyelenggaraan pendidikan di sekolah termarjinalkan dalam kaitannya dengan pengembangan ilmu pendidikan dari perspektif kajian budaya. pada tingkat praktis, penelitian ini diharapkan sebagai masukan bagi pemangku kepentingan dalam pendidikan untuk mempertimbangkan realitas sosio-kultural bangsa dalam upaya proses penyadaran dan pembebasan dari ketidakberdayaan untuk mewujudkan pendidikan yang berkeadilan. metode penelitian penelitian ini adalah penelitian lapangan (field research) dengan pendekatan eksploratif-kualitatif, yaitu dengan observasi langsung ke lokasi yang 3 menjadi objek penelitian ini yaitu sma a, sma b dan sma c, dalam usaha mengembangkan teori berdasarkan data lapangan. metode pengumpulan data dilakukan dengan observasi, wawancara mendalam dan studi dokumen.untuk pengecekan dilakukan secara silang atau triangulasi data, sehingga akurasi data menjadi lebih terjamin. pembahasan derrida berpendapat, logosentrisme sekurang-kurangnya mengandung dua ciri.pertama, prosedur-prosedur yang ada harus diakui sebagai suatu orientasi yang paling umum.kedua, prosedur-prosedur itu harus merupakan suara yang berdaulat yang tidak lagi dipermasalahkan atau diperdebatkan(hadiwinata, 1994: 23).dalam penelitian ini, kebijakan peyelenggaraan pendidikan dipandang sebagai logosenstris, dibongkar dengan metode dekonstruksi, memunculkan berbagai kelemahan yang cenderung meminggirkan sekolah swasta marjinal.kebijakan ini juga diperparah oleh adanya dualisme kultural antara sekolah negeri dan sekolah swasta, serta adanya labeling pada sekolah swasta. menurut teori strukturasi, domain dasar kajian ilmu-ilmu sosial bukanlah pengalaman masing-masing aktor ataupun keberadaan setiap bentuk totalitas kemasyarakatan, melainkan praktek-praktek sosial yang terjadi di sepanjang ruang dan waktu(giddens, 2010: 3-4).hal ini sesuai dengan temuan dalam penelitian bahwa munculnya sekolah termarjinalkan bukan saja karena struktur yang sudah ada, bukan juga karena orang-orang yang terlibat di dalamnya yang kurang berkualitas tetapi karena interaksi keduanya yang berlangsung terusmenerus yang dipengaruhi oleh ruang dan waktu.karena adanya dualitas antara agen dan struktur ini memunculkan praktek-praktek yang terkadang tidak disadari keluar dari struktur lama, sehingga melahirkan struktur baru.dengan demikian bagi beberapa orang tertentu karena tidak ada pilihan, struktur memaksa mereka, pada akhirnya mereka tetap milih sekolah termarjinalkan ini.demikian pula bagi guru dan pegawai, yang penting bagi mereka adalah tetap bisa mengajar dan bertugas sebagai pegawai saja sudah cukup.karena status sebagai guru dan sebagai pegawai masih jadi idaman bagi mereka, meskipun secara finasial gaji mereka tidak mencukupi.hal ini sesuai dengan apa dijelaskan oleh ritzer (2010: 555), bahwa hubungan antara ruang dan waktu bersifat kodrati dan menyangkut 4 makna serta hakikat tindakan itu sendiri, karena pelaku dan tindakan tidak dapat dipisahkan. selain itu, setiap tatanan masyarakat selalu dikaitkan dengan peran sosial dan fungsinya. pemikiran freire bisa dianggap merupakan akar bagi gerakanpengembangan satu model pendekatan/proses pendidikan kritis. menurut freire, model pendidikan kritis ini pada dasarnya satu bentuk pendekatan yang diyakini mampu membantu kaum marjinal dalam masyarakat menyadari realitas sosial yang mereka hadapi dan sekaligus menjadi awal bagi upaya mengubah sistem serta struktur yang membelenggu mereka. dengan kata lain, model pendidikan ini akan mendorong kelompok bawah ini untuk berupaya membebaskan dirinya sendiri melalui proses penyadaran diri yang sangat terkait dengan apa yang disebut freire sebagai kesadaran kritis(widja, 2009: 40-41). hasil temuan di lapangan menunjukkan bahwa lemahnya pengelolaan sumber daya manusia terutama pada tingkat pemahaman tentang manajemen sekolah.secara umum mereka tidak menyadari ketidaktahuan mereka tentang teori manajemen sekolah. karena ketidaktahuan inilah menyebabkan mereka juga tahu apa yang seharusnya dan sebaiknya mereka lakukan dalam rangka meningkatkan kualitas sekolahnya.dengan kata lain tidak terjadi pemahaman terhadap hakikat pendidikan secara kritis pada sekolah termarjinalkan tersebut. karena tidak pemahaman dan kesadaran inilah menyebabkan mereka tidak mampu melepaskan diri keterpinggiran. penyelenggaraan pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkan ternyata pada akhirnya mereproduksi sistem sosial yang sangat sesuai dengan analisis yang dilakukan paulo friere dengan pendidikan kritisnya. di mana pada lokasi penelitian sama sekali tidak terjadi penyadaran dan pembebasan dari ketidakberdayaan baik pada siswa, institusi sekolah maupun masyarakat sekitarnya. di sekolahtidak banyak diberikan pengetahuan kepada peserta didik melalui materi pelajaran yang bisa menumbuhkan kesadaran kelas, kesadaran melawan opresi dan eksploitasi kelas dominan.pendidik belum memiliki komitmen membangkitkan dan memberdayakan peserta didik, sehingga nantinya bisa terjun ke tengah masyarakat sebagai agen pemberdayaan dan pembebasan masyarakat lemah dari dominasi budaya dan politik kelompok masyarakat yang kuat.hal ini sesuai dengan pendapat nuryatno (2011: 2-3) bahwa visi pendidikan kritis dilandaskan pada suatu pemahaman bahwa pendidikan tidak bisa 5 dipisahkan dari konteks sosial, kultural, ekonomi dan politik yang lebih luas. institusi pendidikan tidaklah netral, independen dan bebas dari berbagai kepentingan, tapi justru menjadi bagian dari institusi sosial lain yang manjadi ajang pertarungan kepentingan. rohman (2010: 109-110) menyebutkan bahwa penyelenggaraan pendidikan dapat dilihat dari unsur-unsur intangible dantangible.dalam penelitian ini, unsur intangibledapat terlihat adanyadisekonomi komunitas sekolah, dehumanisasi pendidikan, yang menurut freire, digambarkan sebagai suatu kondisi kultural sekelompok masyarakat yang ciri utamanya adalah ketidakberdayaan dan ketakutan umum untuk mengungkapkan pikiran dan perasaan sendiri.sedangkan dari unsur tangible,terlihat dari hasil analisis evaluasi diri sekolah.secara kuantitatif ditemukan bahwa semua pencapaian standar pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkanberada di bawah rata-rata standar sma lainnya di kota denpasar. simpulan dan saran kesimpulan yang dapat ditarik adalah,faktor-faktor penyebab sekolah mengalami marjinalisasi adalah duliasme kultural antara sekolah negeri dan sekolah swasta, keterpinggiran guru swasta, labeling terhadap sekolah swasta marjinal, minimnya pengelolaan finansial, pencitraan sekolah untuk bertahan demi gengsi serta lemahnya manajemen sekolah. kondisi penyelenggaran pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkanyang terlihat adalah disekonomi komunitas sekolah, dehumanisasi pendidikan, serta hasil evaluasi diri sekolah yang masih rendah. implementasi penyelenggaraan pendidikan pada sekolah termarjinalkan jika dikaitkan dengan lima pilar kebijakan pendidikan nasional adalah ada yang sudah sesuai dan ada yang belum sesuai serta berimplikasi pada siswa, sekolah dan masyarakat. disarankan kepada pemerintah, hendaknya memberikan perhatian yang lebih kepada sekolah-sekolah termarjinalkan di kota denpasar.dalam sistem penerimaan siswa baru, perlu diterapkan kebijakan baru yang tidak hanya menggunakan sistem tunggal dalam bentuk tes ujian masuk, tetapi juga mendasarkan pada kemampuan sosial ekonomi calon murid.kepala sekolah seharusnyamengelola pendidikan dengan cara membuat laporan evaluasi diri sekolahdengan jujur. kepada pihak yayasan agar senantiasa melakukan 6 pembinaan dan pengembangan sekolah yang dimilikinya serta mempertimbangkan dana pengelolaan sekolah. ucapan terimakasih banyak terima kasih disampaikan kepada staf pengajar dan staf administrasi program doktor kajian budaya, program studi pascasarjana, universitas udayana. apresiasi juga penulis berikan kepada seluruh komponen dari sma termarjinalkan di kota denpasar untuk data dan informasi yang diberikan kepada penulis berkaitan dengan penelitian ini. daftar pustaka darmaningtyas. 2007. pendidikan rusak-rusakan. yogyakarta: pt. lkis pelangi aksara. giddens, anthony. 2010. teori strukturasi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar hadiwinata, bob sugeng. 1994. “theatrum politikum: posmodernisme dan krisis kapitalisme dunia”, dalam jurnal kebudayaan kalam, no. 1 th. 1994. yayasan kalam dan penerbit pustaka garifiti: jakarta nuryatno, agus m. 2011. mazhab pendidikan kritis. resist book: yogyakarta. ritzer, george & douglas j. goodman. 2010. teori sosiologi modern. jakarta: kencana prenada media group. rohman, arif. 2010. pendidikan kompartaif. yogyakarta: laksbang grafika. suciani, ni made. 2014. “penyelenggaraan pendidikan pada sekolah marjinal di kota denpasar”.disertasi program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana. widja, i gde. 2009. pendidikan sebagai idiologi budaya: suatu pengantar kearah pendidikan kritis. denpasar: unud-sari kahyangan indonesia. microsoft word artikel a.n. wyn widyartha terbit 1 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 tourism industry as the dominant ideology in implementation of education in south kuta i wayan widyartha suryawan master degree program of cultural studies, udayana university, cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: widyarthasuryawan@gmail.com received date : 08-08-2022 accepted date : 11-10-2022 published date : 30-11-2022 abstract the development of bali tourism industry has influenced various sectors of balinese life, including how they define education. this study aims to examine the power relations of the tourism industry and the dominant ideology contained in the implementation of education in south kuta. the problems were analyzed using michel foucault’s power relation theory and pierre bourdieu’s generative structural theory. this research was designed by cultural studies and analyzed by interpretive qualitative methods. the results show that the tourism industry has become the dominant ideology in education development in south kuta. some schools responded to the growth of the tourism industry in south kuta by establishing tourism-related majors. the power relations of the tourism industry in the world of education have led to the vocational education phenomenon. vocational education is related to the concept of link and match such as connecting education with the industrial world which is being heavily campaigned by the government. on the other hand, students choose schools and tourism majors because they feel very attached to the tourism sector. students seem to have no other options but tourism. in addition, students experience cultural unconsciousness and perceive the tourism industry as something natural. they understand the tourism industry as something familiar. thus, students are no longer questioning or being critical of the tourism industry due to it becoming the dominant ideology. keywords: power relation, tourism industry, ideology, vocational education introduction south kuta is one of the important areas in the development of the bali tourism industry. it is because of the establishment of indonesia tourism development corporation (itdc) in 1973 which aims to develop nusa dua as a world-class tourism area in bali. over time, the tourism-supporting facilities such as hotels, villas, restaurants, bars, cafes, beach clubs, and others are increasing in south kuta. the tourism sector has become the balinese main income. based on data from central statistics agency (bps) e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 in 2019, accommodation service and food/beverage business became the highest contributor to the value of the gross regional domestic product (grdp) of bali province with 23.26 percent. this sector contributed 0.98 percent of bali's total economic growth of 5.63 percent in 2019. meanwhile, in 2015, the number of tourists who visit bali reached 4 million people. this number increased to 6 million tourists in 2019. economically, the tourism industry becomes one of the largest foreign exchange-earners. furthermore, government policies are often in favor of the tourism sector. therefore, the balinese are becoming increasingly dependent on the tourism industry. the strong dependence on the tourism industry has influenced the balinese perspective on education. this was followed by the introduction of tourism majors at south kuta high schools. in south kuta, at least three schools offer tourism majors and extracurriculars: nusa dua vocational school, smkn 1 kuta selatan, and dwijendra bualu high school. the students that attend tourism schools or major in tourism expect to be able to work in the tourism business as soon as they graduate. the educational implementation at sma dwijendra bualu is a fascinating thing to observe. unlike other high schools, sma dwijendra bualu students have the opportunity to learn directly about the tourist sector without interfering with the usual curriculum. this is quite interesting because sma dwijendra bualu is not a vocational school like smk nusa dua and smkn 1 kuta selatan. as a tourism plus school, the students not only acquire theoretical learning at school but also have the ability to participate in fieldwork practices in the industrial sector. during the school holidays, sma plus tourism dwijendra offers students a three-month practicum at a hotel. the response of the school that opened the tourism department is inseparable from the encouragement of the tourism industry which requires skilled workers. the phenomena of vocational education arose as a result of this. dave hill in darmaningtyas (2012: 82) describes vocational education as a model of a capitalist design for education, namely educational institutions to support the mechanism of global-neoliberal capitalism. nadiem makarim, minister of education, culture, research, and technology (mendikbud ristek), recently emphasized his seriousness in ensuring link and match, namely the connection between education and the industrial world. nadiem analogizes the relationship between education and industry is like a marriage. it is a commitment or promises to be together for a long period. the education policy that emphasizes link and match is in line with the phenomenon of education in bali which is followed by the interests of the tourism industry. this research will focus more on the phenomenon of education in bali which is e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 difficult to escape from the interests of the tourism industry. in fact, education as a medium of liberation should not make balinese confined only to the tourism sector. on the other hand, the principle of link and match also makes it difficult to break the relationship between education and the market (tourism industry). this study analyzes the power relations and ideology contained in the implementation of education in south kuta. concept and theories this study uses the concepts of the tourism industry, education, and ideology. the principles of tourism, education, and ideology are used in this study. according to tourism law number 10 of 2009, the tourism industry is a group of interconnected tourism firms that provide goods and/or services to meet the demands of tourists during the tourism implementation process. tourism players, tourists, governments, and other tourism stakeholders are all part of the tourism industry sector. then, english is the learning of knowledge, skills, and habits of a group of people that are passed down from one generation to the next through teaching, training, or research. this research emphasizes critical education stream which views that education is not a neutral institution. education is understood as a relation between knowledge, ideology, and power. while ideology is a component of a dominance system that contributes to the perpetuation of oppression. ian adams (2004: 6) puts ideology as an ideological-political-movement framework with a cultural studies approach. ideology is interpreted as an attempt to hide certain realities as well as a tool to reveal certain cultural practices that have been represented, reduced, and distorted. the author uses pierre bourdieu's structural generative theory and michel foucault's power-knowledge relation theory. bourdieu proposes generative structural theory with his famous formula, namely (habitus x modal) + realm = practice. harker, et al. (2009: 13-14) explains habitus as a series of schemes or patterns that are internalized to understand, realize and assess the social world. bourdieu then examines the relationship between the individual and reality through the concept of doxa. doxa is a kind of social order that is quite stable, bound by tradition, seems naturalized, and unquestioned. like ideology, doxa appears through knowledge that is taken for granted according to the habitus and realm of the individual. meanwhile, michel foucault's theory of power and knowledge relations shows that power is always actualized through knowledge, and knowledge always has a powerful effect. all knowledge, according to foucault, is political because the conditions for its possibility are built on power relations (haryatmoko, 2016: 17). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 research methods this research was designed with a cultural studies approach and analyzed by interpretive qualitative methods. bennett as explained by barker (2000: 9) explains that cultural studies seek to explore various forms of interconnected power. in addition, cultural studies also develop ways to understand culture and power in an eclectic way. the data were collected by interviewing informants, both teachers and students at smkn 1 kuta selatan, smk nusa dua, and sma dwijendra bualu. as qualitative research, this research does not only describe the socio-cultural phenomenon that is the object of research, but also interprets and finds the ideology hidden behind social phenomena (ratna, 2010: 95). discussion desirable tourism major a. smk nusa dua the presence of smk nusa dua in south kuta might be considered as an educational reaction to market demand and the glory days of bali tourism in the 1990s. this institution, initially known as the nusa dua household technology middle school (smtk) and has always offered a tourism major, specifically the culinary skills programs and hospitality skills competence. smk nusa dua is also expanding its multimedia expertise competencies, as well as its online business and marketing skills competencies. based on the student numbers at each level, hospitality skill competence and catering competence have the most applicants. hospitality and catering are two specialized competencies that are acknowledged to be strongly associated with the tourism industry. other skill competencies, such as online business, marketing, and multimedia, are less popular, despite their connections to the tourism industry. the table below shows the number of students enrolled in each expertise competence at each level at smk nusa dua for the 2021/2022 academic year. expertise competence level 1 level 2 level 3 the total number of students online business and marketing 13 10 24 47 multimedia 22 19 30 71 hospitality 88 110 225 423 culinary 66 138 227 431 source: peta.ditpsmk.net e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 the high interest in pursuing a tourism major (read: expertise competence and culinary) demonstrates that the tourism industry has mastered public awareness to the point where it has become the dominating choice. tourism has evolved into what michel foucault refers to as a knowledge-power relation. dispersed power generates knowledge, which gives birth to disciplined people. people have been conditioned, disciplined, and now follow the logic of the business and the tourism sector. according to foucault, the tactic of power is intended to achieve compliance. on the other hand, students believe that majoring in tourism is the greatest option because issues related to the tourism industry are always internalized and have become a part of daily life. “at first, i was perplexed as to why i chose tourism as a major. i can say it was unintentional. when i graduate, my parents want me to be able to work in a hotel. i'm not thinking about other majors. many of my close friends and family members work in tourism. they become housekeepers, pick up guests, and engineering. maybe that's why i ended up choosing a tourism major.” (interview with ni wayan yuliani, 24 july 2022) according to the interview excerpt above, the idea that the tourism business promises a bright future is created at the family level. as a result, the family accepts the dominant group's habitus as a natural sort of habitus that is also regarded as proper. in regards to education and success, the child's attitude grows parallel with that of the parents. as a result, the family has unwittingly become a tourism industry agent. this behavior can be described using bourdieu's generative structural theory. children's behaviors are programmed with a set of internalized schemes or patterns that result in acts that benefit the tourism industry. the formation of a habitus that is increasingly dependent on the tourism industry cannot be separated from various factors, including the interests of entrepreneurs in the tourism sector until political decisions. b. smkn 1 kuta selatan initially, smkn 1 kuta selatan only opened the fields of expertise in electrical usage engineering and electronica communication engineering. however, the public's interest in acquiring these domains of engineering skills has waned over time. simultaneously, people are becoming increasingly interested in the tourism industry, which is only getting started. furthermore, the school is located in the nusa dua resort region. in response to the growth of tourism, the school launched the tourism skills study program with the hospitality accommodation competency in 2010/2011. the tourism department of smkn 1 kuta selatan has successfully piqued the interest of students who attend the school. according to i nyoman supartha (july 20, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 2022), interest in the tourist department skyrocketed when it initially opened at smkn 1 kuta selatan. interest in other majors, on the other hand, dropped dramatically at the same time. this is represented in the student makeup for each skill competency. the following data show the number of students at each expertise competence level at smkn 1 kuta selatan during the 2021/2022 academic year: expertise competence level 1 level 2 level 3 total number of students multimedia 117 113 103 333 hospitality 440 367 281 1088 audio video techniques 36 34 34 104 motorcycle engineering and business 33 73 59 165 electrical power installation engineering 38 55 37 130 automotive light vehicle engineering 65 52 59 176 computer and network engineering 41 77 69 187 source: peta.ditpsmk.net based on the data in the table above, it is apparent that hospitality skill competence is in high demand among students at smkn 1 kuta selatan. hospitality, which is directly related to the tourism business, even outperforms other expertise competence enthusiasts who started at the school earlier. i nyoman supartha does not dispute that the world of education is inextricably linked to the world of industry. he believes that the existence of vocational high schools (smk) has a part in producing workers who are ready to work in their respective sectors the development of bali tourism, he said, requires skilled workers in the tourism sector. such educational praxis only becomes a perpetuator of the status quo. supratiknya in the article hantu masyarakat itu bernama pendidikan (1998: 196) explains how school education is forced to always comply with current trends while being a devoted partner of the status quo. schools and teachers do things that have been mandated by the dominant ideology or in this case the tourism industry. c. sma dwijendra bualu the management of sma dwijendra bualu embraced the momentum of bali tourism glory by integrating local content, namely tourism extracurricular. the inclusion of tourism plus appears to be a solution to the fact that this institution still exists and offers advantages over high schools in general. students can continue to study with the regular e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 curriculum while also learning the content and being involved in the tourism industry. such that, sma dwijendra bualu, which develops tourism insights, neither changes the high school education system nor limits education to work training. from there, the school, previously known as sma dwijendra bualu, was then popularly known as sma dwijendra bualu plus tourism. "well, if at sma dwijendra bualu there is a plus for tourism, so you can all get skills in the tourism sector. if you don't have training experience at a hotel, it will be difficult to apply for a job." (interview with ni kadek darmayanti, 25 july 2021) according to the interview excerpt above, students are also aware that bali already has a large number of hotels, villas, lodging, and other tourism-related amenities. these circumstances further constrain the students' ability to think pragmatically. this phenomenon exemplifies the tug-of-war between educational idealism and pragmatic culture. using suda's (2011: 100) analysis, this pragmatic culture in education is related to image culture, which occurs when society is controlled by the desire for material items rather than spiritual depth. this is a symptom of today's consumer society, which focuses its efforts on fulfilling material demands. tourism industry power relations tourism, as the dominating discourse in bali, has infiltrated the educational system. education providers are also responding to the tourism industry, which is becoming increasingly popular in bali. the institution appears to exist solely to prepare the workers required by the tourism sector. furthermore, students are taught directly by practitioners who are already working in the tourism industry. that is, things done in the tourism industry are subsequently passed on to students. students learn how to become a tourism worker, how to serve tourists, and what is vital in the tourism industry. students are provided with knowledge that prepares them to adapt to the industrial world. this is consistent with foucault's belief that knowledge is a means for power to impose itself without giving the impression that it is derived from a specific subject (haryatmoko, 2016: 17). balinese were gradually rendered dependent on the tourism industry as a result of the power strategy and the social mechanisms that followed. it also contributes to the phenomena known as touristification. kumbara (2001) explains that touristification happens when individuals believe that tourism is no longer an external force causing cultural change. tourism has been regarded as a component of cultural dynamics. touristification, if associated with foucault's idea, is strongly related to disciplinary e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 efforts in which power relations play a role. touristification makes balinese feel structuredly dependent on the tourism sector. the federal government's policies promoting bali as a tourist destination have also garnered positive feedback from the local government. as a result, local government policies in bali have frequently sided with the tourism industry sector. the power dynamics of the tourism industry have also shaped balinese ideas on education. tourism as a dominant ideology in the implementation of education in bali, the tourism sector has become the dominating ideology. students and teachers believe that education and the tourism industry are inextricably linked. there is also a growing belief that the purpose of school is to prepare students for employment. this issue exemplifies the ideological conflict between educational and market ideologies. nuryatno (2011: 81) outlines a clear distinction between the ideology of education and the ideology of the market. what matters in terms of educational ideology are ethical-humanistic values. of course, this is not the same as market ideology, which is based on pragmatic-materialistic values and favors competition above cooperation. the values put forward by the market ideology are not only instilled in schools, but have become actions that have developed in society. “yes, education is always related to the world of industry and the world of work. without professional education, we cannot prepare the needs of industrial workers and the world of work.” (interview with i wayan wita, 20 july 2021). the interview excerpts demonstrate that education is inextricably associated to the worlds of industry and work. education is considered as necessary for adjustment to the industrial world. when educators are challenged to give purpose to education, the vocational education mindset and the concept of link and match appear to persist. the strong public opinion that supports school-to-work is the product of the pragmatist culture's domination in the realm of education. according to nuryatno (2011: 83), pragmatism in education has given rise to the assumption that attending school is the same as looking for work. in fact, finding work is not the essence of school. looking for work is only part and not the main goal of people going to school. “later on, working in tourism is better, let alone being able to work in five-star hotels. the basic salary may be small, but the service (money) is big. thus, i take hospitality major to get training and get experience first.” (interview with made galang wibawa, 27 july 2021). according to the interview excerpt above, one of the reasons students select a tourism major is economic concern. students already perceive that the tourist industry is e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 more financially rewarding. the student's perception is similar to that of the balinese in general, who see tourism as a well-established industry. as a result, one of the things that students believe must be prepared in order for them to compete in the tourism industry is capital in the form of, among other things, diplomas and certificates of competence based on experience, one of which can be obtained while participating in on-the-job training or field work practices during school. this reality can be explained through bourdieu's approach which is the result of the interaction between habitus, modal, and realm. in this scenario, the process of social reproduction demonstrates the relationship between forms of social prestige, school education, and the desire to achieve success. “if the major is outside of tourism, what is it? because if i choose another major, my (academic) ability seems lacking. going to college is also not necessarily possible. now entering the vocational high school majoring in tourism, later i can immediately work. if there is an opportunity to continue, at least i will continue in the diploma later. but maybe i'll also try to test the cruise ship for fun later. if not accepted, just work in bali." (interview with gede suarnata yoga, 20 august 2021) the interview excerpt above demonstrates why students major in tourism as if they had no other option. the doxa concept proposed by bourdieu can explain why students pick this tourism department or school. bourdieu compares doxa in social interaction to ideology. doxa is a situation in which knowledge is taken for granted based on the individual's habitus and realm without any thought or consideration. in this case, the students are no longer critical of the tourism industry. they embrace it as something natural that should not be questioned. due to cultural unconsciousness, students select tourism majors or schools under the assumption that the tourist industry is something natural. they recognize the tourism industry as something they are familiar with. that is why, at the same time, they neither question nor criticize their experience. conclusion based on the discussion above, the development of the tourism sector in recent years has changed the mindset of balinese, particularly residents of south kuta. the tourism industry has also eclipsed the development of education in south kuta. students choose schools or majors that are closely related to tourism with the hopes that when they graduate, they will have more opportunities to work in the tourism industry. schools responded to the growth of the tourism industry in south kuta by opening tourism-related majors or expertise competences. it is also an industrial trend that makes tourism-related majors more appealing to students. the pervasiveness of industrial interests in the world of education is reflected in e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 the phenomenon of vocational education. what's more, the government is also aggressively campaigning for the link and match concept, namely the connection between education and the industrial world. policies that emphasize link and match in education can be interpreted as an encouragement to the industrial sector that requires skilled workers. the schools studied in this study are clearly subservient to the interests of the tourism industry. in addition, education also tends to be viewed narrowly as merely developing vocational competencies or practical skills. this phenomenon is inseparable from the construction of education that prioritizes economic interests over other interests. as a result, the noble vision of education has shifted from one of enlightenment and liberation to one of economic gain or capital accumulation. references adams, ian. 2004. ideologi politik mutakhir: konsep ragam, kritik, dan masa depannya. yogyakarta: qalam. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: bentang pustaka. haryatmoko. 2016. membongkar rezim kepastian pemikiran kritis poststrukturalis. yogyakarta: kanisius. kumbara, a a ngr anom. 2001. pembangunan pariwisata indonesia berdimensi kerakyatan dan berwawasan eko-budaya: belajar dari kasus pariwisata bali. (salinan makalah dipresentasikan dalam simposium dan lokakarya internasional tgl 18-21 juli 2001 di universitas andalang padang sumatra barat dengan tema globalisasi dan kebidayaan lokal: suatu dialektika menuju indonesia baru). nuryatno, m. agus. 2011. mazhab pendidikan kritis: menyingkap relasi pengetahuan politik dan kekuasaan. yogyakarta: resist book. purnaya, i g k. 2015. relasi kuasa pascareformasi dalam pengelolaan resor wisata nusa dua. jurnal kajian bali, volume 05, nomor 01, april 2015. ratna, nyoman kutha. 2010. metodologi penelitian: kajian budaya dan ilmu-ilmu sosial humaniora pada umumnya. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. suda, ketut. 2011. jelajah kajian budaya | exploring cultural studies. i made suastika, dkk. (eds). komodifikasi pendidikan dan kanibalisme intelektual dalam proses pembelajaran di sekolah. hlm. 98-111. denpasar: pustaka larasan. supratiknya, a. 2001. pendidikan: kegelisahan sepanjang zaman. sindhunata. (ed.). hantu masyarakat itu bernama pendidikan. hlm. 196-206. yogyakarta: kanisius. takwin, b. 2009. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik. pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu. harker, richard. et.al. (eds). proyek intelektual pierre bourdieu: melacak asal-usul masyarakat, melampaui oposisi biner dalam ilmu sosial. hlm. xv – xxv. yogyakarta: jalasutra. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 1-11 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 wattimena, reza aa. 2018. pedagogi kritis pemikiran giroux tentang pendidikan dan relevansinya untuk indonesia. jurnal filsafat universitas gajah mada yogyakarta vol. 28, no. 2. . microsoft word artikel sri elsita terbit3 e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 culture and history through wine in italy and greece manola maria1, angelopoulos marios2 1faculty member university of western attica, department of tourism, 2university of western attica, department of tourism email: 1managementmmanola@uniwa.gr, 2mariosangelopoulos@hotmail.com received date : 11-05-2021 accepted date : 21-07-2021 published date : 31-08-2021 abstract the purpose of this paper is to present the phenomenon of wine-making in greece and italy. to highlight the characteristics of wine tourism in those countries either positive or negative. also the “road of wine” in both countries is analyzed and the way they manage this event to welcome tourists and locals who want to learn more things about local wine. the first section analyzes the definition of tourism, tourist incentive, forms of alternative tourism and the consequences arising from tourism on the economy and society. the second section analyzes the history of wine in greece and italy. immediately after, the classification of the wine is developed based on the aging time but also based on the color. the concept of wine tourism and its goals are also being developed. the third section mentions the routes of the peloponnese in general and in particular which wineries and which places / islands take part in the event. immediately after, the routes of wineries of achaia are analyzed in the event “wine road”. then it is mentioned how the event “wine road” started in italy and especially in venice. keywords: cultural heritage, wine history, italy, greece, culture, wine roads . tourism concept as it is stated by leiper (1975), tourism is the transition and temporary stay of a man in a place different from that of his residence but also in a place, an area. the concept of tourism is different for each person. however, there are two common features that mark the concept of tourism. it is the temporary abandonment of physical and psychological motives and techno-economic mechanisms of tourist reception. when we talk about tourism, we mean traveling away from home. so as tourism we could name all the relationships but also of e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 phenomena where they occurred through a journey. this trip could be to a specific place of residence either domestically or internationally. 1. tourist incentive according to goeldner (1995) incentives which lead people to do tourism can be divided into four categories. these are : a) personal motivation. that is, the need to avoid the routine of everyday life that creates in people the desire to escape and meet new people or to visit friends or relatives. b) motivations of prestige and high social status. that is, the need of some people for personal development where it takes place through trips that are related to their work, attending conferences and more. c) incentives to serve and compensate for a limited freedom. that is, the break from the tedious rhythms of everyday life where they do not allow people to enjoy what pleases and relaxes them. d) incentives for education and exploration. it is the innate tendency of people to learn and experience new things which increase the educational level and the expansion of their horizons. 2. forms of alternative tourism the alternative forms of tourism are opposed to the traditional “forms” of mass development. in alternative tourism there are social as well as economic changes intended to improve the standard of living and of social culture. the alternative tourist generally pursues the acquaintance with the environment and culture. 3. consequences of tourism tourism is a successful industry in the modern era with a global character even though it appeared on 1950’s. this is, despite its relatively short lifespan. with the aim of achieving proper management of tourism policy a lot of researches and studies have been done. these recorded the effects of tourism in the society, the economy but also in culture. so starting with the economy, we can see that according to wto (world tourism organization ) tourism is e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 crucial. decisive in both national and global economic developments. the economic effects are: a) the inflow of foreign exchange, tourism remains its deficits developed and strengthens other areas in need of improvements. so, tourism is therefore a foreign exchange export industry. b) the strengthening of investments in new tourism economic activities. as long as tourism is developed more and more people want to work / deal in this area. this results in growth of gdp, that is with investments come new jobs but also money in the country. c) strengthening employment. tourism produces employment it is especially in countries like greece. that is, because countries like greece are affected by economic crisis and unemployment. an answer to these problems is tourism, because tourism sector offers many opportunities for permanent or seasonal work. in addition, it offers many career opportunities as it is considered more accessible than other sectors of the economy. society, on the other hand, cannot be left unaffected. the development of tourism is not necessarily bad. this is because a theoretically new step has its pros and cons. the development of tourism creates the tendency to copy in many things. for example, in customs, in the consumption of goods and in the way of life. there is still a shift in investments to provide tourist service from productive activities. on the other hand, the inhabitants of the tourist areas have changed their behavior towards tourists because it was something foreign to them and now everyone is communicative, take time and have direct contact with the tourist. concept and classification of wine tourism 1. the history of wine in greece grapes are a fruit which belongs to the category of fruits which were available to man and the world in general since antiquity. we could not claim with certainty where did the first vineyard exist. some areas are considered cradles of wine and viticulture. these areas are of the caucasus, mesopotamia and ancient egypt. viticulture is estimated to have started around 5.000 b.c. it is said that crete was the first region to hold wine in greece, then naxos and later wine got spread to the rest of greece. the ancient greeks mixed wine with water in e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 a ratio of 1:3 so that they will drink it. that is, one part wine and three parts water. for the ancient greeks wine was used to honor the god dionysus (god of wine and feasting), while the usual events were banquets where they drank wine. the clergy and the monks were the ones whom during the byzantine years dealt with viticulture. there was a decline in the quality of agricultural production and consequently the level of the wine. thus the best local winemaking traditions were articulated within the modern wineries of the monasteries of the times with a specific purpose. this goal resulted in the improvement of wine production techniques and the production of a large quantity of good quality wine as they did. in 1969 greece benefited from its efforts to join the european union. thus the wine legislation was revised and a new reality began for the wine industry. in 1971 we have the first categorization of greek wines. at that time, the first designations of origin of wine in greece were legislated according to the standards of french legislation. wine technologies have received serious investments and improvements in recent years in the greek wine industry. the technology helps the new generation of winemakers to be better educated so that their efforts pay off. as is the case with greek wines which continue to receive the highest awards in international competitions as well as the recognition they deserve. 2. the history of wine in italy wine tourism in italy started to grow as a thematic for of agro tourism in the ‘90s. at that time only a few areas took part and preceded the organization of wine tourism programs aimed at information of wine tourism. this is how they created the so-called “wine roads” with wineries to visit. in 1993 it became the first implementation of this program. this event became known to the whole italy and as a result they profited 200.000 euros. it should even be noted that from all over italy only 20 wineries had taken part in this event. these events continued to happen in the coming years. it started in northern italy and equally later in the rest of italy. these positive results made the first wineries in tuscany open their doors to the public in 1993. eventually attempts were made to hold a world event called “wine day”, but unfortunately this attempt was unsuccessful. this wine tourism movement and the association that now organizes the “wine road” printed brochures, promoted and above all taught the producers how to organize discounts, excursions and tasting days for visitors. even today this event exists in italy as well as others, at christmas time and the time when the grapes are picked. as always rapid growth has its pros and cons. today in italy the e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 percentage of winemakers who let people visit is very small. out of the 21.000 vineyards with one store, only 1.000 of them areproud to have trained multilingual staff, informative entertainment activity and a well-equipped shopping area. 3. wine classification based on aging time according to what i have read as of now the classification of wines in terms of aging is done depending on the time that has elapsed between the triangle and at the moment when the wines can be bottled. that is, after they are released for consumption. these intervals can be checked at any time through the winery’s books. the classification is divided into the following: a) early wines. these are the wines that can be sold in a very short period of time. the most typical example of such wines is beaujolais nouveau. b) fresh wines. these are wines where they must be consumed in a short time of period after they are released. that is after bottling them. c) aged wines. it is the wine which is found in barrels where on each one of them has a number that indicates months that the wine has been aging. d) cava. it’s a well know wine cellar which exists for table wines. as we understand, the wine cellar refers to aging time. two years aging for white wines and three for red wines respectively. e) finally, there are special indications. these tell us the category, the time and the method where it was used for for the aging of wines. there are, therefore, the indication selected (reserve) and specially selected (grande reserve). the term “reserve” exists for wines that have been aged in wooden barrels and bottles. 4. classification of wine based on money the classification based on color is the simplest. that’s because it is easily made depending on the color of the wine. so we have white and red wines. a) white wines. white wines are created by several varieties of grapes. so we have the following categories:  white wines coming from white varieties of grapes. e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19  white wines made by red varieties of grapes. this is because the majority of red grape cells do not contain pigments, so the flesh is white. this enables producers with careful ecchymosis to be able to produce white wines from red varieties. b) rosé wines. red wines or rosé wines are wines with light red color. they are created from red grape varieties or from red grapes only. c) red wines. red wines come exclusively from red grapes. the dark red wines are often referred to as black wines. 5. meaning of wine tourism for the development of the vineyard industry wine is considered to be an opportunity. as manola refers (2020), the wine is associated with the need for relaxation, communication with friends and hospitality. wine tourism is a kind of alternative tourism that is constantly evolving. wine tourism is a form of tourism where one thing takes place. this is because through visits to vineyards and wineries visitors / tourists learn the “route” or otherwise about the wine production processes. wine tourism includes some basic elements: a) visits of growers and buyers to vineyards for purchase or scientific purposes. that is, for business tourism and b) visits to vineyards in general, in order to understand the process of wine production or even tasting. however, it is not considered a new phenomenon. that is because there are reports of visits to vineyards and wineries where they had begun to take place from the beginning of classical times. 6. objectives of wine tourism according to the association of wine producers (2010), the wines created by any winemaker are positive and each one helps individually in the development of the greek winery and wine tourism. wine tourism nowadays is more and more connected with marketing. he’s responsible for the development of the viticulture industry. countries with a developed wine sector but also with a tradition in it use wine tourism as a strategy to reduce e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 the relationship with the consumer. tasting is one thing that results in the right information and product sales. the goals of wine tourism are:  maintaining or even generating local income  contribution to social and economic reception costs  contribution to the development of other sectors of an industrial nature  contribution to local facilities for example sports facilities but also contribution to services for example schools and  to contribute to the conversation of cultural resources as well as environmental resources. routes italy greece 1. wine roads of peloponnese for 3.500 years the area of ancient nemea is the area where the first vineyard was planted and from then the viticulture continues without interruption. the place / area of nemeahas been characterized as a name of origin. that’s because from this place the most important greek red wine variety is being created and bottled. this variety is known to all of us with the name agioreitiko. in this area there are several farms which have many vines around them. the vineyards extend to many areas of nemea. due to the soil which is of low fertility we result in high quality grapes. the distinctive quality of the wine is given by the combination of microclimate, the weather conditions and with the help of human resources. this increases the will of people / visitors either from greece or from other countries abroad to visit vineyards and wineries of this area. greek wines are recognized internationally as they hold several awards and greek wineries are of interest to the wine-lovers visitors. in today’s era of tasting and dining but also accommodations were created so that visitors / wine tourists can experience a complete tour of the vineyards. as the “wine road” was created in italy, the “wine roads of the peloponnese” event has been created, where the body that supports and plans this whole event is the association of wine producers of the peloponnese vineyards. there, the products of the peloponnese, where olive oil and diversity of local flavors are predominant, will accompany the very wide range of wines. the actions of this association are great and from the islands in the western part of greece. like the islands of the ionian sea where it is one of the most popular tourist destination in greece. the wine roads of the peloponnese invite wine and wine tourism lovers to visit and discover the magic e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 of its vineyards. the routes have been addressed and designed so that the incomparable beauty of the landscapes enchants the visitors to get to know the world of wine in 40 wineries. wine roads of achaia: the wine roads of achaia are full of exciting routes. these routes are directly in the mountains but also at sea. one of the most charming areas of the peloponnese for wine tourism in achaia is kalavrita. kalavrita is full of sights and beautiful landscapes. the wine road of achaia is an enjoyable experience in any season, whether winter or summer. next to the sea on the beach of egialia, the railway of odontotos which crosses the gorge of vouraikos, the caves, the archeological sites and the monasteries of the area. 2. wine roads of italy as we have seen in the history of italian wine since the 90’s, the so-called “wine roads” were created. nevertheless, this event had started with a few wineries, mainly from rome. in other words, all this started in the capital of italy. it was a way for the italians to learn the quality of the wines but also to create the interest of foreigners / tourists to take part in the event. since other regions of italy and more specifically wineries of other regions noticed the impact of this event, immediately afterwards other wineries took part in it. the “wine roads of italy” include a visit to the vineyards, passes by beautiful coastal and mountainous places. in the mountainous parts, anyone who wants to do mountaineering can observe the area or even the vineyards of the winemakers from a high altitude. despite its smaller size compared to france where it is only 60%, italy has a successful and worldrenowned wine production. a large number of wine tourists and ordinary wine lovers dream of visiting venice. one reason is to see how the venetians have managed to create vineyards in that place and the second reason is to visit the beautiful venice, go on gondolas and see sights. apart from these, there are many competitions, for example the competition called vinofonino. vino meaning wine and telefonino meaning mobile phone. according to wine news (2007), wine tourists take part in this competition and it is said that they spent their day through photos or videos where they took themselves form wineries and in general from this competition. the photos of the winner will be posted on the website of the event partner. this competition is help by some wineries as part of the “wine roads of italy” event. wine roads of venice: the name veneto, which is also the name of the capital venice, comes from a tribe called the veneti. veneto, located in northern italy, is just one of e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 the three regions of northern italy. these three regions called trentino-alto adige and fruilivenezia-giulia together with the veneto region cover northeastern italy and produce some of the best white wines in the country. for example, amarone has been placed on the list of the best wines in the world. this was rated by professionals and wine lovers. of these three areas veneto is the best known. in the past, the region produced and exported poor quality wines to great britain and united states. at that time the aim was to produce delicious easily but also in large quantities of wines. so, they did not pay attention to high standards and expectations. in veneto, however, they achieved this with great success. this production volume in quantity of wine grapes in the veneto region is corresponding and competes with respective producers in the regions of sicily and pulp. nevertheless, in recent years, winemaking has taken place in veneto, highlighting the area and its potential. thus, the “wine roads of venice” were created, where well-known varieties of wine from italy and the region of venice are presented. the veneto area is divided into 4 zones. due to the special peculiarity, there are crops in the river called pados (po). that is, it is a riparian zone where there are winery vineyards and it is the coastal zone where venice is located. the river pados (po) flows through venice and divides it into three regions. these areas are: a) area to the west where lake garda and a volcanic mountain range called monte lessiniare located. there we find the wines soave, valpolicella and bardolino. in this area the city of verona where there is an exhibition of italian wines which attracts lovers of wine and wine tourism from around the world to visit and buy. b) area in the northern hills of veneto, above treviso. in this area there are two villages where a famous sparkling wine called prosecco is produced. c) the central veneto, from venice to vetsenza where you can find the well-known and easy-to-drink merlot, cabernet sauvignon and pinot grigio up to the very interesting wines produced in the colliberici, collieuganei and breganze regions. conclusions greece is already a very developed tourist destination. the sea, the sun and the incomparable beauty of the landscapes attract millions of tourists per time. the emergence of a new alternative tourism in greece was a matter of time. wine tourism is therefore growing rapidly and in the coming years it is estimated that it will be able to compete with destinations in italy where wine tourism has evolved more for example, the region of tuscany and venice. e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 the country has many wine-producing zones, especially in the law of achaia, where they can be turned into vineyards. to do this, however, great care is required and organized effort to organize the wineries, to keep their architecture and their history. motivation of a simple person who loves wine and a wine tourist to follow the wine routes and visit the wineries of achaia and the peloponnese in general is enough. for example, the tours in the vineyards, the acquaintance with the winemaker, the modern hospitality facilities and the participation in activities. the “wine roads” essentially connect the wineries of each region with wine tourist being able to be guided to other destinations. bibliography foreign bibliography – articles:  donatella cinelli colombini (2015). "wine tourism in italy" .dove press open access to scientific and medical research. [15/12/2020]  fournier v. (2017). "insights from wine’s amateurs for wine tourism"  minguzzi a. (2010). "managing wine tourism in italy" .journal of tourism consumption and practice. volume 2: issue 1  hall m., mitchell r., (2001). "wine tourism in the mediterranean: a tool for restructuring and development" . wiley online library. [28/12/2020]  presenza a. ,minguzzi a. &petrillo c. (2010). "managing wine tourism in italy" .journal of tourism consumption and practice. volume 2: issue 1  anonymus (2007). "arriva il “vinofonino” dedicato agli appassionati … tutte le iniziative, regione per regione, dell’evento simbolo del movimento del turismo del vino, quest’anno di scena il 27 maggio" on winenews [10/1/2021] greek bibliography – articles:  ioannidou a. (2018)."wine tourism in northern greece". thesis, university of aegean  malakou e. (2020). "nemea: wineries of nemea archeological site nemea wine roads – big days of nemea – nemea games – agioritiko wine and corinthian raisins "  floudas g. (2019). "veneto". wine plus magazine no.38 e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 14-24 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24  angelopoulos k. (2018). "wine tourism in greece". thesis, technological educational institution of peloponnese  mpoulasidou k. (2007). "wine tourism and its development prospects in greece". thesis, national school of public administration  manola m. (2020). "the gastronomy as an art and its role in the local economic development of a tourism destination:a literature review". journal of economics and business, volume 70 issue 1-2, pp. 81-92  sehremeli p. (2018). "analysis of the wine industry in greece". thesis, university of piraeus ideologi komodifikasi spb 1 ideologi komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong di banjar denjalan-batur, batubulan, gianyar i wayan subrata fakultas ilmu agama dan kebudayaan universitas hindu indonesia subrata.iwayan@yahoo.co.id denpasar bali abstrak seni pertunjukan barong di banjar denjalan-batur desa batubulan gianyar merupakan salah satu daya tarik wisata yang sengaja digagas, diproduksi, dan didistribusikan kepada biro perjalanan untuk konsumsi wisatawan mancanegara dan domestik. ideologi yang ada di balik komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong mampu membuatnya eksis sampai sekarang untuk memenuhi kebutuhan pariwisata di bali. tulisan ini mengangakat masalah tentang ideologi apakah yang terkandung dalam komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong di banjar denjalan-batur desa batubulan gianyar bali sehingga dapat diterima oleh masyarakat dan menjadi daya tarik wisata. penelitian menggunakan teknik observasi, wawancara, dan studi dokumentasi. secara ringkas penenelitian ini diuraikan sebagai berikut. ideologi balih-balihan (seni hiburan bersifat komersial) yang mendasari komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong dengan cara membuat duplikat seperti aslinya tetapi tidak asli bersifat profan dipentaskan secara regular tiap hari pada dua tempat pertunjukan, yakni stage pura pererepan dan stage pura puseh. seni pertunjukan barong yang asli (sakral) dipentaskan dalam kaitan upacara agama di pura disebut seni bebali. di balik itu semua mempunyai tujuan untuk mendapatkan keuntungan berupa uang. penghasilan dari seni pertunjukan barong untuk memenuhi kebutuhan hidup bagi pemilik seni pertunjukan barong dan masyarakat lokal serta pihak-pihak terkait. kata kunci: ideologi, komodifikasi, seni pertunjukan barong, bebali, balih-balihan. pendahuluan seni pertunjukan barong merupakan seni pertunjukan barong dalam kaitannya dengan pelaksanaan upacara agama, bersifat religius magis diyakini memiliki kekuatan gaib sebagai penetralisasi keadaan alam dari gangguan roh-roh jahat yang bersifat mengganggu (penolak bala). sebagaimana tercantum dalam lontar barong swari (segara, 2000:16), pada saat dewi uma menjadi dewi durga turun ke dunia atas kutukan bhatara guru. dewi durga murka dan melakukan yoga ke empat penjuru, yaitu menghadap ke utara menjadi gering lumintu (wabah penyakit), menghadap ke barat menjadi gering memancuh, menghadap ke selatan menjadi gering rung bhuana, dan saat menghadap ke timur terjadilah gering utah bayar (muntah mencret). dalam hal ini, untuk menyelamatkan dunia sang hyang tri murti mengubah wujudnya menjadi bhatara iswara, menjelma menjadi barong. dalam lontar siwagama (sura dan nuarca, mailto:subrata.iwayan@yahoo.co.id 2 2002: 236), dijelaskan bahwa bhatara iswara menjadi swari (barong), beliau bertandang dan menari-nari, menyanyi, serta melakoni kisah perjalanan bhatara guru terlebih dulu. kemudian, bhatara iswara menjadi barong untuk mengusir para bhuta kala atau roh-roh jahat. barong merupakan perwujudan atau manifestasi sang hyang tri murti (terdiri atas brahma, wisnu, dan iswara) sesuai dengan bentuk dan atribut pada barong yang mewakili salah satu kekuatan dari tiga dewa tersebut. barong mempunyai posisi penting dalam kehidupan masyarakat bali. posisi penting pertunjukan barong yang dimaksudkan adalah sebagai penolak bala (mengusir wabah penyakit). di sisi lain bali sebagai daerah tujuan pariwisata membutuhkan sarana dan prasana termasuk atraksi seni budaya. seni pertunjukan barong menjadi daya tarik wisata sehingga terjadi komodifikasi untuk konsumsi wisatawan. hal itu terjadi di banjar denjalan-batiur desa batubulan gianyar bali. sebagai sebuah permasalahan yaitu ideologi apakah yang terkandung dalam komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong di banjar denjalan-batur desa batubulan gianyar bali sehingga dapat diterima oleh masyarakat dan menjadi daya tarik wisata? hal inilah yang dikaji sehingga seni pertunjukan barong sebagai fenomena budaya dan daya tarik wisata jelas keberadaannya. tujuannya untuk memahami dan mendekonstruksi ideologi yang tersembunyi di balik komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong tersebut. adapun mamfaat penelitian ini dapat memberikan wawasan keilmuan yang holistik-integratif dan secara akademis dapat diteliti lebih mendalam. metode penelitian penelitian ini merupakan penelitian lapangan dengan menggunakan metode kualitatif. ciri kualitatif dapat dikatakan sudah melekat dalam setiap kajian budaya serta penelitian ini menekankan pada penggalian, penjelasan, dan pendeskripsian pengetahuan secara etik, emik, dan holistik. dasar pemikiran banjar denjalan-batur desa batubulan gianyar sebagai lokasi penelitian karena di banjar tersebut ada komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong yang dilakukan sejak dari dahulu sampai sekarang secara konsisten melalui organisasi tradisional dalam lingkup banjar disebut pemaksan. semuan anggota banjar terlibat sebagai pemaksan sehingga keberadaan dan keberlangsungan seni pertunjukan barong yang sakral maupun seni pertunjukan barong untuk wisata dapat dilakukan, dan secara ekonomi hasil dari seni pertunjukan barong untuk wisata dapat dinikmati oleh anggota banjar dan masyarakat desa. teknik 3 pengumpulan data menggunakan teknik observasi, teknik wawancara, dan teknik dokumentasi. teknik penyajian data tidak terbatas pada penyusunan data tetapi meliputi analisis dan interpretasi mengenai makna data tersebut. hasil dan pembahasan althusser (2010:34-35) menyatakan ideologi adalah sistem gagasan dan pelbagai representasi yang mendominasi benak manusia atau kelompok sosial. ideologi menurut pandangan piliang (2006: 20), ideologi merupakan sistem kepercayaan dan sistem nilai serta representasinya dalam berbagai media dan tindakan sosial. dalam terminologi marx, ideologi dikatakan sebuah kesadaran palsu yang mengacu pada nilai moral tinggi dengan sekaligus menutup kenyataan bahwa di belakang nilai-nilai luhur itu tersembunyi kepentingan egois oleh kelompok khususnya kelas-kelas kekuasaan. ini berarti bahwa ideologi merupakan peta-peta makna yang meskipun seolah tampak seperti kebenaran universal, ia adalah pemahaman-pemhaman yang secara histories bersifat spesifik, yang menyelubungi dan melanggengkan kekuasaan (barker, 2005:67). .sementara itu, abdullah (2007:119), menekankan bahwa kebudayaan pasar bertumpu pada konsep harga dan praktik transaksi menjadi semakin dominan dan ekspansinya tidak terkendali. berpijak dari pengertian ideologi tersebut di atas, dalam kaitannya dengan tulisan ini bahwa ideologi di sini menekankan pada gagasan-gagasan yang berbeda-beda tetapi kemudian menjadi gagasan yang sama untuk kepentingan bersama-sama dalam kelompoknya dengan melanggengkan kekuasaan. komodifikasi asal kata komoditas, dan marx memberi makna segala yang diproduksi dan diperjualbelikan. komodifikasi (commodification) adalah sebuah proses menjadikan sesuatu yang sebelumnya bukan komoditi menjadi komoditi (piliang, 2006: 21). komodifikasi memiliki makna yang luas dan tidak hanya menyangkut masalah produksi komoditas barang dan jasa yang diperjualbelikan akan tetapi termasuk juga di dalamnya barang dan jasa yang didistribusikan dan dikonsumsi. menurut pengertian fairclough (1995: 27), komodifikasi merupakan suatu konsep yang luas, tidak hanya menyangkut masalah produksi komoditas dalam pengertian perekonomian yang sangat sempit tentang barang-barang yang diperjualbelikan, melainkan menyangkut suatu permasalahan bagaimana barang-barang tersebut diproduksi, didistribusikan, dan dikonsumsi termasuk di dalamnya. dalam kaitannya dengan komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong di banjar denjalan-batur desa batubulan, gianyar, bali bahwa produksi dilakukan ditempat pertunjukan (stage), 4 distribusi melalui biro perjalanan, pramuwisata (pemandu wisata), dan brosur-brosur menyangkut barang atau jasa yang diproduksi, serta dikonsumsi oleh wisatawan. ideologi yang mengutamakan talenta komodifikasi dan selera konsumen. kreasi seni tumbuh sebagai media pemuas pasar, elok dalam kemasan, tetapi cendrung narsisis, seperti seni turistik (geria, 2009: 7). pernyataan ini merupakan gambaran, di mana terjadinya komodifikasi seni, dalam hal ini seni pertunjukan barong untuk tujuan pemenuhan selera wisatawan mancanegara dan domestik. di samping itu ada tujuan yang diinginkan oleh pihak pelaku sekaligus pemilik seni pemilik seni pertunjukan barong untuk mendapatkan keuntungan secara ekonomi dalam bentuk uang. apa yang dilakukan pemilik seni pertunjukan barong adalah benar bersifat syah, logis dan estetis. seni sebagai ekspresi kehebohan simbol, seperti dinyatakan baudrilard (geria, 2009: 7) adalah strategi untuk merebut signal urban. perluasan sistem ekonomi kapitalisme mengakibatkan manusia selalu berpikir tentang barang dan jasa apa yang bisa dijual untuk mendapatkan uang. seniman, budayawan dan masyarakat cukup cerdas mengapresiasi dan merepresentasikan aneka karya seni. di mana kenikmatan ideologi yakni ideologi pasar lebih bersifat sekuler atau bertumpu pada pemenuhan hasrat keduniawian yang sangat menarik. sebaliknya tawaran agama-agama dunia mengarah kepada pemenuhan kenikmatan rohaniah dan jasmaniah secara berimbang. para seniman dan budayawan di bali menggolongkan kesenian menjadi tiga golongan, yakni seni wali (tari sakral hanya bisa ditarikan pada saat upacara agama), seni bebali (kesenian semi sakral), dan seni balih-balihan (seni hiburan). klasifikasi ini dirumuskan tahun 1971 untuk memperoleh pegangan dalam kebijaksanaan kesenian di bali (bandem, 1996:49). pemilik seni pertunjukan barong banjar denjalan-batur desa batubulan, dipengaruhi oleh ideologi balih-balihan yakni dari seni bebali (kesenian sebagai pengiring jalannya upacara keagamaan) menjadi seni balih-balihan (seni hiburan yang bersifat komersial). ideologi balih-balihan di balik pementasan seni pertunjukan barong, sesungguhnya bukanlah semata-mata uang yang dijadikan ukuran atau dengan kata lain tidak segala sesuatunya kemudian diukur dengan uang yang terlibat dalam semua urusan manusia. akan tetapi masih mempertimbangkan tentang keberlanjutan atau keberlangsungan kesenian yang mereka miliki. semua seni pertunjukan memerlukan biaya untuk menghadirkannya di atas panggung pertunjukan (ongkos produksi). 5 ongkos produksi dalam pandangan seniman setempat sering diandaikan dan dihaluskan dengan istilah belin pupur. sesungguhnya di balik itu ada keinginan untuk mendapatkan ongkos yang setimpal akan tetapi prinsip dasar seniman menganut budaya tradisional bahwa seni untuk ngayah (ungkapan rasa sosial) (subrata, 2012: 228). pendirian ini menjadikan seniman merasa tanpa beban dalam berkarya tetapi dalam setiap berkarya selalu menginginkan karyanya yang terbaik. sebagai sebuah kesenian komodifikasi telah berlangsung lama dan secara ekonomi menguntungkan adalah untuk meningkatkan tarap hidup warga masyarakat setempat. ideologi balih-balihan dengan cara menggunakan duplikat barong seperti yang asli tetpi tidak asli dan profan. adanya dugaan akan memudarnya rasa kebersamaan namun belum terbukti memudarnya serta hilangnya humanitas (perikemanusiaan) di antara mereka maupun terhadap orang lain. dengan demikian, ideologi balih-balihan memberikan manfaat untuk kepentingan bersama. suatu hal penting bahwa seni pertunjukan barong yang sakral (bebali) masih tetap ada ditempatkan pada posisi yang sebanarnya dan seni pertunjukan barong yang profan (balih-balihan) untuk kepentingan pariwisata. simpulan dan saran sebagai suatu simpulan, bahwa komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong di banjar denjalan-batur desa batubulan, gianyar, bali memiliki ideologi bebali menjadi balihbalihan yakni menjadikan seni pertunjukan barong yang sakral menjadi seni pertunjukan barong profan dengan maksud di balik itu untuk konsumsi wisatawan dan meraih keuntungan finansial. keuntungan yang diraih dapat meningkatkan tarap hidup bagi pemaksan (banjar), masyarakat setempat karena semua yang terlibat dalam kesenian tersebut adalah warga banjar dan desa. tidak saja dapat menambah penghasilan secara perorang juga organisasi banjar atau pemaksan, masyarakat desa setempat dan pihak yang terkait. . sebagai sebuah fenomena budaya pengelola seni pertunjukan barong banjar denjalan-batur desa batubulan, gianyar, bali agar terus berbenah diri, kreatif dan inovatif karena persaingan semakin ketat. agar kualitas yang dimiliki tatap diakui oleh wisatawan, biro perjalanan dan yang lainnya. 6 daftar pustaka abdullah, irwan. 2007. kontruksi dan reproduksi kebudayaan. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. althusser, louis, 2010. tentang ideologi: marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalis, cultural studies, yogyakarta: jalasutra. bandem, i made. 1996. etimologi tari bali. yogyakarta: kanisius. barker, chris, 2005. cultural studies, teori dan praktek. yogyakarta: bentang. fairclough, norman. 1995. discourse and social change. cambridge: palito press. geria, wayan. 2009. “memaknai kreativitas berkesenian sebagai hak asasi manusia”. bali post rabo umanis 17 juni. halaman 7. piliang, yasraf amir. 2006. dunia yang dilipat, tamasya melampui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta: jalasutra. segara, yoga. 2009. mengenal barong dan rangda. surabaya: paramita. soedarsono. 2002. seni pertunjukan indonesia di era globalisasi. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. subrata, i wayan. 2012. “komodifikasi seni pertunjukan barong di banjar denjalanbatur desa batubulan, gianyar, bali”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana. sura, i gde, dan nuarca. 2002. kajian naskah lontar siwagama. dinas kebudayaan propinsi bali. microsoft word artikel a.n. fauzan terbit 1 e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 relation of power-knowledge in bali mandara discourse fauzan al jundi1, i ketut ardhana2, i nyoman suarka3 1master degree programme of cultural studies, udayana university, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1fauzanaljundi5@gmail.com, 2phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com, 3nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id received date : 31-12-2021 accepted date : 11-03-2022 published date : 31-05-2022 abstract bali has great potentials in its beautiful nature and unique culture, which the government uses as an opportunity to implement regional development using the concept of bali mandara. this study aims to find out why the development of bali province applying the concepts of bali mandara becomes a polemic for some balinese, the existence of a power-knowledge relation in the concept of bali mandara discourse, and the implications of the development process implementing the bali mandara program. the data were analyzed using power-knowledge relation theory and generative structure. the results showed pros and cons in the planning and implementation of the development of the bali province. the rules and policies arranged in regional regulations (perda) to support bali's development are powerknowledge relations that the government applies to achieve the goals. bali mandara program has been implemented in less than a decade. various benefits are the fundamental basis for the readiness of the balinese to face a better future. keywords: bali mandara, discourse, relation, power-knowledge. introduction bali is familiar with the island of the god (pulau dewata) with excellent tourism potential, which attracted the world. geographically, it only has an area of 0.29% of the territory of indonesia. in the 2020 population census, the population was around 4.32 million people. this condition indeed cannot be separated from the impact of bali's development in recent years. the potential of beautiful nature and its unique culture lead bali to become an international tourism destination. it makes bali possess a variety of names, such as the island of heaven, the island of a thousand temples, and the island of peace (suharja, 2016: 66). recently, the concept of modern tourism has led and dominated the development of the bali region through various policies issued by the government. in addition, the e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 influence of globalization with its capitalist system will prevent the development of bali in the future. the government notices this as an opportunity to develop bali. there is no better way to escape from the globalization of the capitalist economy implemented by western countries. until the emergence of the concept of development based on the vision of bali mandara as outlined in the regional regulation of the province of bali number 9 of 2009 concerning the medium term development plan of the province of bali (rpjmd) 2008-2013. bali mandara is a concept of a developed, safe, peaceful, and prosperous bali. mangku pastika formulated this concept as governor of bali at that time. in 2008, he first introduced developed bali. it is a dynamic bali, constantly moving in the dynamics of world movements and developments. safe bali is bali that has a balance of correlation between the needs of human relations with other humans, human relations with the natural environment, and humans with their god, which is in line with the concept of tri hita karana. a safe bali is also a bali protected from other opposing ideologies such as terrorism, anarchism, and others. peaceful bali is bali which is always in a conducive condition. lastly, prosperous bali is the accumulation of progress, security, and peace. this study discusses the advantages and disadvantages of a decade of implementation of the bali mandara program for the development of bali province. the intention to develop the tourism industry in several areas does not always run smoothly. there is much resistance from some balinese. this paper focuses on the existence of power-knowledge relations in the bali mandara discourse. there has been a great deal of interest both in the formulation of the bali mandara concept and in the ongoing development process in bali for several years. furthermore, this research will also explore what people want for bali itself because there are suspicions of the many voices or aspirations of the people, which are contrary to the bali mandara discourse. concept and theories the concepts used in this study are discourse, power, knowledge, and bali mandara. discourse is a language that becomes a social event, providing a language for making statements about specific topics in certain historical periods (haryatmoko, 2017:34). discourse is also a sea of words, languages used in various circumstances (ankersmit, 1987: 308). power operates through means, techniques, mechanisms (barker, 2014:231). the meaning of power in cultural studies is not repressive power, political structure, master and servant, government, and dominant social class, but a powerful strategy in which power is practiced, accepted and seen as truth. human knowledge is nothing more e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 than a metaphor. the objectivity of knowledge turns out to be just fiction, to hide natural perspectives and interests (adian, 2002: 20). knowledge is always linked to power, the link that strengthens each other. bali mandara, formulated by the governor of bali, mangku pastika, is a developed, safe, peaceful, and prosperous bali. this paper uses the power-knowledge relation and generative structure theories. according to michael foucault, the concept of power is one dimension and relation. where there is a relationship, there is a power (sutrisno and putranto, 2005: 146). foucault links power with knowledge, so power produces knowledge, and knowledge provides power. power does not always work through oppression and repression, but also the regulation implemented by the government using bali mandara discourse. accidentally, power operates in the network of public awareness. because power does not come from the outside, but it determines the structure, rules, and relationships from the inside. foucault stated that power is always actualized through knowledge, and knowledge always has a powerful effect. bourdieu's generative structural theory tries to understand the social structure of society and the changes and developments that occurred in it. in bourdieu’s opinion, social analysis always aims to reveal the structures of economic domination and the government's symbolic domination through bali mandara discourse. the structure is the rules that are formed and exist that affect the habitual development of an individual. the people are not only invited to participate in following the directions and programs launched by the government and work so organized with awareness for their necessities. in this condition, there is a dialectical relationship between the structure and how individuals construct their social reality. research methods the design of the research is a qualitative method in which the participants were observed and interviewed without selecting purposive informants and document studies. this qualitative research method emphasizes in-depth descriptions that are emic, ethical, and holistic (saifuddin, 2005: 89-91). the method used by cultural studies researchers is known as the naturalistic method due to its real condition. therefore, qualitative research does not only describe socio-cultural phenomena, but also finds out the ideology hidden behind them (ratna, 2010: 94-95). it was described in the form of words, language in a special context that is natural and by utilizing various natural methods (moleong, 2010: 6). e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 discussion the polemic of development plans with the bali mandara concept a. the existence of bali mandara for the community the management of bali mandara's development transition arose from the accumulation of values that exist in balinese society, social ideals, and the struggle of thinking about the choice of point of view in reviewing problems and a future vision of balinese culture. bali's provincial government is humiliated, attempting to serve the population by dealing with numerous issues packed with the bali mandara discourse. behind it all, it is undeniable that bali is an indonesian province that relies primarily on tourism for a living. bali has its charms in the tourism sector due to its natural beauty and distinct culture, and it is the backbone of the national tourism industry. moreover, the benefits of tourism, bali has reached a fork in the road in its future. tourism is a two-edged sword that forces bali to choose between a source of income and devastation of balinese nature and culture. for the sake of tourism, the generic culture of bali has been sacrificed based on the knowledge that tourism is for bali, not bali for tourism (picard, 2006:185). local cultural wisdom, which promotes the preservation of both nature and the environment and the realization of the concept of tri hita karana, has become a victim of tourism interests that demand the development of various tourism infrastructures that increasingly marginalize nature and environmental conservation. if there is a question that balinese people today find difficult to answer, it could be what is the future of balinese culture? or the question of whether balinese culture will be extinct by state power, modernization, and capitalism? covarrubias posed these questions in the first decade of modern bali tourism's history (covarrubias, 1937:391). many studies have been conducted on the challenges and dialectics of balinese culture in dealing with the effect of modernization, science, and technology. ideas concerning future balinese culture and techniques for achieving them are generally provided in thematic and partial studies. although some academics and balinese community leaders hold a balanced stance, the majority are divided into two major views. the first view is cautious and wise, and it favors the discourse of cultural preservation and revitalization. meanwhile, the second view prefers to believe in the open and flexible fire of balinese culture's spirit, and is eager to explore the limitless possibilities that globalization presents. b. tourism-based modern infrastructure development the bali provincial government continues to boost infrastructure development in several bali province regions to carry out various parts of national development. several e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 areas in bali are being developed to serve the tourism industry so that it can continue to grow and thrive. it can be seen in the buildings constructed with a dominating tourism accent, such as hotels and other infrastructure designed to help the bali tourism sector advance and meet national targets. following that, the governor of bali embarked on a huge development project to assist the development of tourism in bali through technological breakthroughs in carrying out the bali mandara program. several big facilities, including the bali mandara toll road, underpass, bali mandara hospital, bali mandara school, and the tourism icon, the gigantic garuda wisnu kencana statue, were erected to address the issues that impede tourism progress. governor mangku pastika is concerned about traffic congestion in bali, particularly in tourist regions crowded with visitors like kuta and south kuta. as a result, the government understands the critical importance of developing land, sea, and air infrastructure to promote tourism. as a kind of assistance for tourism development in bali, specifically to address the issue of congestion in tourist sites. besides, the character of tourism that stresses comfort and safety is a crucial factor to consider. as a result, the government has made several initiatives to improve transportation in the bali province. one of which is the effort to develop a toll road called the bali mandara toll road, the dewa ruci underpass, and the ngurah rai tugu underpass, all to relieve traffic congestion. c. resistance from several components of balinese society governor mangku pastika cautions bali not to become complacent because of its ability to attract millions of tourists. as a result, his party continues to invest in infrastructural development, such as the construction of the bali mandara toll road and island reclamation, to ensure that the island remains a tourist magnet. however, behind it all, environmental activists counter that infrastructure development such as toll roads and reclamation has eroded bali’s traditional values and local life. as a follow-up, it generates the emergence of critical views, resulting in various activities in the forms of protests, pleas, and solutions. in the case of tourism that has been systematically developed since the start, the bali government sees the tourism sector as a promising opportunity. this caused turmoil in balinese society, causing various resistances. the resistance was motivated by several factors, namely social, cultural, environmental, and economic factors. the economic factor is the dominant factor in the resistance from the balinese people. in addition, the development has had a fairly large impact, such as violations of human rights, social inequality, loss of livelihoods for some residents, disruption of religious activities around the coast. further, the impact on nature such as e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 the destruction of coral reefs, abrasion in other places, disruption of natural cycles, and changes in land use. the community engaged in several resistance actions in response to the construction of tourism amenities. various groups of people who were part of a unitary action named the bali people's forum rejecting reclamation or forbali carried out resistance in various forms, ranging from demonstrations to criticism. actions such as demonstrations in various places to reject the construction of reclamation projects carried out by some elements who are members of forbali began to reverberate throughout pulau dewata (the island of the gods). figure 1. indigenous people who are members of forbali take action against reclamation around jimbaran (document: fauzan, 2017) forbali is a cross-sectoral alliance of balinese civil society consisting of institutions and individuals including students, ngos, artists, youth, musicians, academics, and individuals who care about the environment and believe that the benoa bay reclamation is a policy that harms the island of bali. as this movement gained traction, many people realized that that the benoa bay reclamation plan would only threaten the nature of bali and the balinese people. the power-knowledge relationship behind the bali mandara discourse bali provincial regulation number 9 of 2009 about the regional medium-term development plan (rpjmd) was formulated to facilitate all programs from the bali mandara discourse during mangku pastika's first term as governor of bali. this is the basis for making a development plan for the second period of 2013-2018, although there are dynamics of changes on the way. it is through this regional regulation that the bali e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 provincial government carries out all development programs and all the objectives to be achieved. making many rules and policies that support the implementation of development to be faster and avoid various obstacles. where it all comes together to accomplish governor mangku pastika's vision and objective for the bali mandara discourse. discourse is a knowledge system that provides information about social techniques and governing techniques which are forms of power in modern society. this is also an act of government language directed at the truth that occurs not only in scientific reasoning. but also colloquial language as used in meetings, political speeches, and discussions in various circumstances. not only that, the provincial government of bali also uses knowledge in the implementation of numerous development projects through the utilization of power relations. knowledge is inextricably linked to power, a bond that does not cancel out but rather strengthens it. armed with the knowledge of psychology, a person has the power to judge the mental state of others. that power is hidden in the performance of feelings, love, awareness, and instincts (kebung, 2002: 34). human knowledge is nothing more than a metaphor, the objectivity of knowledge is only fiction, to hide real perspectives and interests. every discourse has a link between its expression, the information that underpins it, and the power dynamics that function behind it. every discourse is integrated with the power that operates behind it and also cannot be separated from the power relations hidden behind it which are the product of the practice of power (piliang, 2004:223). regional development in bali cannot be isolated from the participation of the balinese people as a whole, including the executive's role in government management. in terms of infrastructure development, mangku pastika, the governor of bali, is particularly concerned on the bali mandara toll road, the ngurah rai, and dewa ruci intersection underpass projects. moreover, the reclamation of benoa bay, which allows investors to neglect environmental issues and cultural values, is a government dominance practice that occurs while carrying out the bali mandara program. the tug of war between the political interests of the elite, both at the center and at the regional level, will undoubtedly color every decision-making (dwipayana, 2010: 5). implications of the implementation of the bali mandara development on pulau dewata (the island of the gods) in less than a decade since the concept of bali mandara was implemented, various forms of implementation have been carried out, and the benefits are felt which are fundamentally the basis for the readiness of the balinese people to face a better future. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 the disagreements and differences in reviewing the urgency and priorities that characterize the process show the dynamics of a society that actively expresses its interest in good governance. the continuity of the process in the dialectic of the development of a modern, advanced and complete society in the vitality of balinese cultural values, a structure and culture of the society in a new continuity can be seen here. the continuity of the process in the journey of implementing leadership for a decade of bali mandara's development management transformation is needed as a retrospective record and social responsibility, as well as being a marker of achievements in a period of balinese history. this culture and landscape that has been cultivated by the balinese throughout history is the basic capital for the development of bali tourism. through the tourism sector, the province of bali has contributed to bali's tourism foreign exchange reaching rp. 116 trillion or around 41.43 percent of the national tourism foreign exchange of rp. 280 trillion. according to figures from 2019, foreign tourist visits to bali reached 6.3 million persons, accounting for approximately 39.1 percent of all foreign tourists in the country. not only that, but tourism contributed 53 percent of the bali economy, particularly to umkm and cooperatives, and employed approximately 1.1 million people. as the main drive in bali's economic development, the development of the tourism sector is directed at solving basic economic problems. particularly in terms of increasing work prospects, expanding business opportunities, providing people's fundamental necessities, distributing income, and hastening poverty eradication. the bali provincial government carries out balanced development of the tourism sector and other sectors. this is due to the fact that tourism is a very substantial contributor to the economy of bali province and is particularly sensitive in terms of absorbing workers. graph 1. human development index 2010-2019 (source: central statistics agency (bps) bali province, 2019) e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 the overall improvement in the quality of life is reflected in the improvement in the human development index (hdi), showing a graph that continues to increase from 20102019. improving environmental quality and natural resource management to achieve sustainable development in all sectors and fields of rural development. in addition, infrastructure improvements aim to increase the quantity and quality of various development support facilities. the bali mandara program focuses on community welfare, by reducing the number of impoverished people and generating job possibilities which can lower the open unemployment rate and strengthen the village's position as the foundation for economic progress. mangku pastika. many saw it as vital to continue for the balinese people's goals and societal ideals to be achieved, while many were dismayed to witness the reality of the implications of regional development through the bali mandara program. the strengths and weaknesses discovered in the field must be strictly examined so that any flaws in the program's execution can be remedied immediately. the more desirable conditions are the conditions for the implementation of life in society and good governance, which can also be called good governance. to do this, the community and local government in bali must carry out social transformation based on jengah (embarrassed) values. it is the outcome of being a government agency or institution that is most responsible for ensuring the survival of the balinese people. conclusion based on the discussion above, there are pros and cons to planning and implementing the development of the bali province. for those who are in favor, as long as it does not violate the norms and has numerous benefits, and can solve a variety of problems, the balinese people will embrace it. for those who oppose it, the implementation of development through the bali mandara program that is not in compliance with the tri hita karana standard might destroy noble values and cause environmental damage. the regulations and policies are encapsulated in the bali province regional regulation (perda), which permits the government to carry out all development programs and goals. the bali provincial government is carrying out a power relation in which a knowledge system that gives information about social methods and governing techniques, kinds of power in modern society. also, the accomplishments of the bali mandara program, as well as the growth of the tourism industry, have had a tremendous impact. various forms of implementation have been carried out, and the e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 1-10 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 benefits are realized, which form the fundamental basis for the balinese people's readiness to face a brighter future. references adian, donny gahral. 2002. menyoal objektivisme ilmu pengetahuan dari david sampai thomas kuhn. kuala lumpur: teraju. ankersmit, fr. 1987. refleksi tentang sejarah, pendapat-pendapat modern tentang filsafat sejarah. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. barker, chris. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: pt kanisius. covarrubias, miguel. 1937. island of bali. kuala lumpur: oxford university press. dwipayana. ari. 2010. bali benteng terbuka 1995-2005: otonomo daerah, demokrasi elektoral dan identitas-identitas defensif. denpasar: larasan. haryatmoko. 2017. critical discourse analysis: landasan teori, metodologi dan penerapan. depok: rajagrafindo persada. hendra putranto, mudji sutrisno. 2005. teori-teori kebudayaan. yogyakarta: kanisius. kebung, konrad. 2002. filsafat ilmu pengetahuan. jakarta: prestasi pustaka. moleong, lexy j. 2010. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. picard, michel. 2006. bali: pariwisata budaya dan budaya pariwisata. jakarta: kepustakaan populer gramedia. piliang, yasraf. a. 2004. posrealitas: realitas kebudayaan dalam era posmetafisika. yogyakarta: jalasutra. ratna, nyoman kutha. 2010. metodologi penelitian: kajian budaya dan ilmu-ilmu sosial humaniora pada umumnya. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. saifuddin, achmad fedyani. 2005. antropologi kontemporer: suatu pengantar kritis mengenai paradigma. jakarta: kencana. suharja, arya. 2016. bali mandara estafeta untuk generasi muda. denpasar: bappeda provinsi bali. 1 working as vendors as a profession chosen by people with limited capitals in tourism sector in bali ni made ary widiastini ganesha university of education, singaraja email: ari.widiastini@gmail.com abstract this study was intended to present the matters pertaining to the attempts made by the vendors ‘pedagang acung’ to keep being independent in tourism sector in bali. as working people with extremely limited capitals, the principle of giving priority to safety is applicable to them. they sell souvenirs with limited capitals obtained from various souvenir entrepreneurs coming from different parts of bali. the risk of suffering from loss has never caused them to find any difficulty. this qualitative study was conducted in the paradigm of cultural studies. the data were presented and interpreted in the form of narrative texts which are thick descriptive in nature. the result of the study showed that working as vendors was still a profession which contributed to the decrease in unemployment in an area. this is in line with the concept of poststructuralism that people are basically referred to as homo faber, namely, the working creature, meaning that working is highly important to man. this means that employment does not only give the opportunity to generate income but also importantly means that employment is a personal identity. as a consequence, if working is different from not working or being jobless, then such a choice does not only lead to an opposing binary but also to a hierarchical social division and a structured social gap between those who are employed and those who are not. they all positively contribute to themselves, environment, entrepreneurs, and the local government. keywords: ‘pedangang acung’, profession, limited capital, tourism sector. introduction the visits made by the tourists coming to bali from different parts of the world cannot be separated from globalization, whose one of its aspects is what is referred to as ethnoscape, the flow of people from one country to another country with different interests, one of which is tourism (appadurai, 1994). the step by step development in tourism opens opportunities to those who desire to get involved in it. those who would like to obtain benefit from tourism do not only come from the upper class but also from the lower class. widiastini and darmawan (2010) recorded that there were 107 vendors earning their income at two tourist destinations located at kintamani area, bali. they did not only compete with their fellow vendors but also with the art shops selling souvenirs around them. mailto:ari.widiastini@gmail.com 2 the vendors, as the workers who come from the lower class with limited capitals and are involved in informal sector, in their activities, have established a group which can protect them (ingeleson, 2013: 9). this is supported by the concept of the critical theory proposed by ritzer (2012: 477-479) that every social relationship, including the economic relationship, always has the dimension of power, meaning that there are always the dominating party and the dominated one, leading to the structured and graded relationship. in this case, any income generated from any employment, including the income generated from a profession as vendors, constitutes the economic basis in the context of carrying out various functions of the family (lestari, 2012: 22-26). the data obtained from the field showed that the vendors were frequently protested by those who were involved in the business of tourism in general and the guides in general. however, their existence is still maintained and space is still provided to them not only by the government, as working as vendors is a profession. research method the data were presented and interpreted in the form of narrative texts which are descriptive in nature, units of forms, regularity, patterns, explanation, configuration, cause and result, and proposition, related to both what appeared and ideology, and the dimensions of implied power or socio-politics. the conclusions drawn or verified included essential things, subjective meaning, conceptual findings, and universal process. the theoretical approach employed is proposed by ahmad erani yustika (2003) concerning informal sectors in his book entitled negara vs kaum miskin (the state vs the poor). the data analysis was presented in a descriptive-narrative way. result and discussion according to the hierarchical theory of human needs proposed by abraham moskow, the most basic need is physical or physiological need. therefore, man should eat and drink in order to survive. similarly, although working as vendors are regarded as having no prestige and degrading the beauty of tourism, they still sell their products to satisfy what they need. on the other hand, borglas (2013: 29) affirms that human hierarchy gives further explanation that man is homo faber, homo laborans, meaning that man makes himself exist by working; man does his best to make himself true man. 3 in this context, the vendors prove themselves that they are able to survive by working rather than begging. the concept of postculturalism may define that employment is a personal identity (karl marx in magnis-suseno: 1999: 87-104). being employed is different from being unemployed. such a choice does not only lead to two opposing things; a community, according to plummer (2011: 203), also establishes hierarchically social divisions and a social structured gap between those who are employed and those who are not employed. such a choice serves as the umbrella related to another choice, for example, being bad and being good, being respected and being disrespected, and so forth (heriyanto, 2012). such a condition causes man to be prepared to do every profession. it is frequently accompanied by the jargon ‘being labeled as doing rightful things is better than being labeled as being jobless’. the vendors, in their activities, established a group. soyomukti (2010: 295-310), jonston and johnson (2012: 3-46), and soekanto (1995: 200) state that the establishment of any social group cannot be separated from the reason why it is established, what is intended to achieve, and the normative principle which regulates the relationship among individuals in such a social group. the relationship among individuals has a structure which contributes to the association of status and role, and every status requires complementary different roles; otherwise, the social group cannot work functionally (ritzer, 2012: 339-427). the social interaction between a leader and his subordinates may be based on the patron-client relationship or the father-child relationship which is based on the paternal ideology (atmadja, 2010: 222). based on the fact that the vendors establish a social group, then the social interaction among them does not only have internal dimension but also external dimension, meaning that the vendors do not only interact socially among them, but also between them and other social groups. the external social interaction does not only take place among individuals coming from different social groups but also involves the social interaction among groups. according to soyomukti (2010: 295-310), such a condition certainly needs the principle of morality which functions to reduce conflicts. referring to what is stated by ingleson (2013: 9) concerning laborers that they will feel comfortable if they are among those who have the same background. then, it can be understood that the vendors will be comfortable if they earn their living by doing what they profession is. the close kinship relationship strongly motivates them to keep 4 working as vendors, as, according to them, working under a group means that they get protected. apart from being safe working under a group, they will also find it easier to be defended by the organic intellectuals who are highly committed to helping those who are marginalized. seeing what has taken place in indonesia in general, as stated by yustika (2003: 89), if someone does not have any adequate skill it will be difficult for him to earn a living. that is why he should equip himself with skill and expertise. this also works in tourism sector. however, those who do not have the opportunity to be employed in formal sector do their best to be employed in informal sector in order to survive, as what has happened to the vendors that they have been accepted by the souvenir entrepreneurs. suyatno (2013: 22) explains that the contemporary economic sociology is also concerned with the economic sectors which are affected by any social association in addition to assuming that any economic action is not always rational-calculative. in this case, the souvenir entrepreneurs do not only demand for the benefit in cash but also the assistance of promoting the products they produce. the phenomenon of cooperation between the souvenir entrepreneurs and the vendors has taken place so far. this is considered a common thing as the vendors do not have adequate skill and capitals; as a result, their lives are dependent on the capitalists of cultural industry. khan in suyatno (2013: 86) explains that a number of social relationships among classes which allows one class to control and exploit another characterize industrial capitalism. suyatno (2013: 86) affirms that in the system of industrial capitalism the community is divided into two social layers; they are the class of capitalists which have capital and control production facilities and the proletarian class which does not control any production facilities but it is able to work. scott (1981: 23-38) talks about the principle of giving priority to safety in which a farmer is reflected to always do his best to minimize the possibility for any disaster to take place rather than to maximize his earning in order to avoid the risk of any loss. by referring to what is stated by scott above, the reason why the vendors keep their profession can be understood although they have limited capitals and sell their products in retail. by working as vendors, they only need small amounts of money, meaning that if they are unlucky they will only lose small amounts of money as well. the existence of the vendors and distributors of souvenirs and the reinforcement of the vendors also 5 strengthen what is stated by scott (1993: 4-5). the relationship between the entrepreneurs and the distributors of souvenirs (the patron) does not only economically benefit the vendors (the client) but also warrants the security and subsistence of products. in this way, the vendors can survive, although they do not understand the development of products with their new trends. everything has been handled by the entrepreneurs of souvenirs. yustika (2003: 90) emphasizes that the work market of informal sectors, including the work market for the vendors, may play an important role in reducing the rate of unemployment. the vendors who are involved in informal sector can play a role in the economic activities through which those coming from the lower class earn their living. apart from that, working as vendors may also function as a social security, as, in fact, working as vendors may also give contribution to social welfare. in this case, yustika (2003: 90) believes that informal sectors constitute the embryo of entrepreneurship contributing to the economic growth in an area. in line with what is desired by the local government that good governance should be created, space is also given to the vendors to show that the local government gives every citizen to work and earn a living based on the ability they have. participation and strategic vision are two of the nine characteristics of good governance determined by undp. the government is obliged to give its citizens the right and opportunity to work (solekhan, 2012: 18). conclusion and suggestion the vendors are not only those who earn their living by working hard under tight business competition but they also choose such a profession as they are hierarchically labeled as homo faber, that is, those who work to satisfy their needs, meaning that such a profession is the basis of their family economy. when they do their activities, they tend to establish a group which can warrant their security, comfort and the sustainability of their business. in this context, every group has an objective to achieve and normative principles which regulate the relationship among individuals in such a social group. being limited in various capitals makes one not accepted in formal sectors which require particular expertise and skill. in this case, the informal sector is always the second choice after the formal sector. however, in spite of the low image of the profession in the informal sector, it has given positive contribution to the entrepreneurs and government. they have been able to sell and market the products of the balinese 6 handicraft produced by the entrepreneurs to consumers especially tourists. in addition, they have also been able to reduce the rate of unemployment in an area as their status is still employed. to avoid the vendors from being labeled as disturbing the business of tourism, it is necessary to improve their quality, especially their performance, attitude and the way in which they offer their products so that they will not be labeled as a social pathology from the perspective of tourism. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. nengah bawa atmadja, m.a. and dr. i gede mudana, m.si. from e-journal of cultural studies (www.ojs.unud.sc.id) for their knowledge and supervision given to the writer so this article could be well completed. bibliography appadurai, arjun. 1994. “global ethnoscape: notes and queries for transnational anthropology”, dalam r.g. fox (ed.), recapturing anthropology: working in the present. santa fe, nm: school of american research press. arrizal. 2012. “analisis pengaruh motivasi lima hirarki kebutuhan abraham maslow terhadap kepuasan kerja, kasus pengusaha industri mikro kerupuk singkong di kecamatan kamang magek, kabupaten agam”, jurnal manajemen dan kewirausahaan, volume 3, nomor 1, januari 2012, issn. 2086-5031, hal. 1-25. atmadja, nengah bawa. 2010. ajeg bali gerakan, identitas kultural dan globalisasi. yogyakarta. lkis. borgias m, fransiskus. 2013. manusia pengembara refleksi filosofis tentang manusia. yogyakarta: jalasutra. ingleson, john. 2013. perkotaan masalah sosial dan perburuhan di jawa masa kolonial. (terjemahan). jakarta: komunitas bambu. lestari, sri. 2012. psikologi keluarga: penanaman nilai dan penanganan konflik dalam keluarga. jakarta: kencana perdana media grup. magnis, franz-suseno. 1999. pemikiran karl marx: dari sosialisme utopis ke perselisihan revisionisme. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. plummer, ken. 2011. sosiologi the basics (terjemahan). jakarta: rajagrafindo persada. ritzer, george. 2012. teori sosiologi: dari sosiologi klasik sampai perkembangan terakhir postmodern (terjemahan). pustaka pelajar. yogyakarta. scott, james c. 1981. moral ekonomi petani pergolakan dan subsistensi di asia tenggara (terjemahan). jakarta: lp3es. -------. 1993. perlawanan kaum petani (terjemahan). jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. widiastini, ni made ary dan darmawan, ary surya. 2010. “pengembangan model pembinaan dan pelatihan interaksi masyarakat lokal dengan wisatawan di objek wisata desa penelokan, kecamatan kintamani”, laporan penelitian. lembaga penelitian universitas pendidikan ganesha, singaraja. yustika, ahmad erani. 2003. negara vs kaum miskin. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. http://www.ojs.unud.sc.id/ 7 microsoft word artikel wyn suharta terbit3 e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 20-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 gamelan selonding sacred function in tenganan pegringsingan village i wayan suharta1, i nyoman suarka2, i wayan cika3, i ketut setiawan4 1indonesian art institute denpasar,234cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1wynsuharta@gmail.com,2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 3cika.wayan@yahoo.com, 4ketutsetiawan28@yahoo.co.id received date : 13-04-2020 accepted date : 06-01-2020 published date : 28-02-2021 abstract gamelan selonding in tenganan village has its own history, its existence is associated with stories that have been passed down from generation to generation.it begins with the discovery of three blades iron plates which is stated as gamelan selonding blade.it is believed to be a piturun not made by human beings, but because of the nature, by the people of tenganan village called ‘bhatara bagus selonding'.gamelan selonding for tenganan people is very sacred.to maintain its sacredness, it should be adapted to the concept desa, kala, and patra, should not be touched by anyone else, except by a designated group of seven people as juru gambel (balinese musician). juru gambel has their responsibility for the sanctity of selonding gamelan, it cannot be placed at random space and could only be played at specified time. for tenganan people the selonding gamelan sacredness is not just an outward statement, but the totality of the integration of thoughts, feelings, words and attitudes, so that the treatment for the selonding is a form of prostration. selonding not only honored and sacred, and sanctified, but it fulfills all the vibrations of the tenganan village community in meeting space, time, and circumstances. this paper uses a qualitative approach and the writing mechanism analyzes the text which is described to know and understand the sacredness of selonding gamelan in tenganan. keywords: gamelan selonding, function, sacred. introduction gamelan selonding was born from the creativity, sense and intention of the ancestors, as a manifestation of the aesthetic experiences at the time when the mental state is experiencing peace and purity.the ascent that can be achieved is through appreciation and experience hinduism immanent so that gamelan selonding grow, live and thrive as a religious e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 20-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 culture (tusan, 2002: 1). gamelan selonding in tenganan village is one example of a local genius of the ancestors of the balinese, the gamelan selonding in tenganan village is one example of a local genius from balinese ancestors, who can lead to a peak level of culture and its existence still exists today. gamelan selonding for tenganan community plays an important roles. the repertoire that is presented can influence and unite the minds of those who are present in a religiousmagical atmosphere.such conditions bring on selonding with religious life activities in tenganan village, it shows a connection with the social community environtment, it has strong bond with the custom and religion and will not lose its chain. this paper will examine the sacred gamelan selonding in tenganan in its context with religious rituals and tenganan community as the protector. methodology this paper uses a qualitative approach, which seeks to understand and provide interpretation of empirical phenomena combined with a logical system and the value of truth about the sanctity of gamelan selonding in tenganan. this paper uses a qualitative approach and the writing mechanism analyzes the text which is described to know and understand the sacredness of selonding gamelan in tenganan. result and discussion 1. selonding gamelan in tenganan village selonding comes from the word 'salunding' which means a musical instrument that resembles genderinstrument,or a musical instrument formed from a row of iron plates suspended over a wooden box(zoetmulder & s.o. robson, 1995: 993).meier, a researcher from switzerland,trying to offer a definition of selonding derived from the word ‘salon’ and ‘ning’.‘salon’means place and ‘ning’ means sacred. so the word salonding or saloning defined as a sacred place (team survey guru-guru kokar bali, 1971: 10). the existence of gamelan selonding in tenganan village, related with the existence of the story which is inherited from generation to generation about the found of the “three blades of iron plate” represented as plates of selonding gamelan. these three blades of the selonding gamelan hereafter by the community of tenganan pegringsingan believed as a piturun and given a designation as “bhatara bagus salonding”. e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 20-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 tenganan pegringsingan village part of gamelan selonding instruments gamelan selonding tenganan divided into 8 (eight) part tungguh gamelan. 6 (six) part of gamelan tungguh consists of 4 (four) iron blades, and another 2 (two) part of gamelan tungguh consists of 8 iron blades. the following instruments that complements tungguhan gamelan selonding in tenganan village based on interviews with i putu suardana (tenganan, 14 september 2019). gamelan selonding set gamelan selonding tuning used a pelog tuning with 7 (seven) tones known as pelog saih pitu. during the show all the repertoire with pelog tuning utilized functionally. it means using a concept of 5 tones as a basic tones and the 2 others left used as pemero tone, this is called patetor patutan. no. nama tungguhan jumlah bilah 1. nyong-nyong alit 8 blades 2. nyong-nyong ageng 8 blades 3. petuduh 4 blades 4. pe-enem 4 blades 5. kempul alit 4 blades 6. kempul ageng 4 blades 7. gong alit 4 blades 8. gong ageng 4 blades kempul alit gong ageng pe-enem petuduh nyong-nyong ageng nyong-nyong alit gong alit kempul ageng e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 20-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 salonding musicians in tenganan didn’t use the term of patet but saih. there are some kind of saih which is well known in tenganan such as 1) saih panji marga, 2) saih sondong, 3) saih puja semara, 4) saih kesumba, 5) saih sadi, 6) saih malat, and 7) saih salah. 2. the sacredness of gamelan selonding in tenganan village there are four different things that can be observed in analyzing the sacredness of the salonding gamelan in tenganan village, the blades and barungan gamelan (is a set of a gamelan instruments), the repertoires, the integral performance with rituals, and a performance to accompany the dance. a) gamelan blades and barungan the community in tenganan village has inherited selonding gamelan, until now three groups of gamelan barungan are still maintained to be sacred and placed on each of bale patemu (a big open space for a meeting). besides that, there are three more gamelan blades that are not installed, and never been played. those three blades are the most sacred one and sanctified by the tenganan community known as bhatara bagus selonding.these three salonding gamelan blades are saved at temu kelod, it only carried and ceremonized on certain days and times. tenganan villagers maintaining the sacredness of the selonding gamelan according to the concept of desa, kala , patra. some ethics that must be obeyed, no one else should touch it, except by a group of seven as a juru gambel (musicians). being a juru gambel, due to hereditary factors and choosen by an agreement from the desa adat (traditional villagers). have a responsibility for sacredness and sanctity of gamelan selonding. should not be placed carelessly and it only played at the appointed time. (interviews with i wayan arsana, agustus 1st, 2018, at tenganan village). b) the repertoire on view according to i puru suardana related on the late of his father i nyoman partha gunawan revealed that the selonding gamelan repertoires are grouped into four types of gending (repertoire), namely gending geguron, gending pategak, a repertoire to accompany a dance and gending-gending sourced from gending gambang (interviews, agustus 5th, 2018, in tenganan village). gending geguron is a type of gending that is sacred to the people of tenganan village. there are seven types of gending that belong to the geguron gending category, e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 20-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 namely: 1) gending ranggatating, 2) gending kul-kul badung, 3) gending darimpog, 4) gending kebogerit, 5) gending dewa (dananjaya), 6) gending blegude, and 7) gending ranggawuni. for the people in tenganan village, gending geguron should only be taught to those who inherit rights as a penabuh (musicians), which has been legally appointed by the desa adat (customary village). gending dananjaya is one kind of gending geguron, which is very sacred by the tenganan community. so it is called 'gending dewa'. uniquely, gending dananjaya can only be taught by a 'pengemban gendering’ when it close to his death. c) integral presentation of the ritual salonding gamelan sacred function in tenganan can be observed from the implementation of the ritual ngusabe, such as,usaba kasa, usaba ketiga, dan usaba sasih kalima. gamelan selonding always present in every rituals, selonding even become an integral part with a series of ceremonies. usaba sasih kalima also known as ngusaba sambahor ngusambah, is the highlight of the event that takes place in tenganan village every year. at the ngusaba sambah ceremony, a tradition known as perang pandan is performed. perang pandan or mageretpandan, it also known as mekare-kare is a tradition to use pandanus tectorius leaves as tools (rupa, 2016: 48). mageret pandan (makare-kare) juru gambel dan the sacred selonding the tradition becomes the identity of tenganan village is held on stage, the players are young men wore balinese traditional saroong (tenganan pegringsingan original motif handmade sarong) and shirtless. gamelan selonding sound that was flowing when they attack each other, stand firm against, until finally, the spines of pandan leaves make open wounds on the neck, back, and even wounds on the face. mageret pandanis a form of sacred offerings to dewa indra (the god of war) as a manifestation of ida sang hyang widhi wasa e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 20-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 (the creator of the universe). it is a symbol of the identity of tenganan people who have never forgotten the traditions of their ancestors in the past that is ‘a warrior’. d) a performance to accompany the dance another sacred function of gamelan selonding can be observed when accompanying the type of rejang dewa dance,mresidance, and abuangdance. in tenganan village rejang dance which is performed during the ceremony is a sacred dance. there are three types of rejang dances that are usually performed, namely rejang palak, rejang mombongin, and rejang dewa. 1) rejang palak rejang palak is a rejang dance performed by groups of teenagers and children. this dance, adjusted to the place where his father became ‘anggota temu’ (member of a meeting) tenganan villagers called it ‘palak’. for example, if her father was a member of teruna(young men)at patemu kaja,and likewise with the other. during sasih kasa ceremony, rejang dance is usually danced from early morning to late afternoon. performed alternately starting from patemu kaja, patemu tengah and patemu kelod. 2) rejang mombongin rejang mombongin is a rejang dance performed by the daja group which has become a daha (female teenagers)group. rejang mombongin is also called rejang makitut dance. if it is performed on the begining of the ritual then it is called rejang mombongin, but if it is performed as a closing ceremony, it is called rejang makitut. rejang makitut has a slightly different composition and movement from rejang mombongin, that is, when the dancers walk in a circle in their respective lines, holding hands each other following the dancer in front of them. 3) rejang dewa rejang dewa dance rejang almost the same as the others,except that the implementation is performed early morning in front of bale agung.this dance is preceded by the dancers (daha) walking around tenganag village while intone with kidung condong. wearing a ' fabric gantih ' and 'saput gontya' costume but without a gold flower ornament on the head. 4) mresi dance mresi dance is a keris dance that is performed by young men, from all patemu (meeting). this dance is usually performed at petemu kelod in the afternoon, before the end e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 20-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 of the usaba kasa ceremony. the form of the dance composition is the same as that of a troop in marching training. the teruna (young men) of temu kaja are divided into two lines, one row facing north and the other facing south. the young men from temu tengah formed a line in the middle of the temu kaja young men line, with the row facing south. meanwhile, a line formed by teruna temu kelod taking a position facing north. they all uses the same motion motif. each teruna (young men) uses a costume based on the identity of their group. teruna temu kaja in red costume, such as: clothes, destar (balinese traditional headbands for men), saput (balinese tradisional sarong only wore by man) they were all in red with gold flower ornament on their head. while, teruna temu tengah wore black costume and teruna temu kelod wore white costume. the use of the color of the costumes associated with the concept of tri datu, consists of the three colors that become the identity of the balinese as a symbol of tri murti, symbolized asdewa brahma (red), dewa wisnu (black), dan dewa iswara (white). 5) abuang dance abuang dance is usually performed after the 'aci kasa' ceremony is finished, and after ida bethara bagus selonding masineb (saved back into the sacred room). the next day, in the morning or evening, the abuang dance will be performed. it is a kind of social dance that is only for entertainment. the purpose of performing this dance is to 'ngelemekin' (fraternity), so the youth can socialized each other (teruna & daha). abuang luh abuang luh dan abuang muani 3. the essence of sacred values the concept of sacredness according to the statement from emile durkheim dalam sutrisno (2005: 89), can be used as prior knowledge, that in society there are always sacred values or purified which he calls the sacred. the sacred can be translated into morality or e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 20-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 religion in a broad sense, is associated with something sacred. sacred it may be the main symbols, values, and beliefs which became the core of a community. sudarsono statement (1998: 126), can be used as a foothold for understanding the selonding in tenganan village is a sacred gamelan. in presenting it several requirements must be obeyed, that is: 1) a chosen venue is required which is sometimes considered sacred, 2) it is necessary to choose an elected day and time which are usually also considered sacred, 3) an elected player is required, usually those who are considered sacred or who have cleansed themselves spiritually, 4) required a set of offerings that are sometimes varies greatly, 5) goals are more important than aesthetically pleasing appearance, and 6) wearing a typical fashion. for the people of tenganan village, the sacredness of the selonding gamelan is not just an outward statement, but totalist the integration of thoughts, feelings, words and attitudes, so that treatment of selonding it is prostrate. according to aryasa (1993: 57),the value of the essence of sacred art is the totality of the combination of thoughts, speech and behavior and feelings, where the coveted 'balance' of peace can be maintained in a pure clean heart and pure love. conclusion gamelan selonding tenganan is a relic of history that is very sacred by the people of tenganan. until now, still maintained continuously three gamelan barungan selonding were placed in each bale patemu. indeed, the most sacred and sanctified are the three blades gamelan that is not installed and never been played. these three blades of the gamelan are called bhatara bagus selonding. the expression of religious-emotion through selonding gamelan is an expression of the people of tenganan village as a form of offering. selonding is not only respected, sacred, sanctified, but fulfills all the vibrations of the community of tenganan village. in filling space, time, and circumstances. it is very logic, if in religious rituals one tenganan people's creativity is to express their sincere feelings through gamelan selonding media, which became the pride of the tenganan community . references aryasa, i wayan madra. 1983. pengetahuan karawitan bali. denpasar: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan direktorat jenderal kebudayaan proyek pengembangan kesenian bali. e-journal of cultural studies february 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 20-28 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 aryasa, i wayan madra. 1993. seni sakral. jakarta: direktorat jenderal bimbingan masyarakat hindu dan buddha. gottschalk, louis. 1975. mengerti sejarah. terjemahan nugroho notosutanto. jakarta: universitas indonesia. koentjaraningrat. 1985. ritus peralihan di indonesia. jakarta: balai pustaka. lury, celia. 1998. seno gumira ajidarma (pengantar), hasti t. champion (penerjemah). budaya konsumen. jakarta: yayasan obor indonesia. moleong, lexy j. 2012. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung: penerbit pt remaja rosdakarya. rupa, i wayan, dkk. 2016. inventarisasi karya budaya mekare-kare di desa tenganan pegringsingan, kabupaten karangasem – bali. yogyakarta: kepel press. soedarsono, r. m. 1998. seni pertunjukan indonesia di era globalisasi. jakarta: dirjen dikti departemen p dan k. sutrisno, mudji. 2005. teori-teori kebudayaan. yogyakarta: kanisius. team survey guru-guru kokar bali. 1971. masalah gamelan selonding.denpasar: kokar bali. tusan, pande wayan. 2002. selonding tinjauan gamelan bali kuna abad x –xiv. karangasem: citra lekha sanggraha. yuda bakti, i made dan i wayan watra. 2007. filsafat seni sakral dalam kebudayaan bali. surabaya: paramita. zoetmulder, p.j. dan s.o. robson. 1995. kamus jawa kuno indonesia. jakarta: gramedia microsoft word artikel a.n. ida bgs gde putra terbit 2 e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 understanding the chaotic system in managing type-c excavation facilities in sebudi village bali ida bagus gde putra1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, i nyoman suarka3, i nyoman sukiada4 1faculty of arts, udayana university, 2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1idabagusputra07@gmail.com, 2anom.kumbara@unud.c.id, 3nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 4nyomansukiada@yahoo.com received date : 21-12-2021 accepted date : 18-03-2022 published date : 31-05-2022 abstract the catastrophic eruption of mount agung in 1963 had spewed deposits of lava and sandstone covering the lower reaches of the sebudi village area. after the eruption of mount agung, the lava and sandstone deposits were explored as minerals c and used as a new source of income for their welfare, but the community did not pay taxes. the purpose of the study is to describe struggles in fighting for capital between actors in the realm of the type-c excavation in sebudi village. this research was carried out with a qualitative approach, using a triangulation technique, namely by observation, in-depth interviews with informants with the technique of purposive sampling, and documentation studies. the theory used is the theory of hegemony, the theory of power-knowledge discourse, and the theory of social practice.the results of the study reveal that factors that trigger the occurrence of chaos are due to regulatory factors issued by the government which cause conflicts of interest between agencies in managing the type-c excavation. the implications of the chaos of type-c excavation have been changing the structure of infrastructure buildings, unclear topographic and geographical boundaries. additionally, local government policies in law enforcement have made a shift in status of land ownership which is closely related to the interests and powers of actors and agencies in determining their actions. keywords: regulation, chaos, type-c excavation, land ownership introduction sebudi village is one of the villages located on a mountainous plateau with a land height of 850 meters above sea level. the area of sebudi village is 3,092 km² stretching from south to north. sebudi village is classified as a self-sufficient village with the type of land not being paddy fields but in the form of fields and plantations. the typology of the soil in sebudi village after the eruption of mount agung in 1963 is a stretch of sandstone that covers almost 7 km² downstream, changing the topography and geography of sebudi village (sutomo & wahab, 2019). lava and sandstone deposits spewed from the eruption e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 of mount agung, have an impact on the community to be more oriented in carrying out land use changes and start exploring these deposits as excavation material c. excavations are increasingly being carried out around the banjar area of sebudi village. in line with the political changes that occurred in indonesia, since the issuance of the 1997 the law of environmental management or uuplh, to the regional level which was given a new policy, namely the issuance of government regulations in the form of the regional autonomy law no. 22 of 1999 (astrawan et al, 2014). authority in implementing regional autonomy in accordance with article 10 of law no. 22 of 1999 is that regions are given the authority to manage natural resources (sda) available in their territory and are responsible for maintaining environmental sustainability in accordance with statutory regulations. to bridge this goal, according to article 10 of law no. 22 of 1999, local governments issued policies and collaborated with entrepreneurs (investors). the use of modern tools began to arrive, and the exploration of the c excavation began. the success of the government in hegemonizing the community and investors indicated that there was a struggle in the mining sector c, between; government, investors and society, each of which has a different ideology of interest. as a political decision, the power relation of the regional government as an extension of the central government, is that as the holder of power begins to exercise its domination. the relationship between the government's power in making decisions or policies, as well as the authority is to ask for demands and provide mineral c as an economic source in regional original income (pad) (astuti, 2012). this government policy at the village level is considered capable of contributing to the availability of jobs in the excavation sector c. the existence of c excavation exploration carried out by investors is growing by absorbing labor from local villages. investor-driven regulation and operation of excavation c without local control. the local community does not yet have a strong enough position to oversee the whole issue of excavation c. investors can manage the flow of operations in excavation c in a short time with the accumulation of large profits. this situation further adds to the dominance of investors over local communities. the power of the community is felt to be paralyzed in the mechanisms carried out by the government and investors. not many local people are investors in excavation c, they are mostly employed as labor in excavation c. however, the employment creates inequality, because the volume of work with wages earned is not directly proportional to the expected results. investors with dominant power apply supervision in c excavation activities with a higher profit target. there are strong indications that investor dominance tends to develop into “destructive”, e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 causing environmental degradation that hides behind regulations with the will to go beyond the interests of local communities. exploration of excavation c is carried out violently or freely without thinking about the negative effects on community safety and the balance of natural ecosystems. excavation activity c has not yet had an impact on increasing the economic welfare of the local community. in addition, at the district level, there are still fluctuations in economic problems as a result of the illegal management of excavation c by not following government regulations (nugrahanto, 2016). government policies are conveyed by various techniques that are not only passive and formal but active and informal. the implementation is carried out by satpol pp or regional official police through unannounced inspections to monitor the miners of excavation c, not only questioning permit issues but at the same time checking for environmental degradation which often causes chaos in the exploration of excavation c (nurmilawaty, 2017). government policies are conveyed by various techniques that are not only passive and formal but active and informal. the potential for chaos as part of the dynamics related to natural resources in the form of mineral c tends to be an arena for a struggle of interests that refers to economic competition in capital ownership in the excavation arena type-c mining in sebudi village bali. literature review mantra and dirksen (2013), in their research focused on legal aspects, especially those related to the problem of violations. efforts are taken in case of a violation, namely by applying repressive laws, namely environmental law enforcement. there were various reactions from law enforcers who commented on the inclusion of alternative dispute resolution (adr) into the criminal justice system (imeara, 2019). the arguments put forward are basically based on a normative view and a sociological view on the application of a legal rule (anggraeni, 2020). the existence of these different views must refer to the basic values of the law, namely justice, expediency (usability) and legal certainty. although these three are basic legal values, tensions often occur between the three. saputra et al (2017) and cahyati (2014) put foward about the problem of land conflicts in urban areas, especially in fighting over space. the struggle turned out to involve many parties, both local governments, the private sector and city residents, each of whom had an interest. various points of view also helped to sharpen the crisis of the conflict. as the executive, the local government must act according to the law and be fair in dealing with any land disputes saputra et al (2019). the case of land conflicts that occurred in surabaya is a concrete example of how the struggle for land in urban areas e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 requires political decisions that favor the interests of the people. according to surbakti, there are several reasons why city problems are closely related to space problems. further in his study, surbakti also discusses social issues, such as; jahn et al (2020) and sonbay (2016) revealed that forest management environmental conflict is a relationship between two or more parties who own and/or feel they have incompatible goals in forest management due to differences in social relations/communication, interests, data, and information, values, and structures that occur in a space, so that the environmental function of the forest is disturbed. environmental conflicts in protected forests are caused by problems of scarcity, negative externalities, structural imbalances, and different perspectives on forest values (syahputra, 2021). krampe (2017) and novoselov (2016) state that environmental conflict in the management of natural resources, including forest resources, is a conditional arena with political content, be it socio-economic politics or environmental politics, almost all conflicts related to natural resource management always start with different interests. these differences in interests make natural resources an arena for conflict. abiodun (2014) states that conflict is a relationship between two or more parties who have, or who feel they have, incompatible goals. as for the pressure in the difference is the target. hussein (2019) states that conflict is a situation that occurs when a person or group of people (could be more) demonstrate practices to eliminate the recognition (rights) of another person or group regarding the object or position being contested. these differences in interests make natural resources an arena for conflict. isa (2015) states that conflict is a relationship between two or more parties who have, or who feel they have, incompatible goals. as for the pressure in the difference is the target. akhtar, et al (2020) assume that conflict is a situation that occurs when a person or group of people (could be more) demonstrate practices to eliminate the recognition (rights) of another person or group regarding the object or position being contested. these differences in interests make natural resources an arena for conflict. the emphasis of this difference is on the right to property and/or position. abugre (2020) defines that conflict is a clash that occurs between two or more parties, caused by differences in values, status, power, and scarcity of resources. the emphasis in this difference lies in the value, status, power, scarcity of resources (nisah, 2020). orgeret (2021) states that conflict is a social condition when two or more people/parties manifest their belief in a different goal. according to suryani (2015), the emphasis on differences is a matter of belief, and goals. as from several definitions of conflict that have been collected by the experts, it shows that there is the simplest definition of conflict, which is the relationship between two or e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 more parties who have, or who feel ownership, incompatible goals (dauh et al, 2020), and conflict definitions (rusmini, 2021) that emphasize social conditions of the several conflicts presented, there is a condition that always accompanies the definition of conflict, namely differences. the locations of these differences include differences in beliefs, values, status, power, goals, goals, needs, and interests, rights to objects and/or positions, and scarcity of resources, all of which are inherent in each of the conflicting parties (dahiya & dahiya, 2018). komugabe-dixson (2019) is motivated by problems of damage to the physical environment, such as pollution, village facilities and infrastructure as well as the social environment in pacific. the authorities encourage the community to invite other communities to carry out social movements in demanding and rejecting the mining. the results of the study show that the social movement for the closure of mining departed from the impact of damage to the physical and social environment as well as the hegemony of the corporate towards the local community. the hegemony of the ruler then developed into a progressive hegemony (hota & behera, 2016; ristianti, 2016). in progressive hegemony, local elites as leaders of social movements go through three stages, namely corporate-economics, awareness of economic solidarity, and awareness of solidarity on long-term environmental conservation. to seek the success of social movements, in progressive hegemony the local elites apply several strategies, namely: first; mobilize human resources (human assets) through strengthening social networks and community commitment through socialization in joint deliberation. second, the strategy to mobilize tangible resources includes facilities and finance by establishing a portal to raise and share the results of portal retribution for social activities of the community (sudarma, 2017; yunita, 2016; astrawan, 2014). nugrahanto (2016) researched the effectiveness of the revitalization of ex-mining c excavation in candimulyo village, kecamatan kertek, wonosobo regency, aiming to determine the effectiveness of the revitalization program for ex-mining c excavation in the village. the results of the study show that the revitalization policy has not been effective. effective measurement is carried out with the right 5 (five) indicators, namely the right policy, the right target, the right environment, the right process, and the right implementer. of the five factors, the policy for revitalizing ex-excavated c land in candimulyo village has achieved the right process, the right environment, and the right implementer. however, the revitalization policy has not been right on target and has the right policy. due to the inaccuracy of several factors, the revitalization policy has not been effective (zari, et al, 2020). the inhibiting factor of this policy is that there are several programs that e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 are not in accordance with the target quantity and the lack of enthusiasm of the mining community towards the program. the supporting factor of the revitalization policy is a positive response from the community (savage, et al, 2020). reed & haggard (2020) regarding community perceptions regarding the impact of mining in some developing countries is motivated by changes in the current mountainous landforms, many mountains around this area have been lost due to continuous scouring, as well as other changes such as coastal stockpiling which damage coral reef activity. another problem is the occurrence of air pollution that occurs due to company activities so that it interferes with public health due to existing dust or factory engine noise due to activities in it. method in broadening knowledge in research, it is necessary to have several studies that are referred to as literature reviews, with a critical qualitative approach compiled withtriangulation technique i.e by collecting data in the form of observation, in-depth interviews with informants using purposive techniques, documentation studies, and literature studies through library research. the data analysis technique was carried out in a qualitative descriptive manner. at this stage, data reduction is carried out, namely the process of collecting primary and secondary data about research problems in the c excavation area, and other data related to this research and adjusting to the nature and characteristics of the data. in the next stage, data presentation is carried out, namely the observed facts to be reorganized according to the relationship between categories with the chaos paradigm model including; the factors that trigger the chaos, the form of the chaos, and the implications of the chaos in the exploration of excavation c in sebudi village, selat district, karangasem regency. results and discussion overlaping among the issuence of regulations the issuance of government regulations relating to exploration for excavation c, there is overlap between sectors. regulations issued by local, provincial and central governments have actually triggered new chaos. the government through its regulations has the function of determining and enforcing tenure rights as well as supervising the natural resources that are explored as mineral c. in carrying out its function of exploration of excavation c, the government still requires that every investor fulfills the agreement to have a business license and environmental permit. however, this expectation has often e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 become a new chaos, especially since the issuance of regulations in the form of regional regulation on rtrw of karangasem regency no. 17 of 2012 which prohibits the excavation of non-metallic minerals and rocks in areas with an altitude of 500 meters above sea level. figure 1. transportation of materials in excavation c, sebudi village photo by ida bagus gde putra, 2019 the regulation has not been able to run effectively in sebudi village. the government's power relation behind the enforcement of regulations is to have an interest in collecting taxes and levies from the exploration of excavation c in order to increase pad. investors are expected to have permits, but many are still illegal. the overlap in regulations between sectors is used as an excuse by investors not to seek permits because the management of permits is considered selective and convoluted, and investors are trying to avoid efforts to administer permits for the management of excavation c. the government continues to carry out its functions by assigning the satpol pp to carry out inspections to the location of excavation c in an effort to awaken investors and at the same time monitor the activities of the mining community of excavation c. the community has an interest and considers that the environment used as an exploration area for excavation c is land in the village area, and it needs to be empowered. this effort is utilized by the community in the c excavation area by making posportals in each area of their land that is used as a means of transportation to the c excavation area. the practice of thuggery began to be carried out by collecting excise fees from truck drivers who were deliberately directed to pass through their land to the excavation area c. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 community’s perception towards the type-c mining the exploration of excavation c was initiated by the perception that came from the community is considered to be the second chaos. the community considers that the excavated land belongs to them, even though the land does not yet have a land certificate. exploration of excavation c, which is carried out almost every day, causes violence to the environment and causes serious damage to the environment. the government and its power relations are still trying to make people aware to take preventive, countermeasures and restoration measures to the environment and urges the community to fulfill their obligations in managing permits based on land certificates. however, in practice, the role of the licensing agency cannot be fully controlled by the government and the application of regulations overlaps so that its implementation does not run effectively. this overlapping regulation is also used as an excuse for managers not to seek permits, in addition to the lack of understanding and public participation in the process of seeking business permits. mining entrance fee collection at portal post photo by ida bagus gde putra, 2019 excavation project area c has so far been an arena for conflict of interest, presenting economic imbalances and access to natural resources in the form of sand, stone, and gravel as an arena for conflict, especially between sand traders. in addition, chaos still occurs as it is; the existence of violence against the environment and humans as a result of poor public governance of the environment, problems that arise from conflicts between sand carriers, the closure of public information about varying sand prices, transactions of political interests that sparked public resistance to the management of excavation c were based on the power relations between the government and investors. the government's power relation to investors also occurs in determining the e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 price of sand. the price provisions are often a price competition between sand traders. the difference in the price of sand from sand traders is often a form of chaos. the difference comes from the price that has been set by the government, with the price given by the managers of excavation c. portal in the shape of a little hut photo by ida bagus gde putra, 2019 confusion also arises from the community, they also want to feel the results of the exploration of excavation c. the community is resistant to the manager of excavation c. this form of resistance that raises a violence is not carried out in a general manner, but it is carried out in the form of excise levies for truck drivers transporting minerals c. community power relations with truck drivers through excise levies are carried out on each side of the land used as truck roads with posportals installed in their plantation areas. excise collection caused chaos among truck drivers, because the amount of excise collection was felt to be unbalanced with the travel route between one portal distance and another so that truck drivers felt overwhelmed in paying excise duty on every port they passed to the c excavation management area in the area of sebudi village. vested interests of managing the type c mining the prohibition of disturbing the comfort of the community, smooth traffic and tourism activities are considerd to be the hird chaos. in this condition of infrastructure, there are indications that the government has not yet paid for it and is temporarily siding with investors. this kind of support is because the government is moving in a development paradigm, that excavation c must be explored in the interest of the welfare of the community. although it is not realized that the development goals will not be achieved e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 when the community, which should be the subject of development, is made the object of the interests of investors that excavation c must be explored in the interest of public welfare. the implication of changes in topography and geography is that there are many inter-sectoral government policies, for example; the overlapping spatial planning, protected forest areas and mining areas have led to unclear topographical and geographic boundaries used in the exploration of excavation c. although this policy is in line with the regulations for the utilization and exploration of excavation c, this policy seems far from being expected because it is more leads to those defined and allocated based on the map and its legality. there are indications that these policies seem to hegemony over investors, and ignore the carrying capacity and capacity of the environment, as well as sacrificing the socio-cultural interests of the people. bali province environmental law enforcement team monitoring the impact of excavation c in sebudi village source: nusabali.com (2016) implications for local government policies in law enforcement in managing the environment as a resource, wise management is needed. however, investors in exploring excavation c can freely determine the volume of activity and the level of risk as well as the size of the operation without taking into account the environmental conditions used as excavation c projects. for this reason, the regional government again issued the karangasem rtrw regional regulation number 17 of 2012 that the maximum height limit is 500 meters above sea level with a depth of 40 meters above sea level. this shows that regional regulation no. 17 of 2012 is not effective considering the height of sebudi village is 850 meters above sea level. the government's dominance over investors firmly enforces its regulatory rules, but on the other hand it allows investors to dig without taking firm action, and its implementation is preventive and coaching. there are indications that the government is letting investors explore excavation c without a permit, the government e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 is moving in a narrow development paradigm, namely the potential for excavation c is still being explored for the benefit of the welfare of the community through increasing pad. consequently, it seems that excavation c activity has departed from local government policies and applicable laws, so that indicates that the government is lacking in applying the principles of justice and has created new chaos. the land slide of type c mining in sebudi village photo by ida bagus gde putra, 2019 the implications of the chaotic exploration of excavation c for socio-cultural, show that the previous activities of the sebudi village community were struggling in several potential sectors, such as; agriculture, and animal husbandry, then less and less and even abandoned. socially, the procurement of exploration of excavation c on the one hand seems to shift their status from farmers to laborers in excavation c. the hope to create new jobs and obtain maximum results from the work in excavation c becomes the foundation of life. however, on the other hand, it was inevitable that behind the emergence of excavation c, there was also a lot of gambling, as well as the proliferation of prostitution practices among drivers in the excavation area of excavation c. in addition, the activities of excavation c itself had created a new social class group, namely with the emergence of the skippers and concurrently thuggery (brokers) as the new managers of the c excavation activities. the aim is to increase capital by taking advantage of new opportunities and increase wealth by seeking new reserves (production), and culturally there was a shift in value as evidenced by the demolition of the house and rebuttal area as an effort to procure exploration for excavation c. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 conclusion the problem of chaos in the exploration of excavation c in sebudi village bali sometimes still occurs, and some of the main substances regarding the factors that trigger the occurrence of chaos, the form of chaos and their implications are considered as the whole factors of chaotic system. firstly, the issuance of government regulations in the form environmental laws which serve as guidelines for the implementation of sectoral licensing, in fact stand alone; the incoherence of changes in regulations issued by the central, provincial, and local governments so that in their application they are overlapping; as well as the emergence of thuggery which marked a change in power relations over access and control of the natural resources excavated c in sebudi village. secondly, the forms of chaos in the exploration of excavation c, which are the arena for the struggle of the interests of the three actors; imbalance in access to natural resources in the form of sand, stone and gravel; poor public governance of the environment; the disclosure of public information about the price of sand; community resistance due to political interest transactions; environmental degradation and the creation of a pattern of marginalization. thirdly, the implications of the chaos in the exploration of excavation c, namely the development of infrastructure that prioritizes the management of excavation c over the needs of the community; changes in topography and geography of the mining c area, unclear boundaries due to overlapping government regulations; government policies that are not effective in implementing and enforcing the law; the emergence of a new social class due to the practice of gambling, prostitution, and thuggery as well as the shifting cultural values of society. the chaotic system of managing the type-c mining has emerged a finding that horizontally, the seeds of chaos began to emerge among the community which emphasize the existence of internal conflicts. the government's alignment with managers or investors can be seen in the issuance of various policies that lead to incoherence in the licensing system. the government's policy to save so many dimensions of people's lives in sebudi village has caused new chaos in the exploration of excavation c and is considered a product of failed development. as a suggestion, this study recommends the need for policies and programs from the karangasem regency government, especially the regulation of sectoral permits regulated in a separate law, it is enough to be handled by the local authority so that there is no integration of the licensing system in the c excavation business, such as in remapping the area, especially land that is owned by individuals with land that does belong to the state. the aim is to clarify ownership so that there is no land theft in the name of the state. meanwhile, the excavation sector c which gives hope as a promising livelihood e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 11-26 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 is considered as the seed for the emergence of chaos that emphasizes the existence of claims of land ownership between families. additionally, investors are expected to change their business paradigm by referring to the principle of balance and equity. this principle is sought to maintain balance in the relationship between investors and local communities. local governments are still treated as "rulers" who have rights and obligations in regional development. to the local community, it is necessary to have a control mechanism so that violent disturbances, even though it is a last resort, must be avoided. the community should know what they think about balance and equity in the c excavation practice in the sebudi village area. the community should create a control system so that it is not easily intervened or provoked while at the same time avoiding violence in the event of chaos in the sebudi village area. references abiodun, a. r. 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(2020). devising urban ecosystem-based adaptation (eba) projects with developing nations: a case study of port vila, vanuatu. ocean & coastal management, 184, 105037. ecological and ideological representation of kabhanti performed by muna community in muna regency, south east sulawesi hadirman teachers’ training college, university of haluoleo kendari, south-east sulawesi email: hadiecolinguistik@yahoo.co.id abstract kabhanti is one of the oral traditions performed by muna community. it is performed as part of the traditional ceremony adhered to by muna community as an amusement and a means of presenting ideas and ideologies, and bequeathing the values which are useful to human life. specifically, this present study was intended to describe the forms of ecological representation of kabhanti performed by muna community, to reveal the ideology it contains, and to interpret the ecological meanings it contains. the theory of ecolingistics, the theory of ideology, and the theory of semiotics were eclectically used in the present study. qualitative method was used and the data were descriptively and interpretatively analyzed. the present study was conducted at watumela village and latugho village, lawa district, muna regency. the data were collected through participatory observation, in-depth interview, the informants’ personal experience, and documentary study. the results of the study showed that ecologically the kabhanti performed by muna community represented natural environment and human environment. all the ecological lexical items and the human ecological lexical items in such a performance reflected the existence of muna people in their lives. it contained environmental, educational, social and developmental ideologies. the meanings of ecological representation in this present study included the meaning of environment, the meaning of cultural endurance, the meaning of identity, and the meaning of solidarity. keywords: representation, ecologicy, ideology, ecolinguistics, kabhanti, and muna community. introduction kabhanti is one of the oral traditions of the muna community in muna regency, south east sulawesi province. it is performed using a specific language representing natural environment and human environment. the ecological lexical items representing the natural environment and human environment prove that the muna people, especially the pemantun (the poem reciter) are close to their environment. however, it is getting extinct as it has been scarcely performed in the domain of traditional ceremony. in relation to such a phenomenon, the problems of the present study are formulated in the form of three questions. they are what its ecological representation is like; what ideologies it contains, and what its ecological representation means. in relation to this present study, the use of the concept muna reflects that there is a number of individuals who occupy a region in muna regency. they make friends and associate mailto:hadiecolinguistik@yahoo.co.id with each other. in their interaction, they are confined by regulations, norms, values, manners, and procedures; they are bound to the feeling of solidarity and collective interest; they recognize that there are norms which make them interact with each other. barker (2005: 10) states that representation is related to how the world is socially constructed and presented to and by us. further, the essence of cultural studies can be defined as the studies in which culture is considered the practices of meaningfulness and representation. representation is an action to present or represent something through another thing outside itself, which is usually in the form of a sign or symbol (piliang, 2006: 24). ecology is a network. understanding ecosystem means understanding a network (widianarko, 2004: 112). moreover, suharso et al (1993: 8) state that the central concept of ecology is ecosystem, that is, an ecological system formed by the mutual relation between animate beings and their environment. apart from that, mbete (2001: 15) states that ecology or environment refers to natural and social spaces which interact and influence one another. although human beings recognize that they are part of the natural and biological systems, the psychological factor, the social dimension, and the cultural dimension inspire people to distinguish the natural environment from the cultural environment. in general, this study was intended to obtain the basic data and the relation between the oral tradition and linguistics concerning the forms of the ecological description in the oral tradition of kabhanti. the ecological representation revealed is wrapped by the environmental language used by the pemantun (poem reciter) when performing kabhanti. this present study is significant theoretically and practically. in theory, it was expected that the results of the study would justify and enrich the information needed to strengthen the theoretical framework of the relation between the oral tradition and ecolinguistics in the cultural life of a society. in practice, it was expected that the result of the study could be used as the basis for empowering the ecological linguistic potential in the creation of the kabhanti text. research method this study was conducted in muna regency, south east sulawesi province. lawa district was chosen as the location where the research was conducted for several considerations; they are (1) it is relatively homogenous, the muna people living there work as traditional farmers cultivating dry land and still perform the oral tradition kabhanti, although it is scarcely performed; (2) the oral tradition kabhanti is still performed by the muna community, although it has been scarcely bequeathed and it is only in the cognitive of the old speakers; and (3) it seems that the oral tradition kabhanti does not function to trigger communal unity and the consciousness of the muna community. the data were collected through participatory observation, in-depth interview, and the informants’ personal experience. the qualitative data in the form of recording of the performance of kabhanti and narrations were analyzed in the present study. the data were obtained from both the primary and secondary data sources. the primary data were directly obtained from the informants, the kabhanti text and pictures. the secondary data were obtained from written sources. the data were descriptively and interpretatively analyzed. the theories used to answer the problems of the study were the theory of ecolinguistics proposed by einer haugen (1972), the theory of ideology proposed by thompson (2004) and volosinov (1973), and the theory of semiotics proposed by barker (2005) and riffaterre (1978). results and discussion a text is stated to contain ecological representation if it contains the lexical items of natural environment and human environment. this insight is in line with what is used as the basis of ecolinguistic studies. the forms of ecological representation in the present study can be classified based on the lexical elements taken from the natural environment and human environment. the forms of the representation of the natural environment recorded in the performance of kabhanti in the muna community included the description of flora, fauna, cosmos, energy, and mineral. such a description was not meaningless but was functional and meaningful to human life as well. the phenomena of the natural environment which was present at the performance of kabhanti indicated that there was a relation between human beings and the environment it represented. human is part of the ecosystem. there were various types of interaction in the social environment. the representation of lexical items of human ecology refers to everything related to (1) human organism, (2) the activity of human body, (3) human life equipment, (3) names of places, (4) jewelry and dress, and the interrelation between human and the world of souls. the traditional performance of the oral tradition of kabhanti in the muna community contains several ideologies. an ideology is defined as a social glue which is used by a community to maintain the stability of its people to apply norms collectively. thomson (2004: 17-22) states that an ideology is not only a relation of the form of power which is institutionalized in a modern state, but it is also a system of relation in everyday life which does not focus on minor things but also neglects the characteristic and wider structural boundary. kabhanti can also be performed as a suggestion of socialization to spread the ideology of the pemantun (the poem reciter) of the surrounding social reality. when it is recited to the public (the viewers), it is responsible for spreading a belief, ideology, values or a particular prejudice. when it is performed, it seems that the pemantun exposes (1) an environmental ideology, that is, the people’s way of life which positions and uses environment to reveal the massage which is intended; (2) an educational ideology, that is, an ideology of relation of both formal education and local education the muna community has; (3) a social ideology, that is, an ideology of social relation taking place in the community; and (4) an ideology of development, that is, an ideology of physical and mental-spiritual developments. the ecolinguistic representation in the kabhanti performed by the muna community contains various meanings depending on the viewers’ point of view, meaning that there is no single meaning. meaning will be realized in relation to a particular discourse (storey, 1984: 103). the lexical items used by the pemantun will change depending on his observation of the surrounding environment used as the idea of the kabhanti text. the meaning of the performance of kabhanti includes (1) environmental meaning, that is, the environmental meaning marking the relation of human and environment, that is, the relation in which the social and natural environments takes from and gives to the people who create them; (2) the meaning of cultural endurance, that is, the meaning which gives space to the community as the owner for the oral tradition kabhanti to exist in; (3) the meaning of identity, that is, through kabhanti the muna people show their identity of having their own language ‘muna language’ and the oral tradition kabhanti. in addition, through the performance of kabhanti the poem reciter invites the viewers to establish solidarity in praying that the ceremony will be successful, solidarity in building their village (muna), and solidarity in achieving what is good together. novelties of the study can be stated as follows. firstly, it turned out that environment was used to inspire the kabhanti text. there were two forms of ecological representation in the performance of kabhanti in the muna community; they are (1) the natural environment and (2) the human environment. some environmental forms had some references in the nature and the others did not as a consequence of the change in living environment and cultural environment; however, they were still recorded in the kabhanti performed. first, as far as the natural environment is concerned, two lexical items were recorded in the kabhanti text; however, their physical realizations were not available any longer; they are sandana ‘sandalwood tree’ and ghoghorio ‘kepodang bird’. second, as far as the human environment is concerned, the household tools which had already been extinct were found; they are (1) kaghua ‘equipment used for drinking’, (2) kaperangku ‘equipment used for chasing sparrow away’, (3) o kampanaha ‘a tool used for consuming betel vine’ and (4) kawera ‘pan made of soil’. the lexical items were already extinct and did not have any references. the ecological change and the people’s cultural change caused the references of flora, fauna and household tools to get extinct. secondly, the ideologies of the performance of the oral tradition kabhanti implied the people’s ideas, feeling, desire, idea, and ideology in their lives. in the ideology of education, the people’s ideology in choosing which works were allowed and which ones were not allowed was represented by the expression ‘kotoginana kodotoangka ne giu pata mentela’, meaning ‘ do not attach to and do not follow the words which are not allowed’. this expression was also related to the character education . further, the ideology of the muna people’s local education related to a group of knowledge which was taught in their family environment was recorded in the kabhanti text performed as well. they are (1) the knowledge of bente ‘the knowledge of how to take care of oneself’, (2) the knowledge of kantisele ‘the knowledge of how to recall any soul which was lost due to being surprised’, (3) the knowledge of sawurondo ‘the knowledge of how to make oneself disappear in a second’, (4) the knowledge of kutika ‘astrology’ (the knowledge of how to identify what days are good and what days are bad in the muna calendar), and (5) the knowledge of how people learned from tooke ‘house lizard’ based on its natures. thirdly, there are five meanings which the ecological representation of the performance of kabhanti by the muna people contained. they are (1) the meaning of strengthening environmental awareness, (2) the meaning of cultural endurance, (3) the meaning of inheritance, (4) the meaning of identity socialization, and (5) the meaning of strengthening solidarity. the cultural endurance was encouraged by the philosophy of the muna people’s culture. the expressions in kabhanti showed the spirit that establishing self-endurance and living endurance was important. in addition, it was found that in the oral tradition kabhanti had never been taught in any formal educational institution in muna regency. conclusion and suggestion from the results of the study, several conclusions can be drawn. first, in the performance of kabhanti, the lexical items used by the poem reciter represent natural environment and human environment. second, the ideologies the ecological representation in the performance of kabhanti include (1) environmental ideology, (2) educational ideology, (3) social ideology, and (4) developmental ideology. third, the meanings of the ecological representation of the kabhanti performed by the muna community include (1) environmental meaning, (2) cultural endurance meaning, (3) the meaning of identity, and (4) the meaning of solidarity. it is suggested that, first, the poem reciter in the performance of kabhanti who usually comes from the old generation should introduce kabhanti to the young generation. second, it is suggested to the local government of muna that training should be provided to the teachers teaching locally loaded lessons so that they will implement the curriculum of locally loaded lessons well. acknowledgements in this opportunity the writer would like to thank and highly appreciate prof. dr. i made suastika, s.u., as the main supervisor, prof. dr. aron meko mbete and prof. dr. emiliana mariyah, m.s., as co-supervisor i and co-supervisor ii for their attention, supervision, and encouragement. the writer would also like to thank prof. a.a. bagus wirawan, s.u. and dr, putu sukardja, m.si. as head and secretary of the doctorate program of cultural studies and all the teaching staff for transforming their knowledge to and helping the writer in completing his study. bibliography barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies, teori dan praktik. cetakan pertama. yogyakarta: bentang pustaka hadirman. 2013. 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filosofija. leningrad, 1993. new york and london: seminar press. widianarko, dkk. 2004. menelusuri jejak capra menemukan integrasi sains, filsafat, dan agama. yogyakarta: kanisius. microsoft word artikel a.n. tagel eddy terbit4 e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 the potential of cepuk woven fabrics as nusa penida's local wisdom in supporting sustainable development in the pandemic era i wayan tagel eddy history study program faculty of cultural sciences, udayana university email: tageleddy58@gmail.com received date : 06-04-2022 accepted date : 28-04-2022 published date : 31-05-2022 abstract this article examines the potential of cepuk woven fabric as nusa penida's local wisdom in supporting sustainable development in the pandemic era. balinese people in general are familiar with gringsing woven fabrics, songket woven fabrics and endek woven fabrics. there is a type of cloth that comes from tanglad village, nusa penida district, klungkung regency, called cepuk woven fabric. the process of making cepuk woven cloth using a traditional tool called cagcag . the purpose of this study is to provide information about the history of existence, tools and materials, the manufacturing process to the decorative motifs found on cepuk woven fabrics as local wisdom of nusa penida. this research is a qualitative descriptive study. data was collected using observation, interviews, and documentation methods. the results showed that the history of the existence of cepuk woven fabrics has been accepted from generation to generation and is a type of sacred cloth. materials used: metric threads and rayon, natural dyes using tarum leaves, teak leaves, bark (jamblang, mango, kepundung/menteng, noni), and secang/sepang wood. the process of making cepuk weaving is quite complicated through several stages, and has several motifs with their respective functions. keywords: cepuk weaving, natural dyes, decorative motifs, meaning. background bali as one of the most popular tourist destinations in the world, has had a huge impact on the existence of its culture and local wisdom. bali has many noble cultural works, one of which is the traditional woven fabric in the form of cepuk woven fabric which is the work of the people in tanglad village, nusa penida, klungkung regency. in the current era, the development of tourism and a very broad free market has eliminated the existence of cepuk woven fabrics in an era of very tight and fast competition. the manufacture of this cepuk woven cloth takes quite a long time and is complicated so that the production price is quite expensive. the high selling price of this cepuk woven fabric e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 has made him lose in the tight and fast market competition. in addition, the emergence of artificial cepuk woven fabrics made with modern machines with a much cheaper selling value has made cepuk woven fabrics even worse. this has led to a decrease in the number of cepuk woven craftsmen which has an impact on the existence of cepuk woven fabrics in nusa penida in particular and bali in general. the existence of cepuk woven fabrics as ancestral cultural heritage in the nusa penida area, klungkung, bali faces a complicated problem, amid its great potential to introduce woven fabrics typical of nusa penida, klungkung regency, various very specific woven fabrics (telagawathi, 2017: 1). the development of globalization today brings two impacts on the socio-cultural life of the balinese people. broadly speaking, globalization has changed the mindset of people who were previously traditional and eventually developed into a modern society. globalization has also changed the pattern of life of the people of nusa penida, one of which is guiding people to get to know various cultures from foreign countries. this new culture dominates and is very influential at the surface structure level , namely the attitudes and behavior patterns of the people in nusa penida. this forms a consumptive lifestyle, hedonism, individualistic attitudes, and creates social inequality (nurhaidah and musa, 2015: 1). this global lifestyle greatly affects the lives of balinese people, especially people in nusa penida which is a tourist destination. the people of nusa penida are more comfortable wearing clothes that have western nuances rather than using traditional fabrics as their identity and lifestyle. it seems that this has shifted the functions of traditional cloth in nusa penida such as the cepuk woven cloth in tanglad village, nusa penida which is quite rich in religious, customary and socio-cultural functions in the community in nusa penida. therefore, there is a need for an effort to save the function of the woven fabric for the sustainability and local wisdom of the people in nusa penida. the symptom experienced by the people of nusa penida now is a very basic social change of culture . the acceleration of information in the wave of globalization has brought significant changes to the people of nusa penida, especially in the deep structure (value system, world view, philosophy and belief). changes occur due to cultural contact between countries which is interpreted as a dialectic of new values with old values that hegemony and dominate each other, which allows homogenization and neoliberalization in all aspects of life including local cultural values that have been the grip of the people in nusa penida. this condition gives rise to spit and uncertainty about values because the people of nusa penida glorify modern values by marginalizing transcendental values . as a result, there are various forms of deviation from moral values which are reflected in the patterns, styles, and patterns of people's lives (suwardani, 2015: 248). this negative e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 impact affects one of the local wisdom values that exist in the value of cepuk woven fabrics in the community in tanglad village, nusa penida, namely the value degradation in the use of cepuk woven fabrics with certain patterns which were initially only used as special fabrics as ceremonial fabrics but freely used at this time. therefore, it is necessary to have a new order that regulates the regulation of the use of local wisdom values for the community so that they do not become increasingly degraded. therefore, the indonesian government through law no. 5 of 2017 concerning the advancement of culture, especially in article 4, it is emphasized that the promotion of culture is based on tolerance, diversity, locality, cross-regional, participatory, beneficial, sustainable, freedom of expression, integration, equality and mutual cooperation. with the aim of developing the noble values of the nation's culture, enriching cultural diversity, strengthening national identity, strengthening national unity and integrity, educating the nation's life, improving the nation's image, realizing civil society, improving people's welfare, preserving the nation's cultural heritage, and influencing the direction of the nation's cultural heritage. the development of world civilization, so that culture becomes the direction of national development (uu ri no. 5 of 2017 concerning the advancement of culture). based on this, it raises the urgency to conduct studies as well as document, inventory, and protect balinese weaving, especially the cepuk woven fabric in tanglad village, nusa penida as a valuable cultural asset. this study will focus on the tanglad village area, nusa penida sub-district, klungkung regency, bali province, because this village is the center or center for craftsmen who are still surviving by making various patterns and motifs of cepuk woven fabrics in nusa penida. history of tanglad village, nusa penida one day after the kuningan holiday there was a group sailing for a cruise. the group came from ketewal village, gianyar regency level ii . arriving in the middle of the ocean, the group was unwittingly dragged by a strong current accompanied by a large wave. as well as suddenly a strong wind came that swept the group away until they were stranded on a steep cliff to the south of nusa penida island. it was on the cliff that the group set foot in search of protection. because the boat they were riding in suffered heavy damage, with determination and strong will, one of the group managed to climb the steep cliff in various ways to help his comrade who was still at the bottom, finally the group was able to climb up. survived even in very poor conditions. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 to return to continue the journey in a very poor condition with dungkah (steps) that wraps, the place is named drevelation. in this place, the group stayed for some time and some even started farming. at a certain time, the eldest leader in the group gave an order to one of the group members. the one who was ordered was i bekung. because i bekung was still a child and the orders he received seemed like coercion, he felt annoyed. with annoyance in his heart, i bekung left the group, which was followed by his younger brother, ni wulang singah. after a long walk towards the east, the two children felt tired and took a break to look for food. in search of fruit he met a large tree named bihingin and the place was named bihingin. and so on, he met another big tree which was named the gepah/gepuh tree, as well as the place was named gepuh. after living in gepuh for some time, i bekung and ni wulang singa continued their journey to the south, where they met a complete spice plant, which in balinese is called carub (complete), hence the name caruban. after passing through caruban they met again with various difficulties and finally they fell ill. because of the pain they seemed to be crippled (can't go anywhere) so the place was named penaancang. after recovering they continued their journey to the south and finally met with a very dense forest, this is where the intention of ni wulang the lion arose to do penance meditation. in doing meditation in ni wulang, the lion received a gift (word) so that they could continue their journey to the east. on their way to the east they met a high cliff. because ni wulang singa was abandoned by his brother, he called his brother: anti...anti....anti.. .(continuing the journey to the west the steps became uncertain which in balinese sayar-soyor with that this place was named soyor because ni wulang the lion felt that he had not gotten what he wanted, he continued to do meditation meditation which finally got the following words: "o my son actually your journey to the south is wrong, the big tree is on the east." relieved they continued their journey by finding various kinds of oddities and then met with a steep cliff, this is where he thought after a long journey from the west to the east end which according to his mind was the boundary of the area then the place was named watas. after leaving their dead, they continued their journey towards the north, they quickly decided that the area was suitable for agriculture and they intended to settle there. because he was quick to make a decision, the place was named julingan which comes from the word iju and the word ling. the word iju which means fast and the word ling which means intent or purpose. after settling in julingan, they remembered the old incident when they separated from their neighbors who used to be where they live now, that's why e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 they named the place tangga lad which means former neighbour, over time the pronunciation becomes tanglad. this is where i bekung and ni wulang the lion settled and eventually mate to produce offspring until now. balinese woven fabrics are well known throughout indonesia and even abroad, each district has a unique and distinctive fabric motif, such as that found in tanglad village, nusa penida district, klungkung regency. this typical woven cloth of tanglad village is named " cepuk woven fabric " . cepuk woven cloth is a typical craft of tanglad village, which comes from ancestors and is passed down from generation to generation. until now, we can still find cepuk woven fabrics in tanglad village, karang gede village, and several villages in nusa penida. the origin and development of cepuk woven fabrics in tanglad village, nusa penida the origin of the name cepuk weaving cloth itself comes from sanskrit, namely 'cepuk' which means canging wood. canging wood is a type of plant that is suitable for use as a basic material for making woven fabrics. based on this history, the name cepuk weaving became the brand of the typical woven fabric of tanglad village. the existence of the cepuk woven cloth is not only used when carrying out prayers, but this cloth is also used in certain religious ceremonies. there are several types of cepuk woven fabrics, and each type has different uses in religious ceremonies, as follows: cepuk ngawis , woven cloth used during the pitra yadnya (ngaben) ceremony. cepuk tangi gede , a woven cloth worn by the middle child whose all brothers and sisters died (cremation ceremony). cepuk kurung , is a cepuk cloth that can be used in ordinary days. at first this type of cepuk tenun was used not as outer clothing, but as 'tapih', which is a cloth that is used as the innermost layer before using outer clothing. it is very interesting considering that now the cepuk weaving fabric is very popular with good quality and at a price that is quite affordable for the wider community as fans or collectors of typical nusa penida fabrics. the development of the era also affects the level of equipment used in making cepuk woven fabrics. in the past, people still used a simple loom called the cegcegan board . the cegcegan board is named because it uses two planks in the form of a block with a hole at the top as a place to put the thread to make the cepuk weave. the sound of the board when it is kicked at the time of tightening the threads so that the threads are one with the other. at this time the cepuk weaving equipment has begun to develop, its size is also larger than the old weaving. the rate of speed in completing a sheet of loom, e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 is better than traditional semi looms. old tools take five days, while semi traditional tools only take one day. with the size of a sheet of kamen 200 x160 cm. in terms of quality, the traditional and semi-traditional tools are the same, according to the ability of the weaver. regarding the traditional loom called caggag can be seen in the image below. equipment for making traditional cepuk woven cloth author's document (2020) in tanglad village, currently, cepuk woven fabric craftsmen only make two types, namely natural cepuk woven fabrics and chemical cepuk woven fabrics. named cepuk alam because the coloring material is made from natural materials, such as wood fiber, some from wood flowers that grow wild in nusa penida. the synthetic cepuk woven fabric is dyed from chemicals that can be purchased in the market and this is very different from the natural cepuk woven fabric because the dyes all use natural basic ingredients from various types of plants. the prices for these two types of cepuk woven fabrics are different. natural types reach the price of four million rupiahs per sheet, while chemical types are currently still in the range of five hundred thousand rupiahs (could be more or less). balinese woven fabrics are well known to foreign countries, each district has a unique and distinctive fabric motif, such as that found in tanglad village, nusa penida district, klungkung regency . this typical woven cloth of tanglad village is named "cepuk woven fabric". cepuk woven cloth is a typical craft of tanglad village, which comes from ancestors and is passed down from generation to generation. until now, we can still find cepuk woven e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 fabrics in tanglad village, nusa penida. the origin of the name cepuk weaving cloth itself comes from sanskrit, namely 'cepuk' which means canging wood. canging wood is a type of plant that is suitable for use as a basic material for making woven fabrics. based on this history, the name cepuk weaving became the brand of the typical woven fabric of tanglad village. the existence of the cepuk woven cloth is not only used when carrying out prayers, but this cloth is also used in certain religious ceremonies. cepuk woven cloth consists of several types, and each type has different uses in religious ceremonies which can be explained as follows. 1. cepuk ngawis , woven cloth used during the pitra yadnya ceremony (ngaben). 2. cepuk tangi gede , a woven cloth used by the middle child whose all brothers and sisters died (cremation ceremony). 3. cepuk likin g nails , worn by men to cut their teeth . 4. cepuk amethyst , worn by women in tooth-cutting ceremonies. 5. cepuk sudamala , cepuk cloth used to clean oneself. 6. cepuk kurung , is a cepuk cloth that can be used in ordinary days at first the six types of cepuk weaving were not used as outer clothing, but as ' tapih ' ie cloth used as the innermost layer before using outer clothing. it is very interesting considering that cepuk weaving is now very popular at a price that is not cheap. one of nusa penida's cepuk woven fabric motifs author's document (2020) cepuk woven fabric motif cepuk woven fabric is a fabric produced by craftsmen in tanglad village, nusa penida district, klungkung regency. the cepuk cloth is known as the bebali cloth, a sacred cloth that according to local people's beliefs is used for ceremonial needs. the cepuk woven cloth still survives today because its main function is as a protector to ward e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 off evil influences. in addition, cepuk woven cloth is also believed to be a magical cloth for medicinal purposes. in the tradition of the people of tanglad village, the cepuk woven fabric is actually used as an inner layer of cloth ( tapih ), so it is not visible from the outside. the cepuk woven fabric is a characteristic of nusa penida weaving because besides tanglad village, cepuk woven fabrics are also produced by other villages. cepuk woven fabrics are traditionally done using non-machine looms (atbm) at first using natural materials, but according to current developments, people who produce cepuk woven fabrics already use synthetic materials. the nusa penida cepuk woven fabric motif, especially in tanglad village, has a characteristic and exudes a magical aura, in contrast to other types of woven fabrics in bali which use a lot of stylized flora and fauna motifs. types and motifs of cepuk woven fabrics 1 clap macawis . cepuk makawis usually uses free motifs (amethyst or brackets), sparse fabric fibers. 2 clap lingking nails . the titiran eye line motif is replaced with a genggong pant 3 cepuk amethyst , a package of motifs consisting of big flowers, large brackets, plus apit mountain, panggeh spurs, genggong pot and eyes titiran. 4 tangi gede , a package of motifs almost the same as amethyst, but in the brackets the color is replaced with black. 5 sudamala , almost the same as amethyst but the color is black and white 6 brackets , a package of motifs that are almost the same as amethyst, only in the brackets there is no big flower motif. the function of the woven cloth cloth cepuk is a typical balinese cloth that is made traditionally in several villages in nusa penida district, klungkung regency. one of the villages that is still producing cepuk woven fabrics is tanglad village. patterns and decorations can also determine the name of the cepuk cloth. according to information from community leaders in tanglad village, there are two versions that have developed in the community regarding the word cepuk. the first version says that the word cepuk comes from the word tepuk which means to meet. this is associated with the cepuk cloth motif always meeting each other, one of which then forms a geometric rhombus. this motif is associated with the mythological story of barong and rangda which symbolizes the meeting between penengen and pengiwa science to create a balance between humans and the universe. another version says that the word cepuk is associated with canging wood because one e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 of the decorative motifs in the cepuk cloth called the barong tooth looks almost like a canging wood thorn. the cepuk cloth is one of the cultural elements of the people of nusa penida which can be seen from various aspects. cepuk traditional cloth seen as a system includes several elements in it , such as : (1) cultural elements , consisting of ideas and even noble values contained in the traditional cloth; (2) the element of charm, namely the traditional cloth craftsman who does the design which will reveal an element of amazing beauty; and (3) infrastructure elements, namely the tools used by craftsmen to weave cloth traditional . a. religious function cepuk woven cloth is a handicraft product which in ancient times was only used by the people of the nation or people who were in the area . at present , the cepuk woven fabric has been used by most of the people in nusa penida and bali in general. the cloth called w astra in custom bali, play a big role important in traditional ceremonies. from birth to death, starting in the morning when the sun rises to sunset, balinese people live their lives with various traditional ceremonies. this cultural heritage causes certain types of cloth to be considered sacred and closely related to religious ceremonies. cepuk woven fabric also has variety decorate associated with sacred ceremonies or may only be used by certain people. this causes the cepuk cloth as a cultural heritage that must be preserved but should not be treated carelessly, because it can damage the cultural values that characterize the people of nusa penida. in general, cepuk woven cloth is used to cover part body to avoid the weather hot and cold. results woven fabric crafts from one of the cepuk woven fabric craftsmen in bali have different qualities , and are very dependent on the material elements and the quality of the craftsmen. professional craftsmen will produce quality cepuk woven fabrics and vice versa. in addition to the above functions, woven fabrics are commonly used in religious ceremonies. in general, there are five types of traditional ceremonies in society bali is the ceremony p anca y adn y a , y ie: (1) de w a y adn y a ; (2) pitra y adn y a ; (3) manusa y adn y a ; (4) rsi y adn y a ; and (5) butha y adn y a . manusa y ad y a, includes life cycle ceremonies from pregnancy to adulthood . pitra y adn ya is a ceremony for ancestral spirits, either in the form of death or purification. dewa y adn y a , are ceremonies at family temples and other temples . while resi y adn ya is a ceremony related to the ordination of priests. lastly , the ceremony held for bhuta and kala is called bhuta y adn y a. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 the cepuk woven cloth is used in various religious ceremonies, namely, the cepuk makawis is used in the pitra yadnya ceremony, as a wrapper for bones or corpses ( layon ). in a death ceremony, the body of the deceased is usually wrapped in a cloth, then wrapped in a cepuk makawis cloth. cepuk amethyst is used in a special toothcutting ceremony for girls, while for boys it is used in a toothcutting ceremony. until now, this research has not found examples of types of cepuk lingking nails. cepuk tangi gede is used in a ceremony called sanan empeg . this ceremony is carried out when a child is born called apit bangke, meaning that the first child dies, the second child is born, then the third child is born and dies. the second born child is called apit bangke. the cepuk suda mala cloth with a black-and-white motif is used when someone performs a melukat ceremony (self-cleaning); and cepuk brackets can be used in various ceremonies and are free to use including can be modified. cloth cepuk brackets are widely circulated in the market and are used for various events and also developed by designers for clothing modifications. b. social-cultural function balinese traditional clothing has a high social value and prestige . exist type cloth y ang called w astra gedogan which has eleven colorful stripes . w astra gedogan is considered to have certain magical powers, the most powerful among other magical cloths is w astra skordi , kling , got ya , and poleng . w astra skordi is a w astra with variety decorate line or plaid with w color main red. w astra kling is cloth with variety decorate yellowish plaid . w astra got y a has various colored plaid decorations . while the poleng cloth is a cloth with a decorative pattern of plaid, with w color main black and white. cepuk cloth is one type of cloth that has a high social value. function and the social role of cepuk woven cloth can be used to protect the body against hot and cold conditions. besides that, it can also be used as a bond of brotherhood or friendship as is usually the case with other fabrics, it can be lent to neighbors or friends. likewise, it can be used as a souvenir either for friends, acquaintances, or guests, because with this a close relationship is well established. cloth cepuk is also often used in welcoming guests, both private guests and official guests from the region or the center . using a quality cepuk cloth can elevate a person's social status. people who have a large number of cepuk cloths, especially cepuk cloths that are decades old, have high social prestige. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 c. economic function woven fabric plash part big designed and produced for the benefit of the local balinese market, so the colors , motifs and design y a in accordance appetite mas y people bali. if you only focus on the local market in bali, the manpower that can be absorbed is limited. the entry of types of cloth from outside bali, makes balinese cepuk cloth craftsmen increasingly difficult to run their business . by because that, very urgent for craftsman for men y asar market national like y ang conducted by batik cloth manufacturers. expansion of the market from the local market to the national market is not impossible , as long as the craftsmen are able to create design y ang in accordance market and cloth y ang n y safe then cloth could enter to market national and even international markets opportunities for expansion into international markets are also very large. therefore, the marketing strategy needs to be changed by using social media so that the cepuk cloth is easily obtained by various people in the world. however, a strategy is needed in order to meet consumer tastes, so that they have competitiveness in the destination country export. designs, motifs, and the color can be adjusted according to market demand , but the uniqueness of the cepuk cloth must be maintained because the local cultural elements in it provide added value because of its uniqueness. the involvement of all parties in promoting more vigorous cepuk fabrics and protecting cepuk from plagiarism, has made cepuk fabrics even more elevated along with increased creativity and innovation of local designers to win prizes . competition good local, domestic and international. if export plash able to experience an increase there will be an increase in national income. in addition, rapid entry in the international market will add opportunity new jobs that can absorb labor . when the unemployment rate can be suppressed, then welfare mas y society will increase. the meaning of cepuk woven fabrics the symbolic meaning of the motifs and colors of the cepuk woven cloth does not appear out of nowhere but through a process of contemplation and creation idea, symbol, idea as well as the norms that are visualized in accordance with the creative abilities of the para craftsman. the production of cepuk cloth is used for support daily needs, good as clothes nor as a necessity in certain ceremonies, such as tooth-cutting ceremonies, death ceremonies, self-cleaning ceremonies ( melukat ) and ceremony custom other y a. the symbolic meaning of the cepuk cloth not only found in the motifs and colors , e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 but in the process of making them . in the process of making cepuk cloth, it means that as a good craftsman , you must carry out with full sincerity and patience because in the process of making the motifs you need expertise because of the complexity of the motifs . a. spiritual meaning the cepuk cloth contains hindu spiritual values which are represented by symbols in various motifs . because of that, the cepuk cloth gets the category of sacred cultural objects . exist various functions of clothing , one of which is to show a religious-magical function. this is because magical and religious practices depend on elements such as standard official status or divine grace , and are highly valued in society. tradition y a as well as guard order. various decorative motifs of cepuk cloth such as mountain flank, panggeh spurs, big flowers, brackets, genggong pots, matn titiran is motives y ang relate with symbols of local community traditions that are influenced by hinduism. therefore , these motifs are sacred and should be get protection to keep these motifs preserved by the cepuk cloth craftsmen. b. equality meaning currently, cepuk cloth is commonly used by various groups of people. in ancient times, cepuk cloth was used more by the upper class so that the use of cepuk cloth showed one's status. just like the balinese songket which was originally only used by the nobility. in the past , balinese people gave the prerogative of songket to the family and priests only. then in an atmosphere of democratic spirit, the governor of bali ida bagus mantra in 1980 announced the use of traditional balinese clothing in traditional rituals and ceremonies. this momentum is considered as the first step to democratize balinese songket. since then, all levels of balinese society have the right to produce and consume songket bali. likewise, the use of cepuk cloth is now commonly used by various groups. the use of cepuk cloth is no longer based on heredity but rather based on economic ability c. well-being meaning from an economic perspective, cepuk cloth is an item that can be traded, where the supporting community is required to repackage their culture based on market demand . in addition, there should be efforts to raise the spirits of the craftsmen with various trainings and capital assistance. with thus, t h e r e s h o u l d b e a p r o p e r treatment e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 same like objects economy other y a that is do sur v ey market for understand interest and appetite consumer, and until akliirn y a do transactional emotion. success in increasing productivity in accordance with market tastes will have an effect on increasing the opinions of entrepreneurs, craftsmen and traders. this will improve the welfare of society as a whole. d. preservation meaning as one of the cultural artifacts, the cepuk cloth is a cultural heritage ( heritage ) which can be defined as a set of collective symbols inherited by generations. f i r s t o f a l l , t h i s r e l i c should not be treated like other objects in a museum which have finally been weathered by the influence of nature and time . cultural heritage or heritage deserves to be preserved and has economic value. thus, cultural preservation is in the form of maintaining the state and existence of a legacy of past generations through the process of inventory , documentation, and revitalization. this is useful for knowing, understanding, and appreciating the achievements or achievements of the community in the past as a source of inspiration to build a better future and can be used to build a better future. increase well-being mas y people. bibliography alisjahbana, s. takdir. 1986. new anthropology. jakarta: pt. people's diane. amir, firlie lanovia, “development of cepuk woven fabrics to support cultural tourism attraction in nusa penida” meet volume 4 no. 2, january 2018. armini, i gusti ayu et al. 2017. “ inventorying and recording of cultural works of songket woven fabrics in beratan village, buleleng district, buleleng regency, bali province. badung: bali cultural values preservation center. berger , peter l. and luckman, thomas . 1991. social interpretation of reality: a treatise on the sociology of knowledge . jakarta: lp3es . berger, peter l. the holy sky: religion as a social reality . jakarta: lp3es. bali province industry and trade office, 2013. identification of traditional balinese textile works (foklor) in the dimensions of intellectual property rights protection. denpasar: disperindag prov. bali ministry of culture and tourism, directorate of history and traditional values , 1983. biographical and historical thoughts, a collection of infrastructure at various workshops volume i. jakarta: depbudpar. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 endraswara, suwardi. 2006. methods, theories, cultural research techniques. yogyakarta: widyatama library. furchan, arief. 1992. introduction to qualitative research methods. surabaya: national effort. gottschalk, louis. 1986. understanding history (trans, nugroho notosusanto), jakarta: university of indonesia. haryanto, sindung. 2012. the spectrum of social theory. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media. koentjaraningrat. 1987. history of anthropological theory i. jakarta: ui-pres. kartiwa, suwati. 2007. tenun ikat: variety of indonesian traditional fabrics. jakarta: gramedia pustaka utama. mujaddidah, valery palayaty. 2016. “designing balinese weaving visual books as an effort to preserve weaving” thesis . surabaya: undergraduate study program, department of industrial product design, faculty of civil engineering and planning, sepuluh nopember institute of technology. nurhaidah and musa, m. insha'a. 2015. " the impact of globalization influence on the life of the indonesian nation ". in the journal of basic enchantment vol. 3, no. 3, april 2015. ritzer, george & douglas j. goodman. 2004. modern sociological theory . jakarta: kencana. rupa, i wayan et al. 2017. “pringgasela woven fabric, east lombok regency, west nusa tenggara province. badung: ministry of education and culture, directorate general of culture, bali cultural values preservation center. suwardani, ni putu. 2015. “ the inheritance of local wisdom values to protect balinese people from the negative impacts of globalization”. in the journal of the study of bali vol. 05, no. 02, october 2015. singarimbun, marinta serina (ed.) 2019. weaving time the story of weaving traditions in tenganan pegringsingan, sidemen, and tanglad nusa penida. bali: vishnu press. telagathi, ni luh dear. 2017. “ empowerment of small and medium enterprises of cepuk woven fabrics in nusa penida district, klungkung regency, bali ”. in the journal of social sciences and humanities vol. 6, no. 1, april 2017. law of the republic of indonesia no. 5 of 2017 concerning the advancement of culture. wronska, maria, 2015. balinese textiles . poland: central museum of textiles. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 34-48 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 information list name : i putu kertadana age : 47 years education : high school occupation : head of dusun tanglad office address : dusun tanglad, tanglad . village nusa penida district, klungkung name : i wayan sidemen age : 44 years education : junior high school occupation : cepuk craftsman address : dusun tanglad, tanglad village nusa penida district, klungkung name : ngurah alit parnawa age : 39 years education : high school occupation : tanglad village traditional bendesa address : banjar tanglad tanglad village nusa penida district, klungkung implementation of free education in relation to school management at public junior high school 5 denpasar i made gede putra wijaya pgri teachers’ training college bali seroja street, tonja, denpasar email: putrawijaya1960@yahoo.co.id abstract the present study was intended to understand and deconstruct the ideology and reality hidden in the implementation of free education especially at public junior high school (smpn) 5 denpasar. the ideology appeared from the capitalistic world where a decision was made by the government to make education free of charge. further, such a decision was issued when the general elections for the legislators and president were about to be held in 2009. it was this which inspired the writer to deconstruct the ideology and reality hidden in the decision made by the government to make education free of charge. the approach of cultural studies was employed in the present study. the informants were chosen using snow-ball technique, meaning that the longer the informants were determined, the more were involved. the data were collected using three techniques; they were observation, in-depth interview, and documentary study. then the data collected were descriptively and qualitatively analyzed. the result of the study showed that there was an ideology hidden in the policy made to make education free, that is, an attempt to attract people in such a way that they, through the elections for legislators and president held in 2009, would support those who were in the political superstructure. consequently, their state of being established could be maintained. in addition, such a policy was made as part of the politics of image as an attempt to maintain the status quo. keywords: the policy of free education, ideology, power, and politics of image. introduction in the situation in which the influence of capitalism was getting stronger, the government, in this case, the ministry of national education issued a policy that the parents of primary and junior high school students were freed from the school operating costs. this policy was prescribed in the circular of the minister of national education number 186/mpn/ku/2008, dated 2 december 2008. it contrasted with what had been ideal before. the circular did not allow schools, except those under the categories of rsbi ‘rintisan sekolah berstandar internasional’ (the schools which were designed to be internationally standardized) and sbi ‘sekolah berstandar internasional’ (the schools which were already internationally standardized), to levy operating costs on the students’ parents. before the circular was issued, both the non rsbi and non sbi schools were financially supported by the students’ parents. such financial support was in the form of spp ‘sumbangan pembinaan pendidikan’ (school fees). however, after the circular was issued, the school management became restless as they were not able to carry out the school programs which had been previously planned. what was interesting was that the policy was made when the election for president was about to be held, that is, in 2009. as a consequence, it was negatively interpreted by people. it seemed that the government was highly concerned about the people coming from the lower class. actually, there was an ideology hidden in it. according to o’neill (2001: 33), an ideology refers to a system of values or belief which is accepted as a fact or truth by particular groups of people. however, althusser (in takwin, 1984: xvi) affirms that an ideology is a belief which is unconsciously implanted. a study was conducted at sekolah menengah pertama negeri (public junior high school) 5 denpasar, as one of the junior high schools in denpasar city, to identify whether there was an ideology hidden in the policy issued to make education free or not. research method the present study was planned to be a qualitative study. according to iskandar (2008: 186) and moleong (2007: 6), a qualitative study is intended to understand the phenomenon experienced by the subject under study. the informants in the present study were purposively determined; those who were chosen were those who were considered knowledgeable of the problems explored. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview and documentary study. the data were descriptively and qualitatively analyzed in which the perspective of miles and huberman (1992: 15-21) was used as a reference. results and discussion from the results of data analysis, it could be described as follows. first, there were several reasons why the policy of making education free of charge was issued by the ministry of national education of the republic of indonesia, one of which was sociological in nature. sociologically, since a long time ago the indonesian society had criticized the government that its responsibility for making education inexpensive all over the country was low. such criticism was made based on what is prescribed in article 11 (1) of the act number 20/2003 concerning the national educational system which affirms that both the central government and local government should provide services and facilities, and guarantee that every citizen is equally entitled to quality education. in addition, in clause (2) of article 11, it is affirmed that both the central government and local government is obliged to prepare funds for carrying out education for every citizen who is seven to fifteen years old. as the response to the criticism that educational costs are high, the government, in this case, the minister of national education of the republic of indonesia, based on the circular number 186/mpn/ku/2008 dated 2 december 2008, issued a policy which was intended to support the school operating costs referred to as “dana bos”. it was expected that the policy would relieve the financial burden of the students’ parents, especially those coming from the middle and lower classes. the finding of the present study showed that such a policy did not allow the school management to levy dues on the students’ parents whatever the reason was as all the school operating costs had been budgeted by both the central government and local government. what is stated by charles lindblom (1968) is true that the public policy making is essentially a complex and analytical political process; when it starts and when it terminates are not known but the limits of the policy making process are clear. however, the policy made by the minister of national education based on the circular mentioned above seemed not to be maturely planned. the other reason why the policy was made was political in nature. the result of data analysis showed that the policy which was issued to make education free of charge by the minister of national education seemed not to be maturely planned. the reason was that how much the funds allocated for bos through the circular mentioned above was not determined through political and budgetary debates. how much the funds allocated for bos were “too quickly determined”. in this context, it could be predicted that there was an ideology hidden in the policy. this was supported by the fact that the circular was issued when the elections for legislators and president were about to be held in 2009. this fact was ironic enough, as in accordance with what is stated by mansur fakih (in the introduction to the book written by william f. o’neil entitled educational ideologies (2008: xvi), that, in critical perspective, education should make a critical reflection to socially transform the dominant ideology. the main responsibility of an educator is to prepare space for any critical attitude towards any unfair system and structure. deconstruction and advocating should also be made to make the social system impartial. referring to the analysis of freire concerning people’s ideological consciousness and to the balinese people’s awareness in general, and the awareness of the people living in ubung sub district in particular, the understanding which could be established was that the ideological awareness to which the balinese people adhered in general and to which the people living in ubung sub district adhered in particular were the magical awareness and the naive awareness. this proposition was developed in the present study for the following reasons. first, generally people just accepted every policy made by the government without making any attempt to understand what ideologies were possibly hidden in the policy. second, they never criticized any policy made by the government, as, according to them, the prevailing system and structure were good; as a result, they found it unnecessary to question it and they preferred to search for what was possibly responsible for the problem by blaming themselves (naïve consciousness) or to search for what was possibly responsible for the problem outside themselves (both natural and supernatural). the other reason was juridical in nature. when reformation started in 1998 in indonesia, every indonesian citizen proposed that every aspect of life be changed. what was initially expected by the indonesian society at that time was the change in politics, economy, law, and cultural development. the political life in the previous era (read: the new order era) was highly centralized; further, it tended to go to totalitarianism. the movement reformation expected that the government would be democratic and decentralized. second, there was one interesting finding which needs to be revealed in the present study. it was true that a policy was made to make education free in public junior high school 5 denpasar; however, it was applied to the students coming from economically poor families. and the students coming from economically rich families were still obliged to pay for school fees to compensate for those which should have been paid for by the students coming from economically poor families. this model of policy, on one hand, was advantageous as the students coming from poor families could enjoy education as guaranteed by the prevailing law regulations. on the other hand, the fact that many students were still obliged to pay for school fees whereas others were not could not avoid the partial structure and system of learning process. the reason was that either consciously or unconsciously the teachers would pay more attention to the students who paid for school fees and pay less attention to those who did not. in such a condition, the state, which maintained the discriminative and hegemonic system of education, should have deleted various forms of discrimination. third, one of the implications of the policy of making education free was that psychologically the students would not feel economically burdened; they would feel relieved during the learning process; in addition, their parents would not make any claim to the school management related to the quality of education their children enjoyed. the reason was that the parents felt that they were facilitated by the government through free education. fourth, the policy of making education free could also cause people to have permissive attitude to the schooling system. the reason was that when people felt that they were not economically burdened, they might consider that the matters pertaining to their children’s education were entirely the responsibility of the government, in this case, the schools where their children went to. as a result, people paid no attention to the matters pertaining to education especially to the matters pertaining to the quality of education. it was not surprising, therefore, that the quality of education in indonesia was worse than the quality of education in other countries, including singapore. conclusion and suggestion based on what was discussed above, there were several reasons which caused the government to issue the policy of making education free starting from the academic year 2008/2009. the first reason was sociological in nature; it was stated that since a long time ago the indonesian society had criticized that education was extremely expensive in indonesia. the second reason was juridical in nature; it was stated that the matters pertaining to educational costs, especially those levied in the basic level of education, in accordance with the 1945 constitution and the act number 20/2003, were the responsibility of both the central government and local government. the third reason, which was political in nature, was that the policy of making education free was actually an ideology; the ruler desired to maintain the prevailing system and structure. the policy of making education free in public junior high school 5 denpasar was implemented for one academic year, that is, the academic year 2009/2010; it was applied to all students regardless of their families. then, starting from the academic year 2010/2011 the school management levied school fees on the students’ parents amounting to rp. 50,000.00 (fifty thousand rupiahs) per month based on the agreement entered into by the school management and the school committee. the reason was that the funds given by both the central government and local government in the form of bos were insufficient to fund what was required to operate school. it turned out that the policy of making education free which was implemented starting from the academic year 2008/2009 had several implications on the students themselves, the learning process in the class room and the public. the implications of the policy of making education free could be classified into three; they are: psychological and sociological implications, and the implication on the students’ learning motivation. psychologically, the policy of making education free could negatively affect the non physical aspect of the students especially those coming from economically rich families. sociologically, the implementation of the policy of making education free could cause the social relationship between the teachers and students and the social relationship between the rich students and poor ones to be negative. it is suggested that the school management should pay attention to the economic condition of those coming from the lower class so that their children will be able to enjoy education to which they are entitled as prescribed by the prevailing law regulations. it is also suggested to the teachers that they should behave impartially to the students; the students coming from rich and poor families should be impartially treated. acknowledgements in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u. as the main supervisor. thanks are also extended to prof. dr. i nengah duija, m.si., and prof. dr. i made yudana, m.pd as co-supervisor i and co-supervisor ii for their supervision during the process of the completion of this dissertation. bibliography althusser, louis. 1984. tentang ideologi: marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies (terjemahan). yogyakarta: jalasutra. fakih, mansour. 2008. “ideologi dalam pendidikan”, pengantar buku william f.oneil ideologi-ideologi pendidikan. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. freire, paulo. 1970. pedagogy of the oppressed. new york: praeger. iskandar. 2008. metodologi penelitian pendidikan dan sosial (kuantitatif dan kualitatif). jakarta: cv press. lindblom, charle e. 1959. the science of muding through. public administration review. moleong, lexy j. 2007. metodologi penelitian kualitatif. bandung remaja rosdakarya. putra wijaya, i made gede. 2013. “impelementasi pendidikan gratis dalam kaitan manajemen sekolah di smp negeri 5 denpasar”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. global-local environment certification at five star hotels in tourism area of nusa dua, bali ni gst nym suci murnia,b, aan anom kumbarab, i nyoman sirthab, i gede mudanaa atourism department, state polytechnic of bali a,bcultural studies doctoral program of udayana university sucimurnign@yahoo.co.id abstract the research aims to examine the various form of environment certification, ideology behind the practice of green tourism (global award) and tri hita karana (local award), and the implication of environment practice at five star hotel in nusa dua tourism area. the data of the reserach was assessed by postmodern critical theory (theory of discourse regarding power/knowledge, hegemony theory, practice theory, and theory of deep/shallow ecology. the method used in this cultural studies is the qualitative one, where the data collection were obtained through direct observation, in-depth interviews, and related documentation. the sample used 6 five star hotels which practise green award, of 14 established five star hotels (some hotel is not in full operation). the results showed that (1) there are some variation of environment practice in five star hotel, (2) ideology working behind these practices can be seen from global ideology in the form of sustainable development deriving green tourism, and the local ideology, in the form of tri hita karana (thk) used in thk award, (3) implication of global-local invironment practice in tourism area and surrounding. keywords: global-local, environment certification, five star hotel, tourism area. introduction 2 globalization affects all areas at least five scapes accoding to arjun appadurai (urry, 2002) including tourism business. one component of tourism is accommodation/hotel in achieving requirement to follow the market trends in order to get the desired profits on the one hand and environmental and socio-cultural attention on the other. implemented environmental practices or discourses are influenced by environmental issues followed for the sake of saving the planet which is wrapped in sustainable development. nusa dua bali tourism area is one of the best examples in the world's tourism regions targeted in practice because on the one hand the environment is an area where the international five-star hotel with international management chain owned by foreign capitalists, and on the other, is located in a cultural environment of bali. environmental practices at a five-star hotels in the area of tourism nusa dua are inseparable with btdc as developer and manager of the area, where it represents the government in regulating and directing the hotel and other facilities in order to provide economic benefits to the government and do not damage the environment and culture of the community around it. environmental practices are implemented at a five-star hotel and it can not be separated from the effects of global environmental ideology in the form of certification sold to an international hotel chain owned by capitalist. global certifier will choose hotels that care about the environment to be targeted certification. in addition to the ideological hegemony of global environmental issues, local ideology thk also participated in environmental issues by using thk philosophy as the award given to the entire hotel and tourism components for the sustainability of bali as a tourism destination, and in order to maintain the natural environment of bali remain stable and steady. this present study was intended to identify the form of environment practice, the ideology behind the practice, and the implication of environment practice. it is theoretically and practically significant. theoretically, it was expected that the results of the study would justify and enrich the episthemology of cultural studies especially green tourism (global) and thk award (local) at five star hotel. practically, it was expected that the result of the study could be used as the basis for the components of the tourism industry, especially entrepreneurs (owners) of the property of a five-star hotel business, as a guideline in implementing policies related to the utilization of human resources and natural resources. people who are involved directly and indirectly, especially people around the tourist areas, in order to understand and take into account any development dynamics associated with the construction of hotels in the region and globally to save the environment around the area of tourism. 3 research method the method used is the interpretative-qualitative method, where the data collection were obtained through direct observation at five star hotels, in-depth interviews addressing to the expert of environment, tourism (hotel), and culture, and supported by related documentation (company report, company profile). the sample of this research used six of five star hotels which practising green award (globally and locally), of 14 established five star hotels in tourism area of nusa dua. result and discussion the results show three things. first, the forms of green tourism practices and award thk implemented in the area of nusa dua tourism can be seen from the notion of green tourism practices and thk award including shallow ecology in practice of green tourism as an area manager btdc. the focus is on practice variations, including the types of certification/award achieved by both global and local award. the global award covers earthcheck and asean green hotel standards. the local one includes national green award hotel and thk award which is in accordance with the criteria set by the certifier. thk green tourism practices and award at a five-star hotel, viewed from the theory of deep ecology/shallow turns to indicate shallow ecology as a hotel company seeking profit from the economic point of view, concerning environmental issues and social culture for sustainability investments. it occurs hegemony and counter-hegemony in the discourse and thk green tourism award. second, the ideology behind the green tourism practices and award thk ideology can be divided into global and local ideologies that accompany the practice regarding environment. ideology which begins with that of global environmental and sustainable development discourse always be relied upon in any development consisting of ecological sustainability, social sustainability and economic sustainability, in addition to green tourism. as part of the local ideology, the ideology of the government may also corporate hegemony, the community, by legitimizing passing laws and regulations and the establishment of destination tourism area, which includes the enclave nusa dua tourism area, btdc as an area manager, and the establishment of a strategic area of national tourism (kspn), manufacture of eia, hotel classification, formation of associations ihra. local ideology in the context of bali was instrumental in practising environment. in this case, the ideology of thk is a concept that implies three causes of alignment or harmony, which consists of elements parhyangan (god), pawongan (human creature), and 4 palemahan (physical environment) (kaler, 1983). local ideology was transformed into thk award initiated by team thk award of bali travel news belonging to bali post media group (kmb/bali post group). third, the implications of the practice of green tourism and thk award at a fivestar hotel can be seen from the implications of environmental, economic and business implications, and social implications of the communities around the area. environmental implications in question is a spiritual environment (parhyangan), social environment (pawongan), and physical environment (palemahan) around the hotel. implications and thk green tourism award against the spiritual environment at a five-star hotel is the place of worship in the form of temples in each hotel as a holy place for employees (to do worshipping) who are mostly hindus. it ideally keeps the existence of spiritual activities conducted at each hotel. social relations that occur in very well established hotel, namely the relationship among employees from different faiths, and work together in completing the work of the hotel. for the physical environment at the hotel, with the presence of environmental certification, the hotel became more organized, efficient use of energy and water, waste management, handling of hazardous and toxin waste, the use of local products, and environmental regulation in general. implications for economic and business at a five-star hotel can be seen from the marketing and investment security, in addition to the positive effects obtained by the local community in the form of jobs and a better social life. social relationships with the surrounding community is also going well because the hotel through its csr (company social responsibility) has contributed to the community in the form of scholarships, house building, a village bale banjar building, construction of temples, youth organisation, and help others spontaneously. besides the three implications of the above there were also hegemony and counter-hegemony as a result of the application of the two different awards. conclusion and suggestion from this research, there are a few things that are new findings that is, the first global certification form eartcheck and asean green hotel, load the man's relationship with man, and man's relationship to the physical environment that can be sorted into three pillars (economic, social, and environmental). meanwhile, a local certification thk award includes green national standards practiced in a five star hotel, man's relationship with god, man with man, and the man with the environment (theology, sociology, ecology). when viewed from a different pillar construction does not seem to be implemented in the same realm. but in reality, both globally and locally, the different awards, which can be 5 run together in the interests of saving the environment, is discursive (a discursive formation). secondly, there is a general view of globalization and modernization associated with the homogenizing and destroying local traditions as expressed by many modernization theorists, not entirely acceptable. conversely environmental practices in the area of nusa dua, in this case the global implementation of the award does not eliminate local award could still running to this day. additionally proved from the beginning before the five-star hotel built with international investment, have been encouraged to use the local drafts on any tourism development, namely the concept of thk. based on the results of this study, it can be suggested as follows. first, the fivestar hotel in nusa dua tourism area should be more open up to researchers who wish to obtain more detailed information with respect to corporate data. do not just give a chance to the nota bena vocational training can help the company's operations. the company does not have to be afraid redundant with the data given because the researchers will sort them according to the ethics and emic of research. second, for developers and business in this area btdc (state company) which is suggested to be more attentive to the environment of the island of bali, nusa dua especially into land development. the garden of bali which became the slogan of the environment in the area of development, should be maintained in the field, on an ongoing basis not only decorate brochure and leaflets. since it is very easy to change with the function of seeking economic benefits, in addition to its function as well as developers. third, to the researchers in the field of tourism and cultural studies, especially concerning the ideology of global and local (environmental, economic, social/cultural), since there are many gaps that have not been completed, it is advisable to research more about the environmental practices, both in the area of nusa dua tourism and in other areas of bali. because there are many issues that can be raised in connection with the implementation of environmentally labeled highly discursive especially involving threefolding (according to perlas, 2000), they are (1) government as local authorities (political), (2) investors (economic), and (3) the host society (social/cultural). acknowledgement we would like to thank the rector of udayana university, the director of postgraduate studies of udayana university, head and secretary of the doctorate 6 program of cultural studies udayana university for the opportunity provided to the writer to attend the doctorate program. our gratitude also extended to bali state polytechnic through research and community service which was funded this research. the management and staff of five star hotel at nusa dua tourism area. bibliography althusser, louis. 2010. tentang ideologi: marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies. yogyakarta: jalasutra. eagleton, terry. 1991. ideology: introduction. london. verso. kaler, i gk. 1983. butir-butir tercecer tentang adat bali. denpasar: bali agung. murni, g.n. suci. 2014. “green tourism dan tri hita karana award pada hotel bintang lima di kawasan pariwisata nusa dua bali”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, universitas udayana. perlas, nicanor. 2000. shaping globalization civil society, cultural power and three folding, new york: cadi and global network for social threefolding. urry, john. 2000. consuming places. london: routledge. microsoft word artikel nym sudipa terbit1.docx e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 tourism impact on social culture community in the nusa penid tourism area nyoman sudipa1, made sudiana mahendra2, wayan sandi adnyana3, ida bagus pujaastawa4 1,2,3environmental sciences study program, udayana university, 4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1nyoman_sudipa@yahoo.com, 2mahendramade@yahoo.com, 3sandiadnyana@yahoo.com, 4guspuja@gmail.com received date : 15-04-2020 accepted date : 25-07-2020 published date : 31-08-2020 abstract the growth of tourism in the nusa penida tourism area has an impact on the socio-cultural environment due to the development of tourism supporting facilities and infrastructure. sociocultural spaces also experience pressure due to conflicts of interest in the use of sacred areas for tourism, resulting in a process of desacralization. social interactions are declining and arrogance is increasing at some tourist attraction points. some physical spaces have become economic spaces. road border, roadside, coast have become economic space. the way of thinking has been hegemony by the interests to get more economic access. the construction of the mind is filled with capitalist desires. arrogance and ego between groups began to be seen in each particular area. the narrowing of social and cultural space has increased the critical power of the community towards the use of the area, especially spaces that are related to religion. fighting egoism and social cultural conflict to catch up with the material culture. the social and cultural life of the nusa penida people is forced to adapt to material cultures. so fast tourism to nusa penida leaves the mindset, knowledge and culture that has been developing in the nusa penida community. keywords: impact, social, culture, tourism, nusa penida introduction nusa penida stores a variety of tourism products such as nature tourism, spiritual tourism, water tourism with various activities in it including diving tourism, snorkeling, fishing and adventure tourism. in 2018, accommodation and tourism attractions have grown rapidly including; 313 villas and hotels, 32 transportation facilities for sea transportation, 30 bars for restaurants, 131 for restaurants, 17 for spas and 25 for diving. the growth of tourism has opened people's insights about the outside world, due to the ongoing interaction between local residents with foreign or domestic tourists (muthahharah et al., 2014). changes in e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 people's perceptions of the economic, social and environmental development of tourism are impacts that must be a concern, because the community plays an important role in the sustainability of tourism (andereck et al., 2005). the impacts of tourism on the community and tourist destination areas include: socioeconomic impacts, socio-cultural impacts, and environmental impacts (pitana and gayatri, 2005). the growth of tourism in nusa penida tourism has eroded the social, economic and cultural spaces of the community, even eroded the physical space that should be used as an environmental buffer diverted for tourism development. violations of the edge of the abyss, rice fields are converted to tourism purposes, even the sanctity of the sanctity of the holy place is ignored for the interests of tourism capitalists (sudipa, 2014). research method the approach in this study follows the steps of qualitative research work. the data used in this study are primary and secondary data. primary data obtained through direct observation and recording in the field, discussions and interviews secondary data obtained by looking for various sources, such as the results of previous research, literature studies and reports and documents from various agencies related to the research field. results and discussion in the conception of balinese beliefs in general, nusa penida island is known as an island thick with mystical nuances. this conception is legitimized by the existence of a number of holy sites or temples as places where supernatural forces such as dalem ratu gede mecaling reside in dalem ped and dalem sawang temples in puncak mundi temple, and a number of other temples that serve as places of worship for the gods and ancestors. the existence of such a conception of faith causes almost every inch of land in nusa penida to be seen as having sacred and haunted values, so that it arouses much interest from the outside community to take on tirtayatra or a spiritual journey to this island. this phenomenon is a classic example that shows how religious practices carry a number of implications on the socio-cultural and economic aspects of the community in nusa penida. such a strong belief in the balinese community caused many devotees from outside nusa penida to perform tirtayatra as a classic example that shows mystical religious practices leading to economic consequences. the character of the nusa penida region which is dry, e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 with low rainfall and limited natural resources causes nusa penida to be synonymous with poverty, low levels of education, limited health facilities, limited food and water resources and high economic costs due to limited transportation in the past . the poverty rate in klungkung regency, 50% is in nusa penida from 4 sub-districts in klungkung regency (badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah kabupaten klungkung, 2017). nusa lembongan and nusa ceningan are also 2 in nusa penida whose tourism was first developed since 2000 and on nusa penida island or known as nusa gede, tourism developed massively from 2015 after the first nusa penida festival in 2014. since then nusa penida is becoming widely known in line with the growing development of information technology-based media such as facebook, twitter and instagram. formerly, places considered as haunted or haunted as fine spirits' residences, such as sea cliffs, beaches, cliff clusters, rock cliffs, latrines were recently commodified for tourism purposes. tourism has played a vital role in the economic context. economic activities in the service sector such as trade, both selling local consumer goods and tourism, tend to develop along the main road, even reaching rural areas. this economic activity is marked by the construction of shops, art shops (restaurants), restaurants and other small stalls, causing spaces that were originally empty along the main road edge to become congested with the building. the traditional basic pattern as a reflection of the structure of village settlements is gradually becoming increasingly blurred (sudipa, 2014). the area most affected by tourism activities is the coastal region. the use of coastal spatial patterns has been violated for economic purposes. almost along the coast of nusa penida has been exploited and commodified into economic space, although in violation of regional regulations number 16 of 2009 concerning spatial planning for the province of bali and regional regulations number 3 of 2013 concerning spatial planning for the klungkung regency, where the coastline is 100 meters from the highest tide. social spaces begin to experience narrowing, limited social access because most of the time for work. some physical spaces have become economic spaces. road border, roadside, coast have become economic space. the way of thinking has been hegemony by the interests to get more economic access. the construction of the mind is filled with capitalist desires. the increasing number of migrants and tourists coming to nusa penida has created new problems, namely garbage and traffic. the development of tourism accommodation and e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 the increasing consumption of the community as a result of increased income of the community have resulted in increased waste production. garbage is the main complaint of the people of nusa penida who encourage community groups to take action to collect garbage in tourism objects regularly. the growth in the number of tourists also resulted in a very rapid growth in the number of 2-wheeled and 4-wheeled vehicles. some people are not ready for the growth of tourism in nusa penida, because tourism is faster than the construction of tourism supporting infrastructure. the most severe bottlenecks usually occur in toyapakeh village, especially in the morning and evening. they like just waking up from sleep and fascinated by existing conditions. the transformation process has occupied the entire living space of the people of nusa penida. as an area with a fairly high poverty rate that reaches 45.13% of the total number of households in nusa penida and 50% of poverty is in nusa penida from 4 sub-districts in klungkung regency (badan perencanaan pembangunan daerah kabupaten klungkung, 2017) . adaptive livelihoods in the past were no longer adaptive when tourism developed in nusa penida. the speed of economic growth, environmental change, labor crossings between sub-districts and districts, even provinces and the transfer of technology have taken place in nusa penida. every inch of land becomes valuable and the parcel of territory becomes apparent. arrogance and ego between groups began to be seen in each particular area. the narrowing of social and cultural space has increased the critical power of the community towards the use of the area, especially spaces that are related to religion. conflicts began to appear between community groups and investors related to land use and the sanctity of the temple. increasing tourist arrivals to nusa penida cause entrepreneurs to compete in building accommodation and enjoying the tourism cake, even though tourism is very vulnerable to various issues, such as security issues, natural disasters and disease issues. when mount agung erupted, all tourism actors were distraught with regard to bank credit due to the lack of tourists coming to nusa penida. from the socio-cultural side, actually the nusa penida people are not ready for the onslaught of tourism. fighting egoism and social cultural conflict to catch up with the material culture. the social and cultural life of the nusa penida people is forced to adapt to material cultures. so fast tourism to nusa penida leaves the mindset, knowledge and culture that has been developing in the nusa penida community. the lag behind that looks striking is the lag behind the mindset compared to the rapid e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 development of information technology and tends to cause conflicts between communities, the community with tourism actors, and the community with the government. identity fights often occur and people from certain circles show their respective classes by showing economic classes and forcing to create economic classes by building accommodations. socio-cultural components in macro sociology consist of ideological superstructure components, social structure, and material infrastructure. superstructure sub-components are more difficult to change than social structure sub-components and social structure subcomponents are more difficult to change than material infrastructure. socio-cultural changes can be influenced by internal factors such as population growth and development, new discoveries, conflicts, and power and external factors in the form of external culture (including technology), invasion, and ecology (sanderson, 2003). in the development of tourism, an environmental management and monitoring system is needed based on the balance of the environment, social life and culture. tourism is not merely pursuing financial benefits but goes hand in hand with improving the quality of the environment, increasing welfare and equitable distribution of income and preserving the culture of the local community. on the one hand tourism brings income and on the other hand tourism is a threat to environmental sustainability and the social and cultural life of the people. tourism development systems must pay attention to the balance between environmental conservation by involving local institutions. the environmental governance system is carried out using approaches that emphasize privatization and entrepreneurship which lead to the formation of capitalism (maribeth erb, 2012). in the level of social and cultural superstructure, it is difficult to change. the people of nusa penida still adhere to local cultural values such as the philosophy of tri hita karana and hold fast to beliefs while adhering to the ancestral religion. however, at the level of social structure, the intensity of change seems to increase as traditional social strata prioritize aspects of humanity and mutual respect. in the field of education is progressing rapidly, and in the socio-political field is not fanatical about party ideology that divides the community and tends to cause horizontal conflict, but has led to the ideology of how to bring order, justice, and prosperity. the socio-cultural material infrastructure sub-components are the most volatile, such as the economy, technology utilization, and demographics. with the advancement of technology, increasing population and building density, impact on the e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 declining quality of the environment. the culture of ideas and material culture both influence behavior and affect each other. the nusa penida area as a whole is an area that was in the form of relatively dry land with land use mostly used for dry land agriculture, unable to provide welfare opportunities for the local community. with the development of tourism potential, the opportunities for developing the tertiary sector are very large, especially activities related to tourism. the growth of accommodation, villas, and supporting activities such as trade and souvenir services as well as food and drink for visitors to tourist attractions is very growing. transfer of land functions also increased including the transfer of ownership functions. besides that, tourism has impacted impacts on demographic aspects (population, age, changes in population pyramid), impacts on livelihoods (changes in work, distribution of work), impacts on cultural aspects (tradition, religion, language), impacts on transformation of norms ( values, norms, sex roles), impacts on modification of consumption patterns (infrastructure, commodities) and impacts on the environment such as pollution, traffic congestion (pizam and milman, 1984). the results of discussions with community groups and tourism activists in the nusa penida tourism area formulated a number of impacts arising from the development of tourism on social culture in the nusa penida tourism area as follows: the development of massive tourism has an impact on the erosion of the value of the social and cultural environment including the physical environment because of the waning of mythology and local wisdom. 1. the waning of social spaces because of the strengthening of tourism. 2. the narrowing of cultural and religious spaces because they have been pushed into tourism space. 3. social conflict and increased arrogance between community groups due to sectoral and regional egos. 4. the decline in cultural values due to the commercialization of culture for the benefit of tourism. conclusion the development of tourism has an impact on the erosion of the value of the social and cultural environment, due to the waning of mythology and local wisdom, the waning of e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 1-7 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 social spaces, the narrowing of cultural and religious spaces, social conflict and increasing arrogance between community groups and the decline of cultural values. acknowledgment thank you to the doctoral study program at the udayana university, which has provided the opportunity to attend lectures, thanks also to the respondents and the nusa penida community who have helped in the implementation of this research. reference andereck, k. l., valentine, k. m., knopf, r. c., vogt, c. a. 2005. residents’ perceptions of community tourism impacts; annal of tourism research: 32 (21): 1056-1076. badan perencanaan pembanguan daerah kabupaten klungkung. 2017. dspkd kabupaten klungkung. semarapura maribeth erb. 2012. the dissonance of conservation: environmentalities and theenenvironmentalisms of the poor in eastern. singapore: national university singapore: p 11-23. muthahharah, a., adiwibowo, s. 2015. dampak obyek wisata pantai pasir putih situbondo terhadap peluang bekerja dan berusaha; jurnal sosiologi pedesaan: 1 (2): 157-166. pitana, i. g., gayatri, p. 2005. sosiologi pariwisata. yogyakarta: penerbit andi. p 20-32. pizam, abraham, milman, a. 1986. the social impacts of tourism, industry and environment; journal recreation research: 7 (1): 11-14 sanderson. 2003. macrososiologi sebuah pendekatan terhadap relitas sosial. jakarta : pt raja grafindo. sudipa, n. 2014. paradox of poverty in ubud village; e-jurnal cultural studies: 7 (3): 1-6 microsoft word artikel a.n. mughni terbit 5 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 power relations in calistung learning in tk/ra and sd/mi curriculum in south kuta district m. mughni juliantara masters program in cultural studies, faculty of cultural sciences, udayana university, jln. nias no. 13 sanglah denpasar, 80114 e-mail: mugen.lombok@gmail.com received date : 15-08-2022 accepted date : 30-10-2022 published date : 30-11-2022 abstract reading, writing, arithmetic or what is abbreviated as calistung are basic skills that are often a problem for students. the practice in the field of calistung learning curriculum at the kindergarten and elementary school levels is out of sync. the calistung learning curriculum at the kindergarten level is not allowed to be taught directly, while the elementary school curriculum requires first graders to master calistung. this study aims to analyze the form of power relations in the calistung learning curriculum, reveal the factors behind power relations, as well as uncover and examine the impact of power relations in the calistung learning curriculum on kindergarten and elementary school students. this study uses a qualitative approach with interpretive descriptivequalitative data analysis. the results showed: first, the form of power relations in calistung learning in the tk/ra and sd/mi curriculum was extracurricular and private calistung activities. second, this power relation occurs against the background of several factors, namely the tk/ra 2013 curriculum and sd/mi 2013 curriculum, institutional policies, demands of guardians of students, community assessments, and acceptance of new elementary/mi students. third, power relations in calistung learning have positive and negative impacts. the positive impact is that students become more confident in learning activities because they have mastered calistung. the negative impact is that students become depressed with lessons, lose playing time, untraceable mindsets, decrease interest in learning because they feel they have mastered, get angry easily when stressed with lessons, and decrease achievement. this condition is known as "mental hectic". the government must take firm action against institutions that violate the established curriculum. institutions, educators and guardians of students must be wise in providing calistung material to children or students, calistung must be given according to the stages. keywords: power relations, learning, calistung, curriculum introduction education is a basic need for humans. education is a way to be free from the shackles of ignorance and poverty. education also changes a person into a noble and e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 responsible person. therefore, the state guarantees the education of every citizen to obtain education. every citizen has the same right to obtain quality education (uud no. 20 of 2003 concerning the national education system). early childhood education (paud), namely kindergarten (tk) and raudatul athfal (ra) is a formal education before taking basic education for students. in teaching and learning activities a curriculum is needed to achieve educational goals. the current curriculum for the tk/ra level is the 2013 curriculum or the so-called 2013 curriculum for early childhood education. the 2013 curriculum for early childhood education refers to the national standard for early childhood education, namely permendikbud no.146 of 2014. in principle, the process of implementing the learning curriculum in kindergarten is "play while learning, learning while playing". play is the best way to develop children's potential. before going to school, playing is a scientific way to discover the environment, other people and oneself (se.dikdasmen.1839.2009). the principle of playing while learning, learning while playing which was developed by the government in the kindergarten curriculum is accompanied by psychological development, age, and the ability of students. the learning process must create a fun, exciting atmosphere and without any coercion from outside students. in the learning process, exploration is more important than the final result. the introduction of reading, writing and arithmetic (calistung) is carried out through an approach that is appropriate to the child's developmental stage. therefore, education in kindergarten is not allowed to teach calistung material directly as fragmented learning to children. the context of calistung learning in kindergarten should be carried out within the framework of developing all aspects of child development, carried out through a play approach, and adapted to the task of child development. creating an environment rich in “literacy” will stimulate children's readiness to start calistung activities (se.dikdasmen.1839.2009). at the elementary level, the official curriculum imposed by the government is the 2013 curriculum, which is guided by permendikbud no. 67 of 2013. the 2013 curriculum aims to prepare indonesian people to have the ability to live as individuals and citizens who are faithful, productive, creative, innovative, and affective and able to contribute to the life of society, nation, state, and world civilization (permendikbud no. year 2013). the 2013 curriculum is a curriculum that is more innovative, modern and follows or adapts to the times that are relevant to current conditions. students are directed to understand the current reality through a more active, critical, comprehensive and collaborative learning e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 system with teachers or educators. the implementation of the 2013 sd/mi curriculum learning content is carried out through learning with an integrated thematic approach from grade one to grade six. religious education and character education subjects are excluded from using integrated-thematic learning. integrated thematic learning is a learning approach that integrates various competencies from various subjects into various themes. therefore, every student who graduates from kindergarten and will continue to elementary school must be able to prepare themselves as well as possible to study in elementary school, both psychological readiness and the ability to read, write and count independently. the application of calistung learning in the kindergarten and elementary school curriculum has become a problem and a gap in the field. at the kindergarten level, educators are not allowed to give calistung teaching directly to students, calistung material at the kindergarten level must be given in a fun method, namely by playing while learning, learning while playing. calistung ability at the kindergarten level is not the main goal of education, the main goal of kindergarten education is to shape the character (soft skills) of students to become mature individuals psychologically, cognitively, motorly, socially, and religiously. kindergarten level education curriculum that does not make calistung ability the main goal of education seems to be contrary to the curriculum that applies at the elementary level. the elementary school curriculum demands the ability of students to master calistung well in order to be able to participate in learning activities. if students have not mastered calistung, they will be very difficult in the learning process applied at the elementary level. the curriculum gap between kindergarten and elementary school in calistung learning creates power relations between institutions, educators and students, and parents of students. kindergarten institutions carry out calistung learning policies directly in the form of calistung lessons so that students master calistung before entering elementary school. additional lessons in the form of tutoring often burden students who are not yet psychologically mature to receive direct calistung learning. this policy also burdens parents with a large additional fee. the demands of new students' calistung mastery skills at the elementary level, as well as the understanding of students' parents who are still logocentric, who consider that calistung ability is the main and only provision to achieve the success of their children's education by putting aside non-academic abilities or soft skills to create power relations between institutions, educators with students and guardians of students is getting stronger e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 and continues to be practiced. the policy of direct calistung learning given to kindergarten students can have a negative impact in the future that is not realized by institutions, educators, and parents of students. power relations in the application of calistung learning policies in the kindergarten curriculum, by providing calistung materials to students, if carried out continuously can have an impact on students, institutions, educators and guardians of students. the impact can be positive and negative. students will feel the most significant impact on this power relationship in the future. the positive impact felt by students with the application of calistung when sitting at the ra level is that students will feel academic readiness when sitting at the elementary level because they have mastered calistung. academic readiness will make students more confident and enthusiastic when learning. confidence and enthusiasm for learning make the opportunities for students to become outstanding students wide open. however, behind the positive impact, students who receive calistung learning directly when sitting at the ra level can feel the negative impact of the policy in the future. the negative impact that is most often caused is the emergence of a sense of laziness in learning that is felt by students when sitting at the elementary level in higher classes such as in third grade, fourth grade and fifth grade. the feeling of laziness experienced by students is caused by boredom in learning and a sense of having mastered the material being taught. this makes students stagnate in learning and less developed in education in the future. another negative impact that can be experienced by students is low interest in reading (literacy) which causes students to later become individuals who are lazy to read and often draw conclusions without reading in more detail, so they often spread invalid information (hoaxes). another negative impact that is feared if students are given calistung material at the kindergarten level is that students become rebellious individuals or known as "mental hectic". method research approach this study uses a qualitative approach that relies on critical social theory commonly used in cultural studies. qualitative writing is a research approach that reveals certain social situations by properly describing reality, formed by words based on relevant data collection and analysis techniques, obtained from natural situations (satori and komariah, 2010:25). qualitative research is descriptive, namely by presenting the facts as they are, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 then doing an adequate interpretation and describing the object in a narrative manner. qualitative research is concerned with data, and images rather than numbers. describing something means describing what, why and how an event occurred (satori and komariah, 2010: 28). the data obtained during conducting the research has no meaning if it is not processed, analyzed, and presented systematically. data analysis in qualitative research is inductive and continuous. the ultimate goal of qualitative data analysis is to obtain meaning, generate understandings, concepts and develop new hypotheses or theories. qualitative data analysis is the process of systematically searching and compiling data obtained from interviews, field notes, and other materials so that they are easy to understand so that they can be informed to others. research sites the number of institutions that became the object of research was initially 19 institutions consisting of two kindergarten institutions, four paud institutions, four ra institutions, five elementary schools, and four mi institutions. the research locations were then focused on four tk/ra institutions and four sd/mi institutions. the eight institutions that are the location of this research are as follows: 1. paud tadika puri 2. paud mutiara bunda 3. ra al-ma'arif 4. ra insan mulia 5. sdn 4 ungasan 6. sdn 6 jimbaran 7. mi insan mulia 8. mi al-maarif nusantara the selection of the eight institutions as the object of research refers to the focus of the problems studied in this study. the institution chosen as the research location was determined purposively with the consideration of representing the diversity of conditions in the application of calistung learning which became the main problem in this study. the selection of the eight institutions as research locations also refers to the design of this research, namely a qualitative approach in the form of case studies. the selected case studies are compound case studies or collective case studies. referring to yin (1994), daymon and holloway (2008) the use of multiple case studies makes it possible to find similarities and differences between cases, and can even draw e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 62 generalizations. the following is a table of the eight institutions. the selection of the eight institutions was also based on the ease of access for researchers to obtain data, because not all institutions were open and willing to accept guests from outside the school environment due to the coronavirus (covid 19) pandemic situation which was still endemic when the research was carried out. the above institutions were chosen as research locations because they are located in one sub-district, namely south kuta district. the existence of an institution located in one sub-district makes it easier for researchers to conduct research. the above institutions both researchers consider representative enough to conduct research related to power relations in calistung learning. the number of institutions is considered sufficiently representative and varied, enabling researchers to obtain varied information and making research more interesting. the varied research locations allow researchers to obtain complex information about how one institution and another implement calistung learning in their respective institutions. what factors are the reasons for implementing the policy, as well as what impacts are felt by students when implementing the policy. it is hoped that all of this information can be obtained from the above institutions that are the location of this research. research time the research was conducted from october to november 2020 when the covid 19 pandemic was still very high, so it was a little difficult to research. many schools and teachers refused to be used as research locations because the pandemic situation was still very high at that time. data types and sources the type of data obtained and analyzed in this study is qualitative data which is divided into primary data and secondary data. primary data were obtained from informants with direct interview techniques and direct observation in the research field. the secondary data is obtained from supporting documents obtained at the research location in the form of photographs, books, magazines, education laws or other information that supports research. determination of research informants to obtain valid and credible research results, researchers must start their research by determining the source of information or informants. determining the right informants e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 63 will produce valid and credible data sources as well. according to spradley in faisal (1990:45) informants must have several criteria to consider, namely: 1. subjects that have been intensively associated with an activity or activity for a long time the field of activity that is the target or attention of the research and this usually characterized by the ability to provide information by heart about something asked. 2. subjects are still fully and actively engaged in the environment and activities being targeted or researched. 3. the subject has enough time and opportunity to be asked information. 4. subjects who provide information do not tend to be processed or packaged in advance and they are still relatively innocent in providing information. in this study, the determination of informants was carried out using a purposive technique, namely the selection of informants was carried out intentionally based on predetermined criteria and was determined based on the research objectives. the selection of informants in the study was selected based on the activities or activities of informants who are directly related or directly involved in the world of tk/ra and sd/mi education, both as teachers, institution managers and as guardians of students. the following are the criteria for informants in this study: 1. teachers who teach at tk/ra and sd/mi (especially first grade teachers) 2. managers of tk/ra and sd/mi institutions (principals/madrasah) 3. parents (guardians) of tk/ra and sd/mi 4. communities around tk/ra and sd/mi research instruments to obtain data relevant to research, research instruments are needed. the research instrument is useful for collecting data and checking the validity of the data obtained. the main instrument in the research is the researcher himself. to support success in research, researchers need tools and support during research. to obtain the results of a focused and in-depth interview, an interview guide is needed as a guide for researchers during the interview process with informants. the interview process and interview results were then immortalized with voice and video recording aids using a smartphone owned by the researcher. video recordings, photos and sound can strengthen the narrative in the presentation of research results. data collection methods and techniques the process of collecting data and information in this study uses several methods e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 64 and techniques that support research. data collection methods used include: 1. ordinary observation method and participatory observation the observation method in data collection allows researchers to obtain data accurately and update directly from the research location. in this study, observations are usually carried out by researchers by observing the process of teaching and learning activities directly in the classroom, how the calistung learning policy runs in detail. ordinary observations are also carried out by direct interaction with students with teachers, teachers with guardians of students. participatory observation allows researchers to obtain real and in-depth data directly from informants and from researchers' personal findings. observation of the participation of the researcher was done by directly becoming a teacher in the school and observing how the teaching process, conducting teaching, and evaluating learning in order to obtain more accurate and in-depth research results. 2. in-depth interview method in-depth interview is the process of collecting data by researchers by means of oral question and answer. interviews were conducted face-to-face with informants. the in-depth interview process allows researchers to obtain in-depth primary information from informants that can support and facilitate the data analysis process. in-depth interviews allow researchers to obtain detailed, in-depth and thorough information. the data that can be extracted in this study is about the main reasons or factors behind the policies of tk/ra and sd/mi to hold calistung learning and how power relations are formed between institutions, teachers, parents, and students. in the interview process, the researcher holds an interview guide in the form of an interview control card that contains a collection of research-related questions. the function of the interview guide is so that the interview is directed, does not widen out of topic, directly to the main problem being studied. 3. documentation method documentation is carried out to strengthen the data obtained at the research site. documentation in the form of photos of activities in the field as well as photos of data obtained. data analysis methods and techniques in this study, the data analysis technique was carried out descriptivelyinterpretatively through three cycles of analysis, namely the process of data reduction, display and conclusion drawing/verification. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 65 1. data reduction in simple terms, the data reduction process is the process of selecting data that has been collected from interviews and research results directly at the research location into simpler data that supports research. data reduction is a form of analysis that sharpens, categorizes, directs, discards unnecessary and organizes data in such a way that conclusions can be drawn and verified (miles and huberman, 1992:15). the data that has been simplified into the form of research themes are then verified and compiled into a description. 2. exposure (display) data exposure is a process where data has been collected and analyzed, then conclusions are drawn. according to miles and huberman (1992:14) data is a set of structured information that provides the possibility of drawing conclusions and taking action. the data obtained from the results of in-depth interviews with the community were collected to draw conclusions so that they could be used in the form of descriptive narratives. according to iskandar (2008:223), in presenting data, researchers must be able to arrange systematically or simultaneously so that the data obtained can explain or answer the problem being studied, for that researchers must not be hasty in drawing conclusions. 3. withdrawal of conclusions (verification) the third step of the data analysis process is drawing conclusions or verification. conclusions can be drawn when data collection has been completed. basically, from the beginning of data collection activities, researchers can start to make some conclusions. the data that has been collected is linked with one another according to the theme, analyzed and then drawn conclusions. methods and techniques for presentation of data analysis results according to sudaryanto (1993: 57) there are two methods and techniques for presenting data analysis, namely formal and informal methods. the formal method is a presentation method using statistics in the form of numbers and tables, while the informal method is a presentation method using ordinary words to make it seem detailed and unraveling. to obtain a complete and comprehensive analysis result, in this study the author uses the two methods above, namely the formal and informal methods. formal methods are presented in the form of statistics in the form of tables and figures. the tables e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 66 presented are then analyzed to show the data found. while the informal method is presented in the form of qualitative descriptions. in this study, the researchers combined the two methods in order to obtain structured and directed writing results . results and discussion education is a basic human need. the main basis of education is the ability to read, write and count or abbreviated as calistung. calistung is often a frightening specter for most parents, especially mothers. calistung became a frightening specter because it became a barometer of a child's success in school. therefore, the guardians of students try as early as possible to teach their children calistung even though they are still very early in preparation for entering kindergarten. the curriculum as a teaching reference set by the government in this case the ministry of education and culture (kemendikbud) has regulated how to apply teaching related to calistung in the tk/ra and sd/mi curriculum. the calistung material in the 2013 tk/ra curriculum or what is known as the current early childhood education curriculum regulates how calistung learning is given to students. the teaching method of calistung at the tk/ra level must be taught in accordance with the principle of "learning while playing, playing while learning", it is forbidden to teach calistung in a direct or fragmented way. the learning process must be carried out in a happy, fun atmosphere, while playing and singing, so that students do not feel pressured and forced to learn. therefore, the output of tk/ra does not refer to the student's calistung ability. the emphasis on the goals of tk/ra education is the emotional, psychological and spiritual maturity of students so that they are ready to study at the sd/mi level. this condition then gave rise to policies issued by tk/ra institutions that continued to teach calistung directly to their students even though they had to violate the applicable rules and principles held by educators. the form of policy issued by the institution is the holding of calistung extracurricular activities or special additional hours for learning calistung. this policy is not free, parents are charged a large fee to follow this policy. this calistung learning policy is a form of power relation in calistung learning in tk/ra and sd/mi. the power relation in calistung learning is motivated by various factors. the first factor is the synchrony between the tk/ra and sd/mi curricula on calistung material. the second factor is the demand from the guardians of students to teach calistung directly to students so that they have the provisions to enter sd/mi. the third factor is the community's assessment of the institution. for the community, good tk/ra institutions e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 67 are institutions that graduate students with calistung abilities, are accepted into desired schools, and excel. good judgment from the community benefits the institution both morally and materially. the fourth factor is the new student admission (ppdb) which often requires calistung ability as the main requirement for new student acceptance, the fifth factor that greatly influences is the understanding of most guardians of students, even some educators who are still very logocentric who think that exact abilities are the only way to be successful and achieve the achievements of their children and put aside other abilities or soft skills. power relations in calistung learning directly on students can have positive and negative impacts. the positive impact is that students become students who are ready to study at the sd/mi level, students become confident because they have mastered calistung since sitting in tk/ra. students are easy to follow teaching and learning activities in sd/mi and are likely to become students who excel. but behind the positive impact there is a negative impact that is bad for the development of students. students who are given calistung material directly from an early age have the potential to experience learning disorders when they are in sd/mi. they develop into lazy students to learn, quickly satisfied with their achievements, underestimate the lessons because they feel they have mastered the material provided by the teacher. in their severe condition, they experience "mental hectic" which is a condition where students become individuals who are easily angry if they cannot solve problems or tasks given by the educator. the negative impact of this calistung learning policy power relation should be the concern of all relevant parties, government, institutions, educators and parents of students. these negative impacts not only affect the educational process, but can affect real life in their real environment after completing their education period. that is, if this condition is not taken seriously, it can have a negative impact on the quality of our nation's generation in the mindset and problem solving and so on. conclusion first, the form of power relations in calistung learning in the tk/ra and sd/mi curriculum in south kuta district is the institution's policy in the form of calistung special extracurricular activities. this activity teaches tk/ra calistung students directly as preparation for entering elementary school. this policy violates the principles and rules that apply to the tk/ra teaching system which puts forward the rules of learning while playing, playing while learning. in addition, this activity also requires the student's guardian to incur additional costs that have been agreed between the institution and the student's e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 68 guardian. this policy raises pros and cons among parents, guardians of students with sufficient economic conditions will not object to the additional costs that must be incurred, while guardians of students who are still completely limited will object to spending extra fees. meanwhile, at the sd/mi level, the policy form on the calistung curriculum is more or less the same as that of tk/ra, namely for students who have not been able to calistung, special programs are made in the form of extracurricular activities at school or private lessons with their teachers at a cost and place that has been mutually agreed upon in advance. second, power relations in calistung learning are motivated by the early childhood education curriculum (paud) and elementary school curriculum (sd) which are felt to be out of sync. in the paud curriculum, students are prohibited from being taught calistung directly, structured and divided, because the principle is learning while playing, playing while learning. while in the elementary school curriculum, students are required to be fluent in calistung since sitting in the first grade of elementary school. another factor behind the occurrence of power relations is the demand from parents of students for institutions and educators to teach their children calistung as a provision to enter elementary school. the last factor behind the occurrence of power relations is the assessment of the community. the community judges whether an institution is good or not based on the calistung ability of the graduates of that institution. a good assessment from the community has a good impact on the institution with more and more students enrolling in the institution. third, power relations in calistung learning policies have an impact on institutions, educators, students, and guardians of students. the impact felt in the form of positive impacts and negative impacts. the impact felt by institutions and educators in tk/ra is a feeling that is less pleasing to the heart when carrying out policies, teaching calistung directly to tk/ra students directly has sacrificed the ideals they learn and guide, but on the one hand they get advantages material from additional costs incurred by the student's guardian. meanwhile, sd/mi institutions feel the good impact of this policy because they get students who are ready to learn and facilitate teaching and learning activities. besides that, institutions and educators also get additional material from the parents of students who study extra calistung. students are the ones who most feel the impact of this calistung learning policy. when they are in kindergarten they are often depressed because they are not mentally and of age enough to receive calistung lessons. when they enter elementary school, it will be easy for them to receive lessons from educators, they tend to be high achieving students, but later in life most of them experience a decrease in interest in e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 69 learning, underestimate lessons because they feel they can, as a result their achievement drops. the most severe impact can cause students to experience hectic mental conditions, namely where students become irritable individuals if they cannot solve problems or assignments, their mindset is not intact in understanding the problem because they are not traced in seeing the problem. references allen, marrow raymond, carlos alberto torres. 2002. reading freire and habermas critical and pedagogy and transformative social change. new york: teachers college press. asiah, nur. 2018. pembelajaran calistung pendidikan anak usia dini dan ujian calistung masuk sekolah dasar di bandar lampung. 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“calistung untuk paud” dalam makalah program e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 70 pelatihan tenaga pendidik paud kecamatan tempel, yogyakarta. dinas pendidikan dan kebudyaaan sleman. mansur. 2005. pendidikan anak usia dini dalam islam. yogyakarta: pustaka belajar. maspupah, ulpah. 2016. manajemen pengembangan kurikulum pendidikan anak usia dini. tesis. iain purwokerto. mc.laren, peter. 2003. life in schools: an introduction to critical pedagogy in the foundations of education. usa: pearson education. michael huberman, dan matthew b. miles. 1992. analisis data kualitatif .terj. tjejep rohidi.jakarta : ui press. muji, sutrisno, hendar putranto. 2005. teori-teori kebudayaan.yogyakarta: kanisius patmonodewo, soemiarti. 2000. pendidikan anak prasekolah. jakarta: rineka cipta. spradley, james. p. 1980. participant observation. new york: holt syaodih, ernawulan dan mubiar agustin. 2014. bimbingan konseling untuk anak usia dini. penerbit universitas terbuka tohirin. 2011. psikologi pembelajaran pendidikan agama islam berbasis integrasi dan kompetensi. jakarta: pt. raja grafindo persada. wink, joan. 2000. critical pedagogy: notes from the real world. united states: addison-wesley longman inc. microsoft word artikel a.n. ong terbit 3 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 othering, stereotyping, hybridity in ‘hujan bulan juni’: a postcolonial analysis ong, marsha divina master’s program in literature, faculty of humanities and creative industry, petra christian university, jl. siwalankerto no. 121-131, surabaya, east java 60236 email: marsha_divina@yahoo.co.id received date : 06-09-2022 accepted date : 21-10-2022 published date : 30-11-2022 abstract this study tries to examine the nature of indonesian identity. even though the term ‘indonesia’ has been used since 1900 to cultivate the sense of nationalism among nationalist young people who came from various cultures across different islands of indonesia, it is still complicated to define. one of the reasons is indonesia was colonized for hundreds of years, and the colonialism had a great impact in defining what being indonesian means. this issue is captured in sapardi djoko darmono’s novel titled ‘hujan bulan juni’ which became the object of this qualitative study. the main characters, sarwono and pingkan, are narrated to come from different indonesian ethnicities with different set of cultures. using the postcolonial theories of othering, stereotyping, and hybridity postulated by homi k. bhabha, this study found that othering and stereotyping are still perpetuated in post-colonial era and therefore problematic. the reality of hybridity could therefore become an answer to negotiate indonesian identity. keywords: othering, stereotyping, hybridity, post-colonial introduction the term ‘indonesia’ was first introduced by an english ethnologist, george samuel windsor earl in 1847 in his writing titled “on the leading characteristics of the papuan, australian, and malay-polynesian nations” to name the native inhabitants of indian archipelago or malayan archipelago as ‘indunesians’ or ‘malayunesians’ although he preferred the second term. in 1850, richardson logan also mentioned the term ‘indonesia’ to refer to ‘indian archipelago’. seventy-four years later, in 1924, a german anthropologist, adolf bastian used the term ‘indonesian’ to call the people who lived in east indies. it is obvious that the early usage of the term ‘indonesian’ by the three people forementioned is limited to a mere geographical purpose (danang, 2020). however, since e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 1900, the term ‘indonesia’ became more widely used especially among young nationalist indonesian groups. the term was in fact coined as a symbol of unity and cultural concord between diverse ethnicities in indonesia, and expression of political freedom from the colonizer, and in later development was used to substitute the dutch given term to indonesians ‘inlander’ which was somehow considered degrading. the nationalism value laden term ‘indonesia’ made the dutch as colonizers object the use of the term ‘indonesian’ in any of its official decrees and proceedings, and in dutch circles, the use of the term was seen as an act of treason against dutch sovereignty (kroef, 1951, p. 168). despite dutch’s disapproval, the term ‘indonesia’ became the name of a new independent republic which gained its independence in 1945, and its people are called ‘indonesian’. indonesian identity, however, is difficult to define. it is because indonesia is an archipelago country, so indonesian people live in different topography, and therefore develop diverse ‘tradition, language and behaviour’. hence, there is an opinion that what can be truly ‘indonesian’ is everything developed before foreign colonizers came to indonesia (kroef, 1951, p. 170). however, the dutch claimed ‘indonesian’ is a by-product of colonizers and merely a rallying cry from indonesian nationalist leaders to strengthen the notion of unity rather than the actual linguistic, cultural and political unity between different islands’ inhabitants in indonesia (kroef, 1951, pp. 170–171). in brief, the construction of indonesian identity cannot be separated from the dutch colonization. this ambiguous nature of indonesian identity is perhaps what sapardi djoko darmono, a famous indonesian poet, tried to capture in his novel ‘hujan bulan juni’ (2015). this novel is an adaptation from a collection of poetry ‘hujan bulan juni’ which was first published in 1994 and the novel was then adapted to a film with the same title ‘hujan bulan juni’ in 2017 (astuti, 2022). this contemporary novel introduced two main characters, sarwono and pinkan, who love each other, but come from different ethnic and religious background, so doubts and disapproval from their family members and relatives surround their love story. even though the plot of the novel ‘hujan bulan juni’ seems falling into a mere cliche romantic genre, this novel is much more than that. in fact, there have been many studies that used the novel as the object of research, and mostly focus on for instance, aliefta, mulyono and andalas in 2018 examined the style of language used in the novel ‘hujan bulan juni’ (aliefta, mulyono, & irp, 2019) while suseno (2018) studied the transformation journey of the novel ‘hujan bulan juni’ from poetry, and further ahead to a film (suseno, 2018). however, besides those aspects, there are a lot of narrations through the characters’ personal thought and conversation which showed how indonesian identity is being questioned by the characters in the novel. it is also interesting to notice e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 that the author of the novel, sapardi djoko darmono, brought up the idea of colonialism’s influence on the construction of indonesian identity. therefore, in this study, i aim to use a postcolonial approach to discuss indonesian identity in the novel ‘hujan bulan juni’. in doing so, i use homi k bhabha’s theories on othering, stereotyping, and hybridity as tools to examine the impact of those colonial discourses on how the characters in the novel perceive and negotiate their ethnicities in relation to indonesian identity. concept and theories post-colonialism/postcolonialism post-colonialism or postcolonialism is a study about colonization effects on societies and their cultures. the prefix ‘post’ in the term has been a subject of contentious debate amongst critics because of an oversimplified understanding of ‘post’ as ‘after’ colonialism. however, the most recent elaboration of postcolonialism “has been primarily concerned with to examine the processes and effects of, and reactions to, european colonialism from the sixteenth century up to the neo-colonialism of the present day” (ashcroft, griffiths, & tiffin, 2007, pp. 168–169). the processes and effects of colonialism has indeed not limited to economic, military or political aspects, but it also radically affected the culture and identity of those previously colonized people (fay & haydon, 2017). homi k. bhabha’s othering, stereotyping, and hybridity homi k. bhabha is one of well-known postcolonial theorists who argued that the influence of colonialism is not yet over; instead its influences on the complexities of resistance, negotiation and cultural translation associated with identities are still ongoing in contemporary developments (huddart, 2018). among many theories in postcolonial study, homi k. bhabha’s ‘othering’, ‘stereotyping’ and hybridity are “series of challenges to the concept of identity” (fay & haydon, 2017, p. 10), and those three key concepts are elaborated below. othering in his book, ‘the location of culture’, homi k. bhabha started his argument by highlighting the binary relationship between “self” which refer to ‘west’ or colonizer, and “other” which refer to the “east” or colonized inspired by edward said’s ‘orientalism’ concept on how the ‘west’ always see itself as “cultured, civilized, and industrious” while the ‘east’ is described as “lazy and uncivilized” (fay & haydon, 2017, p. 10). homi k. bhabha explained this further by borrowing frantz fanon’s example of white e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 supremacy’s effect on the black self-image as stated below: “i had to meet the white man's eyes. an unfamiliar weight burdened me. ln the white world the man of colour encounters difficulties in the development of his bodily schema . . . . i was battered down by tom-toms, cannibalism, intellectual deficiency, fetishism, racial defects . . .. i took myself far off from my own presence .... what else could it be for me but an amputation, an excision, a haemorrhage that spattered my whole body with black blood?” (bhabha, 2004, p. 60) it is obvious that the process of ‘othering’ is a production of identity for the colonized seen from the eyes of the colonizers. although the ‘other’ identity created by the colonizer might never be affirmed true, the colonizers still need ‘othering’ the colonized people, so that they have reasons to impose their values them, and unfortunately, this colonialism culture of ‘self’ versus ‘other’ has been widely used until today as a “framework to conceive human diversity” especially in ex-colonized countries (staszak, 2009). stereotyping the second concept ‘stereotyping’ is closely related to ‘othering’. while ‘othering’ focuses on the process of alienation between ‘self’ and ‘other, stereotyping is defined as “a form of knowledge and identification that vacillates between what is always ‘in place’, already known, and something that must be anxiously repeated” (bhabha, 2004, p. 95). this concept stems from ‘fixity’ where the ‘other’ is fixed as unchangeable, known, and predictable (mushtaq, 2010, p. 25) and those fixities are built on “political and cultural ideologies that are prejudiced, discriminatory, vestigial, archaic, and “mythical” (huddart, 2018, p. 26). in brief, stereotyping is problematic because it creates certain hierarchy where colonizers are always in a higher position than the colonized, and it reduces the multiple heterogonous identities of the colonized people with a fixated identity created by the colonizer. the fixated identity or the created stereotypes in reality are always lack, and to certain extent defective. hybridity the ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ might give an idea that identities of the colonizer and colonized are stable. however, bhabha argued that identities of both the colonizer and the colonized are fluid and changing. this ambivalent condition then gave rise to hybridity. taken from horticulture field in which ‘hybridity’ means the crosspollination to produce a ‘hybrid’ species, hybridity in homi k. bhabha’s context refers to “the creation of new transcultural forms within the contact zone produced by colonization” (ashcroft et al., 2007, p. 108). the cross-cultural identity is formed in what bhabha called as ‘third space’ (mushtaq, 2010, p. 25). in this ‘third space’, the colonizer and the colonized who come e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 from different cultures meet and they are forced to adapt and change their identities politically, culturally, or psychologically, hence, the division such as ‘self’ versus ‘others’ or ‘ west’ versus ‘east’ is simply impossible (fay & haydon, 2017, p. 11). research methods in this study, the writer uses qualitative approach. according to (creswell & creswell, 2108, p. 287), qualitative method “rely on text and image data, have unique steps in data analysis, and draw on diverse design to educate readers.” harry wolcott further elaborated three components of qualitative work. the first one is description which presents the original data in a narrative followed by analysis which goes beyond the descriptive analysis, and rather explains ‘the key factors and relationships among the data’. the last one is interpretation which requires the researcher to give meaning to the data by producing insights creatively (gibson & brown, 2009, p. 5). this study fulfills all the criteria aforementioned. this study uses the text in ‘hujan bulan juni’ and analyzed the ideology of colonialism discourse of othering, stereotyping, and hybridity by interpreting the utterances produced by the characters in the novel ‘hujan bulan juni’. discussion othering, stereotyping and hybridity in ‘hujan bulan juni’ it is intriguing that indonesian identity in the novel ‘hujan bulan juni’ is fragmented with the presentation of the continuation of colonial discourse of ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ in a setting that takes place in a modern era (2015), the time when the novel was published. in order to elaborate how ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ affect indonesian identity, the author created a dichotomy between two ethnicities, javanese and manado represented by the characters in the novel. the story which revolves around sarwono who is a javanese and pingkan who is half javanese and half manado, shows how these two characters are ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ because of their different ethnicities and the set of cultures attached to their ethnicities such as religion and cultures. it is then compelling to see how identities of the characters were traced back to colonization era and compared to the more recent development up to the year when the novel was published in 2015. the notion of hybrid identity as indonesian identity was then put forward. javanese versus manado: the colonial discourse of ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ the trace of colonialism in regards to ethnicity in indonesia was introduced in the novel through sarwono’s respond to pingkan’s opinion about his javanese-ness, and his e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 assumption about manado when he was about to go to manado for the first time as representative of the university of indonesia where he worked at: “…gadis itu tidak pernah menyebutnya pengung -paling banter menyebutnya jawa zadul. tidak pernah didengarnya ada yang menyebut menado zadul sebab konon masyarakat di sana lebih dulu menerima pendidikan belanda tinimbang di jawa. dan pendidikan tidak hanya berarti rumah sekolah, tetapi juga rumah tuhan-agama. juga makanan. juga pakaian. itu sebabnya ketika pertama kali ke menado sarwono siap-siap menerima pengalaman yang tidak akan pernah didapatnya di jawa” (damono, 2015, p. 21). from this excerpt, pingkan and sarwono are ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ each other. pingkan labelled sarwono negatively as ‘zadul’ which means old-fashioned and outdated, and attached it to sarwono’s javanese identity as ‘jawa zadul’. sarwono, on the other hand, though that manado is more developed than java because menado was educated in dutch way, so that people in manado adopted dutch lifestyle, including its religion, food and clothes. what sarwono thought is also ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ manado considering that in the context, sarwono has never been to manado, and he expected to experience things that he would never experience in java. in brief, there are certain ‘fixation’ that pingkan applied to sarwono, and vice versa, and therefore, caused a distinction between these two ethnicities. the process of ‘self’ versus ‘other’ and the set of prejudice attached to javanese and manado illustrated above can be related to the position of these two ethnicities in the dutch colonization era in indonesia. as reported by j.c. baud, there was a clear division between javanese and dutch ‘races’ in the terms of language, colour, religion, morals, and historical memories, which made dutch sovereign at that time considered ‘the javanese’ as having problematic characteristics and therefore the process of ‘othering’ between dutch as rulers, and ‘javanese’ as the ruled was made clear and dutch ‘stereotyped’ the javanese as having ‘defects’ in their characters, so that disciplinary and reformation from the dutch will be beneficial for them (philpott, 2000, p. 40). on the other hand, in july 1, 1919, manado became the city of gementee (municipal government during dutch east indies’ occupation in indonesia), and had its own city council (marzuki, 2020, p. 53). this indicated how important manado for dutch east indies was, and milone (1996) explained that manado was even considered identical to european enclave regarding its commercial activities, its lifestyle, the existence of social institution, and its rights to manage its own finance, social facilities (e.g., road, market, housing, clean water), and the city’s border (marzuki, 2020, p. 53) from the elaboration of javanese and manado’s positions during dutch e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 colonization era, it is clear that there is a remarkable difference between manado and dutch. manado seemed to readily embrace dutch’s culture in almost every aspect of their lives; thus, obtained trust from the dutch east indies government, and developed into a municipal city. in other words, manado was the face of dutch in indonesia. in contrast, javanese held their cultures tightly, and jeopardized their relationship with the dutch government. the ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ that pingkan and sarwono did to each other could then be understood by putting them in this context. that context was supported by another example in the novel in which manado is seen as ‘self’ or face of the colonizer versus javanese as ‘other’ “waktu masih di sd, pingkan disuruh ibunya belajar menari jawa; yang mengajarinya seorang bei. namun, setiap kali ia berbuat kesalahan atau gerak yang kaku, pak bei bilang, ndak apa-apa non. kamu kan menado. pingkan sebenarnya lebih sreg dipanggil ndhuk atau wuk daripada non. (damono, 2015, p. 22). this example indicated pak bei’s ‘othering’ toward pingkan, by calling her ‘non’ that imitate how dutch young girl was addressed in the dutch colonization era instead of addressing pingkan with ‘ndhuk’ or ‘wuk’ which are javanese terms for a young girl. pak bei also ‘stereotyped’ pingkan as being unable to master the art of javanese dancing because of her being manado who adopted dutch way of living, unlike javanese who hold tight to their root culture. ‘stereotyping’: a problematic colonial discourse homi k bhabha postulated that “the stereotype is not a simplification because it is a false representation of a given reality. it is a simplification because it is an arrested, fixated form of representation that, in denying the play of difference (which the negation through the other permits), constitutes a problem for the representation of the subject in significations of psychic and social relations.” in (huddart, 2018, p. 28). the problem of ‘stereotyping’ was narrated in the novel “hujan bulan juni” through the changing definition and attitude towards the term ‘priayi’ in javanese context. buku pakem yang menjadikan penulisnya seorang jendral ilmu bangsa-bangsa menguraikan apa yang disebutnya ‘agama jawa’. waktu pertama kali membaca buku itu, sarwono berusaha sebaik-baik nya untuk menggambar kotak-kotak dalam benaknya, tiga kotak jumlah nya, dan dengan sangat hati-hati menyusupkan dirinya ke dalam salah satu kotak itu: priayi, abangan, santri. dan gagal. pikirnya, kesulitan yang sekarang dialaminya tentu berbeda dengan yang dialami jenderal antropologi itu ketika dulu masuk ke sebuah kota dalam usahanya membuat penelitian tentang bangsa jawa. sebuah kota, hanya sebuah kota. dan jawa bukan sebuah kota, jauh lebih luas dan rumit daripada kota. sarwono sejak itu menganggap kota yang dalam buku ‘disembunyikan’ namanya itu maya adanya.” (damono, 2015, p. 24) e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 the book that sarwono talked about refers to a book titled ‘agama jawa’ [the religon of java] written by an american anthropologist, clifford geertz. in the book, geertz reported the results of his research in a small city called mojokuto located in east java, and concluded that religion and culture are tied to each other. he furthermore classified the people in mojokuto into three groups: ‘priayi’, ‘abangan’, and ‘santri’ who showed different sets of behaviour and political ideology (riady, 2021, p. 18). sarwono, however, argued, that this classification is problematic as it is invalid to use only one small city, mojokuto, and its small population to make generalization about all javanese people. it is also impossible to fit javanese into certain frame because even javanese people still divide their java-ness into different layers of strata or circles with the ones closer to keraton [kingdom in central java] such as ‘priayi’ as true javanese and ones farther as not truly javanese people (damono, 2015, p. 100). more interestingly, the word ‘priayi’ which was used by clifford geertz was also used by the dutch east indies government. in dutch colonization era, ‘priyayi’ who previously known as javanese royalty or nobles became volkshoofden whose main job was to be a mediator between the dutch as colonizer and indonesian people in general (arimi, 2008, p. 8). as a result, there was a change in the ‘stereotyping’ on javanese ‘priayi’, from respected high position to dutch colonizer’s ally who try to adopt colonial education, lifestyle and even the language so that they are considered to resemble the dutch colonizer in many ways including less religious and very loyal to the dutch colonizer (ibid, p.8). furthermore, dutch colonizer also appointed new ‘priayi’ who came from commoners, and it gave hope for commoners to have more power and wealth (arimi, 2008, p. 9). the negative image that indonesian people have about ‘priayi/priyayi’ is still in effect until modern era, and this change of ‘stereotyping’ towards ‘priayi’ was smartly captured in the novel: “gerombolan paman dan bibi sarwono dari garis ayahnya yang datang ke perjamuan itu hamper semua banting stir dan langung tancap gas menjadi pengusaha, tidak mau menjadi priayi yang menganggap pekerjaan semacam itu merendahkan derajat. lha itu kan kerjaan kaum pidak pedarakan”, kata mereka. dan mereka pun jelas menjadi lebih kaya dari ayahnya yang bangga dan bersyukur mengabdi sebagai pns.” (damono, 2015, p. 19) being government’s officers for sarwono’s uncles and aunts is not prestige, but a shame and belongs to low class people. it is a proof that new stereotypes might appear but it is not entirely new as it is influenced by the previous stereotype of how being a ‘priayi’ in dutch colonization era means being a servant to the colonizer, and in modern indonesia, a servant to the country or the society. the value of being ‘priayi’ is no longer valuable for the javanese ethnicity as it no longer gives them power, wealth and prestige (hariyanto, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 2012, p. 112) as it was in the past, but being a businessman does. a closer look at this phenomenon, however, results in an implication that becoming a businessman is an effort to become ‘priayi’, but with a different name. it is because being a businessman will enable someone to earn a fortune, but more importantly obtains other things including power, wealth, and prestige. hybridity: negotiating indonesian identity the colonial discourse of ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ have been proven to be problematic because the identities of the “self” or “other” keep changing, and what will naturally happen is hybriditythe creation of new cultures. in “hujan bulan juni”, the concept of ‘hybridity’ is simply manifested through the main lead female character, pingkan, who was born half manado, and half javanese, and therefore should adopt both cultures. pingkan is also pictured as a japanese lecturer who hybridity in pingkan’s case, however, did not make her proud, but confused, and eventually led her to negotiate her identity. it is undeniable that sometimes pingkan still showed her manado-ness as narrated in the following occasions: “gendang telinga menado tidak pernah keliru bergetar”, katanya. “kuping jawa itu yang suka ngeloyor ke sana kemari dan kalau nyanyi tidak jelas itu macapat atau sonata, hahaha.” (damono, 2015, p. 33) sambil melepaskan jambakannya, pingkan setengah menjerit, “jawa cuma tahu srimpi, ya. kata ayah, di minahasa ada tari perang cakalele – dan kamu pasti gak bisa nari itu, tubuhmu yang kerempeng itu dak laku di menado. (damono, 2015, p. 35) from the two excerpts above, pingkan defended manado in the face of sarwono, a ‘real’ javanese who keeps teasing her hybrid genetics. pingkan did that by emphasizing how manado is superior to javanese in their taste in music and capability to differentiate one music genre from another. she also pointed out that not only javanese has popular traditional dance, but manado also has a traditional dance which a javanese like sarwono does not know and might not be able to master as well. however, in more occasions, pingkan frankly negotiated her identity as a javanese rather than being manado: pingkan jelas lebih solo dari ibunya, jadi malah jadi sering bahan pembicaraan, wong namanya pingkan kok jawanya mlipis (damono, 2015, p. 18) namun mengherankan juga bahwa gadis itu ternyata merasa menjadi liyan juga ketika bertemu dengan kerabatnya di menado waktu itu, meskipun ia mengenal tinutuan. kata ‘pulang’ tidak begitu tepat rasanya sebab sarwono menyaksikan bahwa gadis itu jelas-jelas merasa kikuk di antara kerabatnya. (damono, 2015, p. 22) “aku ini jawa, hidupku di jawa, ben.” (damono, 2015, p. 51) “aku kan jawa. yang menado kan bapakku. (damono, 2015, p. 70) e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 these excerpts showed that despite pingkan’s hybrid parents, pingkan wanted to perceive herself as javanese rather than manado. she felt uncomfortable whenever she was amongst her manado relatives, and she repeatedly declared that she is javanese, not manado. it is not surprising because pingkan stayed in solo, a city with thick javanese culture, during her childhood and teenagerhood, and moved to jakarta, the capital city of indonesia which is also located in java island when she was about to enter university (damono, 2015, p. 16). she also fell in love with jakarta, the capital city of indonesia, which is also located in java island, and called jakarta as love (damono, 2015, p. 125). despite repetitive claim from pingkan herself that she is javanese, her hybrid identity still confused her. di solo ia jadi menado, di menado ia dibilang jawa… yang menjadi label itu nama atau darah? tentu saja dulu ayahnya tidak tertarik memberinya nama bawuk atau tumbu, misalnya. itu semua nama jawa; ayahnya seorang pelenkahu (damono, 2015, p. 22). pingkan tidak tahu lagi kampungnya yang mana, solo apa menado? (damono, 2015, p. 56) pingkan somehow could not say whether she is javanese, or she is manado. the question that pingkan raised was quite critical to the notion of indonesian identity because both name and blood in pingkan’s case could not really embody her identity as indonesian. her name, pingkan, obviously indicated that she is manado just like her dad who is a manado, but her blood is a combination of her father’s manado blood and her mother’s javanese blood. thus, pingkan’s question is a rhetorical question that is impossible to answer and it is also an attempt to negotiate her identity as indonesian which should not be fragmented into names or blood. in this case, sarwono’s answer is probably the best, “ya jangan bingung, kalian berdua itu indonesia raya (astuti, 2022). sarwono argued that pingkan and her brother are simply indonesians. conclusion in conclusion, the effects of dutch colonial discourse ‘othering’, ‘stereotyping’, and ‘hybridity’ could still be felt in post-colonial era, several decades after indonesia gained its independence in 1945, and this phenomenon is brought up in a contemporary novel ‘hujan bulan juni’ (2015). the novel in fact revealed how problematic the colonial discourse of ‘othering’ and ‘stereotyping’ are because they rely on certain fixation which most of time proved to be wrong. it is futile to consider other people as ‘others’ by ‘stereotyping’ them because even in one ethnicity, there are many ‘stereotypes’ that change from time to time, and there will always be a certain point where different e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 ethnicities meet in the ‘third space’, and create a new hybrid identity which cannot be simply defined by name or blood. therefore, the author of the novel proposed a solution to these complicated multiple identities, and substitute it with one and only identity, ‘indonesia raya’ [great indonesia] which embodies and embraces all the differences. references aliefta, d. r. n., mulyono, m., & irp, m. i. a. (2019). romantika kesederhanaan dalam novel hujan bulan juni karya sapardi djoko damono: kajian stilistika. jurnal sastra indonesia, 7(3), 179–183. https://doi.org/10.15294/jsi.v7i3.29843 arimi, s. (2008). pergeseran kekuasaan bangsawan jawa indonesia: sebuah analisis wacana kritis. jurnal masyarakat & budaya, 10(2), 1–22. ashcroft, b., griffiths, g., & tiffin, h. (2007). post-colonial studies (second edi). new york: taylor & francis. astuti, a. (2022). 5 fakta puisi fenomenal sapardi djoko damono “hujan bulan juni.” retrieved june 26, 2022, from detikhot website: https://hot.detik.com/book/d6118216/5-fakta-puisi-fenomenal-sapardi-djoko-damono-hujan-bulan-juni bhabha, h. k. (2004). the location of culture (second edi). new york: routledge. creswell, j. w., & creswell, j. d. (2108). research design qualitative, quantitative, and mixed methods approaches (fifth edit). thousand oaks: sage publications, inc. damono, s. d. (2015). hujan bulan juni. jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. danang, m. (2020, august). jejak sejarah nama “indonesia.” kompaspedia. retrieved from https://kompaspedia.kompas.id/baca/paparan-topik/jejak-sejarah-namaindonesia fay, s., & haydon, l. (2017). an analysis of homi k bhabha’s the location of culture. london: macat international ltd. gibson, w., & brown, a. (2009). working with qualitative data (first edit). london: sage publications ltd. hariyanto. (2012). priayisme dan korupsi kolusi nepotisme (kkn): studi status group di kabupaten sleman provinsi daerah istimewa yogyakarta. aspirasi: jurnal masalah-masalah sosial, 3(2), 111–129. retrieved from http://jurnal.dpr.go.id/index.php/aspirasi/article/view/264 huddart, d. (2018). homi k. bhabha. retrieved january 26, 2022, from oxford bibliographies website: https://www.oxfordbibliographies.com/view/document/obo-9780190221911/obo9780190221911-0057.xml kroef, j. m. van der. (1951). the term indonesia : its origin and usage. journal of the american oriental society, 71(3), 166–171. retrieved from e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 30-41 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 https://www.jstor.org/stable/595186 marzuki, i. w. (2020). perkembangan manado masa kolonial ( 1789-1945 ) the development of manado city in colonial period ( 1789-1945 ). tumotowa, 3(1), 51–62. mushtaq, h. (2010). othering , stereotyping and hybridity in fiction : a postcolonial analysis of conrad ’ s heart of darkness ( 1899 ) and coetzee ’ s waiting for the barbarians ( 1980 ). journal of language and literature, (3), 25–30. philpott, s. (2000). rethinking indonesia postcolonial theory, authoritarianism and identity. london: macmillan press ltd. riady, a. s. (2021). agama dan kebudayaan masyarakat perspektif clifford geertz. journal sosiologi agama indonesia, 2(1), 13–22. https://doi.org/10.22373/jsai.v2i1.1199 staszak, j. (2009). other / otherness. in international encyclopedia of human geography: a-12 volume set (pp. 1–7). retrieved from https://www.unige.ch/sciencessociete/geo/files/3214/4464/7634/otherotherness.pdf suseno, b. a. n. (2018). alih wahana hujan bulan juni. jurnal sastra indonesia, 7(3), 212–220. retrieved from https://journal.unnes.ac.id/sju/index.php/jsi/article/view/ 29847/13192 microsoft word artikel i putu suhartika terbit4 e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 power relations practices in higher education electronic library in bali i putu suhartika1, i wayan ardika2, i ketut ardhana, i nengah punia4 1d3 library, faculty of social and political sciences, udayana university , 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university, 4faculty of social and political sciences, udayana university email: 1 suhardharma@yahoo.com, 2ardikawayan52@gmail.com, 3phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com, 4inengahpunia@unud.ac.id received date : 21-07-2021 accepted date : 07-02-2022 published date : 28-02-2022 abstract electronic library is apart of the implementation of information and communication technology in libraries as mandated in law no. 43 of 2007 and snp 010: 2011. there are various obstacles in developing electronic library which are especially related to the power relations of actors. therefore, this study aims to analyze the practice of power relations in the electronic libraries of universities in bali so that the processes, forms, and implications of these power relations can be revealed. this study uses 17 (seventeen) library actors consisting of the head of the library, vice chancellor i, librarians, programmers, and users spread over 5 (five) universities in bali as informants who were interviewed semi-structured. this study uses foucault's theory of power relations as a grand theory, and is supported by derrida's theory of deconstruction and gramsci's hegemony. the results showed that the practice of power relations in university libraries in bali is mainly based on the actor's knowledge. this is in accordance with foucault's perspective where knowledge can produce power in the electronic library. however, the practice is also based on the structural position of actors, so that power relations are not always balanced, but also in the form of domination, negotiation, and hegemony which are depicted in power frames. the practice has good implications for libraries, especially for users, librarians, programmers, and library collections, although in certain cases, power relations provide gaps between these actors. keywords: electronic library, power relation, domination, deconstruction, and hegemony introduction the rapid development of information and communication technology (ict) in the era of globalization can change human civilization, ranging from the civilization of traditional societies, industrial societies to the information society, which is a society that is highly dependent on information, in this case, information is information. is something that must exist e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 (sine que non) for humans. the development of information technology causes libraries to become more modern, so that at this time, we are familiar with various library terms such as electronic libraries, hybrid libraries, digital libraries, and library 2.0. in line with this, the government has addressed the implementation of information and communication technology in libraries by issuing law number 43 of 2007 concerning libraries, where several articles in the act contain the implementation of information and communication technology in university libraries. the implementation of information and communication technology is also regulated in the national standards for higher education libraries no. 10 of 2011. one manifestation of the implementation of information and communication technology in libraries as mandated in law no. 43 of 2007 and snp 010: 2011 is an electronic library. with these regulations, the development of electronic libraries should be able to run optimally. however, the implementation of the law did not run optimally, so that the journey of the library to the electronic library did not always go as expected given the various obstacles, especially related to the power relations of actors. the various interests of the actors involved in the development of the library can influence the practice of power relations. therefore, methodology this study used 17 (seventeen) internal and external library actors consisting of the head of the library, deputy chancellor i, librarian, programmer, lecturer librarian and student librarian spread over 5 (five) universities in bali as resource persons who were interviewed in a semi-structured manner. this study uses foucault's theory of power relations as a grand theory, and is supported by the deconstruction theory of derrida and gramsci's hegemony. the concept of power from michel foucault is part of the 'genealogy' method which in this study is associated with the power of electronic library actors. the deconstruction method is used to analyze the actor's ideology. while gramsci's theory of hegemony is used to examine actor leadership based on consensus or agreement. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 results and discussion the results of the study show that the practice of power relations in university electronic libraries in bali occurs from the planning stage to the system implementation stage. however, this study focuses on the practice of power relations at the planning stage, development of electronic collections, and use of electronic library software. in addition, the practice of power relations is also associated with discursive practice where knowledge and language are studied. the practice of power relations at the planning stage of the electronic library involves the library's internal and external actors, namely the head of the library, library it staff, librarian, vice chancellor i, and university it staff. the practice of power relations in the development of electronic collections involves the head of the library, librarian and vice chancellor i, while the practice of power relations at the stage of using electronic library software involves the head of the library, programmers, library it staff, university it staff, and librarians. of all these actors, the head of the library has a dominant role in all these stages considering that the head of the library is always present at each stage of the activity. the practice of power relations in electronic libraries gives birth to its own form of power according to the role of the actor. the forms of power relations are equality, domination, negotiation, and hegemony. the form of power relations can be described in terms of power, such as power triangles, power quadrilaterals, and so on. the practice of power relations has implications for libraries, especially users, librarians, programmers, and library collections. overall, the practice of power relations in university electronic libraries in bali has positive implications for these actors, although in certain cases, power relations provide gaps or gaps between these actors. practice of power relations in electronic library planning the practice of power relations at the planning stage was first seen when the idea of developing an electronic library was presented by the actor, where at first the head of the library had the idea and conveyed it to other actors to get input on the idea, as conveyed by griadhi: the head of the library has an idea, the idea is conveyed to wr i, wr i calls the head of the puskom to be seated together there is an agreement he is the head of the team who is not the deputy and the members are lecturers (interview july 23, 2020) e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 the informant's statement above shows that the head of the library conveyed the idea to the vice chancellor i, and then wr i closed it with the head of puskom and the head of the library. after reaching an agreement, the vice chancellor i formed a development team that contained elements of the upt puskom, libraries, and lecturers. finally, the team started working on the system according to the guidelines in the it division. the vice chancellor i's commitment to the development of electronic libraries was shown by agreeing to the proposal submitted by the head of the library, as conveyed by wiryawan as follows: i immediately agreed with the proposal for the development of an electronic library by the head of the library, considering that the need for such development should no longer be tolerated, in accordance with the demands of current higher education governance needs. (interview january 24, 2021) the statements of the two informants above show that the practice of power relations in electronic libraries occurs when the head of the library's ideas are conveyed to other actors. the head of the library makes contact with other actors in an effort to realize his idea. the practice of power relations at the planning stage is based on the interests of various actors so that power relations have their own form of power. overall, the practice of power relations in the planning mentioned above is based on the knowledge of each actor as conveyed by several actors involved in the planning. artayasa invites other actors in a power relation to rememberthey have knowledge about libraries and libraries related to electronics (interview 19 february 2021). this is also confirmed by artadi and sanjiwani. artadi said thatall actors involved were selected based on their knowledge in the it field (19 february 2021), while sanjiwani said that electronic libraries require human resources who understand electronics and the systems that will be developed in the library (interview 28 december 2020). in connection with the above, the knowledge of actors plays an important role in power relations. with this knowledge, actors can engage in power relations. thus, it can be said that knowledge can produce power, in this case, the knowledge of the head of the library gives birth to the power to plan or make proposals for electronic libraries, while the vice chancellor i has the power to make policies for the development of electronic libraries. the relationship between knowledge and power in electronic library planning was also conveyed by sudarma as follows: we need their competence to build an electronic system, not because wr 1 just ordered it, but it is in wr 1's interest to order to build a system, but building the system e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 requires competent people in this competent field, which requires other parties to do wr1 together by chance. puskon is under it wr1 instructs staff at wr1 staff at puskom to help staff at the library (interview 11 january 2021) the informant's statement above shows that the power of the actors is not related to the position or position of each actor, so that power does not seem to have a negative meaning, however, the power is related to the knowledge of the actor. more specifically, the relationship between knowledge and power is conveyed by wiryawan as follows: i invite the actor because he has the competence, knowledge and authority in the development of the electronic library, it is to maintain that the library development program is in accordance with the directions and objectives that have been set.(interview january 24, 2021) the informant's statement above shows that power relations in the development of electronic libraries require not only knowledge but also the power (authority) of actors related to electronic libraries. thus, the power relation in electronic library planning places knowledge with power in that relation. from the description above, it can be said that foucault's theory of the relation of power and knowledge can be applied in planning electronic libraries for universities in bali, where foucault in lubis (2004, 165-167) places knowledge as the power of actors who work positively and productively, not power in a repressive and operative sense through asymmetrical relationships that lead to dominance between subject and object in maintaining power. power operates in knowledge relations to normalize the structure, rules, and relationships in society. power that is spread in society tends to establish relationships between powers which are often understood as power relations. practice of power relations in electronic collection development collection development is an activity that needs to be carried out by libraries in an effort to fulfill collections that are relevant, current and accurate for their users. in this regard, collection development is carried out through a systematic process from planning to evaluation of collection development policies. collection development is a process of activities that includes a number of activities related to establishing and coordinating selection policies, assessing the needs of users and potential users, reviewing collection users, evaluating collections, identifying collection needs, selecting library materials, planning to work together, maintaining collections, and weeding (hartono, 2016: 69). e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 the development of electronic collections can be done through purchases, donations, exchanges, and transfer of media or digitization. electronic collections are also known as digital collections. the nature of this collection is (a) full text materials and resources, including e-journals, open access digital collections, e-books, e-newspapers, theses, and dissertations. digital, (b) metadata resources, including digital software in the form of catalogs, indexes and abstracts, or resources that provide information on other secondary literature), (c) digital multimedia materials, (d) various sites on the internet (pendit: 2009) . in general, electronic collections subscribed to by university libraries in bali are e-books and e-journals, while digitizing electronic collections is carried out through a scanning process (scanning of printed form to digital), editing (editing or processing digital files or files (pdf) in in a computer, and uploading (uploading to a digital library).the development of an electronic collection of an electronic library for higher education in bali was proposed by the head of the library and approved by the vice chancellor i, as conveyed by putri as follows: the collection development process is based on submissions every semester from us, so first we also communicate with study programs about what books are needed, if we submit a purchase, then it will be approved later, the message from us is according to the list and after it is approved the payment will be from the rectorate, so we ask for an offer first we will share it with the study program, the study program also chooses (interview 28 december 2020) the process of developing the electronic collection of university libraries in bali above gave birth to a power relationship between the head of the library and the vice chancellor i. the power relationship is based more on the knowledge of each actor so that the power of the two actors is balanced. however, the power relations between these actors are not always balanced considering that the structural power of actors can dominate other actors, as stated by griadhi as follows: :…now don't buy e-journals, previously bought them at sage,… according to the rector, you can't buy journals because they have been bought by the national library of indonesia, dikti, just use them, right, maybe the budget doesn't exist either…don't buy journals because we've already subscribed to dikti, even though maybe some universities still buy it…” (interview july 23, 2020) when a proposal is rejected by the vice chancellor i, usually the head of the library gives consideration to his proposal so that the vice chancellor i understands it and finally gives approval as conveyed by sanjiwani below: e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 it's not that it's not unfunded, there was a miscommunication between us because the library wasn't there before, it was in the library before but it was transferred to lppm, now since i became head of us, the library that manages turnitin was the fund that became eg not unfunded to eg and that's what we are trying to keep going (interview 28 december 2020) the informant's statement above shows that there is a negotiation between the actors so that there is mutual understanding and agreement so that the program can run according to the interests of the actor. such negotiations can return the actor to his position where the position depends on the knowledge possessed by the actor. from the description above, it can be said that the practice of power relations in the development of electronic collections for universities in bali has resulted in a balanced, dominating, and negotiable actor relationship. the relationship between equality and negotiation places knowledge as the power of the actor, while the dominative relationship is associated with the structural position or power of the actor, giving rise to a relationshiphierarchical structure which presupposes that there are those who rule and those who are ruled. therefore, the practice of power relations in pthe development of electronic collections for universities in bali raises the link between the underlying knowledge and the power relations that operate behind it. without knowledge, power is impossible, knowledge is impossible not to give birth to power (sarup, 2003: 124-128). besides that, behind the practice of power relations, there is an ideology or desire to channel interests through the actor's structural position. practice of power relations at the stage of using electronic library software the implementation of information and communication technology (ict) as mandated in law no. 43 of 2007 and snp 010 of 2011 in the form of an electronic library is used by actors to play the will in a practice of power relations. these actors use knowledge in order to gain greater power in these power relations. thus, the practice of power relations is an arena for ideological contestation or the interests of actors that influence the practice of power relations. likewise, the use of university library software in bali, where various ideologies and actors' interests play behind the practice of power. the development of higher education electronic libraries in bali mostly uses slims (senayan library management system) software). this software is open source software, wherethis software is openly accessible and free of charge, unconditional, open source code, e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 free to modify, and no developer protection. the use of slims as an electronic library system is based on the knowledge of actors who state that slims is free because it can be downloaded freely via the internet, as stated by artadi, head of isi denpasar library: slims (senayan library management system) is included in the best open source category, so it can be obtained for free without paying for a license (interview 7 january 2021) from the informant's statement above, the informant believed that slims was free, so it was chosen as an electronic library system in the library. thus, the selection of a university electronic library system in bali is based on the user's belief that the slims software is free and can be modified according to system requirements. the belief or knowledge of these actors does not seem to match the fact that the use of slims requires various costs, considering that the implementation of the system cannot be done alone but requires the knowledge of other actors. this is where the ideology of the slims developer actor comes into play. programmers as actors developing slims hide economic desires behind the free label on the software. so if, for example, mas ari and i developed slims, then i gave an announcement that we are making software, if you want to use it, please pay, i don't think anyone wants to, what are you doing, but with an open source approach, what you get is even more powerful, we are known by many people, people have trust in us, we have brothers (interview 20 june 2019) the informant's statement above shows that the creation of slims was initially based on the ideology of open source, which is free to be downloaded, used, edited as needed, and redistributed to users. with this open source ideology, slims is considered as free software for its users. initially slims was designed together for use by the wider community. this software is used as open source software with various considerations as conveyed by the following informants: "so, we develop slims, we use three principles. the first principle is early release, so it means that early releases are often released as early as possible. so when a new feature is needed, we try to add it as soon as possible in slims. then release often, which means release as often as possible so that when it is released often, it turns out to have a good impact. so people see when slims has an update, oh, this software is actively being developed and the software is alive, which means i can rely on this software because sometimes when people use the system, they need confidence that this system is actively developed and continues to live. then the third listen to your customer. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 the informant's statement above indicates that the informant understands the product being developed. this product (system) will function optimally when the number of users increases, so that user confidence in using this system increases. in addition, the informants also understand the culture of the indonesian people, where the community chooses a system depending on other communities, not on the quality of the system, as conveyed by wicaksono as follows: "there's something interesting in indonesia that sometimes people first choose a software, sometimes it's not a technical consideration but a socio-cultural consideration. for example, like this, for example, if we look at e-prints, e-prints were first, like this e-prints are far inferior in features to d-space but why are e-prints widely used, first it is simple, simpler, then the second i i see that there is a point where some libraries use e-prints and then it becomes a boom when many people use e-prints, eventually all of them use e-prints even though the standard is that technically the d space is much more complete. the same thing is similar to slims, slims is a simple feature that we design to hide the complexity of the library database, it's simple but now slims is a feature that's possible too. the informants above have clearly analyzed the user community, not only from a technical point of view, but also from a socio-cultural perspective. after knowing the characteristics of the system user community, the developer launched the slims system using an open source business model, where the system is uploaded on the internet and the public is free to use it. this model was chosen by the system makers because open source is their idealism. in addition, the system makers also know the culture of the indonesian people, as stated by wicaksono as follows: we also want slims like our ideals to be open source and it turns out that this open source approach is actually more suitable for slims. so if, for example, mas ari and i developed slims, then i gave an announcement that we are making software, if you want to use it, please pay, i don't think anyone wants it, what are you doing, but with an open source approach, what you get is even more powerful, we are known by many people, people have trust in us, we have relatives in many places, become resource persons, and so on. in fact, it's even more like that, slims in the end, both developers can live from it. so this approach is using open source and i think in indonesia people are happy with the open source approach because people see us as a good person who is humanist like that. not very commercial. in indonesia, it is a bit difficult if we approach it directly commercially or whatever unless we have a large back up fund company (interview 20 june 2019) the open source label used by the informants above is very suitable for the indonesian people. besides that, system makers get their own labels that will shape their e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 identity in society, such as someone who is good, humanist, and not commercial, so that people will always need them. by making slims as open source software, the software is known by the public. they start using, downloading, installing, updating, customizing, and so on. when this process is carried out, many users experience technical problems that need to be conveyed to the developer so that there is a power relationship between the developer and the user of the system, in this case, the developer (programmer) and the user of the system have power over the knowledge they have. this relationship aims so that users can use the system optimally, as stated by gandarini as follows: frankly for our library even though we are online for the slims system and the repository system, we don't have our own it so we communicated with it at the center and added with outside it (interview 6 february 2021) the informant's statement above shows that slims users are very dependent on it personnel (programmers) so they have to make contact with program makers. this statement was corroborated by the program developer as stated by wirayuda, the developer of slims december 9, 2020 as follows: not immediately, sir, because i slowly guide them until they understand even though they don't really understand. the informant's statement above shows that the user and the system maker still maintain a relationship, even though the system has been installed in the library. thus, the relationship gave birth to the practice of power relations between developers and system users. the practice of power relations above gave birth to actor agreements in the context of optimizing the use of slims software. the agreement raises considerable costs that must be borne by the user such as customization and training costs. this is where the actor's (capitalist) economic ideology works, in this case, in the beginning the system makers did not get paid for their products, but in fact, until they were optimally implemented in the library, these products were no longer free. this is recognized by wicaksono as follows: … yes, that's right and it's an open source business model, so it's not the software that's being sold, but the additional services, for example, customizing, display, features or training or maintenance support etc… we are developers on the slims development team, we have confidence when we develop we don't think about it. money doesn't mean we don't need money, we believe that later if this is a success the money will come from here…(interview 20 june 2019) e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 62 the informant's statement shows that the informant is very understanding about the open source business model. this model was chosen because the developer believes that this model will make money in the future. thus, it can be said that open source is the ideology of system developers because through open source developers have strong belief in the system created and the user community. in addition, open source does not depend on one developer, but everyone can develop the software. thus, the ideology of the open source slims software is very suitable to be developed in indonesia, considering that this ideology is very closely related to indonesia's "gotong royong or togetherness" culture. the ideology of "open source slims" mentioned above has given birth to a power relationship between developers and system users. the ideology gives rise to an ongoing relationship between developers and users. therefore, the slims open source ideology which initially gave birth to the “free” discourse has shifted to “capitalist/paid”. thus, the "free" discourse gave birth to other ideologies such as capitalist ideology and mutual cooperation. from this description, it can be said that slims as an electronic library system can have implications for software developers and users. the deconstruction of this system has a personal impact on programmers such as new income, promotion or personal branding, and social status. the deconstruction of the slims system is part of the deconstruction of information technology. deconstruction in the field of information technology is needed considering that technological updates that lead to technological establishment are needed by users. derrida's concept of deconstruction undermines the concept of binary opposition, where the concept juxtaposes only two meanings, such as black and white, male and female, and the like. ratna (2005: 250-251), asserts that in contemporary theory, the deconstruction of the electronic library system that is practiced by the developer (programmer) actually raises a difference in perception between the library as a user of the system and the developer itself, where the library considers the system is still free because it can be downloaded via the internet, but in reality, it is not free, due to the existence of configuration costs and other costs according to the wishes of the library. thus, the library as a community user of the system who wants a free system (convenience) experiences problems caused by differences in views and ideologies of other actors (programmers). the ideology of this actor has a material existence in social practices, in this case, the ideology can give birth to other ideologies according to the perspective of the actor. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 63 in connection with the above description, the electronic library is a form of ict implementation as mandated in the law and the national standard is a practice of power relations with the ideology at play in it. the actors caught the interest behind the practice. this is where the actor's economic ideology begins to work. through the knowledge they have, they have established their power in the development of electronic library software, in this case, even though the library is a non-profit institution, this does not affect the actor playing his hidden ideology in power relations. electronic library software that should be free can be used by these actors for personal gain. therefore, discursive practices in university electronic libraries in bali discursive practice is a socio-cultural practice that places discourse in social interaction. discourse here is associated with language and knowledge. discourse in the sense of language or linguistics is related to text as a result of a production process, while discourse as knowledge is a kind of language that creates knowledge and shapes our understanding of objects and phenomena (foucault, 1972). meanwhile, fairclough in munfarida (2014:16) offers a discourse model that contains three dimensions, namely text, discursive practice, and social practice. each of these dimensions has its own area and process and all three are dialectically related. the first dimension is the text which is the result of the production process. the second is a discursive practice related to the interaction of texts with individuals or society in the form of production and interpretation processes. the third dimension is social practice or context that includes socio-cultural practices in which the process of production and interpretation takes place.the discursive practice itself is a form of social practice, and focuses on the processes of production, distribution, and consumption of texts (lawson, 2008:5).the discursive practice of university electronic libraries in bali is carried out through the involvement of various actors who have different roles and interests that can affect the sustainability of the practice of power relations in the library. the discursive practice is carried out through language and knowledge. discursive practice through language can be found in various social lives, including in libraries. the practice of power relations among university electronic library actors in bali uses a lot of language (discourse) as a means or media to achieve goals. exploration of discursive practices in shaping certain subjects occurs in several electronic library development activities, ranging from program planning to the implementation of electronic library systems. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 64 many words and terms can be used to refer to certain meanings. fairclough (1998) in martutik (2014) categorizes words into words of value knowledge and experience, expressiveness, and relationships. these words are important elements in language that can be used in the discursive practices of actors to achieve the desired goal. several words or terms are often used to influence other actors to carry out these activities in planning the development of electronic libraries. words such as ebooks and gadgets can arouse the interest of actors to carry out these activities, such as the dialogue carried out by griadhi as follows: head of library: our library isn't that good actually, shame to show this library library staff: why is that? head of library: yes, actually we don't have ebooks, we actually need something like this, i went to unair, to those who have used it, if i open the gadget it looks like i've opened a book, i want to have something like that, how does it feel, can we? staff: yes. why can not? (interview january 21, 2021) the dialogue above contains words (signs) that provide many meanings that can be clearly understood by the listener. the words used are common words that are often found in a communication such as the word library, ebook, have, and so on. the contents of the dialog contain values that are implied directly through the text marks that appear in the dialog. these values are optimism, modernism, and knowledge. these values are born as a result of the actor's understanding of the words conveyed, where both actors have an understanding of the content of the conversation in the dialogue. associated with the word categories given by fairclough, the contents of the dialogue can be grouped into: 1. words worth knowledge and experience the sentence that contains the word valuable for knowledge and experience is "yes, actually we don't have an ebook, we actually need something like this, i go to unair, to those who have used it, when i open the book it's like i have opened a book". this sentence is very thick with knowledge about ebook collections. 2. words that give an intellectual image such as the word gadget, ebook, and the sentences "if i open the geget it's like i've opened a book" and "we don't have an ebook". 3. the use of words that have expressive value, in the sentence "how does it feel, can we not?" and can. why can not?" e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 65 the short dialogue above contains signs as an instrument to achieve the purpose of the messenger, namely an invitation to develop an electronic library. the use of signs as an element of the language contains the value of knowledge and experience, gives an intellectual image, and has expressive value. discursive practice is not only associated with signs as mentioned above, but also with knowledge. in accordance with foucault's perspective, the discursive practice does not refer to people who practice discourse (language), but to how discourse (knowledge) operates through actors, in this case, foucault does notagain treats discourse as a group of signs (signing elements that refer to content or representations) but as practices that systematically form the object of speech. foucault describes, for example, how insanity is spoken of as a part of everyday life and as a mental illness – that it is a discursive object, an object of knowledge (foucault, 1988).therefore, in general, discursive practice is called discourse practice.finken (1998:3) illustrates the computer as a discursive object.the computer is no longer spoken of as a rationalistic controlling tool, but as a tool that contributes to the workers' struggle for a better and more democratic work life. computers make it possible to talk about users, the relationship between users and designers, and about job skills in certain ways. in connection with this, through computers, the relationship between workers and designers is created as a new discursive object: workers as influential but have strong knowledge and designers as technological humanists, who want to improve democracy and empower weak actors. discursive practices also occur in university electronic libraries in bali. practices related to how knowledge is generated occur in the process of developing electronic libraries from planning to implementation of electronic library systems. with the discourse of "electronic library" or "e-library" delivered by the actor, the discourse becomes knowledge for actors involved in the development of electronic libraries, as conveyed by griadhi the following: “words or terms such as e-library, ebook, and others can bring up my previous knowledge. through these words or terms it triggers us to innovate in the implementation of electronic-based library services” (interview january 21, 2021) from the informant's statement above, it can be seen that the discourse of "electronic library" refers to the informant's knowledge which refers to electronic-based library services. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 66 the discourse of "electronic library" can explore the previous actor's knowledge.in this regard, this discursive practice is a power relation practice based on knowledge. implications of power relations electronic library is a library disruption caused by information and communication technology. in this regard, the practice of power relations in higher education electronic libraries in bali has led to fundamental changes in library operations, information resources, services, staff competencies, and user expectations, as conveyed by artadi as follows: the electronic library program provides a change for the better, especially in the service sector. users can access information anywhere and anytime. this means that library services have followed and are in line with the development of the character of librarians who have high mobility and are increasingly united with the development of information technology. besides, the service process is faster and the circulation of collections can be monitored at any time (real time). (interview january 7, 20210) the informant's statement above shows that the practice of power relations in electronic libraries can affect the implementation of library activities, in this case, the work can be done quickly and efficiently. the existence of electronic libraries is strongly felt by university library managers in bali, as stated by sutrisna, librarian of the ganesha university of education as follows: access to information can be done easily and quickly, library services and operations are more effective and efficient. (interview july 23, 2020) in addition, the importance of electronic libraries is also felt by users, as conveyed by puspita dewi as follows: the library system is easy to use, provides a lot of information that i need so i can quickly find the information i need (interview 2 october 2020) in connection with the foregoing, the practice of power relations in university electronic libraries in bali has implications in various aspects of the library, such as the information aspect. information is a necessity for all parties, including the user, in this case, the user searches for the information needed through the electronic library. subali states that the user's alignment with electronic libraries is as follows: actually, if i myself tend to go digital, maybe apart from the library here, the national library, and even then, i follow the national library, there are many collections of books that have been digitized, there are already a lot of books that can be borrowed there for free (interview 22 february 2021) e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 67 the informant's statement above shows that the search for information by users is mostly done through digital media such as electronic libraries because these media provide many conveniences for users. in this regard, the position of the librarian began to be questioned. if the librarian is the party who lacks a "bargaining position", then everything is determined directly by the user. the relationship between librarians and users becomes onesided. users can interact directly with the electronic library system. the user has full control over the information provided by the system. through their knowledge, they can access information anytime and anywhere without the help of a librarian.already can be done from various places without having to come to the library.besides that, the use of electronic libraries can increase self-confidence and independence, as stated by yuda the following: for me, the electronic library really helps me in doing my college assignments, because it is easier to find them, and the results are more accurate (interview october 5, 2020) the informant's statement above shows that the informant strongly believes in the importance of electronic libraries so that it raises the confidence and independence of the informants. electronic libraries can create a gap (gap) between users and librarians (libraries).previously, in searching for the information needed, the user came directly to the library and asked the librarian who had sufficient knowledge and experience in the library field. librarians follow the librarian's instructions because they consider librarians as experts in their fields. however, now their dependence on librarians is no longer visible. the user communicates through the systemwithout face-to-face contact with the librarian, as conveyed by agnesia as follows: as a result, my interaction with him personally, compared to maybe a little less, i can immediately see and search without their help (interview, december 28, 2020) the presence of higher education electronic libraries in bali provides an opportunity for users to access various electronic information resources considering that electronic libraries provide accurate search methods and access to information to meet the interests of users. all functions of conventional libraries are carried out by electronic libraries online so that users have the opportunity to access digital resources that are spread not only in certain electronic libraries but on all information provider sites. thus, the existence of an electronic e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 68 library is a necessity, as stated by wiryawan, deputy chancellor i of mahasaraswati university as follows: the development of the electronic library is a manifestation of the rector's commitment to improving the quality of libraries according to the demands of today's global development needs… (interview january 24, 2021) user awareness of the usefulness of electronic libraries raises user motivation which ultimately affects the acceptance behavior of electronic libraries as stated by the following informants: electronic libraries are important and very helpful in finding information so i use them. the electronic library can be accessed from anywhere and anytime, also contains articles, e-journals, and information related to my research, easy to use because i can download it for free, copy it for my writing reference. the informant's statement above shows a positive perception of users towards the contents and facilities of the electronic library, thereby increasing the desire to use it. the same thing was also conveyed by sridevi, a student of maharasaswati university as another: "i access the electronic library system of my own free will, because the system is good, sir, i like to use it because it provides many choices of information that can be accessed anytime and anywhere so that i use it more often" (interview 6 february 2021) the informant's statement shows that the informant uses the electronic library voluntarily of his own free will to fulfill his information needs. the quality of electronic libraries causes users to depend on the system. electronic libraries can raise awareness of actors to use the system voluntarily. such awareness leads to increased participation and approval of all system users. thus, the practice of power relations can give birth to a participatory hegemony of users. hegemony is a chain of victories that is obtained through a consensus mechanism rather than through oppression of other social classes (patria, 2015: 120). gramsci's concept of hegemony means, in part, in connection with the description above, it can be said that the practice of power relations in university electronic libraries in bali has positive and less positive implications for various aspects of libraries such as librarians, users, collections, and system developers. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 69 mediatization and commodification of libraries the practice of actor power relations in the electronic libraries of higher education in bali has led to the mediatization and commodification of libraries.library mediatization is concerned with how the library is mediated. the presence of an electronic library makes the physical library mediated through electronic media so as to form a visualization of an electronic library. in addition, the existence of social media such as facebook, whatsapp, twitter, and instagram that is attached to the electronic library feature causes the library to be mediated faster. therefore, library mediatization can reach wider users, considering the presence of an electronic library website can reach global users.the emergence of social media in the global network (internet) has increasingly expanded the reach of users so that the existence of libraries is increasingly felt, finally libraries are no longer public spaces for library institutions, but are public spaces throughout the world. mediatization of university electronic libraries in bali is carried out through various media such as library websites, social media and so on as shown in table 6.1 below: table 6.1 mediatization of bali college electronic libraries no media unud undiksha contents unmas stikom 1 library website √ √ √ √ √ 2 facebook √ √ √ √ 3 instagram √ √ 4 youtube √ √ 5 foursquare √ √ √ 6 blogspot √ total 4 5 1 4 3 source: processed from field data for 2020 table 6.1 above shows that mediatization of university electronic libraries in bali is carried out through 6 (six) types of media, namely library websites, facebook, instagram, youtube, foursquare and blogspot. of all these media, the library website is the main media for e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 70 university libraries in bali in visualizing the existence of the library. some examples of these media are shown in figure 6.1 below: figure 6.1 media visualization of bali higher education electronic libraries source: processed from field data for 2020 figure 6.1 above shows that university electronic libraries in bali show their existence to users through various media, including social media. the media is a sign that can connect the library with other users or users, so that communication between the two parties is still carried out even though virtually. the transformation of a conventional library to an electronic library is a process of changing library goods and services (components) so that they have better usability values. thus, the process of changing the value of a product or goods is called commodification, which by mosco (2009: 156) is stated as the process of changing goods and services, including communications, which are valued for their usefulness, into commodities that are valued because of what they will provide in the market. furthermore, mosco (2009) classifies commodification into 3 (three) types, namely content commodification, audience commodification, and labor commodification. commodification of content is related to content, commodification of audiences is related to audiences, and commodification of labor is related to workers. in connection with that matter, referring to the mosco commodification theory, electronic library components can cause library commodification. these components are electronic collections such as e-books, e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 71 e-journals, and so on, library buildings or rooms, facilities and infrastructure and actors involved in the development of electronic libraries. electronic collections are worth more than printed collections considering that electronic collections have several advantages such as being able to be read anywhere and anytime, efficient, not requiring a special place, safe and undamaged, easy to back up, comfortable, environmentally friendly and can be marked as a reminder for readers, as stated byerviantono follows: the electronic library for me has an important meaning because it is related to my mobility which does not stay in one location when working on my dissertation, so that wherever i need articles from e-journals or e-books i want to be able to access them. (interview january 8, 2021) the informant's statement above shows that the convenience possessed by electronic collections causes the collection to be used more by users, so that the electronic collection is part of the commodification of content or content that emphasizes the value or advantages of the content. electronic libraries allow users to access at the same time with a large number of accesses and not limited to one location. thus, an electronic library allows an increase in the number of accesses, so that an electronic library is also a commodification of the audience or audience, considering that the level of access is determined by the number of audiences or people who access it. electronic library facilities and infrastructure are also part of audience commodification, including electronic library rooms. from the description above, it can be said that commodification practices can occur in various aspects of life, including electronic libraries. the provision of useful items for users and the process of changing these items in the library provide a clear example that commodification is part of the library. commodification causes library goods and services to have added value for internal libraries and users. according to arjun appadurai in (ertman, 2005: 35) commodities are basically "everything that is intended to be exchanged," or any object of economic value. thus, all things in electronic libraries that have a positive impact such as physical, library facilities and services so that they are utilized by users are library commodifications. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 72 conclusion the practice of power relations in university electronic libraries in bali is largely determined by the knowledge of library actors. this knowledge plays an important role and has power in the practice of power relations, thus forming an equal relationship between actors. however, the power relations are not always parallel, especially the power relations in the development of collections and the use of electronic library software, so that the power relations become domination, negotiation, and hegemony. therefore, the power relation of foucault's perspective cannot always be applied in this study. the practice of power relations has positive implications for actors and institutions, even though this practice creates a gap between librarians, users, and library collections. references barker, chris (2014) kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta: kanisius. bocock, robert (2007) pengantar komprehensif untuk memahami hegemoni. yogyakarta: jalasutra. ertman, martha m and joan c. williams (2005). rethinking commodification: cases and readings in law and culture. sumber: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/commodification foucault, michel (1972) the archaeology of knowledge and the discourse on language. new york: dorset press foucault, m. (1988) the concern for truth. in l. d. kritzman (ed.) michel foucault politics, philosophy, culture. interviews and other writings, 1977-1984 pp.255-267 hartono (2016) manajemen perpustakaan sekolah: menuju perpustakaan modern dan profesional. yogyakarta : ar-ruzz media. lawson, andrew joseph (2008). discourse practice ‘one-on-one with obama’: an analysis. sumber: https://www.birmingham.ac.uk/documents/college lubis, akhyar (2004) masih adakah tempat berpijak bagi ilmuwan. bogor: akademia martutik (2014) representasi konsumerisme dalam advertorial prenagen: kajian wacana kritis. jurnal diksi september, vol. 2 no. 22 mosco, v (2009) the political economy of communication. london: sage publications ltd munfarida, elya (2014) analisis wacana kritis dalam perpektif norman fairlough. komunika, vol. 8, no. 1, januari juni 2014 e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 52-73 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 73 patria, nezar dan andi arief (2015) antonio gramsci negara & kekuasaan. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar pendit, putu laxman (2009) perpustakaan digital kesinambungan dan dinamika. jakarta: citra karyakarsa mandiri. perpustakaan nasional ri. (2011) standar nasional perpustakaan (snp): bidang perpustakaan dan perpustakaan khusus. jakarta: perpustakaan nasional ri perpustakaan nasional ri. (2009) undang-undang republik indonesia no. 43 tahun 2007 tentang perpustakaan. jakarta: perpustakaan nasional ri ratna, nyoman kutha (2005) sastra dan cultural studies: representasi fiksi dan fakta. yogyakarta: pustaka belajar sarup, madan (2003) posstrukturalisme dan posmodernisme, sebuah pengantar kritis. yogyakarta: jendela. p. 124-128 senayan development community (2007) panduan penggunaan senayan library management system (slims). sumber: https://library.unej.ac.id/repository/ slims8_doc.pdf microsoft word artikel gde anadhi 4 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 the social struggle of practices contemporary rajah panyengker in bali i made gede anadhi1,i nyoman suarka2, i nyoman sukiada3, i nyoman wijaya4 1 denpasar darma hindu institute,2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1anadhi_jay@yahoo.com, 2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 3nyomansukiada@yahoo.com,4nyoman_wijaya@unud.ac.id received date : 11-12-2019 accepted date : 22-01-2019 published date : 29-02-2020 abstract this study aims to analyze why there are practitioners today who still interpret rajah panyengker (mystical script) as a means of obtaining understanding, safety. yet in reality they also practice hindu religious rituals with the same purpose. the answers to these questions are sought in the arena of social struggle of practitioners rajah panyengker. in relation to their desire to emerge victorious in the arena of social and social struggle, they felt the need to convert capital so that they would not lose against their colleagues, fellow practitioners. the size of a practitioner's cultural capital is very dependent on his habitus. therefore the answers to the research questions will be sought in the formation of the habitus of rajah panyengker practitioners. how the habitus forms the mystical cultural capital of practitioners regarding rajah panyengker, then places it in the arena of social struggle of the balinese people today. thus the focus of this study is directed at the meeting between the arenas of practitioners' internal social struggle with the users of rajah penyengker. generative structural theory is used as a basis for thinking to understand and explain these problems. the conclusion of this study, that to emerge victorious in the arena of social struggle, practitioners fulfill the wishes of patients who want to get rajah penyengker. in the arena of social struggle like that, practitioners rajah panyengker do capital conversion. thus this phenomenon illustrates the increasing arena of social struggle for practitioners of rajah penyenker today, not to search for positivistic origins or their backgrounds to interpret rajah penyengker. keywords: rajah panyengker, social struggle, practitioners introduction habitus of practitioners and users of rajah panyengker is very dependent on his family background. practitioners who live in the midst of their family's belief in the objects of fortune from the past will produce cultural capital that is different from those who get the e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 knowledge of rajah panyengker through the process of learning some lontar. in the first typology, the existence of ejection less influential to be used as a reference in shaping the spiritual (metaphysical) knowledge of practitioners, because they rely more on the mystical luck of the relics of the past. on the other hand, in the second typology, objects in the lighting period received less attention than ejection (interview with ida rsi agung bang pinatih, march 17, 2019). in accordance with his experience, practitioners in the first typology can rely on their belief in the legacy of physical relics in the form of temples, especially dalem temples, and sacred statues. they are also vary dependent on the grace of the manifestations of bhatara or holy spirits which each one worships. in addition, no less important are ancestral weapons (heirlooms) which are believed to still be lucky because they are always nourished spiritually by making offerings in the form of offerings on certain days (interview with ida rsi agung bang pinatih, 17 march 2019) . in the second typology, mastery of the science of rajah panyengker can be done by self-taught and using a teacher, which means it must refer to the ejector with the most appropriate material. if you want to answer a problem of illness and non-medical illness due to pangleakan or black magic through rajah panyengker for example, then what is considered the most appropriate is kanda pat ejection. kanda pat is the four protective energy that humans carry from birth. studying kanda pat's knowledge was not absolutely necessary to master the balinese script, but rather by using palm-leaf copies. so it's not the script that plays an important role, but the pronunciation and language. in the language they found the world for themselves, a place which he considered to be sturdy enough to be used as a foundation to free kanda pat from the confines of the script and master it. when they believe in the concept of kanda pat without this script as they believe in the truth of the concept, they master all of it and feel more special than the followers of kanda pat. at such times they truly believe kanda pat's language encapsulates all knowledge about the healing world in balinese style. they are so proud of themselves, because through language, words (not letters) they feel they can explain their perfect knowledge of kanda pat (developed from nietzsche in foucault, 1997: 7-8). the facts mentioned above show the increasing importance of questioning why there are practitioners today who still interpret rajah panyengker or mystical paintings as a means of obtaining understanding or safety. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 research methods it should be emphasized that the research questions raised in this study are not intended to seek positive truth about their origins or their backgrounds to interpret the rajah penyengker. without affirmation, this study might be trapped in the approach of modern marxism and phenomenology, two things that are avoided or rejected by bourdieu. he rejects modern marxism, because it understands too much pressure on economic factors as structures that shape people and ignores human subjectivity as agents. bourdieu rejects phenomenology, because he disagrees with propositions that want to make the truth of the primary experience of the social world a reality and that discourages questions about the conditions of its own possibility. according to bourdieu, phenomenology tends to place humans as determinants with their awareness and underestimate the influence of social relations that appear as objective structures. the objective structure is displayed in social space, while the subjective structure is in the form of disposition within the individual. the objective structure is a trace of the influence of marxism, while the subjective structure is a trace of phenomenology (harker, 2009: xvi-xvii). phenomenology study is one of ethnographic approaches to get research data or information. in phenomenology, human experience is examined through a detailed picture of the person being studied. understanding "life experience" marks phenomenology as a philosophy and also as a research method. as a method, the procedure involves studying a small number of subjects extensively and over a long period of time to develop patterns and relationships of meaning. through this process the researcher "collects" his experience regularly to understand the experiences of the informants (silalahi, 2012: 86). an ethnographic approach is a design in which the researcher studies a complete cultural group in its natural environment over a long period of time by collecting, especially observational data. the research process is flexible and develops contextually according to the realities encountered in the field which are studied through grounded theory. in this case the researcher tries to obtain a theory by using the double stages of data collection and improvement and the interrelationship of information categories (silalahi, 2012: 86; neuman 2017: 115-122) in order not to get caught up in the approach of modern marxism and phenomenology, bourdieu explained how the relationship between the agency and structure was not linear, bourdieu used the concept of habitus and the realm (field). habitus is the result of learning through parenting, play activities, and also community education in the broadest sense. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 learning occurs smoothly, unconsciously, and appears as a natural thing, so as if something natural, as if given by nature or already from there. habitus can also be said to be unconscious-cultural, that is, historical influences that are unconsciously considered natural. this means that the historical product after humans are born and interact with society in a certain time and space. in short, habitus is neither natural, nor natural innate which complements humans, both psychologically and biologically (harker, et al, 2009: 13; barker, 2018: 25) in addition to individuals, collective habitus also needs to be studied by watching balinese practice or shape their body by carrying out the traditions and customs of the community that enable them to become individuals who are trained in placing themselves as consumers, users of rajah panyengker. in order to have unity with foucault's theory, the practice of body formation will be learned through discourses that develop in society, both in the form of text and context. the assumption, since childhood balinese have been involved or involved in various mystical and mystical cultural activities ranging from the environment of the house, the hamlet, and village contained in ritual ceremonies, dance, painting, and so forth. the meeting point between practitioners' habitus and users of panyengker's rajah eventually helped shape their knowledge connotations lies in the ways of interpreting rajah panyengker, among others, looking for understanding, trust in leakage, and noise. results and discussion 1. looking for timber the habit of looking for timber, safety that has been taught since childhood helped shape the cultural and mystical culture of balinese people about rajah panyengker. this element becomes very important, not only for those who have been able to focus their thoughts on god, but also who have not been able to. for those who are able, especially the sulinggih or highest priest enough to worship god using a mantra; puspam, palam, toyan (nyurya sewana), while those who have not reached such a level, it is enough to be diligent in offering prayers. the problem is, in the midst of conditions and conditions that are full of competition, which in bourdieu is called distinction, so many state officials such as regents, governors, and even ministers, who come to the traditional balinese healers to look for malaysians. the meaning of the literature is very broad, but due to the code of ethics kasulinggihan or being a priest, then whatever they get from a healer should not be explained e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 in detail in this study, he explained, all of it was part of an effort to obtain trust and safety (interview with ida rsi agung bang pinatih, march 17, 2019). one thing that can be said is that the more people come to traditional balinese healers, the more distinction in the arena of balinese social struggle. distinction is part of the field or arena of struggle which is also understood as a field of strength which is a place of struggle between individuals and between groups. people usually do not deliberately enter the game because being born has become part of the game. there are those who lose or win in the game. the arena of social struggle is the result of a long and long process of automatization, so it is a game in itself. people enter the game (competition with each other) usually not with an act of mindfulness, because individuals have been born in the game and with the game (developed from the thought of bourdieu (haryatmoko, 2016: 50). the field or arena of social struggle is understood as a network or configuration of objective relations between various positions. these positions are limited by their existence and the forced determination of those who occupy them, whether actors or institutions, the actual situation, and their potential in the distribution of power or capital structures. ownership of power that relies on capital determines access to certain benefits that are at stake in the battle. the terrain or arena of social struggle is similar to the market. that is, there are producers and consumers. producers are those who have certain opposing capitals (developed from haryatmoko, 2016: 50). not everyone can emerge victorious in the arena of social struggle. someone wins or loses in the field of social struggle can be seen in social practices that can be understood as a person's current position in the midst of society. the concept of the arena of struggle becomes very decisive because in all societies there are masters and masters. in this distinction lies the basic principle of social organization. this dominance is very dependent on the situation, resources and strategies of the actors (developed from haryatmoko, 2016: 51-52). in balinese habitus, distinction is mystically resolved, using metaphysical means, so that as a way out people become victims of the irrational forces. they will go to their healers whether it is sulinggih, stakeholders, and balian or indigenous physician. they have their own rules, which generally meet at a point that on easter day, which is repeated every three days, in accordance with the conception of the three-day cycle of considerations in the balinese calendar, they do not want to accept or serve patients. e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 on this special day, traditional balinese healers can use their time for personal gain, such as receiving visits from friends or colleagues, so they can talk freely. but the next day and the day after tomorrow, during the beteng and kajeng days, which also recur every three days that freedom may be obtained again, because they have been preoccupied by their respective patients. the traditional balinese healers, whatever their profession, both sulinggih, stakeholders, and balian who already have a name, its efficacy is already known by the wider community. they can serve patients an average of 200-400 people each day, with working hours starting at 11:00 until 03.00 in the morning. healers with such qualifications are usually not to advertise themselves. some of them try to introduce themselves through social activities, for example, by doing free medical treatment, and even that is merely to provide more services. diseases suffered by patients, both skala and niksala, because they are generally difficult to distinguish between medical (sekala) and non-medical (niskala). in terms of class, there are curers who have patients from the lower classes to intellectual groups, and even paramedics and doctors. in terms of the area of residence, there are healers whose patients are not only balinese, but also from america with a variety of professions, including doctors, with various complaints as well, for example, paralyzed, internalized, and nervous (interview with ida rsi agung bang pinatih, march 17, 2019). 2. belief in god there are also healers who have other meanings about the skala and niskala. in their understanding, especially from the balaks of the taxon there is no real, tangible disease. almost all diseases are caused by noetic form, not real. this belief is closely related to the image of dewi dhurga who came to earth to cause havoc. dewi dhurga is the embodiment of dewi uma, who has been cursed by her husband, dewa shiva, for being considered too cruel to her son named sang hyang kumara. lord shiva was very angry with his wife, then condemned him to be a giant, and had to live in the grave of humanity, not in heaven anymore (interview with nyoman arnaya, pinandita prajapati temple on august 5, 2017) not all practitioners of balinese science interpret dhurga as a creepy creature. the level of their interpretation of dhurga is very much determined by their habitus. his habitus is the result of his skills being a practical action (not necessarily always being realized) which is then translated into an ability that seems natural and develops in the social environment of the balinese people. they are no longer aware of the style they have integrated into e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 themselves. what is believed to be creative freedom is actually the result of the limitation of structures. so, habitus becomes a source of action, thought, and representation (bourdieu in haryatmoko, 2016: 41). as a source of action, thought, and representation, the habitus of rajah panyengker practitioners in such a way, means that shiva has the characteristics of being immanent, nirgunam, and sagunam. so shiwa, who is the only deity, is depicted into two symbols, namely the symbol of spirit and material symbol. the spirit symbol is the linggam, the material is the form. other gods do not have that symbol. the balinese worship shiva from one side only, of which dhurga is the witness. this is because the teacher who first taught to bali about the hindu concept was a teacher who was from the shiva sect, the first time. it was only in teaching that shiva had magic, dhurga. but before that teaching, people did not know that dhurga was shiva's spirit, which was destructive. therefore, in order to avoid the influence of dhurga, people are told to worship shiva. in fact, dhurga is not as scary as most people eat. dhurga is beautiful. (interview with ida pandita hamlet acharya dhaksa on june 2, 2018; developed from the results of bourdieu's thoughts in haryatmoko, 2016: 41) while in general view, the story of dhurga as a creepy creature continues. the collective habitus of balinese people in such a way is their interpretation framework for understanding and evaluating reality and at the same time producing life practices that are compatible with objective structures in the social space, in which dhurga is always interpreted as illness and death. framework for interpretation to understand and assess reality cannot be separated. habitus becomes the basis of individual personality. the formation and function of habitus greatly takes into account the results of regularity of behavior. the modality of practice relies on improvisation and not on obedience to rules. so, there are two reciprocal motions, first the objective structure that is normalized; second, subjective motion (perception, grouping, and evaluation) which reveals the results of pembatinan which are usually in the form of values (developed from boudieu's thought in haryatmoko, 2016: 41) the objective structure of the body and the two subjective movements (perception, grouping, evaluation) in balinese society gives birth to meaning, in which dewi uma is said to be unable to prevent the curse. because of this, his body flew down to earth. at the same time, her face which was originally beautiful, when floating in the air turned into a giant that is very scary and scary. after arriving at the cemetery, with a breech position, head down and feet above, he changed into bhatari dhurga. here she meets a relaxation person named e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 sang kalika maya, also a former angel who was cursed by her husband for having an affair (interview with nyoman arnaya, pinandita pura prajapati on 5 august 2017). both have almost the same face and body, so they are called dewi dhurga, who must live off a newly buried corpse. one time they lacked food, along with the increasing number of people dying, as a result of the emergence of human awareness of the worship of sang hyang widhi. unable to face this suffering, they then confronted lord brahma, as the god of birth (utpati) and also as a god receiving spirit. the aim is to ask for supernatural powers to enjoy the bodies continuously. the request was fulfilled, with the condition that he must be willing to stay at pura dalem (interview with nyoman arnaya, pinandita pura prajapati on 5 august 2017) lord brahma issued manic features which contained the teachings of pangiwa, a black magic also called aji ugig padengenan. the specialty can be used to create a disaster. with this supernatural power they are able to master the bhutans, can turn people into leaks, and spread all kinds of diseases in all directions. however, these miracles can only be used at certain times, especially for people who do not like praying to the creator (interview with nyoman arnaya, pinandita pura prajapati on 5 august 2017). bhuta-bhuti is a subordinate of bhatari dhurga, while the leak is a figure of the human body that looks like bhuta-bhuti, because it has received pangeleakan pamoroan knowledge from dhurga dewi and kalika maya. to counter them, lord brahma followed the knowledge called pangeleakan sari, who had a good character, had the ability to put all evil beings to sleep so that they could not do the action (interview with nyoman arnaya, pinandita prajapati temple on august 5, 2017). 3. pangeleakan the discourse regarding pangeleakan permeated the majority of balinese that leakage was born from the science of pangiwa. they believe that the aspirants of pangiwa require sacrifice by finding fault with others to become potential victims. for the sake of obtaining trust, they went to the practitioners of balinese knowledge and wanted to get rajah panyengker, as a means that was considered the easiest and most effective. the existence of this request, is one of the factors that determine why there are practitioners today who still interpret rajah panyengker as a means to get understanding. many of them just follow consumer demand, without ever asking the question why should rajah panyengker, not other e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 means. what's wrong with rajah panyengker, so that he gets such a special position in the line of means to get wealth (interview with wayan turun, 3 july 2019) the answer to that question, in foucault's language, must be sought in habitus, daily habits that have been passed down for generations in balinese. when looking for prey, people who can move are able to change themselves in various forms, according to the level of knowledge. the first level is a person who can turn himself into an ape, goat, male pig, big pig (bangkal) female pig (bangkung), a type of bull (gegendu), and the tower bearer (bade) (interview with i nyoman suardika, 60 years in denpasar, april 14, 2017). some illustrations of the manifestation of a leak source: i made subagia, 2015: 193-199 e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 on that basis, older people, usually like to scare him, which in the grave, under a banyan tree, often seen leak, can be celuluk, rangda, monkeys, and stretch of gauze. there are also leaks in the form of chickens, dogs, banana trees, motorcycles, cars, docks, and bicycle dipper. even if you can talk about mystical things like that, enough people who have never seen it directly. they only know from scenes of folk art performances. in everyday life, people only know of leakage by word of mouth, that person a or person b is learning to speak (interview with i nyoman suardika, 60 years in denpasar, april 14, 2017). that said, the efficacy of the knowledge of people who can move depends on the offering of human lives for batari dhurga. if someone is able to offer a loved one, husband or wife, then he can rise to a higher level. if they want to master higher knowledge, they must be able to offer human lives, especially their own children. a boy's life is higher in value than a girl's. some even sacrifice their son-in-law and grandchildren (interview with i nyoman suardika, 60 years old in denpasar, april 14, 2017). thus the confidence in the leak also determines why there are practitioners today who still interpret rajah panyengker as a means of obtaining trust. trust in leakage passes from period to period, a person born in the 1970s can already be said to have knowledge of connections about leakage in the 1980s, whose maturity differs from one another according to their esoteric experiences with each other. those born in the 1980s, got that maturity in the 2000s. belief in leakage is often one of the factors that determine a person who holds a grudge against the accused who is said to be the main culprit behind someone's illness, one of the family members, whether it is the father's mother or siblings. the accused party is usually anonymous, referred to by balian dasaran as layah-gigi or tongue and teeth, which means the closest person, for example grandparents or uncles themselves. next, how someone responds to that information. it turns out that the response is very diverse, many people just believe, so there is hostility in their own families. there are also those who are curious, so they feel the need to investigate first to prove the truth. those who choose the second path, first ask themselves, want to prove how and who the person who hurt his relatives is. this question led him to carry out a kind of experiment between praying, walking to many temples. for the sake of getting magical experiences, some even end up staying overnight, sleeping in temples and in graves. people who dare to go that far, usually will get a mystical clue, that he must learn a lot to be able to find and prove e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 his own answers to the questions he asked, so as not to accuse innocent people (jro mangku nyoman aryanta sutama pasemetonan bayu wisesa founder segara gni, june 10, 2019). 4. means of murder in order to have the highest knowledge of circumvention, there are also those who understand that they must be able to kill people from the quarterly group (brahmins, kshatriya and wesia). it's not easy to do, unless there is an opportunity to kill him through picks, poisons that cannot be proven legally. cetik is not an ordinary poison, but a noetic poison, which is only able to be detected and known by those whose knowledge is higher than the perpetrators who installed it, because it cannot be seen, smelled and felt (interview with i nyoman suardika, 60 years in denpasar, april 14 2017). if there is no opportunity to use cetik, killing can also be done by using other means such as remembrance and hospitality. papasangan is an object that is filled with magical or magical power, and is planted in the ground or hidden secretly in a certain place to cause disaster, which has various forms, such as bones, animal fangs, animal teeth, rontal leaves that have been colonized, hair, paper face, cloth that has been given a magical painting (interview with i nyoman suardika, 60 years in denpasar, april 14, 2017). knowledge of the mystical world is usually passed on through everyday stories to children and grandchildren, so that it always lives from generation to generation with different variations. internalization of knowledge connainsance is one of the reasons why there are practitioners today who still interpret rajah panyengker as a means to gain understanding. because to say now a lot of balinese people who are looking for healers, both sulinggih, stakeholders, and balian to get intercession by relying on rajah panyengker. for balinese, sulinggih and stakeholders are not only saints who are in charge of leading and perfecting a ceremony, but are also able to provide services to make rajah panyengker. they are distinguished in authority, including sulinggih whose position, knowledge, obligations are above the stakeholders may make a tirta pangentas, something that is not owned by the stakeholders. there are also sulinggih and intruders who are willing to provide healing and protection services through rajah panyengker (interview with nyoman arnaya, pinandita prajapati temple on august 5, 2017). balian is a person who really needs help as an alternative healer for non-medical pain. there are so many types of diseases, including an enlarged abdomen, swollen legs, but can survive several months ago died. often there are medical illnesses that have not been cured, e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 associated with pangeleakan, especially when the doctors have not been able to cure it, after several times of doing treatment. the existence of this confusion resulted in a large number of people from various corners of the village and even the city seeking treatment of traditional healers who were considered appropriate, suitable, especially in balian. during treatment, patients are usually delivered by relatives, including young children, because no one takes care of them if left at home (interview with i nyoman suardika, 60 years in denpasar, april 14, 2017). at such times the process of increasing habitus begins to take place unnoticed. this socialization process is more intense in those who live close to a balian's house. thus, often they can see people coming in to get their ties. some even come to the balian house to play around and can indirectly see how the balian deal with their patients. there are many methods used by balian to do medicine, among others using heirlooms, which can be called paica which is obtained by magic or through strange experiences. a thing that is known, felt, and understood by itself. many people also get experiences like that and then become stakeholders and eventually increase to sulinggih (interview with nyoman arnaya, pinandita pura prajapati on 5 august 2017) people who get paica, then become a healer called balian kapican, as has been widely discussed in the previous chapter. paica can be in the form of small kris, gemstones, bones, teeth, iron or other metals, shiny teeth (stone axes) or other oddly shaped objects. the power of paica is not eternal, it depends on morality. sometimes due to moral decline, the luck is reduced so that it is easily defeated by the enemy, which is believed to originate from the source of the disease. there are also those who died from losing the "war," while competing supernatural powers against another, who felt unhappy about his presence (interview with i nyoman suardika, 60 years in denpasar, april 14, 2017). in the balinese belief, being a balian is very hard work, because he is not only dealing with the illnesses suffered by his patients, but also those who hurt him, usually balian who at the same time can be referred to as pangiwa balian. this balian profile is different from panegen balian. they tend to accept orders to harm or hurt others, while the panengen balian devoted his special knowledge as a healer, not willing to hurt patients. but if the knowledge (supernatural) possessed by panian is less than his enemy, then the risk is he could die. many pangiwa balian who are not happy to see how the treatment, which often directly accuses people who are believed to have been nosy to their patients (interview with nyoman arnaya, pinandita prajapati temple on august 5, 2017) e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 5. kanda pat learning can be done by self-taught and using a teacher, which means it must refer to the ejection and can be selected the most appropriate material. if you want to answer a problem regarding misallocation, then what is considered the most appropriate is ejection kanda pat. studying kanda pat apparently did not need to master the balinese script, as has been discussed in previous chapters, but rather just using palm-leaf copies of kanda pat. so it's not the script that plays an important role, but the pronunciation of the language. language became important in the development of kanda pat because in it the followers of this kind of flow or learning found in it a world for itself, a place which he considered to be sturdy enough to be the foundation when they freed kanda pat from the confines of the alphabet and mastered it. when they believe in the concept of kanda pat without this script as they believe in the truth of the concept, they master it all and feel more special than the followers of kanda pat. at such times they truly believe kanda pat's language encapsulates knowledge of the healing world in balinese style. the creator of kanda pat without the script was so proud of himself that they didn't just give the name to pat kanda. through language, their words (not letters) explain their perfect knowledge of kanda pat, and make kanda pat illiterate as the first stage in the search for rajah panyengker without letters (developed from nietzsche's thought in michel foucault, 1997: 7-8; eiseman , 2000: 105-107) the language in the kanda pat ejection is very necessary to be matched with esoteric experiences, which are obtained while spending the night in the area of temples, graves and other places that have a mystical aura not everyone is brave and willing to take the path of learning kanda pat in this way. usually those who follow these methods are those who genetically have a lineage of a balian who still continues in the present. those who are genetically descendants of balian will find it easier to find mystical clues. clues like this should not be interpreted obtained through dreams or hearing magical sounds. such statements are one of the mistakes of the aspirants, who often believe the instructions they hear through whispers in the ear. even though when referring to literature, isn't atman who is a brahman spark with stana in the body, heart (linggih shiva lingga), not in the head, so the collegiate of ati is the right one. so, do not believe in what is heard in the ear, must be sure of what your own heart says. that is what is called conscience, kleteg ati (jro mangku nyoman aryanta sutama, founder of pasemetonan bayu wisesa segara gni, 10 june 2019). e-journal of cultural studies feb 2020 vol. 13, number 1, page 22-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 conclusion by using bourdieu's generative structural theory as a basis for thinking, this study is able to explain why there are practitioners today who still interpret rajah panyengker (mystical script) as a means of obtaining understanding, salvation. the use of the theory makes this study not to slip on the approach of modern marxism and phenomenology. thus this study is not trapped in the desire to seek positive truth about the origin or background of practitioners interpreting rajah penyengker. the final result obtained from this study is a knowledge of the arena of social struggle of rajah panyengker practitioners today, so that it can be seen that the needs of rajah penyengker users have fostered practitioners' enthusiasm for capital conversion. through capital conversion they hope to emerge victorious in the arena of social struggle. the size of the level of capital ownership that is the result of habitus that has undergone an internalization process will determine the chances of victory in the arena of struggle of today's rajah panyengker practitioners. references barker, chris. 2018. kamus kajian budaya (trj.hendar putranto). yogyakarta: pt kanisius. eiseman jr., fred b. 2000. bali sekala and niskala volume 1: essay on religion, ritual, and art. singapore : periplus editions (hk) ltd. foucault, michel. 1997. sejarah seksualitas : seks dan kekuasaan. (terj. rahayu. s. hidayat). jakarta: pt gramedia pustaka utama. harker, richard, et al. 2009. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik: pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran piere bourdieu. (terj. pipit maizier). yogyakarta: jalasutra. haryatmoko.2016. membongkar rezim kepastian. yogyakarta: kanisius. neuman, w. lawrence. 2017. metodologi penelitian sosial: pendekatan kualitatif dan kuantitatif. (terj. edina t. sofia). jakarta: pt indek permata puri media. silalahi, ulber. 2012. metode penelitian sosial. bandung: refika aditama. subagia, i made. 2015. menyingkap tabir leak. denpasar : pustaka manikgeni. microsoft word artikel a.n. la ode ali basri terbit 1 e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 the meaning of tingka rituals in shifting cultivation of muna community southeast sulawesi, indonesia la ode ali basri1, akhmad marhadi2, hisna3, fatma4, fetni5 1,3,4department of history, faculty of cultural sciences, halu oleo university, 2department of anthoropology, faculty of cultural sciences, halu oleo university,5department of public administration, faculty of social and political sciences, sembilan belas november university email: laodeali.basri@yahoo.co.id received date : 17-01-2023 accepted date : 11-02-2023 published date : 28-02-2023 abstract most of the muna community are shifting cultivators who are very dependent on their natural environment, so they always adapt and interact with nature. one of the media used to adapt and interact with nature is ritual tingka. in practice, the ritual tingka contains symbolic messages for nature conservation and a form of human appreciation for nature, flora, and fauna as a whole. the objective of this study was to study and analyze the ecological wisdom of shifting cultivation related to land conservation and the form of human appreciation for nature through farming rituals. this study used a normative survey method which was carried out in seven villages in muna regency, southeast sulawesi. data collection was conducted through in-depth interviews, observation, and focus group discussions. the collected data were analyzed using flow analysis techniques. the results showed that symbolically the tingka ritual was the institutionalization of knowledge of land conservation through agro forestry patterns, namely by combining the planting of trees such as bamboo, areca nut, kapok with food and secondary crops. ritual tingka is a form of respect for nature to create a harmonious relationship between the microcosm and the macrocosm, so that farmers are protected from various disasters. keywords: shifting cultivation; rituals itingka; ethnoecology; and muna community introductions forest fires is still one of the crucial environmental issues in indonesia today. forest and land fires usually occur during the dry season. whenever forest fires occur, indigenous people who are generally farmers/shifting cultivators are always accused of being one of the sources of forest and land fires, through land clearing activities using slash-slash and burn techniques as the cause the onset of fire (rasyid, 2014; edorita, 2011; aryadi et al., 2017). e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 based on the mythology of the cultivators as well as the activity patterns of exploiting forest resources, the cultivators in conducting agricultural activities clearly reflect that they are an inseparable element of the flora and fauna life in the forest area (lahajir, 2001).traditionally, cultivators have been accustomed to slash-slash and burn techniques, which are adapted to local natural conditions so as not to cause a wide impact on forest and land fires (syaufina and tambunan, 2013). according to suhartini (2009), that in adapting to the environment, cultivators develop wisdom in the form of knowledge or ideas, customary norms, cultural values, activities, and tools that are used as guidelines in developing life in their neighborhood. in farming, they strictly adhere to cultural traditions, namely always paying attention to natural phenomena and structural patterns that occur in the surrounding natural environment and utilizing the forest to fulfill their daily needs. even to avoid negative reactions and to maintain balance with the surrounding environment, cultivators always carry out farming rituals (mulyoutami et al., 2010). this farming practice has become a pattern for every farming community, including the farming community in muna, southeast sulawesi, indonesia. clearing and cultivating land in rotation (better known as shifting cultivation) are the cultural elements of the muna community. shifting cultivation activity begins with the selection of forest land cultivation, clearing (de wei) of cultivated land, logging (de tughori) of cultivated land, burning (de sula) of cultivated land, and clearing the remains of burning (de lulu and de totawu) then planting crops. in the process of clearing the land, the cultivators cut all the small trees, but not all the big trees are cut down. the cultivators deliberately let several large trees remain in the fields, apart from serving as plant protection and kaumbela (field huts) from exposure to strong winds, it is also intended as a residence for kodasano (supernatural beings who inhabit the area). after the land has been cleared of both large and small timber, grass, and dry leaves have been burned and turned into ashes, the land is ready to be planted. in the view of the cultivating community in muna, the shifting cultivation system is part of an adaptation strategy to survive because their lives depend a lot on this agricultural system. as a subsistence farmer, farming activities depend a lot on weather conditions, so farmers are very careful about the uncertainty of climate conditions. in fact, they are always overshadowed by fear about the uncertainty of agricultural production, personal and family safety and the safety of their livestock. so that before planting on each newly cultivated land, the cultivators first carry out the ritual practice of tingka or commonly called katingka, namely the ritual of giving offerings to e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 kodasano to maintain good relations between humans (cultivators), the surrounding environment and kodasano. in the cosmology of muna cultivators it is stated that if the relationship between humans, the surrounding nature and kodasano is well-established, the cultivators will get a lot of yields, the safety of themselves, their families and livestock will be maintained both in the field and outside or around cultivated area. farmers believe that kodasano, which previously lived freely and comfortably in the forest-land area for cultivation, which was then processed for farming by humans, could be a threat to the survival of the cultivators. if kodasano feels disturbed by the presence of humans, then kodasano can destroy crops, causing crop failure, kill livestock and even threaten the safety of field owners. in the viewpoint of plant pests, it could be kodasano that transformed into pigs, rats, snakes, birds that destroy crops, strong winds, heavy rain, and floods and so on. even kodasano can disturb health through various types of non-medical diseases suffered by the cultivators. it is this belief that makes tingka rituals always practiced in the shifting cultivation tradition of the muna community in southeast sulawesi, to this day. this ritual is interesting to research because it can provide a number of new information, not only about the practice of religious ceremonies in the traditional agricultural system, but also this ritual contains the ecological wisdom of the shifting cultivation entity which has tended to be identified with forest destroyer community groups. the tingka ritual implies that humans (cultivators), the natural surroundings and kodasano (as the personification of supernatural powers) are a unit that is interrelated with one another. method research design this study used a normative survey method which assumes that a phenomenon usually follows a general pattern that is common (yunus, 2010). this assumption is in line with the ritual practice of tingka which has become a patterned activity or carried out from generation to generation by traditional muna farmers. the approach used in this research was a qualitative approach, which is an approach that views social reality as occurring holistically, inter-linkage relationships are interactive and meaningful (sugiyono, 2018). in this context, ritual tingka is one of the socio-cultural realities in the practice of shifting cultivation in the muna community, which in its implementation contains a lot of meanings. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 research sample this research was carried out in shifting farmer communities spread across to seven villages in muna regency, namely wali, labaha, bangkali, masalili, lakapodo, wakadia, lapodidi villages, which lasted for three months. there were 30 informants in this study consisting of traditional leaders, village elders, ritual leaders, field owners, and other community members who were considered to have knowledge related to farming rituals. informants were determined by purposive sampling based on preliminary information from the village heads. data collection and analysis data collection was carried out through in depth interviews and observation methods. in conducting interviews and observations, recording activities of the information conveyed by the speakers were also carried out. data collection through indepth interviews was ended, after the data obtained was deemed sufficient or equate (sugiyono, 2018). observations were made to clarify as well as validate field data related to the focus of the study or the subject matter of the study. data collection was also carried out through focus group discussions with cultivators, traditional healers and other community members. the data that had been collected was processed and analyzed using interactive analysis techniques which include data reduction, data presentation and verification or drawing conclusions (emzir, 2010). results and discussion the message of land conservation in materials of tingka ritual in the cosmology of cultivators in muna, a tree is sacred place and is blessed because it is the home of the kodasano (supernatural being). farmers also believe that trees occupied by supernatural beings can protect their crops from exposure to strong winds, and soil erosion or flooding. this is in accordance with the statement of one informant that “ane de tingka mokesahano do rabue we ghowano sau bhalano. rampahano wite kaegaluha liwundo andoa, dadihanomo do tingkae deki, kodasano de tusu anda sau bhalano mbali kaelatehando dadihanomo ofalia dositugho-tugho hae sau mbabhala-bhlahino welo galu, tabea de runsa anda mahingga sepughu rapughu mbali kaelatehando” (the ritual of tingka should be carried out under a tree, because the tree is the dwelling place for the spirit who controls the agricultural land. therefore, it is not allowed to cut down all the large trees that are in the area of the cultivated land). e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 farmers in muna also believe that trees not only serve as a medium for implementing rituals of tingka, but trees also have a traditional disaster mitigation function. one of parika (the figure leading the ritual / traditional healer) stated that “ane nofiu kawea moghosa notompalo deki ne roo hino sau, dadihanomo kawea rumatono ne kantisa minamo siaghe naoghosa. ane okawea moghosa notompalo wawo nekantisa, okantisa peda kahitela atawa opae nokopula-pula siga nokompare-mpare. pedamo dua nekantibha kaumbela, siga okaumbela noko dai-dai” (trees protect plants and garden huts from exposure to strong winds, because before strong winds hit the plants or garden huts, the wind is first held back on the tree leaves. usually strong winds cause many plants to fall and suffer damage). the meaning of the tingka ritual in accordance with the opinion that in traditional farming communities, there are many magical rituals associated with agricultural activities, these rituals are not only a powerful means of controlling nature, but magical rituals have relevance to nature conservation and the spread of good social practices in the lives of peasant communities, (jossie and sudhir, 2012; falvey, 2005; ola, 2017; iskandar and iskandar, 2017). this can be seen, among others, in the ritual of giving meat in the farming tradition in africa, the practice of farming rituals through the use of conservation plants in the naxi community in southwest china, the ritual of greeting the land in the traditional mangindanawn rice farming in the southern philippines, the ritual of samara pangumpuhunan (mixing 50 species of plants) in the baduy tribe in banten, the ritual of mendag toya (picking water) in balinese people, and so on, (geng et al., 2017; iskandar and iskandar, 2017; sartini, 2017; mantikayan and abas, 2015). in addition to using trees as a medium, the rituals of tingka also use media made of various types of food, such as boiled eggs, diamond made from corn or rice, and various types of tubers. in addition, it is also equipped with a betel nut and areca palm, as well as bamboo stalks. the ritual material symbolizes staple food and cultivated livestock, the symbol of conservation plants, namely bamboo, kapok, and areca nut, and trees that are deliberately allowed to grow in the area of cultivation land. according to the farmers, the various types of food that are used as ritual material, apart from being served in honor of kodasano, are also intended so that their crops can be blessed, so what if the seeds are planted in an intercropping pattern on agricultural land does not interfere with each other. this is in accordance with the statement of one informant that “kaneamanimo insaidi megaluno, tabea ko dasano do adhatida dua, do waanda do fuma, do foroghu, minamo da fodidiu ane. pedamo dua wineno kantisa mani ta tingkae deki, rampahano welo e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 tulatulando kamokulahi ndo dhamani oghoti atau okantisa maitu tantigho dopogira-gira dua sania andoa” (it has become a habit for farmers, kodasano must be treated well, food and drinks are served so as not to disturb the farmers. likewise, plant seeds to be planted must undergo a ritual procession first so that the plants do not interfere with each other). apart from that, cultivators also planted trees, either along with seasonal crops or not with annual crops in their cultivation area. one of the informants stated that the trees that are commonly planted include kapok, areca nut and bamboo. kapok and areca nut are generally planted following the fence of the field/garden and some are planted in the middle of an agricultural area. according to farmers in muna, the kapok and areca trees are types of trees that do not have hot temperatures so they do not interfere with the growth of other plants. meanwhile, bamboo is usually planted in sikua (in the corner) of the field because bamboo has long fibrous roots and develops rapidly, which has the potential to interfere with the growth and development of other agricultural crops. this is in line with the statement of one informant that “ane o bhea bhe kadhawa mina nako hondoa rampahano do hende mina na lumewa. o kadhawa sa aruno no tantamo roono, dadi hanomo mina nae lai-lai kantisa sigahano, nopohala bhe patu/koo, ane o patu/koo ne wantahi parakano, roono no lewa, dadihanomo do tisae we sikuano galu rampano ne lai-lai kantisa sigaahano” (the areca tree doesn’t have dense leaves and the kapok tree often sheds its leaves periodically so that the two trees are relatively unobtrusive to the surrounding agricultural plants, in contrast to bamboo which has long fibrous roots and lush leaves. bamboo is held to disturb other plants around it, so that bamboo is planted in the corners of the fields). trees such as areca nut, kapok and bamboo are planted intercroppingly in agricultural areas, apart from being seen as not disturbing other agricultural crops, these trees also have a function in maintaining plant safety, both from exposure to strong winds and from the threat of flooding. this is in accordance with the informant's statement that “ o kadhawa, o bhea,o patu/koo do tisae mina ta dawunomo kaawu do tisae, tamaka bhe ghuluno, sandataano norato nobhalahi nembali me tawerino kawea atau metaami no mawa minamo na kompula-mpula atawa na lumepae mawa kantisa” (one of the functions of kapok for agricultural crops is to protect plants from exposure to strong winds so that the plants do not break or fall easily, while areca and bamboo are used to absorb rainwater so that the plants are not flooded). the habit of cultivators in muna to plant trees combined with food crops in an area of cultivated land, from the perspective of agriculture and forestry, can be said to be one of the agro forestry models in shifting cultivation as developed by farmers both in tropical e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 and subtropical climates for centuries (rianse and abdi, 2010; mcneely and schroth, 2006; nath et al., 2015). the findings of this study are also in line with the results of a study by cairns (2015) that "shifting cultivation appears as a variety of agro forestry". according to rianse and abdi, (2010) that "agroforestry is useful for preventing the expansion of degraded land, conserving forest resources, improving agricultural quality and perfecting silvicultural intensification and diversification". intensification and diversification efforts can also be found in the shifting cultivation activities of the muna community through optimal processing and land use by varying various food crops such as maize, rice, tubers and other types of secondary crops planted in one area of cultivation land. likewise, environmental protection efforts can also be found in the efforts of cultivators to conserve land by planting conservation plants that can absorb water so as to prevent soil erosion due to flooding, and also prevent landslides and improve soil fertility, such as bamboo, areca nut and kapok. bamboo has fibrous roots that can absorb water and bind the soil, this is in line with the opinion that bamboo has a tight, long and strong root system and it has a lot of litter accumulation so that it can strengthen the soil structure and maintain soil moisture, and prevent erosion, (ben-zhi et al., 2005; mentari et al., 2018). likewise, only with kapok which has a cycle of shedding leaves periodically, the leaves that have rot become a natural fertilizer that functions to improve nutrients and soil fertility. meanwhile, areca nut has a strong root structure so that it can bind soil movement to prevent landslides. in addition, areca nut is a source of water catchment so that agricultural land is protected. this is in line with the opinion that shifting cultivators have experience in using environmental resources at the right scale. farmers maintain very useful tree species such as palms and fruit trees (cairns, 2015). such a conservation model is a conservation model based on traditional knowledge of the community, (basri, 2021); (popova, 2014; basri at al., 2017), or conservation that articulates the interests of local communities according to the prevailing social, cultural, and norms systems (vlibeigi et al., 2020). the ritual practice of tingka, apart from showing the ecological awareness of shifting cultivation, also emphasizes that farmers are the guardians of nature, just like the maori people in new zealand. for maori people, peasants are defined as tangata whenua, which literally means guardians of the earth (leach, 2015). tingka ritual as appreciation for macrocosm the cultivators believe that the ritual of tingka is an attempt to unite the macrocosmic and microcosmic forces, because the unity between humans and nature is e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 a source of livelihood. farmers see cultivated land as part of the macrocosm, trees as the place of kodasano, while farmers (humans) as an element of the microcosm must treat macrocosm well. therefore, the cultivators always maintain good relations with the macrocosm through the ritual practice of tingka. one of the informants stated that “ane ko alamu mina da madhatida, nembali do mamara ane, barangka kamamarano do fope ne kantisa noko dai-dai, no mate, no haropaane kawea, no owae mawa kantisa, no manuso galu, sabhara hulano panaki. barangka no angka ne mie bhe ne kadadi, dosaki siga bhe do matehi ane” (if we don’t treat macrocosm well, then kodasano can get angry, and if his anger is vented at the plants, the plants experience crop failure, what if kodasano's anger is taken out on humans and livestock, then humans and livestock will suffer illness and even die). another informant stated that “based on the stories of their ancestors, in ancient times many cultivators experienced crop failure or disease because they carried out farming activities on cultivated land that had not been given ritual tingka. their crops were eaten by pests such as pigs, rats, caterpillars, many cultivators were often sick and even many livestock died without cause”. farmers understand such incidents as a form of disharmony in the relationship between cultivators, kodasano and cultivated land. another informant stated that “ane ogalu no manuso, okantisa mina nahumende, no bhari kale-lei welo liwu, anagha katandaino tabea dae taghomi bhe datumingkae deki galu” (if the plants in the field are always attacked by pests, the cultivated land is barren so that the plants are also less fertile, there is an epidemic that attacks farmers and livestock, this is a sign that residents must carry out farming rituals). this belief of traditional muna cultivators is in line with that view traditional farmers depend a lot on weather conditions, so they are very careful with uncertain climatic conditions. to reconcile these feelings of fear, farmers practice many ceremonies, rituals and prayers that are offered to gods and goddesses to protect crops and livestock and provide blessings to get a lot of results, (jossie and sudhir, 2012). to help gain selfconfidence and mental peace, cultivators perform ritual tingka before planting crops. through this ritual, farmers get the suggestion and belief that they are protected from crop failure, and the safety of themselves and their livestock is protected. this understanding of the muna cultivators is also in line with the findings of hastuti (2018) that "the banjar tribal farming community always performs rituals in bahuma to ask god for abundant harvests and avoid crop failure". in addition, it is also in line with the findings of naganag (2013) that "farmers in kalinga, north philippines perform sissiwa rituals to ask god to make farmers strong, there is no disease for the family, the harvest will be e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 good or the planted rice will flourish". farmers make the events experienced by previous generations in the past as tubho (lessons) to be conveyed to the next generation so that the practice of farming rituals, including the content of ecological wisdom related to nature conservation, tabo culture or abstinence from illegal logging, remains institutionalized in farming activities of cultivators in muna through the rituals of tingka. there is no resistance from the farmers not to carry out the ritual, because they realize and believe that the farming ritual is part of the farmers' adaptation strategy to nature and the new natural rulers. farmers also believe that with this adaptation strategy they can avoid crop failure, and protect their lives and their livestock. the tingka ritual is carried out under the tree because the tree is the residence of kodasano, the land which is covered by trees and the area for farming is part of the macrocosm, while humans (cultivators) as the ritual performer are part of the microcosm. therefore, the microcosm must respect the macrocosm in order to create a harmonious relationship between the microcosm and the macrocosm. this is in accordance with the findings of purbadi and foni (2015) that "every ritual has a tendency to establish and maintain a harmonious relationship or communication between humans and forces outside of themselves, who are holier, bigger and higher than themselves". farmers in muna are always worried about not obtaining agricultural products outside their collective capacity, thus building communication with forces outside of themselves through tingka rituals. if the harmonious relationship between the microcosm and the macrocosms is well established, the farmers will get abundant harvests. this conception is in line with the view that the agricultural tradition relies heavily on the people's (farmers') expectation of abundant crops on various forms of rituals that they must perform. the expectation of a good harvest is also very dependent on the obedience of the farming community to the advice and regulations that have been carried out from generation to generation (somba et al., 2019). tingka ritual has become a patterned activity in the life of a cultivator that is passed down from generation to generation, from one generation to the next through an enculturation process. the process of inheriting tingka ritual knowledge without going through the formal education system is in line with the views of shambulingappa and mansur (2019) that “traditionally knowledge is transferred from one generation to another, through activities such as seeing, hearing and doing. traditional knowledge is woven into myths, proverbs, rites and is passed on to the next generation through oral means”. that is the process of the tingka ritual inheritance until it finally becomes the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 1-13 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 mentality and one of the core cultures of shifting cultivation in the muna community. farmers consider it a falia (taboo) if they do not carry out tingka rituals in farming activities. at the level of praxis, tingka ritual has become a social prohibition in the collective life of the farming community to create social order and harmony. such ritual practice is in line with the view that rituals reduce risk beyond human control and respect the culture that has been passed on by ancestors, a reflection of the uniqueness and characteristics of each society, as well as a system of inheriting values, history and the characteristics of a socio-cultural life community, (suryaalim et al., 2019; taena at al., 2016; basri et al., 2017). conclusions in modern times, the practice of farming rituals seems irrational, but its philosophical nature and meaning need to be analyzed based on scientific principles because it contains the wisdom of traditional culture. ritual tingka has significance with the ecological niche in which farmers carry out agricultural activities. although subjectively the cultivators carry out the tingka ritual intended to respect kodasano as the ruler of agricultural land in order to provide bountiful harvests, keep farmers away from various disasters, but rationally the practice of tingka ritual teaches humans to preserve nature through the agro forestry system in shifting cultivation. implicitly, tingka ritual conveys a message to mankind to treat nature properly and fairly because basically humans, nature and the flora and fauna in it constitute one unit. tingka ritual may seem old-fashioned, but it has the benefit of bonding social bonds and strengthening social solidarity in the relationship between humans and nature. acknowledgements we would like to thank the cultivators who have provided a lot of information regarding the practice of tingka as a shifting cultivation ritual in the muna community. we also would like to thank the experts who have provided many opinions in the preparation of this article. references aryadi, m., satriadi, t., & syam’ani. 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(2010). metodologi penelitian wilayah kontemporer. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. . microsoft word artikel widastra terbit 2.docx e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 the struggle of identity in religion plurality in village of ekasari jembrana, bali paskalis nyoman widastra1, anak agung ngurah anom kumbara2, anak agung bagus wirawan3, i gede mudana4 1, 2, 3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university, 4ibali state polytechnic email: 1widastra_65@yahoo.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3bgs.wirawan@yahoo.co.id, 4gedemudana@pnb.ac.id received date : 10-02-2020 accepted date : 15-04-2020 published date : 31-05-2020 abstract the three religious communities in ekasari village come from a number of regencies in bali. only a small proportion of its members come from outside the island. they came in different time periods at the beginning of the 20th century (1930) and then formed their own communities based on religion in accordance with their respective histories. even though they are separated in religion, administratively they are an area in the village office. the existence of these three communities is colored by identity struggles so it is interesting to be further investigated in cultural studies. the purpose of this study is (1) to understand the form of identity struggles that occur in ekasari village, (2) understanding the ideology that works behind the identity struggle and (3) analyzing the implications of this identity struggle. this research approach uses qualitative analysis methods. data collection techniques carried out by in-depth interviews, observation, and document analysis. based on this research method it is found that there are certain ideologies that cause identity struggles found in the dynamics of religious, cultural, political and economic life of the people. the implication is that each religious community strives to fight for and maintain its identity while still trying to build communication through existing means. keywords: community, identity struggle, ideology, communication introduction there are three social facts that become the identity of ekasari village community in melaya district, jembrana regency, bali. first, the plurality or diversity of people representing three religions in indonesia, namely islam, christianity and hinduism. second, the polarization of the religious community in the banjars or hamlet which makes it difficult to e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 assimilate the community and third, the ideology behind the struggle for identity between the three religious communities. ekasari is known as an engineering village that was born in modern times, nearing independence precisely in the middle of the 20th century (1930-1950). compared to the existence of villages in bali, ekasari is one of the villages built in the era of independence (http: // desawisataekasaribali. blogspot.com). this area can be classified as a local transmigration area except banjar palerejo which was visited by javanese, especially from the jember and banyuwangi areas. the presence of each community could not be separated from the political, economic and cultural situation that developed at that time. the dutch government at that time began to control its power in the badung (mengwi) and surrounding areas so as to enable the dynamics of people's lives because of the new policies implemented. the christian community, especially under the leadership of a dutch missionary, father simon buis, svd invited a group of people to move towards western bali, precisely on 15 september 1940 (steenbrink, 2006: 694). economically, population density in the eastern part of bali, especially mengwi with narrow land makes people hampered to progress and develop. new steps need to be taken to open opportunities for changes in community welfare with wider land and calmer situations to start a new life. politically they also want to stay away from conflicts between castles in mengwi (nordholt, 2006: 410-425). culturally this transfer did not make them leave culture and tradition. instead they build a new community with the spirit as a migrant population who must adjust to the situation and the existing environment. time travel has shaped these communities into a village that is known for its religious and ethnic diversity. the hindu community remains a community with a majority member, followed by christian and muslim communities. these three communities occupy the areas that are part of them with territorial boundaries passed down for generations. in the course of time, these three religious communities consisting of 10 banjars then formed an official village under the leadership of a village head. the current head of the village is named i gede puja (2014 2024) e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 research methods the method used in this research is a qualitative method that emphasizes the ethical, emic and holistic dimensions through the approach of cultural studies. the location of this research was conducted in ekasari village, melaya district, jembrana regency, bali. the chosen location is based on the uniqueness of the banjar / hamlet due to religious differences. in it there are dynamics between banjar in various fields of life. types and sources of data used in this study are qualitative data as primary data and quantitative data as supporting data. both of these data were obtained directly from informants. while quantitative data were obtained from village documents and monographs. the technique for determining informants was chosen based on their competence, experience and also the status or position being held by the informant. the research instruments were equipped with notebooks, stationery, recorders and cameras. data collection techniques in this study use the method of observation, interview and documentation. data analysis was carried out in a qualitative and interpretive way. the theory used as the basis of analysis is the theory of social identity from henri tajfel which provides an overview of the identity that exists in each religious community. meanwhile, to capture the factors that cause identity struggle, the use of the relation theory of power and knowledge from michel foucault and the theory of communicative action from jurgen habermas to capture the existence of ideologies that work in each religious community with all its implications. results and discussion 1. forms and ideological factors in the struggle for identity this study found 4 forms of identity struggle experienced by ekasari village people: divinity, religious practices, means of worship and interfaith marriages. each religious community has a different concept or understanding about all of them so that it has the potential to cause conflict between the three existing religious communities. different concepts will certainly greatly affect the practice of daily life. each religious community will try to maintain its identity. this struggle for identity after a deeper search did not just happen. there is an ideology that motivates each religious community to maintain their identity. this ideology was born from a large narrative developed by each religious community in the concept of god. although in the eternal level there is an acknowledgment of one god e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 (hidayat & nafis, 2003: 39), but in the description, understanding and also in the practice of daily life there are sharp differences and even the potential to cause conflict in mutual humiliation or look down on one another. god's ideology or understanding of god is wrapped in religious wraps which seize enormous attention in the course of human history. religion is a very interesting phenomenon but at the same time it also shows a very frightening face. religion appears in "two faces", namely inclusive and exclusive (effendy, 2001: 7). every individual or group of people is bound by their religion, whether accepted from generation to generation or born from the search process. inside are layers that are very rich but also complex: rituals, doctrines, ethics, and experiences (lubis, 2015: 1). hinduism which is identical with balinese culture that is in harmony must deal with religions that come up with a very controversial ideology. religion as a tradition that is accepted for generations and is collective must deal with a religion that is very individualistic but at the same time also expansive, especially islam and christianity. this, of course, causes a shock to the establishment of people who are used to practicing religion in cultural adaptation. the encounter with islam gave birth to separate community groups because culturally and religiously could not be united. likewise the encounter with christianity creates alienation in concepts that are difficult to understand. that distance will be further away with religious practices that are contrary to balinese culture. each religious community does have the same days and months of religious practice (ceremony), but the quantity is very different. the most striking difference is the center of religion, where each religious community has a place of worship with a different designation. hindus refer to their place of worship as a temple, with all the variants that can be found in various places and spread. christians call it a church, a chapel with a variety of forms but united. muslims also have a place of worship which he calls a mosque, mosque with various styles. all kinds of variants of this synagogue can be seen in all regions of jembrana regency. in ekasari village, there are places of worship owned by each religious community. they compete to show the best face of the synagogue building as a sanctified place. hinduism appears in openness, while two other religions (christianity and islam) appear in closed places of worship. this struggle is more real and leads to conflict when dealing with things that are considered crucial, concerning religious identity. social facts show that interests become one of the triggers of conflict in people's lives (wirawan, 2012: 61). in this case the interest to e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 maintain identity in religious representation is the most compelling reason. religious conversion is considered a taboo in people's lives which translates religion as a social reality (lubis, 2015: 7). therefore, marriages involving religious communities are strived to be avoided so as to keep the community away from conflicts that can affect communication between different religious communities. facts on the ground show that conflicts involving two religious communities cannot be avoided (aryadharma, 2011: 143). in this case, the hindu and christian communities have a significant portion and at the same time an opportunity to present an identity struggle. apart from marriage, the problem of religious and cultural symbols is a source of conflict. even at the concrete level also involves boundaries. everything is related to the identity held by each religious community. according to ignas kleden, the source of this conflict is closely related to the ideology of the religious community (in sinaga, 2000: 23). this ideology is carried by each religious community and also by actors who work behind the scenes, especially in religious leaders. religious symbols are an essential part of the religious community in strengthening the religious identity carried out by each religious community (atmadja, 2010: 62). both the muslim, christian and hindu communities are in the same position in the effort to instill religious values. the symbol of religion serves to increase understanding of religion, especially for people in rural areas who are very far from information regarding the knowledge of religion. the efforts carried out by each religious community in religious symbols are internal and exclusive. the islamic community does more in the mosque every friday. but sometimes also in homes when the situation allows. the christian community, utilizing the pulpit sunday, in addition to the deepening of the teachings in the months that have been determined. hindu community, more use open spaces, like the banjar hall to do pesantian. beyond religion, there are still ideologies that have also developed and developed among balinese people, and in ekasari village in particular. this can be found in awig-awig, how the concept or ideology of tri hita karana is lived (gunawan, 2014: 180). whereas on a practical level, tri hita karana is developed in good relations with others. this ideology becomes very important, especially if placed in communities that differ in their beliefs. good relations with others actually have long been developed through the togetherness that has been built by the ekasari village community, both in the cultural and economic fields. ngejotan e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 is a tradition that has long existed in a diverse religious community, but eventually faded by the development of the era. what actually develops in people's lives is to strengthen the identity of each religious community which makes the social life of the people more distant. the use of religious symbols as religious identities is increasingly prominent in each religious community. the hindu community is getting stronger in using traditional clothing which is always used in religious ceremonies. the christian community is getting stronger in establishing new sites that are considered to have historical and economic value. while muslims are getting stronger in the use of headscarves and other islamic symbols that can be found in everyday life. this symbolic identity is further strengthened by the community's struggle in the economic field and also in the election of village heads. in the economic field, society strives to achieve a better standard of living. for this reason, there is a system and ideology that is used as a starting point for composing power. for the people of ekasari village, the cooperative is the most appropriate choice to develop the community's economy. the ideology behind this is the power of capital that can move the community to develop various business units. there are three ideological forces that work behind financial institutions namely: the office, customs and the church. service is a government tool that develops village business entity (bumdes). adat through credit makes it easy for the hindu community to help with the needs in the religious field. as for the christian community, cooperatives are used as a means to assist people in developing businesses or borrowing funds for various purposes. all of these businesses certainly require strategies so that the goals of community welfare can be met. in this case community leaders play a very important role, especially to provide motivation to influence changes in society. both village leaders, custom and religion are considered as people who are able to bring people towards a better direction. among the existing figures, the village head is considered the most important and strategic figure. he held a position in this reformation era for 5 years and afterwards could be re-elected. the position that was originally only held for one term and alternated between religious communities, eventually became an arena for power struggles. the hindu community as a majority is certainly very aware of the important role of the position of village head so that this opportunity is utilized as well as possible to not move to other communities. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 2. implications of the identity struggle specific identity struggles in religious plurality certainly have implications both for each community and for the overall dynamics of community life in ekasari village. the implication occurs both at the level of the superstructure, structure and infrastructure. 2.1. strengthening ideology the only thing that can be expected from the survival of a community is its ideology which must be nurtured, nurtured and preserved. especially in the context of religion, the ideology is very clear, namely as a view of life in a relationship with god and manifested in relations to others and responsibility for the environment (kahmad, 2000: 15). an ideology does not stop at ideas or theologies that are developed, but must have a social dimension. the ideology of each religious community can be seen or traced through the history of each religious community. within the muslim community there is a monotheistic ideology which is the oneness of god which must be strengthened by faithfulness in carrying out worship. through preaching or tausiah an islamic religious leader has a very important role in maintaining the integrity of the teachings; do not let it be penetrated by outside interests which can actually threaten the preservation and the conquest of the community itself. the christian community through theologies developed especially the doctrine of the trinity must be manifested in celebrations centered on the eucharist as the heart of life. the eucharist as a source of soul strength must be carried out diligently and faithfully. the celebration of the eucharist cannot be obscured by cultural biases that cause conflicts both inside and outside. the hindu community with the teachings on trine confirms more practical teachings in the ceremonies held in each temple. the implementation of the ceremony as a form of devotion to god cannot be contested because of the differences that exist, let alone infiltrated by political interests. in this way the purity of the teachings can still be maintained. 2.2 strengthening education education is the basis of a civilization and cultural dimension (widja, 2000: 11). the more advanced the education the higher the level of human civilization. through the education of the human horizon the wider in knowing and understanding everything related to the universe with all its mysteries. education is the gateway to human welfare. without a e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 good education the opportunity or opportunity to progress and develop is getting smaller. human well-being is very dependent on the education achieved. each religious community is well aware of the role of education, both in the formal and informal sense. education by the religious community is not only understood as intellectual progress but education includes reason and intelligence. the purpose of education itself is to humanize humans so that they become more humane in seeing things. the christian community took the first step in ekasari village in developing formal education, starting from the kindergarten, elementary, junior high and vocational level. by the presence of schools, the continuity of the community can be maintained and increasingly strengthened. in addition, thanks to the presence of schools the economic life of the community was also improved. aware of this situation, through the hegemony (power) the education center was transferred to the hindu community and the christian community began to be abandoned. the presence of private schools is not strategic in the current situation so that the remaining two school units namely kindergarten and elementary school will soon be closed if they no longer have students. because of this struggle and the awareness of the importance of education, each community has taken another way to strengthen the education of its members. the christian community sees the importance of the church as a means and infrastructure for involving members in education starting from the elementary level. the islamic community, due to the lack of space (infrastructure), makes the family the first and foremost place of education. while the hindu community, in addition to a very reliable public school, also makes the banjar hall a school that helps children understand about education, especially those related to religious practices. 2.3 religious social exclusivity religious life is always overshadowed by an exclusive, closed attitude and very selfish in understanding the truth which is always followed by the attitude of looking at the wrong religion of others. all religions have such attitudes that very little space is given to accept or acknowledge the truth that exists in other religions. this exclusive attitude breeds religious fanaticism and even leads to acts of violence (schedina in ali noer zaman, 2000: 1-2). the three religious communities in ekasari village have a huge opportunity to develop an exclusive attitude that is reinforced by different origins, history, places and expectations. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 but what is most striking is the lack of assimilation and all this is accepted as inheritance (given). there are clear boundaries between the three religious communities, although there are still slices of equality in place. signs of this exclusive direction have occurred along with the disappearance of the culture that was once lived, namely the culture of ngejot (sharing). each religious community carries out its religious celebrations without involving others, except accidentally through the visit of the regent as an official who must carry out his obligations to greet all religious people. this situation is further exacerbated by the discourses that develop in society through social media. even greeting friends of different faiths is strictly prohibited because it is against religious norms. this exclusivity is also marked by the slow pace of the community in solving problems involving different religious communities. 2.4 public area public space is both a symbol and a marker of the existence of a community group. every community group has a public space that aims to build and strengthen togetherness. public space is also used as a means to strengthen ideology in each community (habermas, 2012: 127). so it becomes very important mastery of public space in balinese society better known as a meeting hall, meeting place or meeting room. government facilities such as markets, fields and buildings are actually public spaces that are open to the public. anyone can use public space for various purposes. in ekasari village, public space exists in the form of village halls, schools, polyclinics, fields, markets and roads as a means of connecting one community to another. the reality is that public space is dominated by the interests of certain groups or communities. conversely, public spaces that become private spaces belonging to certain groups or communities become much closed because they are always associated with adat and religion. this public space becomes a secret space for each community to strengthen its identity. 2.5 community polarization people are geographically divided into communities with clear boundaries. this polarization is even stronger when fighting for the interests of certain groups that involve people with certain religious identities. sympathy and empathy are built up and not even on the basis of rationality but emotional in nature (https: // joehudijana. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 wordpress.com/2016/12/28/ why-happened-polarization). this polarization becomes stronger when it offends religious interests. this is very much felt by the people of desa ekasari when dealing with land issues, namely territorial boundaries. in it there are territorial claims and attempts to exclude other groups. by a sense of solidarity and feelings of empathy finally patterned community groups who fight for a belief or ideology. community polarization becomes increasingly sharpened if it cannot be resolved by deliberation and consensus. community polarization is becoming more complete, not only geographically or in separate territorial boundaries but also involves the feelings or emotions of people who feel hurt and treated unfairly. the court is not a solution to overcome the polarization of society that has been formed. the only way is not to make the identity difference. leadership becomes important to build relationships between communities that deliver society to consensus or collective agreement. conclusion the identity struggle that occurred in ekasari village in the context of plurality and religion actually involved the three religious communities (hinduism, christianity and islam) in an effort to strengthen each other's identity. this struggle is super structurally motivated by an ideology or understanding held by or believed by each religious community. all efforts to strengthen this identity are intended to be able to survive and at the same time also to fight for the interests of each community, both in the fields of religion, culture, economy and power. this identity struggle raises various kinds of difficulties, challenges but at the same time hopes to organize life together in one area better. the role of religious leaders, community leaders in structural or leadership contexts is very important in efforts to build dialogue and tolerance based on principles that are mutually agreed upon, especially tri hita karana's local wisdom. the three communities involved in identity struggle should use infrastructure as a means and infrastructure that provides opportunities and opportunities for each community to build mutual prosperity and peace, both in the physical and spiritual fields. acknowledgement thank you to the leadership of the divine word society (svd) for the opportunity the author received so that this research can be carried out in a perfect manner. thank you also e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 9-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 the authors say to the assistant and all lecturers who have guided and provided input in this research process. in addition, the authors thank all the friends and communities who provided the aspirations of the authors in completing this research. references atmadja, nengah bawa. 2011. ajeg bali: genealogi keruntuhan majapahit: islamisasi, toleransi dan pemertahanan agama hindu di bali. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. aryadharma, ni kadek surpi. 2011. membedah kasus konversi agama di bali: kronologi, metode misi dan alasan di bali tindakan konversi agama dari hindu ke kristen dan katolik di bali serta pernik-pernik keagamaan di dunia. surabaya: paramita. effendy, bactiar. 2001. masyaakat agama dan pluralisme keagamaan: perbincangan mengenai islam, masyarakat madani, dan etos kewirausahaan. yogyakarta: galang printika. gunawan, daddi h,. 2014. perubahan sosial di pedesaan bali: dualitas, kebangkitan adat, dan demokrasi lokal. tangerang: cv marjin kiri. habermas, jurgen. 2012. ruang publik: sebuah kajian tentang kategori masyarakat borjuis. bantul: kreasi wacana offset hidayat, komaruddin – nafis, wahyudi muhamad. 2003. agama masa depan: persfektif filsafat perennial. jakarta: gramedia. kahmad, dadang h. 2000. sosiologi agama. bandung: remaja rosdakarya. lubis, ridwan. 2015. sosiologi agama: memahami perkembangan dalam interaksi sosial. jakarta: kharisma putra utama. sinaga, l., martin. 2000. agama-agama memasuki milenium ketiga. jakarta: grasindo. widya, i gde. 2012. pendidikan sebagai ideologi budaya: mengamati permasalahan pendidikan melalui pendekatan kajian budaya. denpasar: krisna abadi. wirawan, i.b,. 2014. teori-teori sosial dalam tiga paradigma: fakta sosial, definisi sosial, & perilaku sosial. jakarta: dku print. zaman, ali noer. 2000. agama untuk manusia. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. microsoft word artikel a.n. w suardiana terbit 5 e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 the disourse of glorifying water in the balinese scriptual tradition to support the agricutural culture as the implementation of “nangun sad kṛti loka bali” i wayan suardiana lecturer of balinese literature, s¬2 linguistics and cultural studies, s3 cultural studies, faculty of cultural sciences-unud email: i.suardiana@unud.ac.id;isuardiana@yahoo.co.id received date : 21-12-2022 accepted date : 30-01-2023 published date : 28-02-2023 abstract this current study is intended to investigate the importance of glorifying water especially in agriculture as explicitly mentioned in the balinese traditional texts. the data used in the study is the qualitative data obtained using the library research method and the observation, translating, and note-taking techniques. the data was analyzed using the descriptive-analytic method and the inductive technique. the data analysis is presented using the informal method and the narrative technique. the results of analysis show that the glorification of water, as one of the important components of the farming life in bali, has been explicitly mentioned in the traditional texts. the sustainability and cleanliness of water, as an important component of the life of the living creatures on earth should be maintained. to this end, it is firmly mentioned in the texts of manawa dharmaśastra, canakya nitisastra, artha śāstra, dan śarasamuccaya that it is important to make every attempt to maintain the sustainability of water to allow life to last forever. the objective fact in the field shows that the quality of the water used for irrigating the wet rice fields is inadequate as it has been polluted by different types of wastes. keywords: water, irrigation, strong ideology, polluted introduction man is highly dependent on water. it contributes 60% 70% of the body weight. it is very important to the body organs as they cannot work well without it. if the body is lack of water, the body will automatically search out the water sources from its components, one of which is the blood. as a result, the water content in the blood will decrease and the blood will become thick. finally, the journey of the blood as the means of transport carrying oxygen and food substances will be obstructed (https://www.aetra.co.id/sahabat_aetra/ detail/58/air-dan-tubuh-manusia). water is not only needed by man but it is also needed by all the creatures, including plants, living on earth. without water we cannot live properly. the fact that water is so important to the human body leads to the question ‘what we’ll do to support the sustainability of water, starting from its sources, maintaining the water that e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 has flown on the earth surface to the water already available for irrigating the wet rice fields?’ the current fact shows that the forests as the areas where water is stored have not been well protected through regulations and from the ‘anarchic behavior’ of societies. apart from that, the existence of lakes, as the biggest water reservoirs in bali, has been made to be polluted by both liquid and solid wastes, causing them to be seriously getting shallower and the water in them to be seriously getting polluted. in addition, no proportional attention has been paid to the water under the ground surface. although all the regional governments in indonesia have issued regulations concerning the protection of the underground surface water, they have not been well implemented to protect it. the regional government-owned water company (perusahaan air minum ‘pam’) has not been able to fulfill the water needed by the citizens yet; as a result, they drill wells blindly. it is urgent for all the components of the indonesian government to manage water, starting from maintaining the existing water resources and making every effort to create new water sources to controlling the waterways massively. however, if we investigated the traces of civilization inherited from the ancestors concerning the water management, we would not lack water vitally needed by all the living creatures on earth. many hindu traditional texts inherited from the ancestors mention that it is important to maintain water to care for civilization. however, no individual and collective attempts have been holistically made to maintain water. the culture of mutual cooperation has almost been extinct, the law enforcers responsible for the extent to which the regulations regulating the maintenance and use of water have not been honest enough, and the partiality of the leaders towards every attempt made to maintain the water sources in bali is getting weaker. as well, the current program of the “nangun sat kerthi loka bali” issued by the government of bali province has not been strongly supported by all the components of the bali society yet; as a result, it has not shown any real result yet. research method the study entitled “the discourse of glorifying water in the balinese scriptural tradition to support the agricultural culture as the implementation of nangun sad kṛti loka bali’ was conducted using several methods and techniques based on the research phases. the data used is the qualitative data obtained through the library research and using the netnographic technique. in other words, the data was collected through observation using the recording, downloading, note-taking, picture-taking and file saving techniques (mahsun, 2017:92). the theory used to analyze the data is the hermeneutic theory. in the phase of data analysis, the descriptive-analytic method is used to reveal massages, e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 meaning that the facts are narratively described using the deductive-inductive techniques. the informal method is used to present the results of analysis, meaning that the results of analysis are descriptively narrated using words. in this phase the deductive-inductive techniques or the vice versa are applied to excavate the meaning that every meaningful language expression contains. discussion a. maintaining the water quality: the massages in the religious texts in fact, water, as important part of life, has been mentioned in the hindu dogmatic (religious) texts. the importance of water and the attempts that should be made to maintain water to allow life to last forever have been mentioned in the texts of manawa dharmaśastra, canakya nitisastra, artha śāstra, and śarasamuccaya. in manawa dharmaśastra iv.52 (pudja and rai sudharta, 1996: 226), it is mentioned that: pratyagniṃ pratisuryām ca pratisomodakad wijān, prātigan pratiwātam ca prajña naçyati mehataḥ. the free translation is as follows: the intelligence of one who urinates facing the fire, the moon, the brahmin, the cow, the wind direction or on the water will disappear. further, in the text of manawa dharmaśastra iv.56 (ibid, 1996: 227), it is affirmed that: nāpsu mūtram purīsạm wa sthīwanam wa samutsṛjet, amedhya lipta menyadwa lohitam wā wiṣāni wā. the free translation is as follows: one should not throw one’s urine or feces into the water of any river. one should not spit and say dirty words, throw the other types of dirt, blood or venomous things either. the text of manawa dharmaśastra as what is referred to as weda smrti (compendium of the hindu law) requires that, as hindus, we should obey the rules mentioned in chapter iv stanza 52 that the intelligence of one committing a disgraceful act and urinating facing both the flowing and motionless water will disappear. how sinful one who spits, throws blood or poisonous chemicals or, in other words, contaminates water directly will be if viewed from what is mentioned in manawa dharmaśastra iv.56. one who says dirty words around water (polluting water directly) is regarded as polluting the water itself. based on what is stated in manawa dharmaśastra iv.52 and 56 above, it is very clear that we should maintain the water quality so that civilization on earth can be normally and harmoniously continued. the water circulation starting from the upstream (the river, lake, and forest) to the downstream before it gets back to the upstream again should be conserved. the forest e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 should be maintained from generation to generation; the water flowing from the upstream to the downstream should not be polluted with rubbish of any type; and what is also important is that the cleanliness of the sea water should be maintained as well by not polluting the beach with any dangerous things such as plastic waste, solid and liquid wastes containing poisons, and the like. the reason why it is important to maintain the water is that most parts of the human body contain water and that water has the healing strength. the magic formula in ṛgveda x.9.6 is as follows: apsu me soma abravid. antar viśvani bheṣajā (titib, 1996: 563) meaning that: lord soma states that water contains all healing factors. āpa id vā u bheṣajir. āpo amivacātanīh. āpaḥ sarvasya bheṣajiḥ (ibid, 1996: 564-565) meaning that: it expels diseases; it heals all diseases. so, water has the strength needed to heal all types of the diseases that human beings may suffer from. further, water has the purifying strength as stated in bhuwana kosa viii, 2-3 (wiana, 2009: 25-26). water functions so importantly that it is also referred to as ‘ratna permata bumi’. in the text of canakya nitiasastra xiii.21, it is explicitly mentioned as follows. prthivyam trini ratnani permata, annamāpah subhasiram, mūdhaih pāsāna khandesu, ratna samkhyā vidhiyate. (darmayasa, 1995: 119). the free translation is as follows. there are three gem peals on earth; they are water, food stuff or medicinal ingredients, and words of wisdom. human beings are required to be always intelligent and rational in accordance with the era situation in order to be able to sustain life individually and collectively. in the resi canakya era, jewellery was not important to the sustainability of human life. water, foodstuff and medicinal ingredients had priority over the other necessities. therefore, they are referred to as ‘ratna permata bumi’. this leads to the question ‘whether they (especially ‘water’ as the topic of the current study) are not currently important any longer, causing the water sources to be easily polluted? the answer is that water will always be important to the human life forever as stated by resi canakya. starting from now, e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 therefore, it is important to protect the water sources on the earth surface and under the ground surface. b. glorifying water in the agricultural area to support the existence of the subak organization in bali before domestic and foreign tourists came to bali, the balinese people could not be separated from the agricultural culture. however, since 1980s bali has been visited by so many tourists, causing many young balinese people to switch from the agricultural sector to the tourism sector. the agricultural world is full of mud, causing it to be left (windia, 2021: bali post, rabu pon, 7 april, p. 1). he states that “farmers cannot be separated from poverty; they are the most unfortunate”. the saddest thing is that the agricultural literature is also neglected, causing no attention has been paid to the maintenance and cleanliness of the water virtually needed for irrigation. in the agricultural world, the balinese people highly glorify rice as one of the staple foods. the text of aji pari, which particularly glorifies rice, mentions that it is very important to glorify rice and irrigation water. the text plays an important role in the civilization of the balinese people as it makes them know the origin of rice. water needs to be glorified as it supports life and gives the knowledge that needs to be taught to the young people so that they can maintain civilization. according to the widipedia dictionary, the word ‘rice’ is derived from the latin word ‘oryza sativa l’. it is one of the most important cultivated plants that supports life. although it is one of the cultivated plants, it is also used to refer to several types of similar plants, commonly known as the wild rice. it is predicted that rice was originally carried from india or indochina by the ancestors migrating to asia about 1,500 bc (https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/padi). according to what is mentioned in the text of uṣadha carik, the rice inherited in bali was created by hyang meleng and devi ratih far before the indian civilization was introduced to indonesia. the history of the appearance of rice in indonesia, as mentioned in wikipedia, seems to be true if related to the fact that rice was successfully produced by the country mentioned above. based on the data available in 2016, india was the biggest producer of rice. according to the site of indexmundi.com, the rice exported by india to different parts of indonesia totaled 9.5 (nine point five) million tons (https://, located databoks.katadata.co.id/datapublish/2016/10/13/ india-negara-lumbung-beras-terbesar-dunia). the text of aji pari instructs that we should glorify rice as it is not only the food that pleases the human stomach but its position is also equal to that of gods (the god’s personifications). in general, rice is also known as bhaṭārī śrī. when viewed from the time when it is planted to the time when it can be eaten, the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 62 text of aji pari refers to it as different things (sheet 1b-5a). when it is in the nursery (penguritan), it is referred to as liñjong taji; when it is already seeded in the wet rice fields, it is referred to as bhaṭārī śrī hana déwi; when it has grown with one leaf, it is referred to as bhaṭārī śrī dwadéwī; when it has two leaves, it is referred to as bhaṭārī dwa śrī dwadéwī (lb-la). it is still glorified after it can be eaten, and after it is put in the mouth, it is referred to as sanghyang añakteni. hermeneutically, in so far as the current context is concerned, the glorification of rice implies that language functions to socialize what is needed and important as the background of communication (sugiharto, 1996:63). such an opinion implies that, religiously, rice can be currently and practically used as one of the sources of the agricultural culture-based tourism. as an illustration, the jatiluwih subak (a traditional agricultural organization in bali), located in penebel district, tabanan, was set as one of the world heritages by unesco in 2012. the method of caring rice based on the local wisdom text combined with the non-chemical modern technology is highly relevant to be developed all over bali as one of the implementations of the bali province’s mission, namely “nangun sad kṛti loka bali”. the noble ideal of the government of bali province has become paradoxical as there are still many balinese people who do not care about environment in general and the water habitat as a whole in particular. in so far as the wet rice field area is concerned, the text of manawa dharmaśastra iv. 46 mentions: na phālakṛṣte na jale na cityām na ca parwate, na jīrṇa dewāyanate na walmīke kadācana. the free translation is as follows: one mustn’t urinate on the ploughed land, the water, the altar made of bricks, the temple ruins, and the anthill. the text of manawa dharmaśastra iv. 46 mentioned above teaches that we should maintain water and the cleanliness of the agricultural land by not polluting the water and the land where we grow rice. such a behavior shows our respect to the rice that we will grow in that area. when our ancestors elected the leader of the subak organization, he was expected to be able to maintain the agricultural ecosystem in such a way that it could support many people as stated in chapter xxiv part 41.1 and 2 of the text of artha śāstra as follows: 1. as the leader handling the agricultural affairs, he should be familiar with the agricultural practice, the water allocation, what to do to look after plants; in this e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 63 case, he would be helped by experts; he should know when it was good time to collect the seeds of every type of rice, flower, fruit, vegetable, tuber, root, the creeping fruit, hemp and cotton. 2. he would instruct when seeds were spread on the land, what would suit the land that had been ploughed repeatedly; … those are all the responsibilities of the leader who was supposed to handle the agricultural affairs; he should be knowledgeable enough of the irrigationand agriculture-related things; he should always motivate the farmers to grow the plants that suit the situation and condition of the area where they are; he should prepare the seeds needed; and he should always maintain the cleanliness and holiness of the agricultural land. the attempts made to maintain the sustainability of the wet rice fields by keeping them clean and holy are getting weaker, as shown by the fact that there are still too much water and its reservoirs that are getting polluted as shown in the following picture. picture1: posted by i gede suwartama at 21.48 on 23rd of october 2017 central indonesia time through fb. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 64 picture 2: the picture of the irrigation water quality polluted by pollutant and livestock waste at kelating village, kerambitan district, tabanan, bali (personal document). bali has many traditional texts that contain the concepts of what to do to maintain the water quality; however, both the current decision makers and the current balinese society have paid less attention to them, as shown by the two pictures above that the irrigation water quality in bali is not good enough for farming as it is polluted by different types of wastes. c. sad kṛti: conserving water in a sustainable manner the law that has been issued by the state to protect the availability of water in indonesia is the law no. 17 concerning the water resources. its legal basis includes article 18a, article 18b, article 20, article 21, and article 33 of the 1945 constitution (https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/home/details/122742/uu-no-17-tahun-2019#:~:text=dasar% 20hukum%20undang%2dundang%20nomor,negara%20republik%20indonesia%20t ahun%201945.&text=hal%20tersebut%20menuntut%20pengelolaan%20sumber,hilir% 20dengan%20basis%20wilayah%20sungai). basically, this act requires that the water resources should be managed from the upstream to the downstream as a whole using the river areas as the basis. apart from the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 65 above mentioned law, the government has also issued several regulations concerning the management of water resources as follows. 1. the regulation of the government of the republic of indonesia number 82 of 2001 concerning the water quality management and the water pollution control. 2. the regulation of the government of the republic of indonesia number 16 of 2005 concerning the development of the drinking water supply system. 3. the regulation of the government of the republic of indonesia number 12 of 2008 concerning the water resources council. 4. the decision of the president of the republic of indonesia number 83 of 2002 concerning the changes to the decision of the president of the republic of indonesia of 2001 concerning the water resources management coordinating team. 5. the decision of the republic of indonesia number 123 of 2001 concerning the water resources management coordinating team. (https://ngada.org/uu172019pil.htm). it is so clear that the law products above are concerned with how to regulate and manage water. however, their implementations are still too far from what is expected as our environment is still polluted (as shown by the above pictures), causing the water quality is inadequate enough for consumption, farming and the other water-related things. water will remain to exist if what is meant by sad kertih is well implemented (wiana, 2009: 18). according to wiana, it means that it is a commendable act to do the right thing. within this context, we should take real action to protect the earth by maintaining the water cycle as an attempt to sustain the human civilization. apart from that, we should also purify the souls of the ancestors, the ocean, the forests, the lakes, the universe and its human beings. based on the text of purana bali, the elements of sat kertih are (1) atma kertih, (2) samudra kertih, (3) wana kertih, (4) danu kertih, (5) jagat kertih, and (6) jana kertih (ibid: 17-24). (1) atma kertih; this is an attempt to purify the souls (atman) of the ancestors by performing the cremation ceremony (starting from burning the dead body, washing the ashes into the sea or river, performing the memukur ceremony, that is, the ceremony performed after the cremation ceremony), to the ceremony through which the dewa yang (the soul of the cremated body) is requested to dwell in what is called sanggar kemulan (the three-roomed shrine in the family temple). this ceremony is a hindu one performed by the hindus to purify the souls from the shackles of what is known as tri sarira. in addition, all the holy places, especially, e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 66 the environment where the cremation performed to purify the souls of the ancestors, from the upstream (the mount) to the downstream (the ocean) is also purified. this ceremony is performed to purify the souls, which are not visible, and the universe, which is visible. (2) samudra kertih; this is an attempt to conserve the sea as the source of the nature with its complex functions. as the estuary of everything coming from the upstream (the mount), the ocean is highly purified by the hindus. all the ceremonies performed on the mainland will always have something to do with the sea; the nangluk merana (the ceremony of repelling the plant pests), melasti (the procession of going to the sea performed a few days prior to the nyepi day), nganyut abu jenasah (the ceremony of washing away the ashes of the dead body to the sea), nganyut sekah (the ceremony of washing the symbol of the dead body as the continuation of the cremation ceremony), mapekelem (the ceremony of drowning certain animals in the sea) are all performed in the sea. as the hugest supplier of water for the world, the hindus highly glorify it. they ask lord wisnu or lord waruna (baruna) for water for purifying the universe. the mouth of the basuki dragon, the personification of lord wisnu, is the mythological symbol of the sea. therefore, the sea should not be made to be polluted. if the sea is polluted, the safety of the life on the mainland will become threatened. actually, all the ceremonies mentioned above are performed to motivate human beings to conserve the sea with its contents; therefore, they should not throw any garbage, whatever it is, into the sea. (3) wana kertih; this is an attempt to conserve the forests. the forests function as the lungs of the areas where they are located and as the water reservoirs in the mainland. therefore, the hindus glorify them by building a holy place known as the alas angker temple in each, and the forest around the temple is better known as alas kekeran (the protected forest). in the holy book of pancawati (wiana, 2004: 64), it is mentioned that a forest is stated to be conserved if it has the following conserved things; they are (1) maha wana (the natural reservoir from which water flows throughout the year; (2) tapa wana (the holy dormitory where the holy persons recite holy prayers and spread virtuous teachings to the very depths of the hearts of their disciples); and (3) sri wana (the forest as the source of prosperity of those living around it). (4) danu kertih; this is an attempt to maintain the water sources in the mainland such as klebutan (the water source from the ground), lakes, rivers, and campuhan (the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 67 area where two or more streams or ditches meet). they are all glorified by the hindus as the places where they perform the melasti ceremony (the ceremony performed to obtain the needed holy water) and the mapakelem ceremony (the ceremony performed to sacrifice certain animals into the middle of the lake). as a sacred place, a temple known as ulun danu temple is also built close to the lake). for the same purpose, a temple known as ulun carik temple or bedugul temple is also built somewhere in the area of the wet rice fields to conserve the irrigation water. the spirit and glorification of the holy places are not only intended to be the places where the ceremonies are performed but they are also intended to conserve the water sources in the mainland. unfortunately, however, the current society only regards them as the places where they can perform ceremonies. the reason is that the aquatic nature is still dirty and polluted. (5) jagat kertih; this is an attempt to maintain the religious harmonious relationship between human beings and the creator, the social relationship among human beings, and the harmonious relationship between human beings and the environmental nature. these three concepts are then referred to as tri hita karana. the harmony of the three relationships should be inspired by the sincere work done by every layer of the balinese society by firmly adhering to what are known as swadharmaning agama (doing what is supposed to do as religious people) and swadarmaning negara (doing what is instructed well and correctly by the state). if these obligations are well and correctly done, the harmony of the nature will be achieved. (6) jana kertih; this is an attempt to create the everlasting conducive relationship among human beings. this can come true if in the future the balinese people speak less, think and do more. the covid-19 pandemic, which lasted for almost one and half years (it appeared in the end of december 2019 in wuhan, china ((https://www.kompas.com/tren/read/2020/12/17/104000665/kaleidoskop-2020-penelitian-soal-awal-mula-virus-corona-di-berbagai-negara?page=all)) has taught us a lesson that now and in the future we should change the social order massively. if not, the mass extinction will take place immediately. therefore, the six components of sat kerthi above need to be urgently implemented. the concept of sad kerthi above is different from that proposed by eriana (2018). according to her, the ecological local wisdom concept of the balinese people is manifested in the form of the attempts that are made to maintain the harmonious relationship with the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 68 environmental nature referred to as sad kṛti. this term is derived from two words; they are sad and kṛti. the word sad means ‘six’, and the word kṛti, as a sanskrit word, means “the act of doing”, “making”, “activity”, “work”, and “literary work”. then, after it was absorbed into the old javanese language, it has been used as the synonym of the word kirti meaning “popularity”, “commendable act”, and “meritorious act” (zoetmulder, 1997: 519). therefore, the concept of sad kṛti can be defined as the six commendable acts. in the palm leaf manuscript of kutara kanda dewa purana bangsul, a manuscript which was once investigated y eriana (2016), it is stated that sad kṛti can be divided into six parts; they are giri kṛti, sagara kṛti, wana kṛti, ranu kṛti, swi kṛti, and jagat kṛti. it is also stated that giri kṛti is the commendable act towards the mount controlled by lord (sang hyang) jayamurti; sagara kṛti is the commendable act towards the sea controlled by lord (sang hyang) jayasandi; wana kṛti is the commendable act towards the forest controlled by lord (sang hyang) jayanatra; ranu kṛti is the commendable act towards the lake controlled by lord (sang hyang) jayakrta; swi kṛti is the commendable act towards the wet rice fields controlled by lord (sang hyang) jayasadana; and jagat kṛti is the commendable act towards the earth or state controlled by lord (sang hyang) jayadhana. the concept of sad kṛti is also used to refer to lord sad kahyangan who is the manifestation of lord (sang hyang) sad winayaka controlling the heaven. in the heaven lord (sang hyang) sad winayaka manifests into lord (sang hyang) surya, lord (sang hyang) bhesawarna, lord (sang hyang) kala, lord (sang hyang) ghana, and lord (sang hyang) kumara. the six sons of lord (sang hyang) pasupati are supposed to keep the bali’s nature peaceful and conserved, allowing bali with its contents to be peaceful. the sad kṛti formulated by wiana (1999) above is different from that formulated in kuntara kanda dewa purana bangsul. however, this current study refers to the concept of sad kṛti formulated by eriana (2016). the reason is that wiana does not clearly mention the palm leaf manuscript used as the reference. he does not mention where the palm leaf manuscript is stored, what its code is, how many pages it consists of and the other types of information either. the incomplete information causes the concept of sad kṛti to be difficult to be reviewed. therefore, the concept used in the current study refers to the concept proposed by eriana (2016) in her study, which was adopted from the palm leaf manuscript of kutara kanda purana bangsul. the source clearly explains the concept of sad kṛti from the place point of view and what lords dwell in the supporting shafts of bali. the above mentioned ceremonies are performed not only as offerings but are also importantly performed to protect all the bali’s areas from becoming polluted. in addition, they also remind all the parties in bali of maintaining the bali’s nature so that it will not be e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 69 functionally shifted; in this way, all the cycles of the sad kṛti loka bali can run well. the water quality, as a vital need of human beings and the other creatures on earth, will not be good if the human beings living on earth do not have any clear vision of what to do to maintain its sustainability. to this end, the meaning of the concept of sad kṛti should be actually implemented. hermeneutically, it should be supported by the historical awareness as claimed by gadamer (ricoeur, 2006: 88). historically, both in the regulatory and ideological levels bali has also inherited very clear regulations and literature. apart from that, the historical awareness should also be supported by the aesthetic awareness and taking the holistic working steps in order to gain an excellent outcome. conslusion water, as one of the important components of life, needs to be conserved. the paradox about the glorification of water is so strong that it is mentioned in the religious and functional texts inherited from the ancestors of the balinese people; however, no serious attention has been paid to it by the following generation. water, as a vital need of human beings, has not been well maintained; there are too many ‘weeds’ disturbing its cleanliness as a consequence of the fact that all of the components of the balinese society neglect the literary texts and the law concerning the environmental impact analysis (amdal). in addition, they also neglect the religious behavior expected from the religious ceremonies performed; in other words, they have not maintained the cleanliness of the mainland and the sea consistently. as a result, the water quality decreases and the agricultural culture is neglected. maintaining the upstream (the river, the lake, and the forest) and the downstream (the sea) means mobilizing people (jana) to look after the forest (wana), the lake (danu), the sea (segara), the wet rice field (swi), and, finally, the earth (jagad) as a whole as part of sad kṛti. in this way, the souls (atma) of our ancestors will be pleased in the nature where they dwell, leading to the harmonious relationship between the macrocosm (buana agung) and the microcosm (buana alit) as the bali’s landscape is still beautiful and the agricultural culture is still practiced to support the tourism sector, which is prone to interference of any kind. references darmayasa, i made. 1995. canakya niti sastra (alih bahasa dan komentar). denpasar: yayasan dharma naradha. eriana, eriada i ketut. 2018. “sad kŗti dan pelestarian alam dalam kutara kanda dewa e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 57-70 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 70 purana bangsul”. (makalah disampaikan dalam rembug sastra purnama bhadrawada kota denpasar). mahsun. 2017. metode penelitian bahasa tahapan, strategi, metode, dan tekniknya. depok: rajawali pers pudja, g. dan tjokorda rai sudharta. 1996. manawa dharmaśastra (manu dharma sastra). jakarta: hanuman sakti. ricoeur, paul. 1981. hermeneutics and the human sciences essays on language, action and interpretation. cambridge, cambridge university press. sugiharto, bambang, i., 1996. postmodernisme: tantangan bagi filsafat. yogyakarta: kanisius. titib, i made. 1996. veda sabda suci tuhan pedoman praktis kehidupan. surabaya: paramita. wiana, i ketut. 2009. “air sebagai ratna permata bumi” dalam air dalam kehidupan fungsi dan peranannya dalam kebudayaan nusantara. denpasar: the 3rd sseasr conference. wiana, i ketut. 2004. mengapa bali disebut bali. surabaya: paramita. windia, i wayan. 2021. rombak total kebijakan pertanian. bali post, rabu pon, 7 april 2021. hlm. 1. zoetmulder, p.j. bekerjasama dengan s.o. robson. 1997. kamus jawa kuna-indonesia. jakarta pt gramedia pustaka utama bekerjasama dengan perwakilan koninklijk voor taal-, land-, en volkenkunde. internet references https://www.aetra.co.id/sahabat_aetra/detail/58/air-dan-tubuh-manusia (downloaded 01-05-2021). https://databoks.katadata.co.id/datapublish/2016/10/13/india-negara-lumbung-berasterbesar-dunia (downloaded, 04-05-2021). https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/padi (downloaded, 06-05-2021). https://peraturan.bpk.go.id/home/details/122742/uu-no-17-tahun2019#:~:text=dasar%20hukum%20undang%2dundang%20nomor,negara%20 republik%20indonesia%20tahun%201945.&text=hal%20tersebut%20menuntut %20pengelolaan%20sumber,hilir%20dengan%20basis%20wilayah%20sungai (downloaded 13-05-2021). https://www.kompas.com/tren/read/2020/12/17/104000665/kaleidoskop-2020-penelitian-soal-awal-mula-virus-corona-di-berbagai-negara?page=all (downloaded 14-05-2021) microsoft word artikel sri lestari terbit5.docx e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 implementation of bali governor regulation number 97/2019 through a postmodern approach study sri lestari1, i wayan ardika2, i nyoman wijaya3 1tri sadhana putra art and sciences writing, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1sri.lestari141@gmail.com , 2ardikawayan52@gmail.com, 3iwijayastsp@yahoo.co.id received date : 2-06-2020 accepted date : 21-08-2020 published date : 31-08-2020 abstract this study talks about the meaning of journalists, intellectuals and cultural observers of the koster ace government governor regulation no. 97 of 2018 which began to be implemented at the end of 2018.this policy aims to serve as a guideline by the local government of bali in formulating technical policies in the field of limiting plastic waste generation disposable (psp). this phenomenon is studied using a postmodern approach, so that the methodology, theory, epistemology, and research objectives must be in sync with it. the methodology is taken from a genealogy method which is in sync with foucault's theory of power relations of knowledge. assisted by bourdieu's generative structural theory. the goal is to get an understanding or meaning of the meaning of the regulation. meaning in studies comes from 'from within' through the point of view of the actors who practice the meaning itself. every form of meaningful practice is influenced by épistémè, reasoning, and experiences that shape the knowledge of its meaning as conceptualized in foucault's theory and bourdieu's cultural capital. substantially, all interpreters agree that this regulation is one way to overcome the problem of single-use plastic waste (psp), but there are still many weaknesses when it is implemented in the community. the weakness lies in the absence of an in-depth academic study before the regulation is implemented. as the essence of the conclusion, it can be seen that the meaning of journalists, intellectuals, and humanists for the governorship shows a contestation (struggle or resistance), but in it there is no visible negotiation of the dominant powers. their meaning can be referred to as a form or reflection of the level of knowledge of each interpreter, which ultimately leads to productive powers towards pergub no. 97 of 2018. keywords: meaning, journalist, intellectual, humanist, governorate introduction pergub no. 97 of 2018 began to be implemented at the end of 2018. this policy aims to serve as a guideline by the bali local government in the formulation of technical policies in e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 the area of limiting single-use plastic waste (psp). psp is all forms of disposable tools / materials made from or containing plastic, synthetic latex (polyethylene), thermoplastic synthetic polymeric materials. this includes plastic bags, polysterina (styrofoam) and plastic straws. psp restriction is intended to prevent pollution and environmental damage. the policy is thus expected to guarantee the fulfillment and protection of the right to a good and healthy environment for the community. the long term goal is related to the sustainability of the ecosystem and to ensure that future generations who are not dependent on psp will achieve a better quality of life. psp waste generation restrictions include volume or weight, distribution and usage. this policy has an impact on producers, distributors and business actors. psp is prohibited from being produced, distributed and supplied. every business actor and psp provider is prohibited from providing psp. manufacturers, distributors and suppliers are required to use psp replacement products. the replacement product uses environmentally friendly materials and / or is not disposable. substitute products that can be used by communities, customary villages, religious institutions, social institutions, private institutions, and government officials, while psp is prohibited (pergub no. 97/2018). this study will examine the meaning of journalists, intellectuals and cultural observers of the regulation. however, the meaning is not interpreted lexically, namely explaining the meaning or purpose of the regulation. the meaning of meaning in this study does not refer to barker's (2004: 8-9) thinking which is constructed through signs, especially language signs. language gives meaning to material objects and social practices. according to him, the processes of meaning production are meaningful practices, and understanding culture means exploring how meaning is generated symbolically in language as a system of meaning. it can be called as meaning from outside, which is done by the researcher himself. the meaning in this study refers to the understanding given by budiawan (2015: viii-ix), that through the practice of meaning, there is contestation (struggle / resistance) or there can also be negotiations against dominant powers. that is, every practice of meaning results in contestation or struggle, resistance and convergence (nurkhoiron, 2005: 50), but it could be that a meaning can reproduce the dominant powers. so the meaning in this study comes from 'from within' through the perspective of the actors who practice the meaning itself. every form of meaningful practice has the same right to be appreciated, in the sense that it is studied academically from the point of view of the actors of the practice of meaning itself (budiawan, e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 2015: viii-ix). actors who practice this meaning are sought after by journalists, intellectuals and humanists. the purpose of the research was reached by asking a research question how do they interpret pergub no. 97 of 2018? this question is examined using a postmodern approach. in accordance with the approach used, the methodology, theory and research objectives must conform to it. as said by della porta and keating (2008: 1 in neuman 2017: 103) the approach is broader than theory or methodology. it also includes the epistemology (questions regarding the theory of knowledge) of research objectives (whether evaluation of understanding, explanation, or normative). of the three choices, the purpose of this research is to find out the understanding or meaning of journalists, intellectuals and humanists for pergub no. 97 of 2018. the use of theory in this study is adapted to the postmodern approach used. neuman (2017: 103-140) mentions that there are three major approaches in social science research with their respective methodologies, theories, epistemology, and research objectives, namely positivistic, interpretive, and critical social science approaches. followed by two other approaches, namely postmodern and feminist social sciences with their respective methodologies, theories, epistemology, and research objectives. postmodern has roots in the philosophies of existentialism, nihilism, and anarchism as well as in the ideas of martin heidegger (1889-1976), michel foucault (1926-1984), friedrich nietzsche (1844-1900), jean-paul sartre (1905-1980), and ludwig wittgenstein (1889-1951). so, if you are looking for the theories contained in the postmodern approach, then do not stay away from these thinkers. however, only one is used in this study, namely foucault combined with bourdieu. even though there are those who include bourdie's theory in the ranks of critical social science theory, he can still be combined with foucault, because together with gidden and garfinkel, he belongs to the practical theory family, which is the hallmark of foucault (ritzer, 2014: 107 ). as foucault said, a statement that is formulated in policy will appear rational when practicing a discussion based on open and free arguments. the meaning of the statement and its rationality does not depend only on language because each partner has a different capital. the meaning of a statement that is formulated in policy is often determined also by factors outside of it (haryatmoko, 2010: 8). the value of discourse is determined by the market, depending on the strength relationship between the speaker's language competence (production, appreciation, e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 appropriation) and the social structure in that interaction. the language structure acts as a distinctive system of sanctions and censorship. the production and circulation of this language results from the habitus and language market. when policies are offered, it is possible to understand mistakes and failures. in relation to the language market, the determination of the meaning of discourse depends on the type of social arena, the accumulation of capital at stake and the habitus that is demanded (haryatmoko, 2010: 8-9). practices, according to the schema contained in the history through which it passes, ensure the active presence of the past experiences of actors placed in each organism in the form of schemes of perception, thought and action, especially all formal rules and explicit norms, to ensure their conformity at all times ( developed from the thought of bourdieu, 1980: 91 in haryatmoko, 2016: 40) thus, as already mentioned above, the determination of meaning in discourse (policy) no.97 of 2018 depends on the formation of the knowledge of the interpreters, which in bourdieu's term is called capital / cultural capital, meaning that each meaning has different knowledge and capital so as to produce different meanings. research methods as part of qualitative research, this study uses a combination of two methods called to confirm or confirm the other. the two methods are interview methods and reading online media archives in the form of text. interviews can provide a reinforcement or confirmation of weaknesses found in online media texts (stokes, 2003: 27-28). the interview process begins by ensuring access to resources in the planning stage (stokes, 2003: 33). this access is obtained through social media, especially facebook, which is an arena for journalists, intellectuals and cultural observers to interact, discuss many things including the concepts of balinese preservation. being their best friend is one of the entrances to be able to conduct an interview. the interview guide was guided by foucault's genealogy method. the genealogy method also contains epistemology, so it can also be called a methodology as practiced by alba-juez (2009: 216-219 in haryatmoko, 2017: 67-79). research is also needed through secondary sources in the form of literature that is increasingly freely available. the industrial revolution as a result of the increasing use of computer technology has led to some of these changes (stokes, 2003: 35). in addition, book e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 publications on bali preservation are expanding, making it easier to find and find articles related to this research topic. results and discussion governor regulation no. 97/2018 concerning the limitation of single-use plastic waste (psp) has been implemented in the realm of government and retail in bali. retail and minimarkets in bali, especially those with large networks, no longer provide plastic to wrap their customers' shopping items. this rule also applies to small-scale shops and stalls owned by the community. they are advised not to use plastic to wrap food and groceries for their customers. there is a laminated inscription on every cart and on the wall of the warung containing the appeal. the trader has stopped providing plastic bags since the writing was posted. they provide cloth bags for rp. 2,000 rp. 5,000 depending on the size. kedisan village, bangli, supports collective support in reducing psp use. youth associations routinely carry out mutual cooperation activities to clean plastic waste. the plastic waste collected is handed over to the waste bank. supporting activities is the arrangement of landscaping around the village (bali post, 18 february 2020). other villages also provide support for policies to reduce plastic waste. the governor invites all levels of society, government agencies, business actors and all parties to participate in implementing the regulation. this statement was conveyed during the bali clean plastic waste declaration. the event was then continued with the plastic waste cleanup movement which was held in the area of pura agung besakih, karangasem.the two activities are part of the implementation of pergub no. 97/2018 which aims to make bali free from single-use plastic waste. the plastic waste cleaning activity was attended by more than 10 thousand participants from the bali province indonesian hindu youth association (peradah), the bali hindu dharma student association (kmhdi), in collaboration with the bali provincial government, kodam ix / udayana, bali regional police , district / city governments, universities throughout bali, junior high school / high school students, communities, and communities. this activity is also to welcome the masterpiece of the five guardians of krama. in the five guardians of manners, people who want to pray are not allowed to carry and use plastic (bali post, february 3, 2019). however, behind this support there is a hidden customer as explained below. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 hidden offense these hidden violations were found in a number of markets in south denpasar. a food vendor stated the following: "yesterday an officer came and gave an appeal not to use plastic bags anymore. they also put something like this on every cart. it's all installed. no plastic bags. so, for this kilo plastic, it's still okay. later you can get a fine for buying and selling too. i have provided a cloth bag if (the customer) forgot to bring it myself. it's hot if it's not bagged. " (field data from a regional satay trader in south denpasar, 27 march 2019). a group of vegetable traders and cooked side dishes chose to use plastic kilos as a container for their customers' groceries. rice snacks, which previously used mica as a wrapper, were replaced with banana leaves or oil paper. however, retail cooked side dishes are still wrapped in small plates and are sold for between three thousand to five thousand rupiah per pack. there are quite a lot of consumers, especially in the morning, before working hours, with a nominal purchase of between fifteen thousand to twenty-five thousand rupiah per person, which is estimated to be enough for three meals, as long as rice is available in each house. the consumers are mainly students, university students, day workers, shop employees, who live in boarding houses, but some are civil servants as seen from the clothes they wear. on the other hand, the psp ban policy also intersects with traders of raw side dishes, who sell in markets and stalls. in a number of markets, especially in the south denpasar area, it is seen that traders want to support government policies on reducing plastic waste. likewise, a number of her customers, especially mothers, are used to carrying grocery bags, as explained by a young mother: “have always brought this woven shopping basket. i spend a lot if i check how much plastic (bag) i have in my hand. with this (shopping cart) will fit a lot. in the wet rain, just dry in the sun. i have also brought this bag (woven bag) to the supermarket. my mother used to shop using a large basket made of woven bamboo, you know what is suwun (how to carry things by lifting them up and placing them on your head). back then it used to be. " (statement from housewives who shop for vegetables, march 28, 2019). e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 however, in general, most people still do not have the habit of carrying their own shopping bags, especially those who shop for just one or two items. usually they only rely on the plastic bags provided by traders, then place them on their motorcycle hangers. there is relatively no awareness in a family to remind each other to bring their own basket when shopping. incidents like this have happened for many years since the emergence of plastic bags (plastic bags) in the early 1970s. after that year people who go shopping to the market or to the food stall always remember to bring a basket or a bag. often people also bring a basket and a tablecloth when buying curry. but now there are also a number of people who provide support for this policy, even though they have to build this habit from scratch (interview with suryani, march 2, 2020). traders along the campus road in south denpasar can feel this policy. each shop had an announcement not to provide plastic bags. a raw vegetable trader stated that this was the first time there was a government policy that could be directly felt by small people like himself. government policies generally do not touch the common people, they don't even know it. the regulation on plastic restrictions is felt by the small community. meatball traders hide plastic bags because they feel sorry for customers who forget to bring shopping bags. porridge traders provide shopping bags made of cloth to replace plastic bags, although many customers object to having to pay for them. the loss of the habit of carrying baskets and tablecloths when buying berkuah snacks since the 1970s has shaped the balinese habitus into individuals who prioritize practicality. as stated by bourdieu (1980: 91, in haryatmoko, 2016: 40), as a result of history, habitus produces practices, both individually and collectively, according to the scheme contained by history. habitus actively brings back past experiences that just appear in the form of schemes of perception, thought and action, as well as all formal rules and explicit norms, to ensure the appropriateness of practices over time. the knowledge contained in pergub no. 97 of 2018 was actualized by the badung regional government by issuing a badung regent regulation (perbup) number 47 of 2018 concerning reducing the use of plastic bags. badung will provide administrative sanctions for violators through the local environmental and sanitation service (lhk). in accordance with the regent's regulation, they will target plastic bag sources, namely shops and other business services. if a violation is found, a written coaching will be carried out which will last e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 for one month. if violations are found again, they will be given administrative sanctions, which can continue with the suspension of environmental permits such as sppl or ukl / up of the business. furthermore, within three months, if violations are still found, the environmental permit will be revoked (radarbali.jawapos.com, 19 september 2019). such regulations are relatively easier to apply to middle to upper level retail stores, but this is not the case for small ones. they still dare to serve buyers by using plastic bags. this actually increases the number of visits to his shop, because consumers who forget to put a cloth bag in the trunk of their motorbike will choose to go shopping to small shops. the socioeconomic implications of this kind receive less attention from reporters through online journals. but that does not mean that there are no online journal reporters who dare to give critical meaning to the governor's regulation, but the emphasis is different. in this case the meaning of the reporters contrasts with the intellectuals and cultural observers as explained below. the meaning of journalists, intellectuals and cultural observers the domestic and international government interpreted the limitation policy on psp waste generation as an extraordinary and courageous breakthrough in preserving bali's nature (bali post, january 3, 2020). however, a reporter from gianyar who gave the meaning independently (not related to his workplace) stated that this policy was only able to reduce but not solve the problem. he interpreted that the policy was indeed able to prohibit the little people from reducing the use of plastic. however, the most disposable plastic users (psp) are the producers in their products. the policy cannot address the solution to the plastic waste from upstream (interview with i made sujaya, 24 november 2019). in fact, packaged food manufacturers still use plastic as their wrapping, as seen on minimarket shelves. on the other hand, consumers are forced not to use items made from psp to reduce plastic waste. therefore, the governor regulation no. 97/2018 is interpreted as not educating because it teaches people to get cleanliness instantly. however, the policy immediately received a positive response from the public. the implementation is seen by many people or groups on social media who claim to be anti-plastic waste. a number of communities took action to clean the environment. public awareness of the environment has begun to rise, but only temporarily (suardana, tatkala.co, 22 january 2019). e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 the implementation of the pergub makes the community frenetic about removing rubbish in their homes, in the temple area and in the environment or cleaning up mangrove areas and mangrove trees. the result is that the area is clean for a while because the garbage piles up again. however, this policy is interpreted as failing to create a cultured society to live cleanly because it does not educate them to live cleanly. this can be seen in the lives of young people at home and in public spaces. they don't seem to care about the trash around them, because they are not used to cleaning up the food waste they eat in stalls or cafes, so that it is scattered on tables and floors (suardana, tatkala.co, 22 january 2019). this condition shows that cleanliness has not become a community culture. the governor should make a pergub on a culture of clean living which can be used as a guide for living forever. a pergub created to construct a clean culture of balinese society should place the pergub on a clean living culture as the main objective, then a technical regulation is made for its implementation in various fields of life. the governor who has the authority is expected to make a clean living governor as a policy capable of constructing a better society's culture. if it is only an instant pergub, the government is interpreted as failing to produce a millennial generation who has a clean culture (suardana, tatkala.co, 22 january 2019). the meaning contrasts with the meaning of a cultural and intellectual. they interpret pergub no. 97 of 2018 as giving hope for reducing the negative impact of psp waste and creating a positive effect on the preservation of bali. the impact of environmental damage and pollution can also be controlled by reducing the use of psp. however, these efforts are not accompanied by the provision of substitute materials which are commensurate and more practical. therefore the regulation is interpreted as a step that is not serious because it will be difficult to reduce the use of psp if there is no substitute material that is of comparable quality and is more practical. until now, plastic bags have been inexpensive and massavailable packaging. the substitute materials for psp that are offered by the government are, for example, paper bags or cloth bags, but they are not yet available in bulk and the price cannot be cheaper than plastic. the same thing happened to the alternative packaging made from psp in foods that were replaced with, for example, leaves, but its availability was limited. inequality in the implementation of the rules has begun to appear. in the substance of the title pergub no. 97/2018 clearly states that there is a limitation on psp waste generation, but the implementation in the field is a ban on the provision and use of psp. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 this pergub is interpreted as regulating many producers, distributors and suppliers as well as modern shops, especially in article 7 they are prohibited from producing, distributing and supplying psp. government regulation (pp) no. 18/1999 needs to pay attention, especially the statement regarding waste, namely the residue of a business or activity. pergub no. 97/2018 needs synchronization with pp no. 18/1999 so that steps to reduce the generation of plastic waste materials do not only touch individuals or communities but also business actors. the use of psp is still common in traditional markets for example for wrapping fresh fish, meat, cooking oil, shrimp paste, fresh fruit and snacks. on the other hand, psp disposal channels contained in factory products such as instant noodles, candy, shampoo, and the like. therefore, seriousness in handling psp waste generation must be done by providing plastic replacement materials and preparing a clear disposal channel for plastic waste materials (muliarta, beritabali.com, january 3, 2019). the policy for limiting psp waste generation apart from being out of sync with pp. 18/1999 as mentioned above is also law no. 18/2008 and article 612 of the civil code (kuh). bali provincial government is interpreted as not carrying out the mandate of law no. 18/2008 on waste management. the government should not make a policy to prohibit the use of psp products but carry out or make a policy of reducing and managing waste from unused products by issuing regulations. the substance of these regulations emphasizes the implementation of regulations to be carried out by district / city governments in bali. article 612 of the civil code means that buyers are guaranteed the right to receive shopping bags. shopping bags are the obligation of merchants to serve consumers by having to deliver their merchandise to buyers in real terms. plastic / shopping bags are goods that are an obligation for a seller to wrap his merchandise so that it can be enjoyed by a buyer. the plastic bag is a tool from the seller which is provided free of charge that arises from the legal pattern of sale and purchase, not from the buyer. pergub no. 97/2018 thus contradicts article 612 of the civil code (h. asrul hoesein, kompasiana.com, 13 january 2019). contest (struggle) for meaning between the government and the psp entrepreneurs mentioned above continues. the plastic recycling association (adupi) interpreted that the ban on psp violates human rights (ham) because it has a negative impact on the income of their business entities and the work of plastic scavengers. different interpretations of the e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 director of amnesty international indonesia and the researcher of the "indonesian center for environmental law" stated that the ban on psp is not a violation of human rights. this policy actually embodies an economic, social and cultural right, namely the right to a good and healthy environment. this right is part of the realization of the right to health and the right to just and favorable working conditions. three types of psp in pergub no. 97/2018 is classified as a plastic that cannot or is difficult to recycle and its contents cause environmental conditions that endanger human health. this is exacerbated by the absence of an adequate recycling system in bali. the break free from plastic (bffp) movement states 8.3 billion metric tons of plastic have been produced since the 1950s. recent bffp research shows only 9 percent of that figure is actually recycled plastic. a total of 12 percent of plastic waste is burned, while the remaining 80 percent ends up in landfills, the sea, or the surrounding environment. micro-plastics that contain toxins are thus directly or indirectly exposed to humans through animal or plant consumption. the toxins in micro-plastics can threaten human health. the psp ban policy is thus needed in bali to create a good and healthy environment. this must be realized by the state, including local governments, as a commitment to the international covenant on economic, social and cultural rights (ecosob). "the ecosob covenant obliges states to pay attention to the right to the highest standard of physical and mental health (article 12 paragraph 1) and to take effective steps to realize this right, including improving environmental and industrial hygiene (article 12 paragraph 2.d.). the un commission on ecosob rights explained that this obligation includes the prevention and reduction of people's vulnerability from harmful materials (article 12 paragraph 2 letter b). for example, radiation and hazardous chemicals or environmental conditions that are harmful, either directly or indirectly, which have an impact on a person's health. " (usman hamid and annisa erou, tirto.id, 24 may 2019). the aforementioned rights are also contained in the 1945 constitution as a constitutional right, namely in article 28h paragraph 1 that 'every person has the right to live in physical and mental well-being, residing and having a good and healthy living environment and the right to obtain health services.' in the protection law and environmental management (uu pplh) no. 32 of 2009 supports the previous regulation that "everyone has the right to a good and healthy environment as part of human rights." this is confirmed in law no. 39/1999 ham article 9 paragraph 3 states that "everyone has the right to a good and healthy e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 environment" (usman hamid and annisa erou, tirto.id, 24 may 2019). the plaintiff's pergub policy no. 97/2018 states that human rights violations are also in the category of the right to work and do business. the prohibition on the consumption of psp results in losses for producers because the products are not purchased. the absence of psp waste will also reduce job opportunities for scavengers. the right to decent work is recognized in international human rights law, namely article 6 of the covenant on economic and social rights and is guaranteed in article 28d paragraph 2 of the 1945 indonesian constitution. the right to work in article 4 of the covenant does not include an absolute right or that cannot be reduced in contrast to the right to a healthy and good environment. pplh law no. 32/2009 article 1 letter n states that regional autonomy is one of the principles of environmental protection by taking into account regional specificities and diversity. in addition, there is also a precautionary principle (article 2 letter f) which encourages steps to minimize or avoid threats to environmental pollution and damage. local governments are allowed to take steps in order to avoid threats to environmental pollution, even though they will be affected by certain businesses or activities. the regional government is thus given the mandate to limit the right to work or income on the basis of avoiding the threat of environmental pollution. in terms of work, it is necessary to pay attention to the covenant on the ecosob rights, articles 7a-ii and 7b emphasize that everyone has the right to a profession that provides decent living for themselves and their families with healthy and safe working conditions. this statement is in line with the 1945 constitution article 27 paragraph (2) that "every citizen has the right to a job and a decent living for humanity." the right to decent work does not exist in the scavenger profession that is championed by the plaintiffs for pergub no. 97/2018. scavengers work in landfills (tpa) which are not hygienic, safe, or humane. the work situation of scavengers that does not meet proper standards is a homework for the government to open jobs according to national and international human rights standards. the psp permit on the grounds of providing employment for scavengers and psp producers is interpreted as having the same logic as allowing narcotics to work for dealers and rehabilitation officers. psp restriction is related to creating a healthy environment (usman hamid and annisa erou, tirto.id, 24 may 2019). contest (struggle) the meaning of pergub no. 97/2018 mentioned above has reached the supreme court (ma). the policy is submitted in the application for judicial review. application for judicial review of pergub no. 97/2018 was e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 proposed by didie tjahjadi, a psp goods trading business actor and agus hartono budi santoso, a psp goods industry player (nusa bali, 12 july 2019). the supreme court rejected the request for judicial review in the supreme court decision number 29 p / hum / 2019 (nusa bali, 12 july 2019; and ichwan susanto, kompas, 11 july 2019). in the interpretation of a reporter who spoke independently, it was stated that the limitation of single-use plastic waste showed concern for the preservation of nature starting from small things. these policies are rules in the form of recommendations and prohibitions as interpreted by the general public. this policy, however, is one of the government's successes in realizing the vision of preserving nature (interview with agus putra mahendra, 13 november 2019). plastic waste takes millions of years to decompose in nature but is used all the time. after the policy has been running for six months (december 2018june 2019) it is still unclear when the administrative sanctions for violators will be implemented. the head of the bali province environment agency said it was not certain when the sanctions in the policy would be applied. the agency stated that it was still in the socialization stage for pergub no.97 / 2018, including to modern shops, schools and traditional markets. the socialization stage is also balanced with coordination with district / city governments to equalize perceptions so that there is no difference in meaning (bali.idntimes.com, 20 june 2019). there is also the meaning of a teacher whose meaning has a meeting point with the meaning of a number of reporters above. if the use of waste cannot be avoided, considering that all products are wrapped in plastic from the factory, what must be done is not to ban the use of plastic, but how to manage it so that it is efficient. therefore, the waste disposal channel must be arranged from the house by sorting organic and non-organic waste with different colored wrappers. the cleaners only need to sort out the bags containing organic waste and those that are not. the color of the wrapper is regulated, for example a black wrapper is for organic waste, while a red one is for non-organic waste. this method will also help cleaners often function as garbage collectors. it would be great if bali had a single-use plastic waste recycling factory (interview with ni nyoman suryani, 2 march 2020). apart from those that are critical as mentioned above, there are also interpretations that use compromise lines as explained below. pathways of compromise e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 the deputy regent of tabanan, i komang gede sanjaya, actualized pergub no. 97 of 2018 by visiting tabanan market to reduce the use of plastic bags, which took place on march 2, 2019. he socialized reducing plastic waste accompanied by the distribution of hundreds of cloth bags, as reported by made nurbawa, an intellectual from tabanan, a keen on agricultural culture. he said the existence of tabanan market was not only the center of the economy but also a source of cultural and historical knowledge. the market in bali in general is not only a meeting place between supply and demand, but also to respect all forms of the creation of the almighty in a variety of products. in tabanan market, you can see the diversity of residents, traders and buyers from various regions and origins. they are united and side by side looking for a living, but also united in their beliefs as seen in the worship of pura melanting. in this market, one can also learn about the nature of diversity, unity, democracy, including the real implementation of bhinneka tunggal ika and the economic principles of pancasila. meanwhile, in terms of historical knowledge, traces of civilization and development can be studied in downtown tabanan. furthermore, there are no critical observations regarding socio-economic conditions in the market. he tells about the history of the tabanan market and the history of tabanan city, which is not enough for one day to peel it. however, according to at least the socialization of reducing the use of plastic bags by the deputy regent of tabanan can be used as a reminder that in the future it is necessary to make arrangements and policies in response to environmental issues, using a multi-dimensional approach, both political, legal, economic and socio-cultural. the emergence of such interpretations shows the depth of the cultural capital of the reporter. one of the important elements in cultural capital is the ability to write which is integrated with diplomas, knowledge, cultural codes, ways of speaking, ways of characterizing, ways of socializing that play a role in determining the writer's social position in society (bourdieu, 1994: 20-46, 56, 130; 1980: 214-215 in haryatmoko: 2016: 45). the ability to write is also determined by taste. this means that his writing, which does not pay attention to whether or not there are hidden violations of the small traders in the tabanan traditional market, is related to tastes, both personal and the media that support them. taste does not necessarily mean the choice of type of food, quantity and method of eating, but it can be broader than that including the choice of news from a journalist or the media that covers it. as said by bourdieu (in haryatmoko; 2016: 48) taste also shows which e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 social class a person belongs to. likewise, the way of appearance, how to choose the materials used also characterizes behavior, self-confidence, and determines relationships. so there is domination in it hidden. according to bourdieu (in johnson, 2015: ix-x) systems of domination find expression in all areas of cultural practice and symbolic exchange, covering such things as how to choose clothes, how to choose sports, how to choose food, how to choose music, how to choose literature, how to choose art, and so on, which in this case also includes how reporters choose and write news, how to choose, shape and set their tastes. taste not only classifies the object to be selected, but also classifies its classification. social subjects are classified by their own classifications, distinguishing themselves according to their own distinctions, such as between the beautiful and the ugly: the closed and the vulgar, referring to whether their position in the objective classifications is expressed or betrayed. so the reporter's taste is neutral, because bourdieu (in haryatmoko, 2016: 48) is a disposition (attitude, a tendency to perceive, feel, do and think which is interiorized) obtained to be able to distinguish and appreciate. the recognition of objects is guaranteed without having to demand distinctive knowledge to define it specifically. the sense of guiding the practices of life is as if it can free itself from values, because it is part of the habitus. even though taste is not separated from the basic principles of construction and evaluation of the social world. as with other habitus, taste plays a very important role in the division of labor (between class, age, sex). taste operates as a kind of social orientation, directing a person in a social position (haryatmoko, 2016: 48). in this regard, the similarity of taste in news and news sources is considered important. in bourdieu's thought (haryatmoko, 2016: 49), this is related to the class division model which defines predictable space or distance, thus enabling encounter, relationship, sympathy or even desire. more concretely, tastes can be used to determine the opportunity to meet, so that it is easy to understand each other because there are no more differences in their cultural backgrounds or habits. this closeness of the social sphere allows for closeness in terms of possessions, dispositions and tastes. they find it easier to approach each other, and be moved to one another. such a basis for thinking is very useful in understanding the emergence of alternative thoughts which show that the preservation of bali koster-ace has broad implications in society as explained below. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 alternative thinking alternative thoughts that are seen in the contestation (wrestling) of pergub no. 97 of 2018 are also part of the taste, which is in accordance with the access that a person has in cultural activities. as part of the representation system, intellectuals who provide alternative meanings to bali koster-ace conservation policies are determined by their access to certain cultural activities which according to bourdieu (haryatmoko, 2016: 54-54) are basically not equal, in accordance with ownership of social capital. the desire to be different according to bourdieu (haryatmoko, 2016: 55) is an attempt to show a social position within the framework of the assessment construction mechanism. there are codes and discourses that they master that arise because of the social environment that is strengthened by the school, which is reflected in the inequality of access and differences in assessment. their preference for something, in this case balinese language and script, reflects ownership of a certain social environment. what they have and the choice of types of words expressed in the bourdieu language (haryatmoko, 2016: 55) is not only meaningful, but also related to relationships with other parties in an effort to maintain their position as balinese language and literature expert or climb the ladder of ownership. social environment. they are trapped in people's judgments which are usually based on a direct relationship between their educational background (scientific) and their social role in society. according to bourdieu, behind the idea of judging free and competent people, there is an ideology of talent in which is hidden what determines the tastes of society and perpetuates relations of domination. the tastes shown by the interpreters who show alternative thoughts in interpreting pergub no. 97 of 2018 show the strength of the norms of an inner talent ideology. with this habitus through habitus, a world of common sense is created, a social world that seems like it should be. many people who understand the existence of the balinese age language find additional reasons that the bali conservation regulation launched by the koster-ace government is indeed weak and lacks competence, especially regarding problems. the description above shows that the meaning in this sub-section shows that there are meanings who are not aware of the épistémè and some are aware, but all are able to show the existence of power relations in the perda. as said by foucault (adian, 2002: 23) together with experience and reasoning, épistémè which shapes people's knowledge. épistémè is untouchable. the way it works is very subtle, mastering the mindset of people at one time e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 and kicking alternative thought patterns. its mechanism of action is discursive. this means that three discursive components, namely disciplines, institutions, and figures determine how a phenomenon is categorized, defined, and followed up (adian, 2002: 23). on the basis of their knowledge, as already mentioned above, most of the interpreters interpret pergub no. 97 of 2018 as less strategic. according to them, there are still many solutions that must be taken to solve the problem of plectic waste. first, the governor should make a pergub on a clean culture that can be used as a guide for life. second, the regulation on clean living culture as the main goal, then made technical rules for implementation in various fields of life. third, the impact of environmental damage and pollution can indeed be controlled by reducing the use of psp, but paper bags or cloth bags are not yet available in bulk and the price cannot be cheaper than plastic. fourth, the prohibition of psp consumption results in losses for producers because the products are not purchased. fifth, the absence of psp waste will also reduce job opportunities for scavengers. sixth, what should be done is not banning the use of plastics, but rather how to manage plastic waste. the description above shows that the meaning in this sub-section shows a contestation (struggle) that is stronger when compared to other subchapters, there are those whose knowledge is still not aware of their épistémè and some are aware, but all are able to show power relations in the local regulation. in foucault's (2002: 176) thought, the power relations in the governor's regulation appear to 'really serve,' but they are not at all 'serving' economic interests as the main thing, but because society has the potential to be used in strategies. which exists. but there are no power relations without obstacles, because they are formed by the point where the power relations are carried out. barriers to power do not have to come from something real or love for power itself, but these obstacles are present everywhere along with the power itself, as revealed in the above meanings. conclusion substantially, all interpreters agree that this regulation is one way to solve the problem of single-use plastic waste (psp), but there are still many weaknesses when it is implemented to the community. the problem lies in the absence of an in-depth academic study before this regulation is implemented. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 academically, this research has succeeded in obtaining an understanding or meaning of journalists, intellectuals and cultural observers of pergub no. 97/2018. this success cannot be separated from the use of foucault's theory as a basis for thinking, so that answers to the research questions of this study can be obtained that the differences in the meanings of journalists, intellectuals, and cultural observers are influenced by the results of meetings or crosses between épistémè, experience, and reasoning. their knowledge embedded in the social, historical, economic, and moral thought of their time. meanwhile, by using bourdieu as a basis for thinking, the answer is obtained that the knowledge that shapes their meaning of the governorate is the cultural capital / capital that is formed from their habitus from childhood. as a summary of the conclusion, it can be seen that the meaning of journalists, intellectuals, and humanists towards pergub no. 97/2018 shows a contestation (struggle or resistance), but in it there is no negotiation of dominant powers. their meaning can be called a manifestation or reflection of their respective levels of knowledge, which ultimately leads to productive powers towards pergub no. 97/2018. suggestion there is a need for consistency in conducting cultural studies based on a postmodern approach. this approach plays a very large role in guiding the methodology, theory, epistemology, and research objectives. doing research through an approach turns out to be not simple, but at least get a clear understanding that a research study, must confirm the method used and that too must be guided by the approach chosen. the postmodern approach is not the only approach used in cultural studies. there is still another approach, namely critical social science. however, the methodology, theory, epistemology and research objectives are different. of course, the theories used are still around critical social theory, which can be used to discuss real power relations, power that has an owner (as contained in grmasci's theory) not an abstract one, which is everywhere as contained in foucault's theory. . if you use a critical social science approach, of course the final results of this study will also be different. finally, to the related parties, even though this research is only one of the sub-sectors of bali koster-ace conservation, the results of this study can be expected as material for self-introspection, that a policy requires in-depth study before being implemented. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 43-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 acknowledgement thank you to institutions that provide access to online data sources and literature so that this research can be carried out in covid-19 conditions. and also to informants who have made time for interviews at the right moment. especially for udayana university institutions which have helped administratively in the research process. thank you also to the lecturers of the masters in cultural studies at udayana university. references “2020, gubernur koster 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https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 prewedding photo hyperreality in bali ramanda dimas surya dinata1, i wayan ardika2, i nyoman darma putra3, ida bagus gde pujaastawa4 1bali desaign college, 2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1ramadinata145@gmail.com,2ardikawayan52@gmail.com, 3idarmaputra@yahoo.com, 4guspuja@gmail.com received date : 10-02-2022 accepted date : 17-06-2022 published date : 31-08-2022 abstract the practice of hindu marriages in bali has been unknowingly hit by the name pop culture, or in lifestyle terms as pre-wedding photos. the wedding customs of the hindu community in bali as a local tradition or local culture that previously did not recognize the term prewedding photos began to be inserted and produced through materialistic discourses and practices. pre-wedding photos encourage the presence of an element of hyperreality from the millennial lifestyle that is mixed by digital and virtual spaces, as a trend of 'futuristic', 'replica', and 'copy' which has actually surpassed reality itself since its presence in 1996. the research is located in bali and uses qualitative methods. the problems studied include (1) why there is a tendency for hyperreality in pre-wedding photos; (2) what are the forms of hyperreality of pre-wedding photos in bali; (3) what are the implications of the hyperreality of pre-wedding photos in bali. in general, this research is to deconstruct what is behind the pre-wedding photo phenomenon and reveal facts that can provide an overview of knowledge and understanding of its relationship with the hyper-reality of prewedding photos in bali. the analysis of this research uses several theories, namely hypersemiotic theory, deconstruction theory, and commodification theory. the results show that (1) the factors that cause hyperreality in pre-wedding photos are lifestyle factors, commercial industry factors, globalization factors, and the factors of negotiation between photographers and clients (brides); (2) forms of hyperreality in pre-wedding photos in bali show visual engineering, cultural fabrication, love accentuation, hybrid identity, parody and reinterpretation of style; (3) the implications of the hyperreality of pre-wedding photos in bali show three implications, namely the implications of aesthetic innovation, the implications of an unstable commercial industry, and the implications of shifting meaning. what is presented in the pre-wedding photo phenomenon is a celebration of desire (symbol sales) in various manipulative ways and various supporting media. keywords: hyperreality, pre-wedding photos, hindu community, bali introductions without realizing it, the marriage practice of the hindu community in bali has been hit by pop culture, or in lifestyle terms called pre-wedding photos. the marriage custom of the hindu community in bali is a local tradition or local culture. previously, the term pree-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 wedding photo was not known, but recently it has begun to be inserted and produced through hyper-realistic discourses and practices. hyperreality is built by the millennial lifestyle that blends with digital and virtual spaces as a trend of 'futuristic', 'replica', and 'copy' which actually goes beyond reality itself. pre-wedding photos are a new culture, a new culture that has hit globalization. it is a form of articulation of modern or postmodern culture. that is, the phenomenon has gone beyond a reality called post-reality (symbolic game). in general, the purpose of making pre-wedding photos is as a medium that can inform the identity of the prospective bride and groom who will get married. pre-wedding photos are able to present memories of the past into a need that is difficult to refuse, especially because it is once-in-a-lifetime moment, namely marriage. the art of photography is not only documentary, but also able to offer the production of self-image in social relations. pre-wedding which colors the practice of marriage in the hindu community in bali illustrates a culture that cannot be separated from the influence of globalization. in this study, not all districts in bali were used as research locations. this is because (1) this study does not talk about the dichotomous tradition, (2) the method used is qualitative so it is not administrative in nature (representation of samples) and (3) pre-wedding photos are a pop culture that hit all districts. thus, it will always give birth to new meanings that are produced in the future. this means that there are no more differences or boundaries for each district because it is global (boulders society). pre-wedding photos are lifestyle products, namely products that have a commercial business opportunities. a status is related to prestige. the results of observations made so far show that balinese culture, both in urban and rural areas, is still contested or has a high sense of shame. geriya considers that the euphoria of globalization and modernism illustrates progress, progress, and the prestige of life which is accompanied by a dehumanization bias (2004: 44). furthermore, atmaja (2017) also said that the practice of pre-wedding photos in rural areas is something that is common. that is, if someone does not make a pre-wedding photo, it will raise questions and be considered to have no capital. the problem that occurs is when pre-wedding photos display photos that are not "real" or do not match reality. many prospective brides and grooms display something "hyperreal" with certain concepts. this means that a person can become more perfect, both in terms of physical appearance and a luxurious appearance that is not in accordance with the reality of the life of the prospective partner. in this case, the art of photography, especially pre-wedding photos, becomes an art product that produces self-identity that is e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 able to bring someone beyond the boundaries of reality in the world of hyperreality. in a local balinese newspaper it is stated that balinese youths (teenagers) are now carrying out relatively lavish wedding ceremonies. this does not only happen in urban communities, but also in rural communities such as datah village, karangasem regency (nusa bali, june 16, 2019). glorification or the process of luxury through the phenomenon of pre-wedding photos in bali is a hyperreality fact. the fact that now balinese people see pre-wedding photos as something that must and needs to be done when going to a wedding. however, many of them are willing to spend quite a lot of money even though their economic situation is low. the identity displayed in the pre-wedding photo is only an engineering because the real state of society is not the same as the surface of the hyperreality world. based on the observations of puspa kumari, head of the karangasem regency social service, it was found that most of the underprivileged residents in abang subdistrict, karangasem regency bali performed lavish wedding ceremonies, either using payas agung (renting a beauty salon), distributing invitations (bringing a large number of invitees), as well as making pre-wedding photos (displaying and printing large sizes). when these things are done, it will automatically affect the views of the guests to the bride's family or the bride and groom themselves. the opposite of the explanation from the head of the social service was conveyed by i wayan gede surya kusuma, bendesa adat, abang district. surya kusuma stated that although the wedding ceremony was carried out by poor people, namely using payas agung, bringing in many invited guests, and taking pre-wedding photos, it was common and natural. it is said to be normal and reasonable because the family concerned is considered capable and has previously prepared the costs (nusa bali, 16 june 2019). from the news above, it is illustrated that traditional values are no longer a priority, but have moved to symbolic values. in addition, status becomes important like a contest or competition in the world of hyperreality. the existence of pre-wedding photos in bali is evident from the results of observations and interviews in several places that are used as places for pre-wedding photo shoots, such as the bali museum, art center, and bajra sandhi. the data obtained strengthens that the interest in pre-wedding photos in bali is quite high and has increased. the first thing that needs to be studied more deeply is why there is a tendency for hyperreality in pre-wedding photos. second, what are the forms of hyperreality of prewedding photos in bali. third, what are the implications of this hyperreality? this causes research on the hyperreality of pre-wedding photos in bali to be significant and relevant e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 to be carried out, especially in the context of cultural studies. today's balinese people can be faced with a crisis of their original cultural identity in the challenges of the global world. in addition, there is no research on the hyperreality of pre-wedding photos in bali, so this research is important to do. research methods understanding the meaning of something by using qualitative research always places the research subject in the same position as the researcher, building similarities to create interaction (yusuf, 2014: 330). the research design for pre-wedding photo hyperreality includes: 1) a description of the art of photography, especially pre-wedding photos, including both in terms of practice, technique, function, meaning, and form. knowing the views both in terms of social, cultural, economic related to the manufacture and business of pre-wedding photos in bali 2) an explanation of the aesthetics of photography, the concepts of pre-wedding photos, the meaning in pre-wedding photos 3) excerpts of documents, archives, documentation, and etc. the location of the research will be carried out in several areas of the province of bali which are often used for prewedding photo shoots. sources of data obtained both primary data sources and secondary data sources. primary data were obtained, directly or indirectly in the field, both from interviews and observations. interviews with several informants, such as wedding couples, photographers, community leaders, cultural observers, stakeholders, photography experts, and entrepreneurs (wedding organizers). observations were made to see the representation of pre-wedding photos, such as seeing firsthand the life conditions of the bridal couple who took pre-wedding photos with a luxurious appearance. secondary data is data obtained and collected from several places, offices, and institutions in the form of books, journals, photographs (pre-wedding photos), articles and related documents or showing the hyperreality of pre-wedding photos, then processed according to the needs of research analysis. discussion the early development of portrait photography could not be separated from the trend that developed within the bourgeoisie. the exclusive impression offered by the art of portrait photography in the past encouraged the bourgeoisie to start documenting themselves not only for personal use but to be shown to the public at large. as a form of artistic creativity, the idea to make pre-wedding photos of one of the prospective bridal couples in bali was finally realized by a balinese photographer, namely anom manik e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 agung in 1996. in the end, the development of pre-wedding photos in bali has developed periodically until now. economically, pre-wedding photos are able to provide useful implications for service actors in the field of photography. based on this, it can be said that pre-wedding photos can become a necessity when viewed from an economic perspective. however, in terms of spirituality or balinese culture, pre-wedding photos are not a necessity because in hindu marriages in bali there is no known process of prewedding photos. when viewed from the development of hindu marriage in bali, it appears that it only concerns changes to the rule of law that are still related to caste, social status, and position (roles of men and women) so that it affects the forms of marriage. prewedding photos began to be inserted in various marriages of all religions, including the hindu community in bali as the fulfillment of lifestyle desires. these needs are only part of the needs that involve efforts to build social relations in modern society and form selfidentity. marriage ceremonies in the balinese hindu religious tradition have developed in the context of packaging. packaging can be said to highlight the lifestyle and contestation of a religious ceremony, namely marriage. goffman said that social life mainly consists of ritualized theatrical performances, later known as dramaturgy (dramaturgical approach) (1956: 8). pre-wedding photos are seeding the lifestyle and modern society's fondness for style. on the other hand, the factors of economic development without realizing it affect the lifestyle of the balinese people. this was also conveyed in urbanus' research (2017) regarding the lifestyle of the balinese people. in the study it was stated that the habits and lifestyle of the balinese people changed in a relatively short time towards a luxurious life and tended to be excessive which in turn led to a consumptive lifestyle. from an aesthetic point of view, pre-wedding photos are a commodification process. that is, the elements in the visual pre-wedding photo are a deliberate process of formation either through editing or adding objects that cause visual changes (manipulative). making pre-wedding photos for most of the prospective bride and groom will automatically increase the cost of the wedding. hyperreality occurs when the bride and groom with middle to lower economic conditions do everything they can to make prewedding photos even though it is quite expensive, as happened in datah village, karangasem. it was published in a local newspaper, that balinese youth (teenagers) are now carrying out relatively lavish wedding ceremonies (nusa bali, june 16, 2019). global products have begun to be inserted, and even have mixed up the side of spirituality and lifestyle so as to create what is called contemporary spirituality. according to marx in piliang, there is a contrast between the image displayed and the actual reality which is called 'fetishism'. pre-wedding photos are a commodity that has a charm that it doesn't e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 really have (piliang, 2010: 330). the fabrication of culture to be able to violate moral values is depicted in the visuals presented. this can be seen from the traditional balinese clothes used for pre-wedding photo shoots that are not in accordance with the standard, using open clothes, to showing poses that are not in accordance with religious and cultural norms. according to sulastriani's view as the representative of the bali provincial culture office regarding the pre-wedding photo phenomenon related to the appearance of clothes that are on average luxurious, not in accordance with balinese identity, they are considered excessive and encourage hyper-reality values in balinese culture (interview, 4 may 2020). culture is not impossible to change over time. cultural mixing in ritzer's terms is called "cultural hybridization" as a result of globalization and production. the unification of these and other global processes with local realities with the aim of producing new and distinctive hybrid forms indicates continued heterogenization rather than homogenization (2012: 999). in the end, in line with the development of technology and creative industries, it will become a commodity, especially in balinese culture. the development of the creative industry is also marked by the number of pre-wedding photo service businesses in bali. based on the data obtained (interviews with 25 bridal couples) it is known that all of these couples took pre-wedding photos. in addition, based on observations, it appears that in every practice of the ceremony or wedding reception of the hindu community in bali there is a display of pre-wedding photos at the location of the ceremony. according to griya (74 years), a balinese cultural expert, balinese weddings are currently experiencing symptoms of glorification or luxury because the priority is no longer on the wedding ceremony itself, but on the practice of pre-wedding photos (interview, 23 may 2019). the final result offered in the art of photography is the result of interpretation in controlling visual elements into concrete physical reality. the facts obtained prove that pre-wedding photos have influenced balinese culture into the realm of hyperreality. there is complexity in the religious and cultural relations of the balinese people. thus, it is undeniable that the current practice of wedding ceremonies or wedding parties has put aside meaning and prioritizes prestige and lifestyle. the development of the consumer society has influenced the ways of aesthetic expression. these changes are related to the way these objects are produced or consumed. this resulted in the phenomenon of cultural hyperreality. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 conclusion the hypererality of pre-wedding photos is a form of production resulting from a process of interest and development of the times. the tendency of the presence of hyperreality in pre-wedding photos in bali is caused by several factors. first, the lifestyle actor, namely the need is only in the form of packaging signs that are following the times. second, the commercial industry factor with advertisements in its social media. third, the globalization factor, the phenomenon of pre-wedding photos as a global product offers various efficiencies and conveniences for bridal couples to do various things in packaging signs and information. fourth, the negotiation between the photographer and the client, the visual embodiment of an attractive pre-wedding photo is the photographer's role in describing his professional side. in this study, the forms identified as hyperreality of pre-wedding photos in bali are as follows. first, visual engineering, packaging of the embodiment is a simulation through visual changes that are not in accordance with reality. second, cultural fabrication, the influence of the pre-wedding photo phenomenon on a culture causes the values that exist in that culture to be disguised. third, the accentuation of love, as one of the concept and visual formations in pre-wedding photos, presents the disclosure of excessive love symbols. this is stated in poses that can be said to transcend cultural values in hindu society in bali. fourth, the hybrid identity, the dynamic nature of balinese culture and the openness to foreign cultures bring out the new sides which unwittingly lead to the disguise of cultural identity (mixed culture). fifth, parody and reinterpretation of style, is one form of the presence of elements of hyperreality. this happened because it was presented not from a habit (something new) of the hindu community in bali. regarding the implications of the hyperreality of pre-wedding photos in bali, it is divided into three discussions, namely the implications of aesthetic innovation, the implications of an unstable commercial industry, the implications of shifting meaning. the implications of aesthetic innovation, namely the creative industry and income, the prewedding photo phenomenon provides business opportunities, both to the community and the government so that they can increase income from the economic sector. the unstable commercial industry is caused by the commercialization of public facilities, the commodification of culture and the hegemony of new cultures. the shift in meaning is related to ideologies in the connotation and denotation meanings that are inserted in each creation of pre-wedding photo works. contemporary spirituality of marriage is related to the marriage procession of the hindu community in bali, which not only prioritizes spirituality, but also is worldly. in addition, they are also led into a lifestyle trap in the form e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 of artificiality, a play of signs and images filled with various aspects of activities with meanings that are not actually related to the context of spirituality. the authority of the sign in the hyper-reality of pre-wedding photos may also have been overemphasized so that everything becomes relative. the presence of meanings in each pre-wedding photo work provides opportunities for an unlimited range of interpretations. based on the results of the analysis in the previous chapters, the new findings in this study can be expressed as follows. 1. pre-wedding photos create a phenomenon of hyper shifting to the reality of balinese culture. previously hyperreality became a reality because it was done by everyone and became something that was commonplace, even though at first it was opposed by some parties. this shows that culture is unstable and can change. inevitably, if one day the pre-wedding photo is not done, it will reap the discussion, both by relatives and the community. in addition, everyone is able to make pre-wedding photos and does not know both the upper and lower middle class. 2. photography ethics, namely the extent to which a photographer's morality (which is allowed and not) is related to the relationship between photography ethics (photographers), technological sophistication, and aesthetic insight. basically, technology has provided the means and media in the realization of pre-wedding photo works, while photographers only use it. that is, the embodiment of art through the help of technology is able to make ethical values questionable as a form of expression in the name of creativity. references adlin, alfathri. 2007. spiritualitas dan realitas kebudayaan kontemporer. yogyakarta: jala sutra. baudrillard, jean. 1983. simulations, semiotext. newyork: telos press. barker, chris. 2005. culture studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: pt. bentang pustaka berger, arthur asa. 1984. terjemahan (2010) semiotika: tanda-tanda kebudayaan kontemporer.yogyakarta: tiara wacana. chaney, david. 1996. lifestyles: sebuah pengantar komprehensif. yogyakarta: jala sutra, anggota ikapi. eco, umberto. 2009. tamasya dalam hiperealitas. yogyakarta: jala sutra. geertz, clifford. 1980. negara: theatre state in nineteenth-century bali. new jersey: princeton university press. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 15-23 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 groeneveld, anneke. 1989. “photography in aid of science”. dalam anneke groeneveld (ed.), tukang potret: 100 jaar fotografie in nederlandss-indie. amsterdams: fragmen hall, stuart. 1982. the rediscovery of ideology: return of the repressed in media studies. london and new york: methuen. hasan, sandi suwardi. pengantar cultural studies: sejarah, pendekatan konseptual, & isu menuju studi kebudayaan kapitalisme lanjut. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2014. postmodernisme: teori dan metode. jakarta, rajawali press. lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2016. pemikiran kritis kontemporer: dari teori kritis, culture studies, feminisme, postkolonial hingga multikulturalisme. jakarta, rajawali press. piliang, yasraf amir. 2011. dunia yang dilipat: tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. bandung: matahari piliang, yasraf amir. 2012. semiotika dan hipersemiotika: kode, gaya, dan matinya makna. bandung: lkis piliang, yasraf amir. 2018. teori budaya kontemporer: penjelajahan tanda dan makna. yogyakarta: aurora (kelompok cantrik pustaka). fameel. 2012. prewedding photography. jakarta: media kita microsoft word artikel emmi nutrisia terbit 4.docx e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 changes in the function and architecture of lumbung in bali households in sading customary village, badung, bali ni made emmi nutrisia dewi1 , putu rumawan salain2, i made suastika3, i nyoman sukiada4 1interior design study program, bali, design college, bali, indonesia,2faculty of technic, udayana university, 3 linguistic science study program, faculty of arts, udayana university,4history study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1emmnutrisia@std-bali.ac.id, 2rumawansalain@yahoo.com, 3made.suastika57@yahoo.com, 4nyoman_sukiada@unud.ac.id received date : 27-02-2020 accepted date : 21-04-2020 published date : 31-05-2020 abstract lumbung or granary is a building that serves as a place to store rice. in some houses in the sading traditional village, the granary is one of the buildings which is generally located near the kitchen. however, at present, this granary in sading traditional village has changed its function and architecture as part of the dynamics of modern life. seeing this condition, it is necessary to conduct research on the architecture of the barn in sading traditional village. the purpose of this study was to determine the form of change, the causes and meanings contained in the phenomenon of changing the function and architecture of the granary in balinese houses in sading traditional village. the method used in this research is a qualitative approach with the perspective of cultural studies. the results showed that there was a change in the function of the barn which was previously only a place to store rice, but now the function of storing rice is only as a symbol, while other functions are mostly used as a multipurpose room such as a place to entertain guests during religious ceremonies, a place to relax and other activities. while the architectural changes lie in the materials, decorations and others that follow current developments. the main cause is the livelihoods of the people of the adat sading village who no longer work as farmers. besides that, it is due to ideological factors and beliefs, economics and the development of science and technology. the meanings contained in these changes include religious, aesthetic, image and cultural preservation. keywords: change, function, architecture, granary, meaning. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 introduction most of the houses in the area of the residential yard in sading village have barns. in accordance with the traditional balinese architectural concept, the granary generally functions to store rice. in line with the development of time, the barn in the area of the residence yard in sading traditional village has changed its function and architecture. one of the reasons is that the people of sading village are no longer working as farmers. in the past, the function of this building was as a container for storing crops, especially rice. but now the granary functions at the top to store rice as a symbol of dewi sri and the bottom as a versatile place. in terms of architecture, changes have occurred both in terms of materials and ornamentation. by looking at the various phenomena above, it is important to study the change in the function and architecture of the barn in the traditional village of sading. this is because the granary is one of the buildings which is a form of preservation of traditional balinese architecture so that its existence must be maintained both in terms of function and physical form of the architecture. therefore it is necessary to know how the form of change, causes and traditional values that are still maintained. this research is expected to provide information and knowledge for the community, especially the sading traditional village community, regarding its function and architecture as well as the values contained therein. method in this study, using a qualitative approach with a cultural studies perspective. the use of this method is tailored to the needs of research data on the function and architecture of the barn in the residence in the sading traditional village. data collection was carried out in several ways, such as field observations, interviews, literature study and documentation so as to obtain various data in the form of perceptions, ideas and conditions of object descriptions and then displayed in the form of photos, descriptions and descriptions. this study also uses the perspective of cultural studies to uncover everything related to values, beliefs and habits so as to find various meanings in the granary architecture. results and discussion this section explains the discussion of changes in the function and architecture of the barns in balinese houses in the sading traditional village, badung, bali. there are 3 main parts discussed in this study, namely regarding the form of change, the causal factors and e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 the meaning of the change in the function and architecture of the barn in balinese homes in the traditional village of sading, badung, bali. 1. the form of changes in the function and architecture of the granary in balinese homes in the traditional village of sading, badung, bali this section discusses all forms of changes in the function and architecture of the barns in balinese houses in the traditional village of sading, badung, bali which consists of several parts, namely changes in function and architecture. a. function change the granary building in the residence in sading traditional village is in the shape of a jineng and has a multi-storey building structure and construction so that it has two rooms with different functions, namely the upper part as the main room and the bottom as the supporting room. the space at the top was used to store rice as well as a place for dewi sri, the goddess of prosperity (the source of life for the inhabitants of the house). this rice is the result of harvest from the residents who work as farmers. the lower part is used as a place to make upakara (mejejahitan and metanding). over time, there is a change in the function of this barn building. currently, the upper part is still used to worship dewi sri and a place to store rice, but the rice placed in the area is not the result of harvest, but rice is used only as a symbol. for the lower part, there are additional functions, namely seating / relaxing, receiving guests and serving as a place to serve food for guests and relatives when there are religious / traditional ceremonies. b. architectural change the architecture of the granary building in the form of jineng (a form of barn from several variants found in traditional balinese houses, other forms such as kelumpu, gelebeg and pinkie) in a residence in sading traditional village has a rectangular floor plan with four pillars (saka). . using a gable shape with a steep angle. the construction is terraced, with the design of the lower part of the open bale and the top of the building covered with wood. this jineng structure applies the tri angga concept which consists of 3 parts, including: e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 figure 1. example of jineng architecture before getting a change figure 2. example of the current jineng architecture basic the basic part of the jineng building consists of a foundation, floor (bebaturan) using a point foundation and baseboards (joints). foundations generally use solid masonry. initially, the joints used solid masonry or masonry and were finished with cement, the floors also used masonry and cement finishing (figure 1). however, currently there is a change in the use of materials in terms of finishing, such as in the floor finishing using ceramic or coral, brushes or terrazzo and the joints using natural stones such as marble (figure 2). body parts in the body formed from four pillars (saka) and bale open. in the past, this part of the body was made of jackfruit wood which is a garden product in the backyard (teba) and has a simple finish without any ornamentation. in contrast to the current conditions, the materials e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 used are using bengkirai wood or teak wood and are finished using ornaments / decorations, then painted with varnish (figure 3). figure 3. example of ornamen on jineng the roof at the top / roof shaped saddle and curved convex. the roof material is originally the structure made of wood, the roof cover is made of reeds and the walls and doors in the rice storage room above are generally made of woven bamboo (bedeg) and are simply finished without ornaments and decorations (figure 1). the development of science and technology has caused changes in terms of materials and decoration / ornament on the top of this jineng. currently the roof covering material uses tiles such as shingles, frogs and so on, the walls and doors above use bengkirai or teak wood which is finished using ornaments / ornaments and painted with politur or prada and some contain statue decorations on the top (figure 4. ) figure 4. example of statue ornamen and decoration patung on jineng e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 2. factors that cause changes in the function and architecture of the granaries in balinese homes in sading traditional village changes in the function and architecture of the granary in a residential area in sading traditional village, badung, bali are caused by several factors, namely: a. livelihoods and community education the main factor in changing the function and architecture of the barn in the house in the sading traditional village is that the people of the sading traditional village no longer work as farmers. one of the causes is that people do not become farmers, which is due to limited land (agricultural land is converted into settlements) and income as farmers is not as big as other employment sectors so that people switch professions in accordance with current developments such as traders, private employees, civil servants, doctors and so. in addition, the level of public education also influences these changes that with the improved quality of education, it tends to choose jobs other than farmers and keep abreast of the latest information about the jinjin architecture. b. ideology the people of sading traditional village in utilizing all the buildings in their yard area are adjusted to their ideology. this ideology contains a system of people's mindset that the buildings in their homes, including jineng, are used according to the needs and habits of the residents. for example, the jineng building is still believed to be a place to rest dewi sri, so the top part still functions as a place to worship dewi sri by placing a little rice as a symbol of dewi sri. one of the functions at the bottom is used as an open space in serving food to guests during religious ceremonies so that the architecture changes for the better. c. economic conditions the relationship between economic conditions and changes in jineng buildings is very close, namely the level of occupants' income affects the decision making in determining the architecture. the most dominant opportunity for making these changes lies in residents with better income conditions. this can be seen in the jineng architecture which has manifestations such as the material in the form of teak, there are ornaments with prada paint and there are decorative statues showing the high economic level of the occupants. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 d. development of science and technology the development of science and technology has an important role in jineng architecture, namely in terms of changes in the way in erecting the building and the technology of the building material. as an example in terms of installing roofing materials, making ornaments and decorations on the jinjin, there are aspects of science and technology that support the creation of all elements of architecture. 3. the meaning of changes in the function and architecture of the granary in balinese homes in sading traditional village the meaning in this section is a form of assessment of the aims and objectives contained in the change in the function and architecture of the barn in a residence in sading traditional village, badung, bali. the meanings include: a. religious meanings this religious meaning can be seen from the main function of the jineng building. the existence of this jineng building is a form of the condition of the people who still believe that this building is important because the place of worshiping dewi sri is in the upper room which is the goddess of prosperity (the source of life for the community). therefore, the top of this building is a sacred space and there is worship for each odalan b. aesthetic meanings changes in the function and architecture of the granary in the residence in the sading traditional village contain an aesthetic meaning. the change in function, especially in the lower open space, which becomes a place to serve food for guests, causes a change in the appearance of jineng's current architecture to become more beautiful. the aesthetic value in the appearance of jineng architecture can be seen from the structure, materials and ornamentation. part of the structure follows the tri angga concept which adopts the human body shape so as to create a proportional and balanced proportion of the building. in terms of materials, use materials that follow the latest developments such as shingle tile, teak, ceramic floors, marble joints and so on so that it makes it look more attractive. finally, the e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 addition of ornaments in the form of prada painted carvings and decorative statues adds to the aesthetic value of the jineng building. c. the meaning of imaging the current form of jineng architecture contains the meaning of image. jineng is one of the buildings in the house yard area in the traditional village of sading which depicts the life of a family that has important meanings. the image of jineng architecture reflects the description of the conditions of its inhabitants both in mindset, habits / life, economy, educational background and so on. one example is the jineng architecture, which was built with magnificent construction, quality materials, decorations and ornaments with the latest technology and prada paint finishes, generally reflecting the high economic level of the occupants' social strata. d. the meaning of cultural preservation cultural preservation is an effort made by the people of sading traditional village in preserving the cultural products contained in the sading traditional village and the traditional values contained therein through efforts such as utilization, protection and development. the form of changes in the function and architecture of the barn in the house in the sading traditional village is a form of cultural preservation by protecting its existence, utilizing according to its former function and developing it according to current developments. conclusions and recommendations the conclusion of this study is that the manifestation of the jineng function changes from the place of rice harvesting and the place of making upakara into a place of rice as symbolic only and addition as a multipurpose room and a place to serve food for invited guests. the form of architectural changes in terms of materials and various decorations / ornaments so that the architectural form is more attractive according to the latest developments. the factors that cause these changes are due to livelihoods that are no longer as farmers but choose jobs according to the level of education, the influence of the community's ideology in the form of the belief that jineng buildings are a place of worship for dewi sri, the economic level affects the determination of the form of architectural changes and the role of advances in science and technology in renewing its architectural form. changes in the function and e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 architecture of the jinjin building contain several meanings, namely religious meaning (jineng building at the top is a sacred space), its architectural appearance when it contains aesthetic value in terms of structure, materials and ornamentation and decoration, from the current appearance imaged the economic level and social strata of its inhabitants as well as the existence of the current jineng building implies cultural preservation. therefore, it is hoped that the sading traditional village community can maintain the existence of the traditional values of this building both in terms of function and architecture. acknowledgemen thanks are extended to all residents of the traditional village of sading and all parties who cannot be mentioned one by one in helping and supporting the completion of this research. hopefully the results of this research are useful for readers, especially the sading traditional village community, so that the sustainability of the jineng building can be maintained properly. references acwin, d. (2003). perumahan dan permukiman tradisional bali. jurnal permukiman natah, vol. 1 no. 1 februari 2003 :8 24. amanati, r. (2008). transformasi makna dalam tampilan visual arsitektur theme park. jurnal sains dan teknologi 7 (2), september 2008: 45-53. budiasa, i wayan, dkk. (2009). persepsi masyarakat terhadap kemungkinan pengembangan lumbung desa di kabupaten tabanan, bali. jurnal soca, issn 1411-7177, vol. 9 no. 3 tahun 2009 : 324-329. budiharjo, e (1986) architecture conservation in bali. yogyakarta: gajah mada univerity press. budihardjo, rachmat. (2013). konsep arsitektur bali aplikasinya pada bangunan puri. jurnal media matrasain, vol. 12 no. 1 januari 2013 : 17-42. covarrubias, m (1974) island of bali. kuala lumpur: oxford university press. emmi, n., d., dkk. (2018). transformation of bale daja architecture in housing of sading village, badung, bali, indonesia. international journal of current advanced research, issn : o: 2319-6475, issn : p: 2319-6505, vol. 7 issue 6 (b) june 2018 : 1322113225. e-journal of cultural studies may 2020 vol. 13, number 2, page 35-44 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 gelebet, i nyoman. dkk. (1986). arsitektur tradisional daerah bali. denpasar: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan proyek inventarisasi dan dokumentasi kebudayaan daerah. geriya, iw (2007) ‘konsep and strategi revitalisasi kearifan lokal dalam penatan lingkungan hidup daerah bali’, in aagr dalem, iw wardi, iw suarna & iws adnyana (eds), kearifan lokal dalam pengelolaan lingkungan hidup, penerbit universitas udayana, denpasar, pp. 52-60. mardika, i kadek. (2016). kajian fungsi dan efisiensi konstruksi bangunan jineng dalam dinamika kehidupan modern. laporan penelitian universitas katolik widya mandira. kupang. putra, idgadp. (2015.) ‘the impact of tourism on the transformation of the tradisional balinese house, unpublished phd thesis, melbourne: deakin university australia. sueca, n.p. (2007). kontinyuitas dan perubahan fisik arsitektur rumah tinggal tradisional di desa adat kesiman denpasar bali. laporan penelitian. denpasar : universitas udayana. suwirya, i made. (2017). identifikasi varian arsitektur lumbung di bali. jurnal arsitektur warmadewa, issn 2338-0454, vol. 5 no. 1 tahun 2017 : 9-16. 1 dynamism of bugis community in badung regency and denpasar city i putu gede suwitha department of history faculty of letters and culture udayana university email: putusuwitha@yahoo.com abstract the bugis community in badung regency and denpasar city had played political and economic roles for a long time. historically, its existence had never been disputed as it had a political entity as its patron. in addition, cultural exchange in many social, political and economic activities also contributed to this, causing the relationship among ethnic groups became collaborative rather than competitive. this present study was conducted using qualitative and descriptive method. the data were collected through in depth interview. what the informants knew about the bugis community was collected using this technique. the information which needed to be deepened was continued using interpretative and practical approaches. the result of the present study showed that the bugis community had played political and economic roles for a long time. it also showed that it was contributive to the balinese community. they made adjustment and adaptation economically and culturally. it formed an identity which was not given but was adjusted to what was needed. they established public spaces where they could establish multicultural life and blew up the local values of the balinese culture. now the bugis people became marginalized (subaltern). as subaltern, they were not able to express themselves. the factors which caused them not to be able to express themselves were their inability to follow the economic change as they were too weak to compete and their inability to compete in tourism in bali. keywords: identity, subaltern, marginalization, multiculturalism. introduction the role played by the bugis people in badung regency had taken place since the kingdom era. this had never been a problem as there was a political entity which became their patron. historically, the scarcity of human resources with particular competencies such as traders, politicians and business persons made the bugis people the choice. then, there were cooperation and social contact through cultural brokers such as ‘haji’ (those who have made pilgrimage to mecca), ‘ulama’ (muslim leader), and other leaders. they made cultural contacts, took and gave cultural elements from one another. then this developed as a means of approaching themselves to establish a multicultural community. they made acculturation and cultural adaptation in order to mailto:putusuwitha@yahoo.com 2 maintain their existence. the bugis people flexibly adapted to the dominant balinese culture. actually, this was their basic capital for maintaining their existence among the balinese people who are hindus for hundreds of years. one of the characteristics of the diaspora people is that they are very good at using their identity as needed. how a culture is put into practice and how it is created is part of the perspective of cultural studies. in other words, as far as the present study is concerned, how culture was put into practice by the bugis people to resist the hegemonic culture. their identity was not seen when they were in public spaces where they sat and got together friendly. they gave priority to real life rather than abstract life as ideology. as a result, multicultural life and “bhineka tunggal ika” (unity in diversity) came true and, in fact, they blew up the balinese/local values. this dissertation would like to reveal how the dynamism of the bugis community appeared in badung regency and denpasar city, the factors contributing the social dynamism and interrelation between the bugis community and balinese community, and the meaning of the social dynamism of the bugis community nowadays. this present study was conducted at the bugis residences living in badung regency and denpasar city, and was intended to explore and explain the existence of the bugis people in badung regency and denpasar city. from the perspective of cultural studies, the current existence of the bugis community could explain the cultural practices taking place in the interaction between the bugis community and balinese community. it was expected that the result of the present study could help the government formulate the policy which might regulate the inter relation among ethnic groups and the policy which might regulate social and political matters. research method this present study is an interpretative and qualitative study. the main instrument was the researcher (human instrument). the qualitative method used in the present study included three stages; the stage in which the data were collected through in -depth interview, observation, and documentation study; the stage in which the data were analyzed and interpreted, and the stage in which the data were presented. result and discussion the result of analysis of problem one showed that the appearance of the bugis residences in badung regency and denpasar city commenced the role played by the 3 bugis community in the balinese political-economic constellation. the bugis residences with their islamic characteristics developed the bugis tradition and culture adhered to by the bugis people living in south sulawesi, where they came from. there was a power relation between the bugis community and the palace and government. this could be seen from the political practices put into by the palace and government towards the bugis people. according to foucault, the relation of power is always related to knowledge. power requires relationship such as political relationship. foucault (19xx) successfully relates the theory of discourse and struggle to real practices (lubis, 2006: 231). pierre bourdieu (1991: 163) adds that the type of power is the symbolic power. the bugis diaspora community could not be separated from the multicultural community in bali. it then “blew-up” the balinese values such as ‘menyama braya’ (brothershood), ‘ngejot’ (giving food to one another when they have celebrations), ‘saling seluk’ (getting mixed with one another). historically, the serangan sea played a central role out of a number of the sea unit systems), such as trading, shipping, harbor, cultural communication. the serangan sea functioned as the “hintersea”, meaning the back area supplying the hinterland needs). the result of analysis of problem two showed that the factors contributing to the dynamism of the bugis community were political, economic and cultural factors. politically, since the kingdom era, the bugis people played a crucial role. although they were a minority ethnic group, they always had political leaders regionally and nationally. economically, the bugis people played an important role as well since the kingdom era. the developmental hegemony and global tourism caused the bugis people to be marginalized especially in economy. according to them, tourism was strange and was considered negative. apart from political and economic factors which supported the crucial role played by the bugis people, the cultural factors might not be neglected. the specific leadership which gave priority to ability (achievement) was the cultural factor. the flexible social layer made those coming from the lower class the high social class due to wealth (vertical mobility). in addition, the network of the bugis family tree was very wide. it followed both the father and mother. according to pelras (2006), the bugis people were the modern ethnic group from the east, almost the same as the europeans which adhere to the bilateral family tree. such a wide kinship relation led to solidarity, loyalty, responsibility and interdependent cooperation. they also protected the local people who 4 became their friends, and themselves. in addition, they also used their identity as needed. the result of analysis of problem three showed that the dynamism of the bugis people contained political meaning, democratic meaning, multicultural meaning, the meaning of marginalization, and the meaning of dynamism. what was intended by the political meaning was that the bugis people struggled hard to be dominant for the sake of their economic sustainability. sometimes they struggled coercively and bravely. what was meant by the democratic meaning was that they were developing equality and egalitarian society. getting mixed and high solidarity referred to the multicultural meaning. the meaning of dynamism meant that they bugis people always worked hard where they were. the fact that they were never frustrated was reflected from their habit of leaving their home to live in other regions (pasompe). the meaning of marginalization in the constellation of globalized and capitalistic life meant that they could not compete; as a result they became marginalized or subaltern as conceptualized by gayatri spivak (19xx). conclusion and suggestion based on the results of the study, it could be concluded that the role played by the bugis people in establishing the relation of power was indicated by the appearance of the islamic bugis residences in the southern coast of bali. then they developed a multicultural life. the factors encouraging such dynamism were political factor, economic factor, and cultural factor. the dynamism of the bugis people had several meanings; they are: political meaning, democratic meaning, multicultural meaning, dynamic meaning, and the meaning of marginalization. based on the conclusions described above, it is suggested that diversity (multicultural community) should be well maintained in order to maintain the ethics of collective life and diversity. more public spaces and the spaces in which dialogues may be held should be created. the normative base of diversity, that is, the five principles “pancasila”, which is line with the multicultural life, should be redefined. tourism should be internationalized to the bugis people. acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i gde parimartha, ma, as supervisor, prof. dr. i wayan ardika, m.a. and prof. dr. i nyoman kutha ratna, s.u., 5 as co-supervisor 1 and co-supervisor 2 for their patience, time and ideas; otherwise, this dissertation could not have been completed. thanks are also extended to drs. haji ahmad sastra, m.pd, as the key informant, and the other informants for the data provided. a word of appreciation should also go to the other parties which cannot be mentioned one by one. bibliography bourdieu, pierre. 1991. outline of a theory of practice. cambridge: cambridge university press. lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2004. masih adakah tempat berpijak bagi para ilmuan. bogor: akademia. pelras, cristian. 2006. manusia bugis (terjemahan). jakarta: nalar. suwitha, i putu gede. 2013. “dinamika masyarakat bugis di kabupaten badung dan kota denpasar”, disertasi, program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana, denpasar. microsoft word artikel i ketut sutarwiyasa terbit1 e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 cause factors symbolic resistance of graphic designers in denpasar city i ketut sutarwiyasa1, i nyoman darma putra2, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara3, ni made wiasti4 1 stmik stikom indonesia, 2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1sutardesign@yahoo.com, 2idarmaputra@yahoo.com, 3anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 4made_wiasti@unud.ac.id received date : 10-11-2020 accepted date : 09-06-2021 published date : 31-08-2021 abstract the discourse of "free design" that was introduced by printing companies as a form of strategy in dealing with business competition, has caused controversy in the graphic design field. indirectly, this discourse is considered to be able to influence the mindset of the community and become a negative stigma against the graphic designer profession, and the discourse is considered to be a threat to the continuity of the graphic designer profession.this study aims to answer the factors that cause resistance. the study data were taken from observation, social media, and interviews, and analyzed using michel foucault's power relation theory and norman fairclough's theory of critical discourse analysis. keywords: hidden transcripts, symbolic resistance, graphic designer, free design introduction the resistance of graphic designers in denpasar city arises from several factors. these factors are based on the reality that there are interests from several groups who are engaged in the field of graphic design. the factors that cause the emergence of this symbolic resistance movement are printing entrepreneurs who have the same understanding as pragmatic design actors to practice free design, and pragmatic designers need jobs in printing companies. it can be seen that entrepreneurs and actors of free design are sitting on the same ideological carriage, namely economic profit. the factors for the occurrence of symbolic resistance have the same position as the cause of resistance, and other factors lead to wild leaps in discourse and agency power relations to free up design costs. pragmatic designers e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 chain themselves to the power of capital as owners of printing businesses. these factors cause competition between idealistic and pragmatic graphic designers. in this internal competition, the idealist group is squeezed by the public's view that graphic design studies are something that is easy to obtain, which is then strengthened by the practice of power relations between capital owners and pragmatic designers. research methods research design in cultural studies always follows the patterns as is done in the humanities sciences in general. broadly speaking, the research design is how data is collected and analyzed. the goal is to provide an explanation of the entire process carried out, both at the time of collection, analysis and presentation, including when the research has not been carried out which is called the exploratory stage. research on the resistance of graphic designers in denpasar city is a research designed in accordance with the scientific paradigm of cultural studies. cultural studies research is concerned with examining the various interests, ideologies, and hegemony that arise from mass media information or in public discourse. in addition, cultural studies also examines various cultures and cultural practices as well as their relation to power. thus, cultural studies is a study that emphasizes the relationship between culture and problems of social relations and everyday life (lubis, 2006: 145-152). discussion the symbolic resistance of graphic designers in denpasar city arises from several factors. these factors are based on the reality that there are interests from several groups in the field of graphic design. the symbolic resistance of graphic designers is based on a number of social realities and critical thinking of the idealist group. social reality is in contact with pressures from the family and community, especially with regard to the economic benefits of graphic design studies. while in the critical thinking position, it relates to moral responsibility in deepening graphic design study skills that have been studied for a long time in college. the academic knowledge of graphic design obtained in the world of higher education is underestimated by the public. because it is no different from designers who learn through courses or even self-taught. in fact, at first glance economically, this self-taught graphic designer is better. social reality is in contact with the pressure from the family and community environment, especially with regard to the economic benefits of graphic design e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 studies. whereas in a critical thinking position, it is related to moral responsibility, the deepening of graphic design study skills that have been learned over a long period of time in college. the academic knowledge of graphic design obtained in the world of higher education is underestimated by the public. because it is no different from designers who learn through courses or even self-taught. in fact, economically at first glance, this self-taught graphic designer is better. the potential and knowledge possessed by an idealistic graphic designer cannot be separated from the existence of oneself as a goal. the existence of the manifestation of his potential and knowledge. through graphic design work, a designer channels and reinforces the representation of knowledge in proving its existence. the existence of an effort to acknowledge the existence of the idealist designer group against the agent group. the knowledge capital possessed can realize this will of symbolic resistance. the symbolic resistance of the idealist designer is the actualization that they exist. choosing through graphic design work, this group exercised hidden transcripts to free design. their potential and knowledge have the opportunity to break the paradigm of free design by consumers and printing entrepreneurs. as hume wrote, something that is made without a philosophical basis is suspicious, especially something that is without ideas and meaning. it's important to argue with it because it doesn't come from substantial knowledge. knowledge capital is able to influence consumers in making choices. therefore, this group of idealistic designers uses symbolic resistance in changing the control of the design and production space. the idealist designer group realizes that as stated by bourdieu (2015: 21), the struggle in the arena of cultural production cannot be separated from the struggle that occurs within the dominating class, the way to reclaim this domination is to form a force so that it changes the dominant agents. the strength possessed by this group of idealistic designers is the potential knowledge of graphic design in creating these forms of resistance media. a gimmick is a new device or idea designed primarily to attract attention or increase attractiveness, often with little intrinsic value. gimmick is also a series of scenes to trick, surprise, create an atmosphere, or convince other people (alma, 2011: 45). the practice of free design gimmicks is the power of knowledge to dominate the printing industry market with deceptive gestures to trick opponents. this practice not only exploits pragmatic designers, but also manipulates the free design text of the other realities behind it. as gramci (2015: 76) puts it, the human will comes from the continuous production forces. the ontological basis is e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 that society is determined by the field of production which begins with the laws of materialism. gramci emphasized again, this episteme pattern refers to the ideology of capitalism. capitalism survives because of the interrelationship between the base and the superstructure. furthermore, it is explained that capitalism can survive because workers or groups of workers accept the general condition of domination by the investors or the bourgeoisie. in short, it can be said that capitalism survives because of the grip of hegemony (gramci, 1971: 124). free design practice refers to the view of foucault (2002: 78), which is an episteme knowledge practice. through this episteme knowledge, free design is formed and becomes the only universal truth. episteme knowledge is adopted to become a marketing strategy and technique. this group realized that “free design” has the power in attracting client to order and become customers. it is becoming more of a strong discourse in the business climate of printing and graphic design in denpasar city. friendships allow for great opportunity and continuity of free design practice. hegemony in the practice of free design is understood as the practice of power relations won by social power. realizing this, the idealist group counter hegemony. this is because hegemony itself can survive thanks to the awareness of wanting to be controlled, otherwise hegemony will not last if the agreement to be controlled is broken. the context of hegemony in question is about the existence of designers under the command and control of capital owners. owners of capital are able to create and produce authoritative meanings and ideological sets. owners of capital lead and dominate alliances and industrial spaces, while designers champion their ideologies. even though idealistic and pragmatic graphic designers realize their position is under the control of their friends and printing company. this hegemonic practice remains binding in a circle of relationship structures. the power relation allows a great opportunity for the spread of free design practice. the continuity of free design practice is getting stronger because there are two patterns. first, the transformation of feudalism through friendship seems to emerge from consumers to designers. second, the metamorphosis of capitalist labor that comes from the owner of capital to the designer. conclusion the symbolic resistance of graphic designers is based on a number of social realities and critical thinking of the idealist group. social reality is in contact with pressures from the family and community environment. especially with regard to the economic benefits of graphic e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 design studies. while in the critical thinking position, it relates to moral responsibility in deepening graphic design study skills that have been studied for a long time in college. the academic knowledge of graphic design obtained in the world of higher education is underestimated by the public. because it is no different from designers who learn through courses or even self-taught. in fact, at first glance economically, this self-taught graphic designer is better. the relationships that are built are distorted and reduced by a shallow view of graphic designers. there is no essential relation, there is only hegemony and power relations. the relation of power and hegemony to graphic designers is an antagonistic social relation and a false social consciousness. references alma, buchari. 2011. manajemen pemasaran dan pemasaran jasa. bandung : cv alfabeta barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta : bentang (pt. bentang pustaka). bourdieu, pierre. 1991. language and symbolic power. cambridge: polity. fairclough, norman. 1995. discourse and social change. cambridge: polity press. foucoult, michel. 2002. power/knowledge, selected interviews and other writings. 1972-1977. new york : partheon. giddens, anthony. 1991. modernity and self identity. cambridge : polity press. gramsci, antonio. 1971. selections from prison note books. new york : international publisher. hall, stuart, dkk. 2011. budaya media bahasa: teks utama pencanang cultural studies 1972--1979. yogyakarta: jalasutra. kusrianto, adi. 2007. pengantar desain komunikasi visual. yogyakarta: andi. lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2006. dekonstruksi epistimologi modern: dari posmodermisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga cultural studies. jakarta : pustaka indonesia satu. machiavelli, niccolo, the prince: sang penguasa, pt elok media komputindo, jakarta, 2014 piliang, yasraf amir. 2011. hiper realitas kebudayaan. yogyakarta : lkis. e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 1-6 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 scott, james c. 1990. domination and the art of resistance: hidden transcripts. new haven, connecticut: yale university press. sobur, alex.2002. analisis teks media masa: suatu pengantar untuk analisis wacana, simiotika dan framing. bandung: pt. remaja rosda karya. microsoft word artikel a.n. kmg adi sastra terbit 3 e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 kinship politics and embodiment concept of good governance: tabanan district case study komang adi sastra wijaya1, i nyoman suarka 2 , i nyoman darma putra3, i wayan tagel eddy 4 1faculty faculty of social sciences and government udayana university, 2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1adiganain@gmail.com, 2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 3idarmaputra@yahoo.com, 4tageleddy58@gmail.com received date : 19-10-2022 accepted date : 11-12-2022 published date : 28-02-2023 abstract this research is a neo-institutionalism analysis study to political dynasty issue in the accordance with the embodiment concept of good governance in tabanan district. as it is known that after the reformation, tabanan was led by the same family generation. by focusing on the health service sector, this study will look at to what extent the dynastic politics has an impact on the public policy sector and the realization of good governance. in general, the health service policy pursued by the tabanan regency government is a nonpopulist policy. the local government chose to build international hospital rather than providing free health services for the poor. all this time, the study about political dynasty and the effect to the public policy sector in tabanan is only seen as a mere political problem without looking at the deep state structure, the normative function and culture in it. this study found that there are a conflict between sociological institution, historical institution, and rational choice institution behind the strong dynastic politics as well as the struggles in realizing good governance in tabanan regency. keywords: political dynasty, good governance, neo-institutionalism, public policy, tabanan district. introduction in general, good governance is a governing system based on the principles of participation, transparency, consensual, effective, efficient, and accountable (mardiasmo, 2002:24). fundamentally, the spirit of decentralized democracy that embodied in the regional autonomy since 2004 is an effort to bring good governance principal in the regime to realization. however, there are obstacles happened in the process, especially under the context of bureaucracy and local policies (irham, 2015; firnas and maesarini, 2011). the obstacles in good governance realization are not a problem of bureaucracy e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 coming from a governance vacuum. in the context of decentralization post-reformation, they are still closely related to the regeneration mechanism of political parties and local elections. in indonesia, political parties are merely a media for politicians that does not have clear orientation of ideology. consequently, the political fight in elections is oriented only to gain power. this problem caused an emergence of processes of power accumulation, one of which manifests itself in kinship politics. in the context of bureaucratic governance, this monopolitical form of politics affects public policies that are pursued by regional governments (purwaningsih, 2015). after reformation, local governments hold the mandate of regional autonomy in which when seen in the bureaucracy context giving them chance and bigger responsibility for regional regents to perform public service functions in their region (rosser, wilson, and sulistyanto, 2011:2). through act no. 32 in 2004, local governments are hoped to be the driving force for the acceleration for people’s welfare through improving local services and empowerment. the problem of handling essential public services such as primary education and the access to health services which were monopolized by central government are slowly being distributed to local governments. power redistribution to local governments are obviously giving positive impact to the effort the acceleration for local people’s welfare. but in another hand, local political contestation actually raises problems in the process of democratic decentralization and the implementation of good governance itself. the phenomenon of decentralized politic postreformation era shows how dark the identity and kinship politic in many regions (nordholt and klinken (ed.), 2007). kinship politic or political dynasty is a general form that is often found in democratic countries, even on developed countries such as japan and america (purwaningsih, 2011:98). but in indonesian context, political dynastys is still often to be the core of the problem for it reflect the privatization process of political parties that leads to elements of corruption, collusion, nepotism. this problem certainly injures the principles of democracy and the good governance itself (irham, 2015: 257). generally, political dynasty is an endemic phenomenon that appears along with the process of post-reformation decentralization. in many regions in indonesia, this political dynasty is a form of continuity from the old order that is still alive and is maintained by local identity politics (nordholr and klinken (ed.), 2007). one of the regions in which has strong kinship politic is in tabanan district, bali. on 2000-2020, tabanan is ruled by a regent from the same family group. from 2000-2010, tabanan was ruled by governor eka wirastuti, who is a biological child of nyoman adi wiryatama. during the regime of governor eka wirastuti, ex regent nyoman adi wiryatama officiated as the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 head of bali’s regional representatives council (dprd) (rosser and wilson, 2012: 628). however, in the context of decentralization democracy post-reformation era, the role of regional heads becomes central in public services policy problem and the attempt of improving local’s welfare. along with regional representatives council (dprd) as the legislature, regional heads become determiner of the policy-making process in the region. therefore, talking about how rooted the political dynasty happened in tabanan, can the governance based on good governance be realized? if so, why does good governance with the practice political dynasty is difficult to be performed? this study will uncover the deep state structure problem behind the struggle to realize good governance in tabanan with focusing on the networking problem and institutional dynamic related to the government. methods and theory this chapter will elaborate outlined the theoretical and conceptual frameworks used to dissect the main problems that have been presented in the background. the main theory and approach in this study is neo-institutionalism. the problem in this study is obviously observing the interaction pattern between the actors under an institution which consists of family, political parties, and government. hence, the political dynasty and good governance problems cannot be seen from merely a political phenomenon. neo-institutionalism is a behaviorism approach to understand political behavior through institutions. different with the old institutional paradigm that sees institution is a reflections of the citizen’s political strategy, the neo-institutionalism paradigm sees that an institution has a relative autonomy. in another words, an institution gave meaning in the context where the institution was built. on discovering this problem, march and olsen (1984) introduces sociological institution, historical institution, and rational choice. sociological institution is an order of values, norms and beliefs that live in a community group which then shapes the interpretations and perceptions of the actors towards the existing institutions and situations. basically, historical institution and sociological institution cannot be separated from one another. however, historical institution emphasized on the emergence of the previous decision, which are ideas and knowledges that cannot be simply eliminated from the structure and culture of a society. these factors encourage the reproduction of values, norms and knowledge. geertz stated that this relation as a deep structure, which cannot be simply eliminated even there are modernism process or elements penetrated to the society (march and olsen, 1984). e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 in contrast from two preceding concepts, rational choice is a form of act that already taking constraints, risks and opportunities for all actions of the actors into consideration. this behavior is no longer affected by normative and cultural functions, but it has used rational calculations to obtain maximum benefits. at this point, rational choice intersects with good governance issue. good governance is understood as a form or a model of a rational governance or being acknowledge ideal in the middle of the current globalization and neo-liberalism (prianto, 2011). result and discussion 1. tabanan at glance tabanan district is one of the regions located in the south of bali. it is located on the outside of the destination in bali. tabanan is located 25 km to the west from denpasar. to the north tabanan is bordered by buleleng regency, in the east it is bordered by badung regency, and to the south by the indonesian ocean, and in the west with jembrana regency. this region consists of beaches and mountains. geographically, tabanan is located between 1140 54’52”1150 12’57” east longitude and 8014’30”8030” 07” south latitude. the area of tabanan is 840 km2 or about 15% of the total area of the province of bali (statistic indonesia, 2019). in 2018 the number of populations in tabanan reached 443.500 people. from that amount, around 19 thousand is the poor. hence, tabanan is one of five poor districts in bali. different from other province in bali, the main commodity in tabanan is agriculture and aquaculture. tabanan is already known as the breadbasket of bali. the type of agriculture consist of rice, plantation and horticulture. meanwhile, this area also has several mainstay tourist destinations, namely tanah lot, ulun danu beratan, bali botanic garden, and jatiluwih. historically, tabanan is a politic unit that emerged on the rule majapahit under arya damar or arya kenceng as the rulers. after the gelgel empire collapsed, tabanan's position became increasingly solid as one of the empires in bali, along with eight other kingdoms (purnawati, 2012: 175). dutch colonial’s expansion ended on late 19th century destroyed tabanan governance. the members of the tabanan royal family were sent into exile, and from then on, tabanan was governed directly by the dutch by appointing punggawa and perbekel. in 1929, there was an attempt to restore the governance of tabanan empire, but it did not go as planned because the most of the member of the royal kingdom are old and passed away on the exile (robinson, 2005: 46). the political consequence of this situation is the effect of feudalism was not strong e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 enough in tabanan. thus, in the revolution era, tabana became one of the bases for republican, different from other regions such as karangasem, bangli, klungkung, and gianyar, where the castle holds the biggest power to create an anti-republican shaft (robinson, 2005: 22). this historical background is affecting the political situation in tabanan. in general, the political influence in tabanan is not as strong as other religion, where the power of castle remains the highest which is still alive politically and sociologically. the regent from the aristocrats had only reigned once at the early independence, which was under tjokorda ngurah gede (19421952). after that, the governor was officiated by common people, i nyoman oka (1953-1955), ida bagus puja (1955-1967), i gusti made debot (1967-1973), i wayan staat darmanaba (1973-1979), soegianto (1979-1989), national army brigadier general (retd) i ketut sundria (1989-1994), i komang wijana (1994-1999), nyoman adi wiryatama (2000-2010), eka wirastuti (2010-2020). this is different from the rest of bali, where in the new order era, even until now, the majority of the regents in bali was ruled by the aristocrats (nordholt, 2007: 513). 2. the awakened political dynasty in this chapter, the focus of the topic will be about governor i nyoman wiryatama who gained and preserce his power in tabanan through political dynasty. therefore, it is important to ask a question on how and why political dynasty became the strategy that was done by wiryatama. to examine this problem, we need to see from different dimensions that are related, which are politic, structural, and cultural. in political dimension, wiryatama’s power cannot be detached from balinese’s postreformation political context where indonesian democratic party (pdi) gained massive support. before the collapse of the new order authoritarian regime, the indonesian democratic party of fight (pdi-p) gave supported relatively strong support in bali. the relative popularity from pdi-p is basically closely related with the socioeconomic pressure in the midst of the tourism industry. other than big investors, the migration of moslems from lombok and east java are controlling the small and medium economic sectors also put pressure on the balinese. this condition is then awakened the discourse of ‘balinism’ and anti-islamic sentiment. on that note, pdi-p with a secular based became a representation as the identity politic movement in bali (nordholt, 2007: 512-513). in contradicts with bali in general, wiryatama does not come from an aristocrat family. he’s an ordinary human who built garment and property business in the beginning. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 his closeness with opposition political parties in new order era found the momentum where the authoritarian regime fell apart in 1998. wiryatama had already built connection with pdi in the 1990s. after the attack of pdi’s headquarter in 1996, wiryatama came in order to rebuilt pdip which were then made him possible to connect closely with megawati and other pdi-p central leaders. this network also brought him other connections to civil society organizations like the tabanan communication forum (forkot) and significant people in bali such as sangjaya, ketut suryadi, oka ratmadi, and puspayogya. beside than having strong political networks, they also had strong property business basis. through the national and the province pdi-p’s elite connections, the economic income from his business, as well as the support from the street through forkot networking, wiryatama was able to gain full support as a candidate for district head in the 1999 local election (rosser and wilson, 2012: 625-626). the populist strategy that relies on improving performance in bureaucratic governance and pro-poor public services was not a strategy that wiryatama has taken in maintaining his power. he rather built oligarchy power though political machine and consolidating his governance through street civil society organizations, business elites, national politic elites, as well as intimidating potential political opponents. at this point, wiryatama is a representation on how the elites in new order will conquer in the context of decentralized democracy in the reformation era. in another word, wiryatama reproduced the value of primordial ties that are communal and kinship, in which are used to achieve political and economic interests. for these reasons, it can be said that structurally, the actors in institutions, either it’s the regional heads or parties have not got over from the structure of the old order where patron-client has become a regular connection (rosser and wilson, 2012: 625-629). the communality logic and kinship here are important to understand how wiryatama built his political dynasty in tabanan. when the regime ended in 2010, wiryatama called out his daughter as the candidate for the new regent. regardless of the challenges from local elite parties, his closeness with national elites smoothen his way to his dynasty politic. in the local election in 2010, eka wirastuti was chosen to be the regent. she is also chosen on the next period. for wiryatama, the most important thing is how his family can continue the political achievement he had through oligarchy. in this note, democratic rational logic does not apply to wiryatama for he is attached to the normative and cultural values, either it’s communality, identity, or the kinship itself (rossser and wilson, 2012: 629). 3. good governance : sociological-historical institution versus rational choice e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 in the rule under wiratama’s regime, is the policy in the health sector chosen by the tabanan’s local government is to improve the health facility with building international hospital. this policy contradicts jembrana district who prioritize free health services for the poor. rosser, wilson, and sulistyanto (2012) who had done the study about the bureaucracy in tabanan shows that fundamentally the international hospital project is a political strategy to achieve benefits on his regime. rosser, wilson, and sulistyanto (2011: 17) emphasized that the hospital mega project was an attempt to build a patronclient relation with the politic elites, businessmen, street mass organization groups, and his own family. even though it did not get serious investigation from the central government, but it was suspected that the hospital project was laden with the practice of corruption, collusion and nepotism, where the property company is owned by his wife and her political colleagues received a large portion of the tender for the hospital construction project. in the local lever, the international hospital construction also invited controversy, because it was considered inappropriate, where in tabanan, the number of poor people is quite significant. wiryatama stalled that the hospital will be useful for foreign tourists. when in fact, tabanan is not on top of tourist’s destination list. in general, when wiryatama reigned there were not so much interest for people to invest on the health service for the poor outside of the central government subsidy program. the health insurance promised by tabanan government is only from the central governance and the practice does not cover every poor in the region (rosser and wilson, 2012: 625). this shows that the health service in tabanan was not based on spirit of the regional autonomy and principles of good governance that prioritize improving services and people’s welfare. the management of the hospital construction also indicates the practice of corruption, collusion, and nepotism. the poor governance also showed through the predicate audit result from the audit board (badan pengawas keuangan (bpk)) in 2012. in 2012, bpk gave disclaimer opinion for the finance report from tabanan’s local government. opinion disclaimer is a predicate given for unacceptable finance report, it does not meet the requirements for fairness (ristanti, sinarwati, and sujana, 2014:3). tabanan governance’s finance reports, especially the ones that are related to the hospital construction showed several issues regarding to the shopping and income transactions. in another words, the finance report does not show there is a common problem on their professionality. this is also related to the abilities and competencies of the state civil apparatus (aparatur sipil negara (asn)) and the role of regional leaders in the preparation of these financial e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 reports (evicahyani and setiawina, 2015). it’s important to understand why it’s difficult to perform good governance under the political dynasty. in the case of tabanan, the analysis cannot be merely seen through the governance. it is also needed to observe the order value that shaped unprofessional behavior in the governance. in this note, the values of good governance is clear to be contradictory from the values in political dynasty. united nations development programme proclaimed, on how it was quoted by mardiasmoro (2002:24), that the principles in good governance has to be based on participation, transparency, law supremacy, consensual, equality, efficiency, effectivity, and accountability. these principals encourage governance institutions to act rationally, professionally, and individually. moreover, in the context of political dynasty, institutions that are related namely head regents, political party, and local governments tend to act normative and primordial. in another words, rational choice institution that becomes the characteristic of good governance a complete opposite with sociological-historical institution which strongly affecting the actors under the regime of political dynasty in tabanan. conclusion in reality, power redistribution and welfare acceleration attempt through local autonomy did not bring the expected results. the local elites who reproduce old values and power order in fact, it becomes a major stumbling block for the attempt to accelerate welfare and to distribute development in the regions. the case of tabanan shows that decentralized democracy opens opportunities for a new form of oligarchy which threaten the continuity of living in a democratic country. the hospital construction case can be one of the examples on how disordered the governance under the political dynasty regime in tabanan. furthermore, the bureaucracy reformation agenda that has the spirit to modify governance according to the principal of good governance found a dead end if there is no serious eradication of corruption, collusion, and nepotism, especially at the local regions. the case of tabanan that shows cessation shows that the problems are not only merely in the context of structural bureaucracy. there is a deep structured issue that trapped regent heads, politic parties, as well as the civil apparatus in manifesting rational and professional instance. thus, in the bureaucracy reformation agenda, major improvement must include the function of norms, culture, and values. bureaucracy reformation agenda cannot be succeeded if only relying on structural improvements, without upgrading cultural values in one government instance. as how the case of tabanan shows that the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 actors in governmental institutions can still be influenced with sociological-historical institution on the governmental practice. references bps tabanan. 2019. statistik daerah kabupaten tabanan tahun 2019. tabanan: bps tabanan. evacahyani, inten sagung dan nyoman djinar setiaina. 2015. “analisis faktor yang mempengaruhi kualitas laporan keuangan pemerintah daerah kabupaten tabanan. jurnal ekonomi dan bisnis unud, vol. 3. no. 1. firnas, m. adian dan indah wahyu maesarini. 2011. “evaluasi reformasi birokrasi: masalah politisasi birokrasi dalam politik indonesia”. jurnal kajian dan manajemen pns, vol. 5. no. 2. irham, muhamad aqil. 2016. “neo-kkn dan tantangan demokratisasi di indonesia”. analisis, no. 1. march, james g. dan johan p. olsen. 1984. “the new institutionalism: organizational in political life. the american political science review, vol. 78. no. 3. mardiasmo, 2002. otonomi daerah & manajemen keuangan daerah, yogyakarta: andi offset. nordholt, henk schulte dan gerry van klinken (ed.). 2007. politik lokal di indonesia. jakarta: kitlv dan yayasan obor indonesia. purwaningsih, titin. 2015. “politik kekerabatan dan kualitas kandidat di sulawesi selatan”.jurnal politik, vol.1, no. 1. purnawati, desak made oka. 2012. “polarisasi geo politik kerjaan di bali abad vvixx.media komunikasi fis, vol. 11 no.1. prianto, andi luhur. 2011. “good governance dan formasi kebijakan publik neoliberal”.otoritas, vol, 1 no. 1. ristanti, ni made asih, ni kadek sinarwati, dan edy sujana. 2014. “pengaruh sistem pengendalian intern, pengelolaan keuangan daerah dan komitmen organisasi terhadap penerapan good governance: studi kasus pada satuan perangkat daerah kabupaten tabanan”. jurnal akuntansi program s1, vol. 2. no. 1. robinson, geoffrey. 2005. sisi gelap pulau dewata: sejarah kekerasan politik. yogyakarta: lkis yogyakarta. rosser, andrew, ian wilson, dan priyambudi sulistiyanto. 2011. leaders, elites, and coalitions: the politics of free public services in desentralised indonesia. research paper: developmental leadership program. rosser, andrew, dan ian wilson. 2012. “democratic decentralisation and pro-poor policy reform in indonesia: the politics of health insurance for the poor in jembrana dan tabanan”. asian journal of social science, vol. 40. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 internet https://www.nusabali.com/berita/2692/dari-bupati-pura-bupati-preman-hinggabupatipengukir-sejarah https://bali.antaranews.com/berita/39898/laporan-keuangan-tabanan-disclaimer http://metrobali.com/bpk-beri-opini-disclaimer-laporan-keuangan-terkait-rsud-tabanan/ . microsoft word artikel tingkes terbit3.docx e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 the effect of education, health, and economics on accessibility of poor household needs in gianyar district i nyoman tingkes departement of management, university of dhyanapura, badung, bali, indonesia email: nyomantingkes6262@icloud.com received date : 2-06-2020 accepted date : 10-08-2020 published date : 31-08-2020 abstract the purpose of this study is to analyze the effect of education, health, and socioeconomic status on the capacity of poor households in an effort to increase the accessibility of basic needs. the study was designed using the general structural component analysis method which was validated by a qualitative method. the study used 400 samples for quantitative research and 25 key informants for qualitative research. quantitative data were analyzed using descriptive statistics and parametric general structural component analysis. qualitative data were analyzed using reduce, display, and conclusion (drawing / verifying) techniques. the results of the study found that the reason for the low accessibility of basic needs is that the implementation of the scholarship program for poor households is not optimal, understanding of health regulations is still low, ownership of production factors in the form of narrow agricultural land, while the main livelihood is agriculture and agricultural labor, coupled with environmental influences. socio-culture is negative. thus, the capacity of poor households to increase accessibility of basic needs is insignificant or low. keywords: education, health, socioeconomic status, capacity, accessibility introduction gianyar regency is one of the regencies in bali province, indonesia. this district is committed to improving education, health and economic factors as agreed by 189 countries at the millennium summit (mdgs, september 2000). many programs and activities have been implemented in an effort to combat poverty and hunger, including the community based development and the bali urban infrastructure project funded by the world bank. other programs are the integrated city infrastructure development project, urban poverty e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 reduction program, efforts to increase prosperous family income, women's savings and loans, direct cash assistance, social assistance, joint business group, people's welfare program, poor rice assistance, integrated poverty alleviation movement, insurance national health insurance, bali mandara health insurance, integrated agricultural systems, and various other poverty alleviation programs with a large amount of funds. the number of poor households (rtm) in gianyar regency in 2009 was recorded 25,500 rtm; in 2010 there were 31,500 people, and in 2011 there were 26,000 rtm. these data indicate that there is no downward trend, that is in fact, there is an increasing trend in the number of poor families for three years (bps provinsi bali, 2012). this data raises various questions, such as why road poverty is in place, what's wrong with poverty, and various other questions. the results of field observations indicate that poor households face various obstacles, such as internal and external constraints. internal constraints are inherent in individuals, such as generally low education and skills, poor health (disability, permanent illness, aging, old age, and malnutrition), and generally little asset ownership. external constraints in the form of a less supportive socio-cultural environment and less accountable local poverty reduction institutions. low average rtm capacity. they have difficulties in utilizing access, difficulties in interacting with the socio-cultural environment and regional poverty reduction institutions. the socio-cultural environment includes family, neighbors, pakraman villages, and others. the regional poverty reduction institutional environment includes village community development cadres, village community empowerment institutions, district facilitators, district facilitators, regional people's representative council, regional work unit forum, inter-village cooperation agency, village head, village secretary, head of district, civil servants who trained to assist with participatory planning (setrawan) at the district and subdistrict levels . limited capacity, faced with a less supportive socio-cultural environment and less accountable regional poverty reduction institutions, are thought to be the cause of the program of activities to combat poverty and road hunger in place. todaro and smith (2006) and basri (2009) say that efforts to fight poverty and hunger are slow because development is seen as merely an economic phenomenon. the level of development progress is only e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 measured based on the level of gross national income, both as a whole and per capita which is believed to be trickling, creating jobs, and equitable distribution (trickledown effect), while the problems of poverty, unemployment and inequality receive less attention. many studies have been carried out related to the phenomenon of poverty, including research conducted by trisnawati (2016), srinadi et al. (2014), and research conducted by safitri et al. (2013). trisnawati (2016) examined middle class participation in rural poverty alleviation in gianyar regency. the research method used was multivariate discriminant. the total sample is divided into groups based on the characteristic variables known from some cases. the results of his research concluded that the existence of the middle class needs to be empowered in fighting poverty and hunger, especially their role, both in providing direct assistance (material assistance) and indirectly (in the form of information, education, and employment). srinadi et al. (2014) examined villages in gianyar regency based on factors that influence poverty. the research method used is factor analysis or cluster analysis. the results of his study concluded that the lowest percentage of poor households was batubulan village, which was 2.81 percent and the largest percentage of poor households was beresela village, which was 73.18 percent. safitri et al. (2013) examined the relationship between regions and the spread of poverty. the research method used is a partial regression model (spatial durbin model). the results of his research concluded that the village with the highest percentage distribution of poor households was bukian, beresela, taro, and pupuan village (51.2% –73.18%). meanwhile, the village with the lowest percentage of poverty distribution was batubulan (2.18%). from the studies described above, it is known that there is no specific research on the capacity of poor households to the accessibility of basic needs in terms of education, health and economic factors. in addition, seen from the research methodology, no one has used the general structural component analysis (gsca) methodology which is validated by qualitative or concurrent embbeded research. based on the research problems and existing research gaps, the objectives of the study were (1) to analyze the effect of the capacity of poor families, education, and socioeconomic status on the accessibility of basic needs of poor families in gianyar regency; (2) to analyze the effect of education, health, and socio-economic status on the capacity of poor families in e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 gianyar regency; and (3) to analyze the most dominant variable influencing the accessibility of basic needs of poor families in gianyar regency. theoritical review poverty is said to be a condition, in which a person or household is in a state of “lack of welfare” (haugton and khandker, 2012). poverty is defined as a condition of someone who is not wealthy, in need or destitute (anwar, 2001). economists generally associate the problem of poverty with a low standard of living and an unequal income distribution. meanwhile, sociologists associate the problem of poverty with social class or low stratification and are called marginalized groups (hadirman and midgley, 1982). according to the types and causes, poverty can be divided into two, namely absolute poverty and relative poverty. absolute poverty is associated with estimates of levels of income and needs. estimates of the level of need are limited to basic needs or minimum basic needs that enable a person to be able to live properly. if the income does not reach the minimum requirement, someone is said to be poor. relative poverty is more determined by the level of development of the surrounding community. someone who has reached the level of minimum basic needs, but his income is much lower than the income of the surrounding community, that person is in the relatively poor category (arsyad, 2010). in indonesia, poverty cannot be interpreted only as a result of the low productivity of the poor or other internal causes. poverty has existed since colonial times and is inseparable from the political and economic order, both global and national, which did not provide room for movement to the people's economic actors, who were generally poor people. a poor population does not mean that the person has nothing and is lazy to do something, but is an economic actor who is very active even though he has few assets, still unable to get out of the cycle of poverty (rintuh, 2005). poverty reduction strategy poverty in indonesia has existed since the colonial era. however, poverty reduction was only carried out by the new order government since 1969 (darwin, 2010). at that time dewey (1993) said that poverty reduction programs were not yet a top priority. this happened because the development strategy still relies on economic rehabilitation efforts, namely e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 controlling the inflation rate, creating an investment climate, national stability, and economic growth (trickle down effects strategy). there were several weaknesses in the implementation of poverty reduction programs during the new order era, so that it was impossible to implement them during the reform era. these weaknesses include being top down, obtaining support by means of coercion, being more physically oriented, homogeneous and less accommodating to regional diversity, not being integrated with macroeconomic programs, not prioritizing the basic rights of the poor, and paying less attention to gender equality ( darwin, 2010). in this connection, a new national poverty reduction strategy is needed which is expected to give a new orientation to all development programs at the central and regional levels so that there is a synergy of development programs for poverty reduction. the underlying assumption is that economic growth is high and all development programs must make a positive contribution to poverty reduction. in addition, it is also in line with the basic rights of the poor, democracy, good governance, environmental sustainability and gender equality. according to darwin, the strategy includes expanding employment opportunities for the poor, both men and women, by creating supportive economic, political and social conditions and environments; empowering community institutions by strengthening social, political and cultural institutions and expanding the participation of the poor in decision-making and public policies that guarantee respect, protection and fulfillment of basic rights; capacity building by developing basic abilities and business abilities of the poor, both men and women, in order to take advantage of environmental developments; social protection by providing a sense of security to groups of women as heads of households, the poor, neglected children, the elderly, and the disabled. in addition, the rearrangement of international cooperation to support the four strategies. capacity for access utilization capacity is a measure of the production capability of a facility per unit of time. individual capacity affects productivity through knowledge, skills, attitudes, and behavior (benardin and russel, 1993). capacity is the ability to do or complete a job or something else. while access is defined as a way in, a way out, or a connection to something that causes a person to get out of the problem at hand. capacity in utilizing access can be defined as the ability to use facilities as a way out of the poverty problem at hand. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 basically, individual capacity includes being honest or trustworthy in words, actions, and work, both towards oneself and towards others; responsible in attitude and behavior to carry out their obligations as they should be; discipline in behaving in an orderly manner and obeying the provisions of the applicable regulations; able to develop an attitude of working together to obtain greater results; be fair to yourself and others; being concerned about the environment; and have a vision for a better life in the future. these seven characteristics are believed to be able to get someone out of the poverty problem they are facing (hermawan, 2010). education and capacity the term education comes from latin, which is e-ducare which means to guide out, a process of human dignity towards the peak of optimizing cognitive potential, affective and psychomotor (danim, 2010). law no. 23, 2003 says that education is a conscious and planned effort to create an atmosphere of learning and the learning process so that students actively develop their potential to have religious spiritual strength, self-control, personality, intelligence, noble character, and skills that are needed by themselves, the community. , nation and state. so, in order to educate the nation's life, national education has the function of developing abilities, character, and forming a dignified national civilization. however, printing a quality human being is not easy, because many factors influence it. various studies have proven that there are many obstacles and constraints in realizing quality human resources, including the education gap between rural and urban areas (combs, 1968), gender education disparities (hadaad, 1990), and education and health discrimination among children and women (george, 1998). combs said that the education gap between cities and villages can be seen from the slow progression of modernization in rural areas, higher poverty rates, low motivation to learn, malnutrition, old-fashioned, and tend to maintain past cultural heritage. the gender education gap can be seen from the ratio of female children receiving education much less than that of boys. according to hadaad, this gap occurs in almost every developing country, namely 66 out of 108 countries. george (1988) states that in the world of education in developing countries there is still discrimination against girls both in obtaining education and health. george said that there are four reasons why expanding the scope of women's education is economically beneficial. the four reasons are (1) the rate of return of women is higher than e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 that of men in most developing countries; (2) improving women's education not only increases work participation and productivity in agricultural and factory land, but also postpones marriage and fertility, improves children's health and nutrition; (3) better health and nutrition for children and educated mothers will have a multiplier effect on the quality of the nation's children for generations to come; (4) because women bear the biggest burden of poverty and scarcity of cultivated land, improving the role and status of women through education can break the cycle of poverty. regarding efforts to improve the quality of education in the context of fighting poverty, stephan (1996) in his study in sub-saharan concluded that the education system in that country does not reduce poverty, but actually exacerbates income inequality. the reason is the adverse effect of formal education on income distribution. this means that there is a positive relationship between education level and lifetime income. the income of those who complete secondary school and tertiary education reaches 300 to 800 percent more than those who have only elementary school education or less. because the level of income is influenced by the level of education, it is clear that income inequality will get worse considering the opportunity of students from high-income families is greater than low-income families to continue their education to the highest level. health and capacity health is a state of health, both physically, mentally, spiritually, and socially, which enables everyone to live productively socially and economical (law no. 36, 2009). the health status of a person is greatly influenced by the national health system, especially in terms of health service provision (lassey, 1997). the national health system is both a form and a method of implementing health development that combines health institutions, human resources, organizational network mechanisms, management, and administration in an effort to support the provision of health services for patients. todaro and smith (2006) say that health is the core of welfare which is fundamental in shaping human capabilities. at the same time todaro and smith said that education plays a major role in shaping the ability of a developing country to absorb modern technology and develop the capacity to create sustainable development growth. therefore, health is a prerequisite for increasing productivity. on the other hand, the success of education rests on good health. on the one hand, it is realized that health status is important for increasing productivity. however, on the e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 other hand, adisasmito (2007) said that indonesia is still facing health development problems, namely (1) disparity in health status, (2) double burden of disease, (3) low health service performance, (4) less supportive community behavior, a clean and healthy lifestyle, (5) low environmental health conditions, (6) low quality, equity and affordability of health services, (7) limited health personnel and uneven distribution, and (8) low health status of the poor. regarding the low health status of the poor, blum (1974) states that there are four factors that determine a person's health status, namely individual and community behavioral factors, environment (socioeconomic, physical, and political), health services (type, coverage, and quality), and genetic factors. these four factors interact with each other dynamically to influence the health status of a person and society. of the four factors, human behavior is the most influential factor and the most difficult to overcome compared to other factors. this happens because behavior change requires policies to regulate the dynamics of the interaction of these determinants of health (muninjaya, 2004). the complexity of human behavior in terms of health is also recognized by howarth and hadaad (1992). they say that even if there is an increase in income in a household, it does not guarantee the increase will be invested in the health and education of children significantly. on the other hand, household consumption choices do not show a strong link between income and knowledge for improving nutrition, especially for children. development policies that emphasize increasing income of poor households without paying attention to what income is spent, does not improve health and development success in general. according to tonia (1992), the relationship between increased income and increased nutrition is not significant. socio-economic status and capacity socio-economic status is defined as income, which is the amount of money received by individuals and companies in the form of wages, wages, rent, interest, profit, unemployment benefits, and others (pass and lowes, 1998). household income, whether it comes from labor services or not, is not important in the economy because all factors of production can generate income. economic status as measured by income level affects the capacity of the population to use access to basic needs, such as education, health, and others (budiono, 1997). low e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 economic status or low income is the reason someone is malnourished, falls ill, or is the cause of low individual capacity (sen, 1999). low income is determined by the policies of the government concerned, especially how fairly national income is distributed among all citizens of the country. the gap is high if 40% of the lowest income population receives less than 12% of national income, whereas the gap is moderate if the 40% of the lowest income population receives 12 to 17% of national income. especially for indonesia, 40% of the lowest income population receives 19.5% of national income (kuncoro, 2010). framework of thinking based on theoretical studies and research results, a frame of mind that describes the clarity of the relationship between research concepts is shown in figure 1. there are two models of thinking frameworks that can be built, namely the first model explaining that the capacity of poor households (y1) is influenced by education (x1), health (x2), and socioeconomic status (x3). on the other hand, the second model explains that the accessibility of the basic needs of poor households (y2) is influenced by the capacity of poor households (y1), education (x1), health (x2), and socioeconomic status (x3). e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 methodology the research design used is concurrently embedded, which is a combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the same research problem (creswell and clark, 2007). however, the quantitative approach is more dominant. this means that a qualitative approach is used to validate the results of quantitative research. the quantitative approach uses general structural component analysis (gsca). the gsca approach is a powerful analytical method, not based on multiple assumptions. the data do not have to be multivariate and normal distributed data it doesn't have to be big (wold, 1985). because in this study the quantitative approach is more dominant, the research problem follows the formulation of a quantitative research problem which implies that the problem statement must be clear before the research is carried out (cooper and emory, 1996). the research location was chosen based on several considerations. first, the number of poor households tends to increase, from 25,500 in 2009 to 26,000 in 2011. second, the human development index during the period 2009 to 2011 increased from 72.43 to 73.43. quantitative and qualitative data the initial step is to determine the population and sample. the population is all poor households recorded in 2011 by bps gianyar regency, namely 24.026 poor families spread across seven sub-districts and in seventy villages / wards. the sample is a part of the population, which is selected with certain procedures and considerations so that it represents the population. the sample selection is based on the principle of representativeness, homogeneity, and the principle of precision. samples were taken from each sub-district represented by two villages / wards originating from one urban or urban village and one rural or rural village. homogeneity is seen from the socioeconomic status, capacity, socio-culture, and institutions with relatively the same characteristics. social research precision is considered good, ranging from 1% to 10% with a critical point of 5% (sarwono, 2010). in this way the study population became 7.646 rtm. by using the slovin formula a total sample of 400 rtm is obtained. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 n = n 1 + n.e2 remark: n = sample n = population = 7.646 rtm e = critical point 0.05 calculation n = 7.646 = 380,11 (400) 1 + 7.646 (0,05)2 samples were selected by systematic random sampling technique in the first selection continued according to the size of the interval (the interval is the population divided by the sample, i.e. 7.646 / 400 = 19). the data collection technique used questionnaires, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and observation. the questionnaire uses a closed list of questions covering the thoughts, feelings, attitudes, beliefs, values, perceptions, personalities and behaviors of the respondents. in-depth interviews were conducted with key informants, either structured or unstructured, face to face, and or by telephone if the situation supported. the focus group discussion involved key informants consisting of elements of village community development cadres (kpmd), village heads, setrawan and sub-district facilitators, setrawan and district facilitators, the inter-village cooperation agency (bkad), regional work units forum (skpd), dprd elements , and the head of the village community empowerment division (bpmd) at the gianyar village community empowerment agency, and traditional / religious leaders. observations were made using the senses and assistive devices in the form of cameras, writing instruments, voice recorders, and pictures (handy cam). however, researchers are not directly involved in the activities of the research subjects. data analysis technique the analysis technique used is descriptive analysis techniques, general structural component analysis (gsca), and qualitative analysis techniques. descriptive analysis is used to generate categories for respondents' answers. gsca analysis is used to evaluate whether the structural model shows a goodness of fit and the overall model. qualitative analysis e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 techniques are used to analyze qualitative data in order to validate the results of quantitative research. discussion by doing bootstrapping, the t statistic value (t-statistic) and the standard deviation of each estimator are obtained to determine the significance of the estimator parameters of the model. ho is accepted if cr is calculated ≤ 1.645 and ho is rejected if cr is ≥ 1.645 at alpha 0.05. based on the parameters in table 1 and the feasibility test of the model on overall model, hypothesis testing and discussion of research results can be carried out. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 1. direct and indirect effects of education on accessibility basic needs of rtm the direct effect of the education variable on the capacity variable shows a path coefficient of 0.016 and a cr value of 0.28 smaller than the value of t table 1.645 on alpha 0.05. this means that the education variable has a positive but not significant effect on capacity. increasing education increases rtm capacity. the results of the analysis of means scores of latent education were 2.729 and capacity 3.201 means that education strengthens capacity, but not significantly. this relationship took place at an equally low level. indirectly, education through capacity has a positive but insignificant effect on the accessibility of basic needs. the results showed that the path coefficient of 0.242 was smaller than the value of χ2 ≥ 3.841 at alpha 0.05. education serves to strengthen the capacity for accessibility of basic needs. these findings indicate that fighting poverty and hunger requires a significant increase in education for poor households. the low level of education of poor households is caused by ineffective implementation of the scholarship program. they stated that 57 percent had never received a scholarship program. meanwhile, 22.3 percent stated that they used the three to five year scholarship, 10 percent for six to eight years, 6 percent for nine to eleven years, and only 4.8 percent stated that they used the scholarship for more than twelve years. thus, based on these findings, it is known that in the effort to improve the education of poor households, the implementation of the scholarship program needs to be further strengthened. 2. direct and indirect health effects on accessibility basic needs of rtm the direct effect of health on capacity shows the path coefficient 0.201 and the cr value of 2.95 * is greater than the t table value of 1.645 alpha 0.05. this means that health has a positive and significant effect on capacity. as health improves, capacity increases. mean e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 scores of latent health were 2,983 less than means scores of latent capacity 3.201. this means that health strengthens capacity significantly. indirectly health through capacity has a positive effect, but it is not yet significant for the accessibility of basic needs. this is indicated by the path coefficient of 2.940 which is smaller than the value of χ2 ≥ 3,841 at alpha 0.05. in the descriptive analysis, it was found that the cause of the low influence of health through capacity on accessibility was poor households' understanding of low health regulations (average score 2.685). this finding means that in an effort to improve health status, it is necessary to further improve the process of communication, education and information on health regulations, especially those concerning their rights to health services. 3. direct and indirect effects of socio-economic status on accessibility basic needs the direct effect of socio-economic status on the capacity of poor households is positive and significant. the results showed the path coefficient of 0.192 and the cr value of 3.27 were greater than the t table value of 1.645 at alpha 0.05. this means that the higher the socioeconomic status, the accessibility of basic needs increases. means scores of latent socioeconomic status are 2,881 greater than means scores of latent accessibility are 2,477. this means that the socioeconomic status has a more positive and dominant effect on capacity than the effect of education and health. indirectly, socio-economic status through capacity has a positive but insignificant effect on the accessibility of basic needs for poor households. the results showed that the path coefficient of 2.856 was smaller than the value of χ2 ≥ 3.841 at alpha 0.05. based on the results of the descriptive analysis, it was found that a positive but insignificant relationship was the ownership of the production factors in the form of low land. most of them (61.25) own ± 10 acres of land, while their main livelihoods are farmers and farm laborers (40.5%). these findings indicate that efforts to combat poverty and hunger with agricultural intensification and intensification policies are not appropriate. therefore, it takes other, more creative and innovative ways to increase the income of the poor apart from agriculture. 4. direct effect of capacity on accessibility of basic needs the direct effect of capacity on the accessibility of basic needs shows a path coefficient of 0.043 and a cr value of 0.88 smaller than the value of t table 1.645 on alpha 0.05. this shows that capacity has a positive but insignificant effect on the accessibility of basic needs. e-journal of cultural studies august 2020 vol. 13, number 3, page 19-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 means scores of latent capacity are 3.407 greater than means scores of latent accessibility of 2.490. this means that a sufficiently good capacity does not guarantee good accessibility either. there are other factors at play. the results of research conducted by tingkes (2014) found that negative socio-cultural environmental factors hampered the accessibility of the basic needs of poor families. this finding means that in the effort to fight poverty and hunger it is necessary to pay attention to the socio-cultural environmental factors. according to soemarwotto (1989) it is important to pay attention to the negative socio-cultural environment when two ecosystems with different levels of development interact, there is an exchange of energy, material and information between the two. however, the flow of exchange always benefits developed ecosystems (more affluent groups of people) and harms underdeveloped ecosystems (disadvantaged groups of people). conclusion based on the research problems, research objectives, and research results analyzed descriptively, quantitatively, and various types of testing validated with the results of qualitative research, it can be concluded that the cause of the slow reduction in the poverty rate is the implementation factor of the scholarship program for poor households that has not optimal, understanding of health regulations is still low, ownership of production factors in the form of narrow agricultural land, while the main livelihood is agriculture and agricultural labor. in addition, the influence of the negative social and cultural environment. therefore, the capacity or 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(pp 587–599) new york wiley microsoft word artikel ida ayu artayani terbit1 e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 the resilience of bali traditional pottery craftsmen of pejaten village in the global era ida ayu gede artayani1, i wayan ardika2, i nyoman suarka3, i wayan suwena4 1indonesian art institute denpasar, 2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1artayani_bali@yahoo.co.id, 2ardikawayan52@gmail.com, 3nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 4wayan_suwena@unud.ac.id received date : 12-05-2020 accepted date : 06-01-2020 published date : 28-02-2021 abstract pottery craftsmen in pejaten village still survive producing traditional pottery amid changes in their socio-cultural space. this study aims to analyze the reasons they persist in the realm of traditional pottery crafts today. this study uses the paradigm of critical thinking with a qualitative approach that views social reality as something that is intact, complex, dynamic, full of meaning with interactive symptom relationships. this research, analyzed by the generative structural theory of pierre bourdieu. theory to explain the practice in the realm of pottery crafts in pejaten village. bourdieu made a generative formula about practice, namely: (habitus x capital) + domain = practice. the results of this study indicate the survival practice of these pottery craftsmen by applying the habitus cutting strategy, in the form of intergenerational skills through informal education between families. habitus they have internalized in individuals and make them have cultural capital. ownership of cultural capital can be converted into other forms of capital, but the ability to convert capital cannot be done by all individuals, even though they grow and have a similar habitus. this is influenced by cognitive abilities, reasoning power, episteme, and individual experiences. this results in a class structure in the realm. ownership of habitus and cultural capital is not sufficient to survive in this realm. other capital ownership is needed, such as: economic capital, social capital, and symbolic capital. the results of this study can be used as a reference for developing the cultural sustainability of the traditional heritage between generations in responding to the changes that have occurred in the social space for pottery handicrafts in pejaten village today. keywords: sustainability, habitus, capital, traditional pottery craftsmen. introduction the cultural life of the pejaten village community has historically been known as the center of the pottery industry in bali. they have been making pottery crafts from generation to generation. the pottery craft in pejaten village was challenged in the 1970s, with the entry e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 of various furniture made of aluminum and plastic, this had an effect on the decreasing demand for pottery objects. in response to this, the provincial government of bali provided assistance in the form of press printing equipment which could produce mass products in the form of roof tiles and brick press. pottery crafts have shown progress since the 1980s, and have attracted traditional pottery craftsmen of pejaten village to switch to work by utilizing modern technology because of the promising results (interview with prebekel desa pejaten alita wijaya, may 7, 2018). the entry of technology amid the increasingly sluggish demand for traditional pottery objects caused the craftsmen of pejaten village, who originally worked in the realm of traditional pottery handicrafts to split, some chose the modern ceramic route (high burnt) and on the other hand many switched to the tile industry (pottery modern). in the midst of these choices there is a group of craftsmen who persist in the realm of traditional pottery crafts. their persistence is a form of obedience to the ancestral message passed down from generation to generation, through stories or stories between generations that "the descendants of sangging must continue to work in the field of sangging". the speech has internalized the individual (craftsman) and has become a truth that must be carried out as responsibility for the orders of its predecessors. this phenomenon is interesting for a more in-depth study that focuses on understanding and explaining why the traditional ceramic craftsmen of pajaten village still persisted in the realm of traditional pottery crafts in the ancient era. according to tjidera (1984: 8), soroh / klen sangging is a person who is skilled in sculpting, painting, drawing, making sacred statues or statues. people with special skills include balinese fine arts, mysticism, literature, hindu religious teachings and negotiation (balinese architecture). the position of sangging in balinese society has a high social status because sangging is a chosen people who have special skills and not just anyone can have it. the development of these handicraft activities has received support from the local community. support in the form of using pottery objects in their daily lives. with the support of the local community, the activities of traditional balinese pottery craftsmen continue. the handicraft products he creates make practical objects, but designs have been developed to suit market needs. cultural production carried out by the pejaten village community is an active process that confirms its existence in social life. in this context, in general, the e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 livelihoods undertaken by the people of pejaten village are quite diverse, but most of them live as pottery craftsmen. most of the people in pejaten village work as pottery craftsmen. this is related to the environment in pejaten village which does not have rice fields. evidence of the absence of paddy fields in the area is the unknown subak system (a community organization that handles the irrigation system in bali) and the absence of pura ulun swi (a place for worshiping dewi sri). with such circumstances, forcing people who live in this domain to take advantage of the existing natural potentials by processing materials such as plastic soil into various handicraft objects. at first pottery objects were made for personal gain, but over time pottery objects began to become commodities. in the bourdieu language, the actions of the pejaten village community as craftsmen and being able to face such social environmental situations, they have treated their habitus as a mental or cognitive structure that is developed as a driving force and action to do something. habitus is imagined as a social structure that is internalized and manifested. habitus is a source of driving action, thought, and representation (kleden, 2005: 361-375). the development of pottery handicrafts in pejaten village is not only limited to fulfilling practical needs, but has become a commodity related to the ownership of craftsmen's capital and has the opportunity to open new jobs. the ownership of various assets of each individual (craftsman) is not the same, even though they have habitus and live in the same social space. this is influenced by cognitive factors, reasoning power, episteme, and experiences of each individual. these differences lead to a class structure in the social space in pejaten village. those who have capital in the realm, easily regulate the course of production. those who are in the lower class have the only way to survive and be useful to the owners of the capital. the difference in capital ownership creates a class structure in the social space in pejaten village. this is influenced by the low ownership of the craftsmen's cultural capital. on average, they only received elementary school education. this affects the ownership of their capital. the relatively small capital ownership of pottery craftsmen makes them struggle to have various assets in the realm. the pottery artisans in pejaten village not only compete with fellow craftsmen, but they also compete with craftsmen who have various assets. the persistence of traditional pottery craftsmen is a practice of craftsmen's life with minimal material capital, by having a strategy to be able to maintain their business in a social space that has undergone changes. e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 methodology this research is designed as a cultural studies as the idea of barker (2005: 515), cultural studies is an interdisciplinary field of inquiry that studies the production and cultivation of meaning maps and concentrates on issues of power, in the practice of meaningful life formations. human. referring to barker's ideas, this research focuses on efforts to understand and explain the ideas, ideas, thoughts and truth behind the actions and behavior displayed by the traditional balinese pottery craftsmen of pejaten village. this study uses the generative structural theory of pierre bourdieu. bourdieu's theory attempts to link his theoretical ideas to research based on everyday life. bourdieu's theory is formulated: (habitus x capital) + domain = practice. this formula replaces every simple relation between individuals and structures with the relation between habitus and realms involving capital. this study uses a cultural studies approach with a qualitative analysis method. results and discussion the passing of habitus between generations of pottery craftsmen in pejaten village the making of traditional balinese pottery crafts has taken a long journey from a cultural tradition. making pottery that takes place through a process of inheritance between generations. especially in the tradition of craftsmen who are defended, passed on, and continued. knowledge and productive skills in making pottery are passed down from generation to generation through the process of socialization and culture. knowledge of pottery making has been embedded in each traditional pottery craftsman in pejaten village. the inheritance socialization applied by traditional balinese pottery craftsmen in pejaten village is through the transmission of traditional cultural values that contain skills, and shown by the craftsmen, in the form of productive abilities in their activities. skills are not abilities that are innate (ascribe), but abilities of productive skills that are learned through a process. the practice of continuing the traditional culture in making pottery is included in social practice, as argued by bourdieu (in fashri, 2014: 106) stated that social practice is everything that is observed, experienced, and exists outside of the social actor, with dialectically dynamic movements. is a disclosure of everything that has been internalized to become part of the social actor. the traditional pottery making has become the forming of the pottery craftsman habitus as the only skill and work undertaken as revealed in the following interview. e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 “…… we got the skill to make pottery from our parents. they trained us from childhood to make various forms of pottery objects… ”, (interview, with kuturan, may 3, 2019). the interview excerpt above illustrates that the practice of making pottery is taught by parents to children, the practice is interpreted as an attitude that is manifested in an action. the existence of supporting factors, in the form of environmental conditions and available facilities, influence these practices, and make them have knowledge. the result of knowledge makes them "know". learning and training from their parents has made them have skills, expertise, and have been embedded in them and become identities that must be maintained. the extension of the habitus to the handicraft social space in pejaten village, in the form of pottery making skills is carried out by senior craftsmen through socialization with informal learning within the family. the craftsmen show the socialization of inheritance in the form of productive abilities in pottery making activities. skills are not abilities that are innate from birth (ascribe) but abilities of productive skills that must be learned through a learning process that is shown in the picture below. figure: the inheritance of the habitus by learning while playing, the generation of pottery artisans photo: artayani, 2019 socialization through the inheritance of skills between generations in the craftsmen of pejaten village is not only the inheritance of skills that are passed down from senior craftsmen, but also through storytelling that is passed down from generation to generation. as the e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 descendants of sangging, they must continue to pursue the sangging field. he believes this is an effort to avoid bad things, and for those who obediently work in the sangging field, undoubtedly never lack in material form. trust and confidence in these utterances have been embedded and become a truth. they, as the sangging generation, have the responsibility to pass on the ancestral message and it was revealed in the following interview. "... my parents told me that the skill of making pottery is a legacy of our ancestors and because we are from the sangging family, we need to learn this skill as a provision for life ..." (interview with, ni made netri, may 9, 2018). the interview excerpt above implies that the learning process through information obtained from stories and information is used as a belief and knowledge that is born from the understanding process of traditional balinese pottery craftsmen, in analyzing the surrounding environment which is supported by their cognitive abilities. the concept of behavior applied by pottery craftsmen refers to behavior in understanding the surrounding environment and processing it into adaptive information according to the goals they expect (developed from spink, 2007: 257). the learning process that is carried out through cultural transmission related to the activity of making pottery crafts through the process of imitation, identification, and practice without them knowing it has formed patterns of behavior and ways of thinking that remain in the next generation of pottery craftsmen. the process of learning through values, norms, and rules that must be obeyed. emphasis on internalized values and norms produces a sociocultural and a sense of play (feel for the game) which creates various movements and is adapted to the games that are often performed. in this case, what is meant by the game is a learning process related to pottery making which is done by the older generation to the younger generation. fashri, (2014: 15) in bourdieu language, this is a habitus as a result of internalization of the social world structure or internalized social structure. the pattern of continuing the traditional culture related to the activity of making pottery crafts is carried out by craftsmen by: first, the continuation of the habitus through learning carried out in the family through socialization between parent and child. second, inheritance is done by telling the tradition that is owned repeatedly between generations, so that indirectly it has formed knowledge in each individual. third, through training for generations in the form of action, seeing, imitating, and practicing. fourth, by finding information among the craftsmen so as to form a collective habitus as a strengthening of knowledge. fifth, the making of pottery e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 handicrafts through formal education because education can increase knowledge and indirectly affect the ownership of individual capital (craftsmen) in the realm. in the bourdieu language, learning carried out by craftsmen is the application of the habitus as a historical product that is formed after humans are born and interacts with society in a certain time and space. habitus is not innate naturally, but is the result of learning through nurturing and socializing in society. the learning process is very subtle and unconsciously appears as natural (developed from harker, 2009: xix). the formation of capital for traditional balinese pottery craftsmen the definition of capital according to bourdieu, has a difference in terms of its definition and form with capital which is commonly known in economic terms. general capital is contained in the terms market and economy and can drive the pace of the economy further developed, in the form of material in the form of money or goods. in contrast to the notion of capital in bourdieu's point of view, capital in this point of view refers to the behavior or something that is owned by humans which originates from within (harker, 2009: 25). bourdieu's definition of capital is very broad and includes all goods, both material and symbolic. these capitals can be classified into four groups, namely: (1) economic capital, including the means of production (machinery, land, labor), and ownership of income in the form of objects, (2) cultural capital (information capital, competence, skills, education), (3) social capital refers to social networks owned by individuals and groups in relation to other individuals who have power, and (4) symbolic capital, which includes all prestige, status, authority, and legitimacy (bourdieu, 2015: 162) . the four capitals mentioned above are of course very supportive of the cultural production activities of pottery making in pejaten village. the four assets owned by the craftsmen are a supporting dimension in the management of the pottery making. the cultural capital possessed in the form of knowledge and understanding in working activities becomes supporting capital for the steady existence of making pottery handicraft objects maximally and capital must exist in a realm. so that the realm can have powers that give meaning. the relationship between habitus, realm and capital is directly linked and aims at carrying out social practices. the characteristics of capital are associated with the habitus scheme as a guideline for action and classification and the domain in which capital operates. meanwhile, e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 the realm is always surrounded by objective power relations based on the types of capital combined with habitus. the traditional balinese pottery craftsmen in pejaten village have various collections of capital. the variations in the availability of their capital are influenced by differences in life trajectories that last from birth to adulthood. the difference in the collection of capital indicates a success or failure in choosing the capital accumulation strategy they choose in developing habitus in the realm of their struggle. the capital ownership of the pejaten village craftsmen based on field observations and in accordance with the distribution of types of capital mentioned by bourdieu, is very compatible with the craftsmen's social space in pejaten village and has an effect on their survival in producing traditional balinese pottery crafts, namely: cultural capital for pottery crafters in pejaten village cultural capital in bourdieu's sense is related to the overall mastery of various knowledge that can be produced through formal education and family inheritance. the ability to present oneself in public, ownership of high value cultural objects, knowledge, and certain skills resulting from formal education, certificates that include a bachelor's degree (bourdieu, 2015: 101). in connection with the definition of cultural capital, the ownership of skills in making various pottery objects is a representation of the intellectual abilities of craftsmen with regard to aspects of logic, ethics and aesthetics. the cultural capital possessed by the pejaten village craftsmen is based on legitimized knowledge, that the skills and skills possessed by the craftsmen are the ability to make pottery handicrafts which are obtained from generation to generation through the learning process carried out in the family since childhood. the ownership of cultural capital of the traditional pottery craftsmen of pejaten village, is not only in the form of skills and knowledge, but ownership of cultural capital is also the nature of the craftsmen (individuals) such as: courtesy, always being open to guests who come, how to talk, and always keeping promises in thing of completing his craft orders. they do this not only to fellow craftsmen, but to consumers who come to their workshops. this is a cultural capital which is the innate character of each individual to attract consumers to come and order handicrafts, so that a good relationship is created between craftsmen, craftsmen e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 and consumers. this intertwining is one of the factors and influences the sustainability of the traditional pottery business in pejaten village. economic capital of traditional pottery crafters economic capital is a resource that becomes a means of production and a means of finance. economic capital is a type of capital that is easily converted into other forms of capital. this economic capital includes the means of production (machines, land, labor), material (income and things), and money. all types of capital are easy to use for all purposes and are passed on from generation to generation (harker, 2009: 16). from observations and interviews in the field, it was found that the economic capital ownership of craftsmen was not the same. this is influenced by their ability to raise capital and also the ownership of capital they get from family inheritance. the strategies for collecting economic capital for the craftsmen are very diverse, namely: borrowing capital from the owner of the capital, making loans to relatives, some developing businesses with their savings capital. for craftsmen who have economic capital from family inheritance, they look more advanced in developing their business fields. the ownership of economic capital affects the running of traditional pottery craftsmen in pejaten village. craftsmen who have economic capital in the form of inheritance easily manage the production of pottery in their social sphere social capital of traditional pottery crafters the notion of social capital in bourdeu's generative theory refers to the social networks they have (individuals or groups) in relation to other parties who have power and symbolic capital. symbolic capital includes all forms of prestige, status, authority and legitimacy they get in the arena of cultural production in the social sphere (fashri, 2007: 98-100). in bourdieu's language, social capital is relationships and networks. these relationships are a useful resource in determining the reproduction of social positions (haryatmoko, 2003: 12). in the cultural context of making pottery handicraft objects in pejaten village, from the results of observations and interviews with informants in terms of building social networks with other individuals, the craftsmen build a network. this network is not only with fellow craftsmen, but also builds social relationships with consumers, business people who have capital, borrowers and government officials. the goal is to build strong relationships and get them a position in running their craft business. to be able to have a strong network among e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 the crafters to build an emotional bond to those who feel strengthens their position. the ability to build relationships in forming networks is not shared by all craftsmen. of course, this is influenced by the ownership of cultural capital through cognitive abilities, reasoning power, episteme, and the length of individual trajectories (craftsmen) in their social domain. craftsmen who have this ability have indirectly formed symbolic capital and made it symbolic power, so that the strategies adopted by craftsmen who have symbolic capital usually maintain ownership of their various capital, inheritance to future generations, thus indirectly regulating the course of production and controlling realm of social struggle. symbolic capital of traditional pottery crafters haryatmoko (2003: 11-12) states that symbolic capital refers to the degree of accumulated prestige, fame, consecration or honor, and is built on a dialectic of knowledge (connaissance) and recognition (reconnaissance). symbolic capital is inseparable from symbolic power, which is power that makes it possible to obtain an equivalent of what is obtained through physical and economic power due to the special effects of mobilization. the symbolic capital possessed by each individual (craftsman) traditional balinese pottery clearly has nothing in common. owned symbolic capital is not symbolic power. the symbolic asset that pottery artisans have is everything they use and use. symbolic capital is usually inseparable from symbolic power. the symbolic capital of pottery craftsmen in pejaten village is seen from the level of education and goods they have. in this regard, the cultural production arena for making pottery crafts in pejaten village is formed from an arena structure, and in it there are positions of individuals (craftsmen) who make cultural products. they meet in the arena and compete in practices that result in cultural production. traditional balinese pottery craftsmen are individuals who are controlled by the habitus and are supported by the capital and strategies used, so that they can compete in the arena of cultural production. the higher the craftsmen's capital ownership in the realm, the wider their ability to win the battlefield, so that indirectly those who have this ability can easily control the course of production and master other craftsmen. the symbolic capital ownership of the pottery craftsmen in pejaten village, from the results of the research, found that one of the elder traditional figures (senior craftsmen) had control over various capital and had obtained his position in the community. the control of various capitals is obtained from his inheritance and his ability to convert the assets he owns. e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 thus, those who have symbolic capital are craftsmen who are able to convert the ownership of capital obtained from the results of their business. the ability to convert their capitals can be seen from the ownership of various objects, such as movable and immovable property, ownership of cultural objects, and their ability to send their future generations to higher education. this has an indirect effect on certificate ownership, network expansion, and social position placement in society. ownership of capital as a result of the ability to convert the capitals they get for those who have capital from family inheritance is easier to have a position in the social sphere, because the capitals they get are already there and it only remains to convert into other forms of capital. the four capitals mentioned by bourdieu are of course very supportive of potterymaking production activities in pejaten village. the four capitals support the management of pottery making. the cultural capital that is owned in the form of knowledge and understanding in working activities becomes supporting capital for the sustained sustainability of making pottery to its full potential. capital must exist in a realm so that it has powers that give meaning. the relationship between habitus, realm and capital is directly linked and aims to explain social practice. the characteristics of capital are associated with the habitus scheme as a guide for action and classification and the domain in which capital operates. and the realm is always surrounded by objective power relations based on the type of capital combined with habitus. conclusion based on the results of research as well as discussion and analysis with the theory used, the following conclusions can be drawn: first, the production of traditional pottery making by craftsmen in pejaten village, indirectly its existence is maintained and steady due to the existence of a developing and formed habitus in society from generation to generation between generations. the habitus of pottery craftsmen in pejaten village was passed down through socialization between families by training the generations from an early age. second, there is a belief among traditional pottery craftsmen in pejaten village, especially those of sangging descent that they remain diligent and obedient to work in the sangging field. the beliefs that they have also influence the survival of this traditional pottery. third, the results of the informal learning process have formed a habitus to become pottery craftsmen and become cultural capital and skills related to the activity of making handicraft e-journal of cultural studies bruary 2021 vol. 14, number 1, page 1-12 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 objects made from clay. their cultural capital can be converted into economic capital. this capital conversion is possible because pottery objects have become commodities and there has been a development of capital, and fourth, control of capital in the realm of pottery artisans in pejaten village who has control over various capital easily controls the capital of other craftsmen, thus affecting the sustainability of the production of this craft. in the sense that craftsmen who are low in control of capital will continue to have dependence on the owner of symbolic power and position in the social sphere. this has an effect on the sustainability and survival of traditional pottery handicrafts in present-day pejaten village. references bourdieu. 2015. arena 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(habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik pengantar paling kompherenshif kepada pemikiran pierre bourdieu.yogyakarta: jalasutra. haryatmoko. 2003. “bahasa pertarungan simbolik dan kekuasaan”. majalah basis. nomor 11-12. tahun ke-52. yogyakarta: yayasan bp basis. ignas, kleden. 2005. habitus: iman dalam perspektif cultural production. jakarta: sekretariat sagki. spink, o. 2007. information behavior: a socio-cognitive ability. evolutionary psychology. london: elsevier ltd. tjidera, gung wayan. 1984. penelitian studi sangging. laporan. penelitian proyek peningkatan/pembangunan perguruan tinggi. denpasar: universitas udayana. microsoft word artikel shawhong ser terbit4 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 the wonder food museum story: celebrating malaysia’s food culture and culinary heritage shawhong ser faculty of communication arts, chulalongkorn university email: shaw.h@chula.ac.th received date : 27-10-2020 accepted date : 26-11-2020 published date : 30-11-2020 abstract although thematic museums centered around food culture and culinary heritage have been around for decades, the concept of food museum is still fairly new in southeast asia. only in 2015, the first food-oriented museum – “wonder food museum” was established in penang, malaysia. since its establishment, the museum has received positive feedback from both local and international visitors. from 2017 to 2019, the museum has been selected as the recipient of the certificate of excellence by international well renowned travel organization tripadvisor inc. meanwhile, the museum’s contribution to the state’s cultural and tourism development has also been recognized by the state authority. in 2017 and 2019, the museum was awarded the ‘top museum award (unique concept)’, and ‘best tourism (museum)award’ by the inpenang international awards respectively. by and large, wonder food museum is currently one of the most outstanding museums in malaysia and a wellknown attraction in penang. in this paper, to response on the research scholarly interest in museum tourism in southeast asia, the researcher has made an attempt to document the development of wonder food museum from 2015 to 2019. the museum’s curatorial concept, exhibits production, exhibition planning and its overall management will be discussed and analyzed. as the aforementioned this paper will provide insights into an understanding of food museum’s development in malaysia. keywords: food museum, food culture, culinary heritage, malaysia’s museum, museum tourism, interactive museum introduction according to tove danovich (2015), a global enthusiasm for food museums seems to have sprung up almost overnight. since 2010, museums dedicated to the wider world of food have gotten underway in brooklyn, prague, london, chicago and etc. danielle oteri (2019) e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 also mentioned that, in recent years, “food” has been a hot topic in the field of arts and culture. for instance, in 2015, milan expo’s exhibitions focused on food culture and culinary heritage were well received by the public. meanwhile, exhibitions concerning food such as “our global kitchen: food, nature and culture” organized by american museum of natural history in 2012, and “eat, drink and be merry: food in the middle ages and renaissance” by the getty center in 2015 at los angeles have also been massively celebrated by audiences. in 2019, a wonderful array of exhibitions on food culture have been presented by museums in europe. for example, “feeding history: the politics of food” by british museum (london), “food: bigger than the plate” by victoria and albert museum (london), “feast of fools: bruegel rediscovered” by gaasbeek castle (lennik), and “café europe: food ties” by museum of european cultures (berlin). to put it succinctly, today’s museums have increasingly been highlighting food, culinary, and dining history in their exhibition schedules (sarah peters kernan, 2019). in the asia-pacific region, the cultural and social aspects of food also contribute to many nations’ museum exhibition agendas. for instance, in 2013, an exhibition celebrates australian culinary history, “eat your history: a shared table” was presented by museum of sydney. in 2015, an exhibition to celebrate 50 years of normalization of diplomatic ties entitled “food culture in korea and japan: the tastes of nanum and omotenashi” was presented by national museum of ethnology in osaka and national folk museum of korea in seoul. in 2017, a food-themed exhibition, “taberu wo kaku (drawing eating)” was organized by ghibli museum in tokyo. in 2020, a special exhibition, “washoku -nature and culture in japanese cuisine” was presented by national museum of nature and science in tokyo. in taiwan, “the testimony of food” exhibition was organized by taipei fine arts museum in 2015. in 2014, hong kong heritage museum presented an exhibition “more than just food” at hong kong international airport. in india, an exhibition on india’s ancient food culture “historical gastronomica the indus dining experience” was held at the national museum (new delhi) in 2020. in 2019, an exhibition titled “packaging matters: singapore's food packaging story from the early 20th century” was presented by national museum of singapore. meanwhile, according to fuchsia dunlop (2014), in recent years, china has developed a new passion for food museums, and such excitement has spawned a crop of new museums all about food, for example, opened in 2012, the hangzhou’s cuisine museum is one of a growing number e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 of food museums in zhejiang province that fully funded by the city government to promote gastro-diplomacy. the concept of the food-themed exhibition might sound new, yet the relationship between “food and museum” is certainly not a new phenomenon. since 1985, the world’s first food museum – the alimentarium food museum was established in switzerland to showcase a global and independent view of the many aspects of the human diet (afm, 2020). meanwhile, over the last three decades, many countries had also devoted much appreciation to the food culture in their museums. as reported by maria lotfi (2019), currently, there are various types of food and beverage museums around the world, and these museums did not merely educate people about the food’s history and culture, yet they also bring a pleasant experience to visitors as food always makes people happy. joey haverford (2019) also mentioned that food museums from over the world emphasizing different themes, and each museum focuses on a certain food or kind of food to delve into its respective world. thusly, each food museum has its distinctive uniqueness and specialness. currently, there are lists and directories of best food museums around the world made available by experts in the field as references for visitors. for instance, in 2015, tamara hinson (cnn travel journalist) reported the world’s top food museums to visit as follow, colman's mustard shop and museum (united kingdoms), york's chocolate story (england), shin-yokohama ramen museum (japan), udon museum (japan), frietmuseum (bruges, belgium), dutch cheese museum (netherlands), kimchi museum (south korea), currywurst museum (germany), southern food and beverage museum (united states), canadian potato museum (canada), and museum of olive oil production (greece). in 2018, national geographic as well listed the world’s top ten museums dedicated to food and beverage as follow, the bramah museum of tea and coffee (england), museum of cocoa and chocolate (belgium), alimentarium (switzerland), colman's mustard shop and museum (united kingdoms), museo del peperoncino (italy), pick salami and szeged paprika museum (hungary), shin-yokohama ramen museum (japan), ben & jerry’s museum (united states), world of coca-cola (united states), and museum of bread culture (germany). yet, no matter one’s agreed or not with these selections, the agreement upon the fact that these museums are significant establishments that delve into the history, culture, art and technological development of food culture around the world is unquestionable. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 by and large, food museums and exhibitions celebrate food, exploring its history, heritage, and cultural influence. following the establishment of the world’s first food museum in 1985, in this day and age, an enormous number of food-oriented museums have been developed over the world. as concluded by tove danovich (2015), food museums is now a worldwide phenomenon, and the age of the food museum is clearly upon us. the development of food museums in asia oishimaya sen nag (2019), as a home to some of the world’s oldest civilizations. asia has a vast wealth of historical and archaeological treasures that are protected and exhibited in many museums distributed in its many countries. meanwhile, with its richness and diversity of dietary culture, it is not surprising to learn that the world’s food-oriented museums’ fascination has been well celebrated by people living in this continent. historical research has shown that, established in 1986, museum kimchikan or the kimchi field museum located in seoul, south korea is currently one of the oldest food museums in the world. the museum is a well-known cultural and educational center dedicated to preserve and promote kimchi culture, and its exhibition features the historical and cultural significance of kimchi in korean culture and gastronomy (museum kimchikan, 2020). in 2002, tteok museum (korean rice cakes museum) is another food museum that opened in seoul to celebrate korean culinary heritage. lucy dayman (2017), given to japanese serious love for dietary, it should not be surprising to know that japan is the food museum capital of asia. currently, there are at least 14 food-oriented museums in japan, namely shin-yokohama ramen museum (yokohama), cup noodle museum (yokohama and osaka), kewpie mayo museum (tokyo), shimizu sushi museum (shizuoka), fake food museum (tokyo and yokohama), kirin beer village (yokohama), the sapporo beer museum (hokkaido), tottori nijisseiki pear museum (kurayoshi), new ginger museum (tochigi prefecture), odaiba takoyaki museum (tokyo), hakutsuru sake brewery museum (kobe), food and agriculture museum (tokyo), and etc. in sum, japan’s thriving food culture has been the catalyst for foods museum boom throughout the country in recent decades. meanwhile, in taiwan, many food museums have been established over the years. generally, the yilan distillery chia chi lan wine museum in yilan city (opened in 1998) is recognized as the oldest food museum in taiwan. from 2000 to present, there are at least 7 food-oriented museums have been established in taiwan, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 namely, wu tao chishang lunch box cultural history museum in taitung opened in 2002, taiwan salt museum in tainan opened in 2002, teng feng fish ball museum located in tamsui opened in 2004, spring onion culture museum in yilan opened in 2005, taiwan sugar museum in kaohsiung opened in 2006, kuo yuan ye museum of cake and pastry in taoyuan city opened in 2011, and taiwan mochi museum in nantou city opened in 2011. in addition to japan and taiwan, the mainland china has also developed a strong enthusiasm in developing food museums. as reported by fuchsia dunlop (2014), many new museums concerning food culture and culinary arts are opening in the mainland china, for example, the hangzhou’s cuisine museum is currently one of the most outstanding food museums that fully funded by the city government to promote china’s gastro-diplomacy. meanwhile, since 2011, chengdu in sichuan province has been honored as a city of gastronomy by unesco. a such, chengdu sichuan cuisine museum has been given a very significant roles to preserve and promote sichuan cuisine. in 2005, hong kong also welcomed its first food museum, the tao heung foods of mankind museum in fan ling (the museum was relocated to shatin in 2008). in 2018, the first culinary museum of indian was established in manipal by wgsha educational institution to showcase the beauty and greatness of indian food culture. in 2015, wonder food museum was opened in penang, malaysia as the first and only food museum in southeast asia. in summary, among the countries in asia, south korea is the country with the oldest food museum established in 1986. japan is the country with the highest number of food museums, and taiwan is another state that many food museums have established in the last two decades. apart from these two leading states, mainland china is catching up with an expansion of food museums to showcase its affluent food culture and heritage. meanwhile, in southeast asia, malaysia is the only country with a food museum established in 2015. research methodology for the purpose of the research, the qualitative research method is employed to obtain the picture of food museum phenomenon and the development of wonder food museum. data collection was gathered through both primary and secondary sources. primary data sources included key informants’ interview and researcher’s on field observation. secondary data sources mainly covered academic journals, government document, and newspaper e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 articles related to food museum phenomena in asia. for primary data collection, two research instruments have been utilized: (1) participant observation (2) semi-structure interview. (1) participant observation. according to barbara b. kawulich (2005), participant observation, over the years, has been a hallmark of both anthropological and sociological types of research. catherine marshall and gretchen rossman (2016) also mentioned that observation as the systematic description of events, behaviors, and artifacts in the social setting chosen for the study. in brief, observation as a data collection instrument supports the researcher to catalog, penetrate and analyze existing situations. therefore, to learn about the operation and atmosphere of the museum, participant observations have been undertaken by the researcher at the museum during his visit in september and november 2019. meanwhile, an informal discussion with groups of visitors was also been put into effect to obtain visitors' opinions of their experience at the museum. (2) semi-structure interview shazia jamshed (2014) describes the interview as one of the most common formats of data collection in qualitative research, and this data collection method serves as a type of framework in which the practices and standards are not only recorded but also achieved, challenged and as well as reinforced. m. easwaramoorthy and fataneh zarinpoush (2005) also defined interviews are data collection methods when there is a need to collect in-depth information on people’s opinions, thoughts, experiences, and feelings. for this the reason, on april 10, 2020, a qualitative interview has been organized to collect primary data to realize the research objectives. a semi-structured interview was conducted through skype conference meetings with two key informants. a set of predetermined questions concerning the planning, development and current situation of the museum have been instrumented to collect primary research date from (i) mr. sean lau (museum founder and director), and (ii) ms. cheryl ng (co-founder of the museum). for secondary data collection, with the advent of the internet, secondary data collection has been undertaken through online platforms. sources of secondary data related to food museum development in asia and malaysia include books, journal, newspaper article, and website have been identified and accessed to generate a deeper and wider scope of understanding of the research subject. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 results and discussion the wonder food museum, penang, malaysia the wonder food museum is located in george town, penang, malaysia. it was a private museum established in november 21, 2015. situated inside georgetown’s colonial architecture built in the 1940s, the museum is the only one of its kind in the world that celebrates diverse asia dietary. meanwhile, with a focus on showcasing malaysia's food culture, the museum is a great place to discover malaysian culinary heritage. according to sean lau (museum founder and director), wonder food museum’s mission is to document, preserve, and promote malaysia’s unique food culture which reflects the multiculturalism of the nation. meanwhile, the museum’s additional, yet not lesser mission is to research, exhibit, and publicize the rich culinary heritage of asia for the benefit of local residents and international visitors. in sum, wonder food museum is a new kind of museum in malaysia that delicate to showcase malaysia’s food culture with exhibits that allow visitors to “plean” (play + learn) with. it is an “edutainment” museum that incorporates elements of entertainment and interactivity into its exhibitions to maximize visitors’ experiences. as said by sean lau, “wonder food museum is a food museum plus wonderland that aims to provide a rich educational experience on food culture, and inspire creativity and curiosity within every individual.” figure 1: wonder food museum (sources: wonder food museum) although still fairly new to the museum scene, wonder food museum has achieved a great milestone in its development. currently, the museum is recognized as one of the 10 outstanding museums in malaysia by culturaltrip.com in 2017 and listed among the top 7 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 museums in malaysia by traveltriangle.com in 2019. meanwhile, in 2017, the museum has been awarded the “top museum (unique concept) award” by the inpenang international awards. in 2019, another honor was granted by inpenang international awards to celebrate the museum as “best tourism (museum)” in penang, malaysia. furthermore, since 2017 to present, the museum has also been selected as the recipient of the tripadvisor certificate of excellence for three consecutive years. undeniably, the wonder food museum has now one of the most celebrated museums in malaysia. the museum’s location george town, the capital city of the state of penang is the third most populous city in malaysia (usman haji yaakob & nik norliati fitri md nor, 2013). in 2008, the historical core of george town was honored by unesco as a world heritage site. for decades, george town has been one of the most well-known destinations of cultural heritage tourism in malaysia, and a top travel destination in asia (cnn travel, 2017). in recent years, the city has also been listed by various publications as a great destination for culinary tourism. for instance, lonely planet placed penang as no.1 food destination in the world in 2014, the culture trip named penang as one of the best 15 cities in the world for food in 2016, and cnn travel recommends penang as one of the greatest street food cities in 2017. with these international accolades, the city is now one of the popular destinations of culinary tourism in asia. as george town’s earned its reputation as a gastronomic paradise, and well-known for its multicultural heritage. sean lau sees the town as a perfect location for the food museum. after attentive research on location, lebuh pantai of george town is considered a strategic location for wonder food museum. housed in a distinctive colonial architecture built in the 1940s, the museum is neighbor with many popular attractions, such as georgetown unesco historic site, pinang peranakan mansion, and penang little india. in brief, the museum it centrally located and easily accessible for visitors. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 figure 2: location of wonder food museum (sources: wonder food museum) the museum’s curatorial concept according to sean lau, the idea of opening a food museum was conceived in 2012, yet to make wonder food museum become a reality is a challenging journey. it took the team nearly four years to overcome all challenges and have the museum opened in november 2015. the first and the biggest challenge was, there is no food museum in malaysia and neighboring countries to serve as a reference, and most of the food museums the team has research and learn about did not able to satisfy their interest. as such, to arrive with the concept of a “wonderland” comes only after months of research and discussion. as said by the co-founder, cheryl ng “we want to position this museum as a food wonderland for visitors to engage and enjoy their visit, it is a participating museum that engage visitors in both mental and physical interaction. therefore, the overall exhibition design and exhibits production are centered around the wonderland’s curatorial concept, and title the museum wonder food museum”. the museum’s exhibits all hyper-realistic replica foods exhibited in the museum are handcrafted by the creative team led by cheryl ng, who was trained professionally in the art of “shokuhin sampuru”. as said by cheryl ng, “my role as the leader of exhibits production is to lead the team to create the most hyper-realistic replica foods with the highest-level of deliciousness. it took the team nearly two years to research and produce close to 200 types of exhibits”. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 figure 3: wonder food museum’s exhibits production (sources: wonder food museum) shokuhin sampuru (food sample), a widespread japanese art of replica foods was invented by takizo iwasaki and suzu in 1932 (iwasaki co., ltd., 2011). since then, the culture of using shokuhin sampuru has become a popular practice by many japanese restaurants to display their signatures’ dishes on shop windows to attract customers. today, as times have changed, the roles of replica foods have evolved from just dish samples for restaurant promotion to art that pursuit of reality. as reported by jared lubarsky in the new york times (1985), the craftsmanship of replica foods has been raised to an art form. japanese plastic food models by the maizuru company were exhibited at london’s victoria and albert museum in 1980. meanwhile, in addition to its traditional roles, replica foods are also being used in many ways, for instance, decoration display for restaurants and grocery, props for movies, television shows, and theatrical plays. in the 20th century, models of foods and dishes were also used for nutrition education and consumer research (tamara bucher et al., 2012). in brief, over the years, replica foods have developed from being fake foods made from plastic, silicone, and resin. they are now cultural artifacts with a global presence that developed alongside with japanese gastro-diplomacy. the museum’s exhibition design for exhibition and gallery design, sean lau mentions that the exhibition team developed the exhibition design planning alongside exhibits production. based on the curatorial concept of a wonderland, the museum’s exhibition is divided into three different zones, namely (1) info zone, (2) wow zone, and (3) educational zone. (1) info zone, the space is dedicated to showcasing malaysia multiculturalism through the nation’s vibrant food culture. more than 100 types of malaysian foods are exhibited with a highlight of presenting traditional food from malays, indians, chinese and baba nyonya e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 culture. in short, the info zone is a gateway to the food wonderland with a grand presentation of malaysia’s culinary heritage. figure 4: info zone’s exhibition (sources: wonder food museum) (2) wow zone is where the “food wonderland” and its fantasy takes place. different sections such as ‘multi-colored foods’, ‘colorless foods’, ‘weightless foods’, and ‘giant displays’ are designed to stimulate visitors’ interaction with foods. for instance, under the giant display section, malaysia’s well-known dishes such as cendol, laksa, curry mee, rojak, char kuey teow and etc were made in a gigantic size to excite visitors and challenge their perceptions about foods. figure 5: wow zone’s exhibition (sources: wonder food museum) (3) educational zone, this zone aims to bring together the politics and pleasure of foods, and proposed questions to raise visitors’ awareness of food’s production, consumption, and environmental sustainability. thereupon, at the end of the visit, an image of a helpless child crouched over leftover food on the floor against a red backdrop with the message, “food is precious, don’t waste” is the highlight of the educational zone.” e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 62 figure 6: educational zone’s exhibition (sources: wonder food museum) by and large, the info zone is devoted to showcasing the wonder of malaysia’s cultural diversity through its food heritage. the wow zone is a food wonderland designed to inspire visitors’ participation, and the educational zone is dedicated as the zone of enlightenment. an interactive museum andrew pekarik et al. (2002), in recent years, museum visitors have come to expect a high level of interactivity in museum exhibitions, especially non-art exhibitions kalina nedelcheva (2019) also describes that, interactive exhibitions have the power to pull the audience closer to artworks and created a more memorable experience. museums with interactive exhibition design are now in the trend. therefore, it is not surprising to see that many museums nowadays integrate interactivity into their exhibition design. the interactive exhibit is a hit, yet the interactivities and interactive design are an open-ended concept, the conceptualization and practice of an interactive exhibition have therefore been interpreted differently accordingly to one’s exhibition design objective. for instance, an interactive exhibition could be spaces with exhibits designed to encourages visitor’s physical participation. it could also be an exhibition with a physical or virtual presentation that involved multi-sensory interactive design. in sum, interactive exhibitions blurred and blended the fine line between education and entertainment experience in a dynamic way. it is a change that shifted the global museum practices (shawhong ser, 2019). according to sean lau, “exhibitions nowadays have moved away from the passive display to dynamic edutainment installation. therefore, a museum with a physical interactive design is what interests him. consequently, a food museum with a wonderland’s theme that engaged visitors’ in series physical interactions was designed as specialness of wonder food museum”. as a museum embraces the idea of interactive exhibitions, in each zone’s e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 63 exhibition, there are exhibits for display, and exhibits serve as “prop” to bridge visitor’s engagement. for instance, in wow zone, visitors are allowed to “play” with exhibits, it is an exhibition area that stimulates visitors’ participation through the freedom to create and explore. in addition to physical interaction design, exhibits and spatial planning of the museum have also been designed as a kind of “pop-up museum” to cater to visitors’ interest, particularly on young audiences’ passion for the selfie phenomenon. according to manuel charr (2019), millennials are new generation that constantly searching out the perfect selfie moment and cultural experiences to enrich their social media feeds. with such a change in the contemporary cultural landscape, the concept of pop-up museums is growing popular worldwide. emre cetin (2019) also mentioned that pop-up museums as interactive and “instagrammable” creative spaces are becoming a new phenomenon. figure 7: interactive exhibition design at wonder food museum (sources: wonder food museum) compared with the “no photo” policy of the traditional museums due to art-works’ protection and copyrights issue. the pop-up museum engages visitors to experience and have their photos taken and share on social media. with such a feature in its nature, a popup museum’s concept has been integrated into overall exhibition planning of wonder food museum. as said by sean lau, “to ensure our exhibition is able to stimulate visitors’ intellectually and emotionally, we engage their interests through a series of physical interaction design. moreover, the exhibition’s interactivity is not limited to physical interaction, a cross-cultural content interaction, as well as presentation in interactives, have also be implemented”. by and large, wonder food museum is an interactive museum that requiring visitors’ involvement in activities that will maximize their visit. the museum offers freedom of navigation in their visit by allowing visitors to explore information to match their interests. it is e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 64 a museum that combines innovative formats and playful activities in its overall exhibition concept. the development of wonder food museum (2015 – present) according to cheryl ng, since its opening to present, the museum received positive feedback from the public and the media. in term of visitor numbers, from 2015 to present, it shows a steady growth of visitor arrivals each year. in 2015, the museum welcomed nearly 5,000 visitors in the first month of its operation. in the following year, the museum received a total number of 90,000 visitors. with around 30% in visitor number increment annually. in 2017, the number of visitors increased to 110,000, in 2018, the museum received 140,000 visitors, and in 2019, 170,000 visitors have visited the museum. in terms of visitor profile, the museum visitors consist of local and international tourists from different age groups and demographic cohorts. yet, the number of millennials visitor is the highest. as a private museum, the sustainability of the wonder food museum is heavily dependent on the museum ticket sell. in the past five years, with stable growth in visitor numbers, the museum is able to sustain its operation, and hopefully, such growth will be continued to ensure the long-term development of the museum. cheryl ng also mentioned that most visitors were satisfied with their visit, and provide positive feedback by sharing their pictures and comments on social media. meanwhile, many local and international bloggers have also written interesting articles about the museum. moreover, the story of wonder food museum has also been widely reported by local media as well as media in overseas such as cctv in china, dong seng news channel in taiwan, and other tv programs in saudi arabia, australia, hong kong, russia, south korea and usa. in addition to the many accomplishments mentioned above, in 2019, the museum has achieved another great milestone in its development. the wonder food museum as a “brand” was franchise to china, thusly, the very first overseas wonder food museum was established at kulangyu island in xia men. this success is unprecedented in the history of museum in malaysia. in sum, although as a small and young museum, the wonder food museum is a museum with great accomplishment. currently as one of the most celebrated museums in malaysia, the museum is considering doing well in its overall development, particularly on its e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 65 achievement in contributing new ideas and perspectives to museum tourism development in malaysia. areas to be improved for the museum arrived in 2020, and a whole lot is changing in the museum industry. museums need to determine how they fit into the fast-changing museum environment and anticipate the changing expectations of their visitor and member base. at this moment, the wonder food museum no doubt is doing well, however, looking to the present and the future, here are four aspects for the management team to take notice of to ensure the ongoing success of the museum, (1) museum website, (2) museum’s membership programs, (3) museum education programs, (4) museum shop and souvenirs development. museum website raubi marie perilli (2019), small business seems to be believed that a facebook page is enough for an online presence, however, the truth is, a great small business website is the best channel to showcase business venture. currently, the official communication channels of the museum are mainly relying on its facebook page and instagram. these two channels are no doubt a workable platform for the museum’s marketing and promotional related activities. however, an official website (with its own ip address) is still needed to position the museum with a more professional outlook and enhance the museum’s branding. moreover, in today’s competitive digital marketing landscape, it is very important to build a professional website to showcase the museum's credibility and gain full control over its online destiny. museum membership programs the best visitor is one who becomes a member. therefore, to build perennial visitors and long-term memberships is an important strategy that cannot be overlooked by any museums. for the wonder food museum, to develop a membership program is another significant mission that needs to be realized. the museum needs to build up a strong community that can contribute to the museum’s sustainability. most substantially, the membership program is not merely to generate financial support for the museum, it is also an effective channel to cultivate museum’s ambassadors who will spread the word about the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 66 exhibitions and programs they love and brings even more visitors and potential members to the museum. museum education programs apart from the museum accomplishment in promoting malaysia culinary heritage and food culture, and contribute to museum tourism. the role of the museum in education is another aspect that requires the museum management team to pay attention to. other than the permanent exhibition and scheduled education tour. there is a lot more need to done to enrich the museum’s education programs. for instance, education programs or activities such as special exhibition, public lectures on food culture, culinary heritage, and local history might be a good initiation to consider. furthermore, cooking workshops or classes that involve local community participation will be another possibility to grow the museum’s educational programs as well as interesting outreach activities for audiences’ development. museum shop and souvenirs development according to micaela marini higgs (2018), gift shops contributing up to as much as a quarter of museum revenue, and yet their contributions are not merely economic. these retail zones are also helping to educate visitors, build the museum’s brand, and sometimes serve a highlight of museums. for the case of the wonder food museum, the museum’s gift corner and souvenir items are sections that need to be improved. ideally, unique souvenirs inspired by the museum’s collections or penang’s history should be available, this will contribute to the museum’s unique destination offer. conclusion food museum, as the name suggests, is a museum dedicated to preserve and present the history, culture, and evolution of human dietary. for instance, the official mission of the world's oldest food museum “the alimentarium food museum” is to create and develop a museum in vevey of human food around the world, and contribute to awakening public interest in past and present issues concerning human food (alimentarium food museum, 2020). currently, there are dozens of specialized food museums opened throughout the world, and thematic museums and exhibitions centered around different food cultures are increasingly popular since the early millennium. in 2015, the first food museum celebrates e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 67 malaysia’s food culture and culinary heritage “wonder food museum” was established in penang. based on the curatorial concept of “food wonderland” and interactive exhibition design approaches, the museum takes its collections to celebrate malaysia’s multicultural foodscape. at the moment, as the first of its kind museum in malaysia, the museum has then become one of the nation’s most celebrated museums, particularly by millennials visitor. by and large, as a young museum dedicated to preserve and promote malaysia’s food culture and culinary heritage to the world, the wonder food museum’s achievements are remarkable. however, to ensure the museum’s sustainability in the dynamically shifting museum and tourism environment, there is still a lot of work to be done to continue its success. as concluded by sean lau (museum founder and director), “the management team acknowledges on limitation and challenges of the museum, yet the team will work strategically to ensure the sustainable development of the museum”. hopefully, the wonder food museum’s success story will be continued and keeps its special fascination for visitors from all around the world. references alimentarium food museum (2020). the alimentarium food museum our history. retrieved from https://www.alimentarium.org/en/about-us/our-history. alimentarium food museum (2020). the alimentarium food museum our mission and objectives. retrieved from https://www.alimentarium.org/en/about-us/our-history. charr, manuel. (2019). what we can learn from pop-up museums? best practice and ideas from instagram friendly experiences. retrieved from https://www.museumnext.com/ article/what-we-can-learn-from-pop-up-museums-best-practice-and-ideas-from-instagramfriendly-experiences/. cetin, emre. (2019). the new trend of 2019: pop-up museums. retrieved from https://www.eclightingdesign.com/post/pop-up-museums. cnn travel. (2017, august 2). 17 best places to visit in 2017. retrieved from http://edition.cnn.com/travel/article/best-places-to-visit-in-2017/index.html. danovich, tove. (2015, october 23). how food earned its place in american museums. retrieved from https://www.eater.com/2015/10/23/9598674/food-museums. dayman, lucy. 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(2019, january 23). 18 food museums from around the world every foodie should visit. retrieved from https://www.therecipe.com/food-museums-around-the-worldvisit/. lubarsky, jared. (1985, december 29). shopper's world; it looks good enought to eat. retrieved from https://www.cambridge.org/core/journals/british-journal-of-nutrition/article/fakefood-buffet-a-new-method-in-nutrition-behaviourresearch/7290ed1f575fc4159bb9698aa03a7f21 marshall, catherine & rossman, gretchen b. (2016) designing qualitative research. 6th edition, sage, thousand oaks. museum kimchikan (2020). about kimchikan. retrieved from https://www.kimchikan.com/en/?page_id=8. national geographic (2018, november 21). ten mouthwatering museums dedicated to food and drink. retrieved from https://www.nationalgeographic.com/travel/intelligenttravel/2012/09/28/food-fridays-10-fab-food-factories-museums/ nedelcheva, kalina. (2019, july 23). from whimsical gown exhibits to diy radio station installations. retrieved from https://www.trendhunter.com/slideshow/interactive-exhibitions e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 51-69 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 69 oteri, danielle. (2019, june 4). the ten museums devoted to food culture. retrieved from https://www.tripsavvy.com/museums-devoted-to-food-4117077. pekarik, andrew., button, kerry., doering, zahava., sharbaugh, abigail., sutton, jeffrey. (2002). developing interactive exhibitions at the smithsonian. retrieved from https://www.si.edu/content/opanda/docs/rpts2002/02.05.interactiveexhibitions.final.p df. perilli, raubi marie. (2019, june 6). 7 reasons you need a small business website. retrieved from https://www.godaddy.com/garage/why-need-small-business-website/. sarah peters kernan, sarah p,. (2019, april 16). around the table: museum exhibitions. retrieved from https://recipes.hypotheses.org/14915. ser, shawhong. (2019). engagement with interactive museum collections: the rise and development of interactive museum exhibitions in thailand (2000-2019). retrieved from https://so05.tci-thaijo.org/index.php/mfuconnexion/article/view/241041/164112. sennag, oishimaya. (2019, june 17). the most visited museums in asia. retrieved from https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/the-most-visited-museums-in-asia.html (2019, june 17). the most visited museums in asia. retrieved from https://www.worldatlas.com/articles/the-most-visited-museums-in-asia.html. yaakob, usman haji, fitri md nor, nik norliati. (2013). the process and effects of demographic transition in penang, malaysia. school of humanities. university of science, malaysia. pp. 42, 45 6, 9/28. retrieved from http://web.usm.my/km/31(2)2013/km31_2_3_37-64.pdf. microsoft word artikel tingkes 5 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 analysis of basic needs accessibility poor household in district gianyar i nyoman tingkes departement of management, university of dhyanapura, badung, bali, indonesia email: nyomantingkes6262@icloud.com received date : 28-08-2019 accepted date : 10-09-2019 published date : 30-11-2019 abstract the purpose of this study was to analyze the basic needs of poor households in gianyar regency in terms of capacity, socioeconomic status, socio-cultural environment and institutional poverty reduction towards the accessibility of poor households both directly and indirectly. the study was designed using the concurently embbded method, which is a quantitative method (gsca) validated by qualitative methods. quantitative research used 400 samples of poor households. it used 25 samples (key informants). the quantitative data were analyzed with descriptive statistics and gsca parametric statistics. the qualitative data were analyzed using reduce, display and conclution (drawing/ verifying) techniques. the results found that the coefficient of capacity: 0.043, spositive and not significant; socioeconomic status was 0.346, positive and significant, social environment is -0.143, negative and significant, and institutional poverty reduction 0.140, positive but not significant. the results of the study show that the poor accessibility of poor households due to the sociocultural environment was negative and institutional performance was not optimal. therefore, poverty alleviation by the regional government of gianyar regency should pay more attention to the conditions of the sociocultural environment and more optimal institutional performance. keywords: capacity, economic status, social environment, institutional, accessibility introduction gianyar regency is a regency in the province of bali, indonesia. the regency is committed to fighting poverty and hunger as an effort to improve the quality of human resources as agreed upon by 189 countries at the millennium summit (mdgs, september 2000). many programs and activities have been carried out in an effort to fight poverty and hunger including community based development and the bali urban infrastructure project funded by the world bank. other programs include integrated urban infrastructure development improvement projects, urban poverty reduction programs, welfare improvement enterprises, women's loans and savings, cash direct assistance, social e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 assistance, joint business groups, people's welfare programs, poor rice assistance, poverty alleviation integrated movements, poverty alleviation guarantees, national health, bali mandara health insurance, integrated agricultural systems, and various other poverty alleviation programs with an insufficient amount of funds. the number of poor households (rtm) in gianyar regency in 2009 was 25,500 rtm; in 2010 there were 31,500 people, and in 2011 there were 26,000 rtm. the data shows that there was no downward trend, instead there was a trend of increasing the number of rtm over three years (bps bali province, 2012). this data raises various questions, such as why poverty is in place, what's with poverty, and various other questions. the results of observations in the field show that poor households face various internal and external constraints. internal constraints attached to individuals, such as education and skills are generally low, poor health (disability, permanent illness, aging, aging, and malnutrition), and asset ownership is generally small. external constraints in the form of sociocultural environment are less supportive and regional poverty reduction institutions are less accountable. low average rtm capacity. they have difficulty in utilizing access, difficulty interacting with the socio-cultural environment and regional poverty reduction institutions. socio-cultural environment includes family, neighbors, pakraman village, and others. the regional poverty reduction institutional environment includes: village community development cadres, village community empowerment institutions, district facilitators, district facilitators, regional people's representative council, regional work unit forum, inter-village cooperation body, village head, village secretary, sub-district head, civil servants who are trained to help participatory planning (setrawan) at the district and sub-district level. capacity constraints faced with a less supportive socio-cultural environment and less accountable regional poverty reduction institutions are thought to be the cause of the program of activities to fight poverty and road hunger in place. todaro and smith (2006) and basri (2009) say that efforts to fight poverty and hunger are slow because development is seen merely as an economic phenomenon. high and low development progress is only measured by the level of gross national income, both overall and per capita which is believed to be dripping, creating jobs and equitable distribution (trickle down effect), while the problem of poverty, unemployment and inequality receives less attention. from the description of the research problems the research objectives are to (1) analyze the influence of rtm capacity, socioeconomic status, socio-cultural environment, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 and regional poverty reduction institutions on the accessibility of basic needs of rtm in gianyar regency; (2) analyzing the influence of socioeconomic status, socio-cultural environment, and poverty reduction institutions on the capacity of rtm in gianyar regency; and (3) analyze the most dominant variables affecting the basic needs of rtm in gianyar regency. theory studies poverty is said to be a condition, ie a person or household is in a state of "lack of welfare" (haugton and khandker, 2012). poverty is defined as a condition of someone who is not valuable, completely lacking, or destitute (anwar, 2001). economists generally associate the problem of poverty with low living standards and inequitable distribution of income. while sociologists attribute the problem of poverty to social class or low stratification and are called marginalized groups (hadirman and midgley, 1982). by type and causes of poverty can be divided into two, namely absolute poverty and relative poverty. absolute poverty is associated with estimates of income levels and needs. estimates of the level of need are limited to basic needs or minimum basic needs that enable a person to be able to live properly. if income does not reach minimum needs, someone is said to be poor. poverty is relatively more determined by the level of development of the surrounding community. someone who has reached the level of minimum basic needs, but his income is much lower than the income of the surrounding community, that person is in the relatively poor category (arsyad, 2010). in indonesia poverty cannot be interpreted only as a result of low productivity of the poor or other internal causes. poverty has existed since colonial times and cannot be separated from the economic political order, both global and national, which provides less room for the economic actors of the people who are generally poor. poor population does not mean that the person does not have anything and is lazy to do something, but is an economic actor who is very active at work even though he has few assets, but still cannot get out of the circle of poverty (rintuh, 2005). poverty reduction strategy poverty in indonesia has existed since the colonial era. however, poverty alleviation has only been carried out by the new order government since 1969 (darwin, 2010). at that time dewey (1993) said that poverty alleviation programs were not yet a top priority. this e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 happens because the development strategy still relies on economic rehabilitation efforts, namely controlling inflation rates, creating an investment climate, national stability, and economic growth (trickle down effects strategy). there are some weaknesses in the implementation of poverty reduction programs during the new order so that it is not possible to apply during the reform period. these weaknesses, among others are top down, get support by coercion, are more physically oriented, are homogeneous and do not accommodate regional diversity, have not been integrated with macroeconomic programs, do not prioritize the basic rights of the poor, and pay less attention to gender equality ( darwin, 2010). in this regard, a new national strategy for poverty alleviation is needed that is expected to provide a new orientation to all development programs at the center and in the regions so that there is a synergy of development programs for poverty reduction. the underlying assumptions are high economic growth, all development programs must make a positive contribution to poverty reduction; and in line with the basic rights of the poor, democracy, good governance, environmental sustainability, and gender equality. according to darwin, the strategy involved extending employment opportunities to the poor, both men and women, by creating conditions and supporting economic, political and social conditions; empowering community institutions by strengthening social, political, and cultural institutions of society and expanding the participation of poor communities in decision making and public policies that guarantee respect, protection and fulfillment of basic rights; capacity building by developing basic abilities and business abilities of the poor, both men and women, so that they can take advantage of environmental development; social protection by giving security to women as heads of households, the poor, neglected children, elderly people and people with disabilities; and rearrangement of international cooperation relations to support the four strategies. capacity for access utilization capacity is a measure of the production capability of a facility per unit of time. individual capacity influences productivity through knowledge, skills, attitudes, and behavior (benardin and russel, 1993). capacity is the ability to do or complete a job or something else. while access is defined as a way in, a way out, or a connection to something that causes someone to get out of the problem at hand. capacity in the use of access can be interpreted as the ability to use facilities as a way out of the poverty problem faced. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 an individual's capacity basically includes being honest or trustworthy in words, actions and work, both towards oneself and towards others; responsible for the attitude and behavior to carry out its obligations as it should be done; discipline in behaving in an orderly manner and complying with the provisions of the applicable regulations; able to develop attitudes to work together to obtain greater results; be fair to yourself and others; being concerned about the environment; and have a vision for a better life in the future. the seven characteristics are believed to be able to deliver someone out of the problem of poverty faced (hermawan, 2010). socio-economic status and capacity socioeconomic status is interpreted as income, which is the amount of money received by a person and company in the form of wages, wages, rent, interest, profit, unemployment benefits, and others (pass and lowes, 1998). household income, whether derived from labor services or not is not important in the economy because all factors of production can generate income. economic status as measured by the level of income affects the capacity of the population in utilizing access to basic needs, such as education, health, and others (budiono, 1997). low economic status or low income is the reason someone is malnourished, sick, or is the cause of an individual's low capacity (sen, 1999). low income is determined by the relevant government policy, especially how fairly national income is distributed to all citizens. the gap is high if the 40% of the lowest income population receives less than 12% of national income; the gap is moderate if 40% of the lowest income population receives 12 to 17% of national income. specifically for indonesia, 40% of the lowest income population receives 19.5% of national income (kuncoro, 2010). social culture and capacity only in an optimal environment, humans can develop well and only with good people the environment will develop in an optimal direction (soemarwoto, 1989. socio-cultural environment is the atmosphere around, where we are, and the atmosphere can be in the form of patterns life patterns that develop in society, such as thought patterns, attitudes, and behavior patterns that create an atmosphere around individuals and society, the atmosphere can have a positive and negative effect on the lives of individuals and society (koentjaraninggrat, 1986). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 poverty is not created by the poor themselves, but is caused by a socio-cultural environment that does not provide opportunities (yunus, 2010). poverty is created by systems and institutions that are designed with distorted assumptions and concepts. yunus said that economists have developed business theory on the assumption of rational principles. humans are said to do nothing in economic life other than pursuing their own interests. optimal results are achieved when everyone can pursue profits for themselves without obstacles. this view has resulted in investing money, time, energy, and other sources to support profit-oriented businesses. in addition, it is also believed to be a source of human creativity and the only way to solve the problems of society. humans have creativity, meaning that they are born not to suffer from hunger and poverty. poverty is something that is made and something that is forced from the outside. therefore, poverty can be eliminated if negative social and cultural environmental influences can be eliminated (soemarwoto, 1989). socio-cultural environment influences development. this influence is based on the argument that development is carried out by humans in certain socio-cultural and economic conditions. however, in practice it is often ignored. surokin (1959), soekanto (2010) and soemarwoto (1989), explain poverty in the development process as follows. social stratification such as rich and poor groups is caused by gaps in the distribution of rights, obligations, responsibilities, and social values that are not in accordance with social reality. the subject of social problems is the striking difference between values and the real conditions of life. artina cripples between people's assumptions about what should happen and the reality that occurs in the association of life. this difference in reality is in accordance with the ecological proposition which states that when two ecosystems with different levels of development relate to one another, an asymmetrical exchange of material, energy and information occurs. ecosystems that develop get greater benefits from that relationship compared with less developed ecosystems (soemarwoto, 1989). institutional and capacity the purpose and objective of institutional formation is to solve the problem of meeting the needs of the community. therefore, the number and type of institutions formed according to the size and complexity of the needs of a society (koentjaraninggrat, 1986). for example, institutions to meet the needs of kinship, economics, education, research, politics, a sense of beauty, and institutions to meet the comfort of life (gillin, 1954 and nadel, 1953). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 specifically to solve economic problems, institutions were formed with the aim of protecting property rights, overcoming market failures and minimizing transaction costs, macroeconomic stabilization, social protection for the underprivileged, and for conflict management. these functions determine the welfare of the community (rodrik, 2003). the important role of institutions in influencing the economy is seen from three indicators. first, economists began to incorporate sociological, political, anthropological and psychological factors in their analyzes. secondly, the government is recognized as very important in regulating the private sector so that it does not become oligopolistic, encourage and create a climate of cooperation between strong economic groups and weak economic groups. third, the government has the ability and authority to maintain this balance (rintuh and miar, 2005). north said that institutions are the most important element of economic achievement in a country. this means that good geographical conditions, quality population, abundant natural resources, and adequate technology are only potentials for economic growth. in this case as a potential, it cannot be a trigger for prosperity, unless it is guided by a good economic institutional system in general, the institutional function is the regulation of specific behaviors that are generally accepted by members of social groups in special situations, both self-controlled and those supervised by external authorities (rutherford, 1994). institutions reflect the value systems and norms of society, but values and norms are not institutional (manig, 1991). weaknesses in institutional functions can be the cause of deviant human behavior, detrimental to other parties in society, both politically, economically, and social structure (north, 1994). framework of thinking based on a theoretical study and research results, a framework can be drawn that illustrates the clarity of the relationship of research concepts as shown in figure 1. there are two models of thinking framework that can be built, namely the first model explains that the capacity of rtm (y1) is influenced by socioeconomic status (x1), socio-cultural environment (x2) and regional poverty reduction institutions (x3). on the other hand the second model explains that the accessibility of basic needs of rtm (y2) is influenced by the capacity of rtm (y1), socioeconomic status, socio-cultural environment (x2) and regional poverty reduction institutions (x3). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 mrthodology the research design used is concurrently embedded, which is a combination of quantitative and qualitative approaches to the same research problem (creswell and clark, 2007). however, the more dominant approach used is the quantitative approach. this means that the qualitative approach is used as a validation of quantitative research results. therefore, the research problem follows the quantitative research problem formulation which implies the formulation of the problem must be clear before the research is carried out (cooper and emory, 1996). the research location was chosen based on several considerations. first, the number of poor households tends to increase, from 25,500 in 2009 to 26,000 in 2011. second, the human development index during the period 2009 to 2011 has increased from 72.43 to 73.43. aksesibilitas kebutuhan dasar rtm (y2) status sosial ekonomi rtm (x1) lingkungan sosial budaya rtm (x2) kelembagaan penanggulangan kemiskinan daerah (x3) kapasitas rtm (y1) b1 b2 b 5 b 3 b 6 b4 b7 figure 1: conceptual framework for the research model e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 quantitative and qualitative data the initial step is to determine the population and sample. the population is the whole rtm recorded in 2011 by bps in the regency of gianyar, namely 24,026 rtm spread across seven sub-districts and in seventy villages. the sample is a part of the population, selected with certain procedures and considerations so that it represents the population. sample selection is based on the principle of representation, homogeneity, and the principle of precision. samples taken from each sub-district were represented by two villages coming from one urban or urban village and one rural or rural village. homogeneity can be seen from the socioeconomic status, capacity, social culture, and institutions with the same relative characteristics. social research precision is considered good, which ranges from 1% to 10% with a critical point of 5% (sarwono, 2010). in this way the study population became 7,646 rtm. by using the slovin formula the number of samples is 400 rtm. n = n 1 + n.e2 information: n = sample size n = population number = 7.646 rtm e = critical point 5 percent or 0,05 calculation n = 7.646 = 380,11 (rounded off 400) 1 + 7.646 (0,05)2 samples were selected by systematic sampling technique, random in the first selection then continued according to the magnitude of the interval (the interval is the population divided by the sample, which is 7,646 / 400 = 19). data collection techniques using questionnaires, in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and observations. the questionnaire uses a closed list of questions including the thoughts, feelings, attitudes, beliefs, values, perceptions, personality, and behavior of respondents. in-depth interviews were conducted with key informants, both structured and unstructured, face-to-face, and / or by telephone if conditions were favorable. the focus group discussion involved key informants consisting of elements of village community development e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 cadres (kpmd), village heads, setrawan and sub-district facilitators, setrawan and district facilitators, the inter-village cooperation agency (bkad), the regional work unit work unit (skpd), elements of the dprd, and the head of the village community empowerment division (bpmd) at the gianyar regency village community empowerment agency, and traditional / religious leaders. observations were made using the senses and assistive devices in the form of cameras, stationery, voice recorders and pictures (camcorders). however, researchers are not directly involved in the activity of research subjects. data analysis technique the analysis technique used is descriptive analysis techniques, general structural components anaysis (gsca) and qualitative analysis techniques. descriptive analysis is used to produce categories for respondents' answers. the gsca analysis is used to evaluate whether the structural model shows goodness of fit and the overall or averall model. qualitative analysis techniques are used to analyze qualitative data in order to validate quantitative research results. discussion by doing bootsrapping obtained the statistical value t (t-statistic) and the standard deviation of each estimator to determine the significance of the estimator of the model parameters. ho is accepted if cr counts ≤ 1,645 and ho is rejected if cr ≥ 1,645 at alpha 0.05. based on the parameters in table 1 and the feasibility test of the model in averall models, hypothesis testing and discussion of research results can be done. table 1 the whole goodness of fit model analysis result no. variable koefisien jalur antarkonstruk laten remark estimation se t tabel cr (1) (2) (3) (4) (5) (6) (7) 1. x1  y1 0.192 0.059 1.645 3.27* significant 2. x2  y1 0.316 0.046 1.645 6.92* significant 3. x3  y1 0.059 0.053 1.645 1.1 not sig. 4. x1  y2 0.346 0.066 1.645 5.24* significant 5. x2  y2 -0.143 0.058 1.645 2.48* significant 6. x3  y2 0.140 0.053 1.645 2.63* significant 7. y1  y2 0.043 0.049 1.645 0.88 not sig.. source: structural result model gsca. cr* significant at. level: 1.645. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 1. direct and indirect effects of socio-economic status on accessibility to basic needs of rtm the direct effect of the socioeconomic status variable on the accessibility variable shows a path coefficient of 0.346 and a cr value of 5.24 is greater than the value of t table 1.645 at alpha 0.05. it means that the socioeconomic status variable has a positive and significant effect on the accessibility of basic needs. increasing socioeconomic status increases the accessibility of basic rtm needs. the results of the analysis of means scores of latent socioeconomic status of 2,894 and accessibility of 2,490 mean that the positive and significant relationship of socioeconomic status with accessibility takes place at an equally low level. indirectly, socioeconomic status through capacity has a positive effect, but not significantly to the accessibility of basic rtm needs. the results showed the path coefficient of 2.856 was smaller than the value of χ2 ≥ 3.841 at alpha 0.05. the capacity of poor households functions to strengthen the influence of socioeconomic status with the accessibility of basic rtm needs. this finding shows that in an effort to fight poverty and hunger active rtm participation is needed. the socioeconomic status of the poor is low due to inadequate ownership of production factors (61.25% owning land ≤ 10 acres) while their livelihoods are farmers and farm laborers (40.5%). therefore, methods that focus on agricultural businesses in the broadest sense are not effective at increasing socioeconomic status. this finding shows that other efforts (innovation) are needed to increase the income of the poor besides agriculture. 2. direct and indirect effects of socio-cultural environment on accessibility to basic needs of rtm the direct influence of the socio-cultural environment on accessibility shows a path coefficient of -0.143 and a cr value of 2.48 is greater than the value of t table 1.645 alpha 0.05. it means that the socio-cultural environment has a negative and significant effect on the accessibility of basic needs. the more negative the socio-cultural environment, the decreasing accessibility. means scores of latent socio-cultural environment 3,286 greater than means scores of latent accessibility to basic needs 2,490. this means that the influence of the socio-cultural environment is more dominant than the capacity on the accessibility of basic needs. this finding implies that in the effort to combat poverty and hunger, socio-cultural e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 approaches are needed. in-depth interviews with the question why the socio-cultural environment negatively affects the accessibility of basic needs can be presented as below. ".... since there was assistance from raskin, i, as a village official, found it difficult because there were residents who were not included as poor protesters. finally, through an raskin assistance meeting, it was agreed to be shared equally by fellow citizens. the assistance is indeed for the less fortunate, but i cannot do anything ... "(widiarsa, saturday, october 6, 2012). indirectly, the socio-cultural environment through capacity has a positive and significant effect on the accessibility of basic needs. the results showed the path coefficient of 6.028 was greater than the value of χ2 ≥ 3.841 at alpha 0.05. this means that if the socio-cultural environment synergizes with the poor, the accessibility ability of the poor increases significantly (pure mediation) in accordance with the social theory put forward by yunus (2008), surokin (1959), gillin and gillin (1964), which in essence said that poverty is caused by social interactions that are dissociative in terms of values, customs, traditions and ideologies. 3. direct and indirect effects of institutional poverty reduction on accessibility to basic needs the direct influence of institutions on the accessibility of basic needs is positive and significant. the results showed a path coefficient of 0.140 and a cr value of 2.63 was greater than the value of t table 1.645 at alpha 0.05. this means that as the role of institutions increases, the accessibility of basic needs increases. means institutional score of latent 2,226 is smaller than means scores of latent accessibility of 2,490. this means that the positive and significant relationship takes place at an equally low level. these findings indicate that in an effort to combat poverty and hunger the role of institutions needs to be optimized according to the new institutions economic theory (rodrik, 2000 and north, 1994). in essence, the theory says that institutions have a positive and significant effect on a country's economic performance. indirectly, institutional capacity through accessibility shows a path coefficient of 0.997 which is smaller than the value of χ2 ≥ 3.841 at alpha 0.05. this means that the institution has a positive effect, but not significantly to the accessibility of basic needs. the results of this test e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 62 indicate that institutional performance is indeed not optimal in accordance with the explanation of key informants as presented below. "... how is it that tkpkd can alleviate poverty, if indirect spending reaches 70 percent while the social service allocation fund is very small. imagine for 6 years (2005-2011), the new tkpkd could reduce the number of rtm by 935. so to alleviate the number of rtm figures of 7,629 rtm took 42 more years, this was really slow. we admit that tkpkd's performance was not optimal (arjawa, chair of commission d thursday, november 14, 2013). 4. the direct effect of capacity on the accessibility of basic needs the direct effect of capacity on the accessibility of basic needs shows a path coefficient of 0.043 and a cr value of 0.88 smaller than the value of t table 1.645 at alpha 0.05. the results of this test indicate that the capacity has a positive effect, but not significantly to the accessibility of basic needs. means score of latent capacity is 3,407 greater than means scores of latent accessibility of 2,490. this means that good rtm capacity does not guarantee good accessibility. this is caused by the influence of negative social and cultural environment of -0.143. this finding shows that in the effort to fight poverty and hunger, social and cultural factors such as soemarwotto (1989) and yunus (2010) need to be considered. soemarwotto said that when two different ecosystems in their level of development interact with each other there is an exchange of energy, matter, and information between the two. however, this flow of exchange always benefits a developing ecosystem. likewise the problem of poverty as said by yunus that poverty is not created by the poor themselves, but is caused by interactions with negative social and cultural environment. conclusion and suggestion based on the results of descriptive, quantitative, and various types of testing (gsca) and validated discussions with qualitative research results, the conclusions of the research results are as follows. 1) the socio-cultural environment has a positive and significant impact on the capacity of the poor on one side. however, on the other hand the socio-cultural environment has a negative and significant effect on the accessibility of basic needs of rtm. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 50-65 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 63 2) the capacity of the poor mediates positively the socioeconomic influence, socio-cultural environment, and institutional influences on the accessibility of basic needs. 3) regional poverty reduction institutions have a positive and significant impact on the accessibility of basic needs. on the other hand, on the other hand, it has a positive effect, but it is not significant to increase the capacity of the poor population. 4) socioeconomic status has a dominant influence on the accessibility of basic needs of poor households. based on the research problem, the results of the analysis, discussion, research findings, and conclusions, it can be suggested to the regent of gianyar as the coordinator of the regional poverty reduction coordination team that in the effort to fight poverty and hunger, the following things need to be considered. 1) the condition of the socio-cultural environment needs more attention and synergy with the efforts of local governments in the context of combating poverty and hunger through policy socialization and writing of customary law (awig-awig). 2) the capacity of the poor needs to be improved continuously through socio-economic, socio-cultural and accountable institutional approaches to ensure the accessibility of the basic needs of the poor increases. 3) professionalism and competency of the apparatus in the field of regional poverty reduction institutions need to be further improved through education and training to ensure the implementation of poverty reduction programs and activities on target. 4) improvement of socioeconomic status can be done by training, assistance, utilization of productive business credit facilities, and 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university email: 1wd.mantrapatra@gmail.com, 2made.suastika57@yahoo.com, 3ardikawayan52@gmail.com, 4i.suardiana@yahoo.co.id, received date : 05-02-2021 accepted date : 10-03-2021 published date : 31-05-2021 abstract the art of local culture will be more meaningful because of being able to push the spirit of love with the pluralism toward human's life and universe. meanwhile, media technology as the physical result of culture that lacks spiritual values if compared to custom, religion and art will lose its function to increase human's life quality. values, norms and ethics contained in customary rules that are reflected in art of culture are indeed useful references in the globalization era. this research used qualitative data that were then analyzed descriptively. according to alvin boskoff's thought, it shows that factors becoming challenges for local culture are the change of cultural value systems in society and the death of traditional art forms in several areas in nusantara caused by technology in the global era. the art of local culture is one of components that gives indonesian identity as a special community that exists among nations in this world. therefore it is necessary to grow awareness particularly in young generations in order to comprehend more about their culture by empowering local wisdom growing in the cultural areas of whole nusantara. keywords: art of culture, local, the change of value, global introduction cultural globalization is ‘a series of processes in which the relation between human minds and minds is relatively independent of geographical areas’. this gives rise to an integrative situation between the minds and minds of humans in one hemisphere with another. from this understanding, it does not rule out the emergence of a global pop culture or what is called a global pop culture, namely a cultural trend in an area which is then popularized and accepted up to the world level or global scope. this is in accordance with the opinion of hyperglobalists that cultural globalization is the homogenization of the world e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 under the auspices of american popular culture of western consumerism in general. (i made gede arimbawa, 2011: 175), that cultural globalization is a process of world homogenization by carrying the packaging of american popular culture. this condition can clearly be seen and assessed from the emphasis on consumption of western culture in general, so that the term westernization is used as a symbol of the nature of consumerism. in this context, it can be interpreted that "western culture" is a culture that is traded while the world community in general are consumers or connoisseurs. for example consumption of the form of government or political system, market mechanism, music genre, food lifestyle, art, clothing design and so on. this hyperglobalist concept is inseparable from the characteristics that tend to be oriented towards a capitalist economy. in this context, it can be interpreted that "western culture" is a culture that is traded while the world community in general are consumers or connoisseurs. for example consumption of the form of government or political system, market mechanism, music genre, food lifestyle, art, clothing design and so on. this hyperglobalist concept is inseparable from the characteristics that tend to be oriented towards a capitalist economy. in this context, it can be interpreted that "western culture" is a culture that is traded while the world community in general are consumers or connoisseurs. for example consumption of the form of government or political system, market mechanism, music genre, food lifestyle, art, clothing design and so on. this hyperglobalist concept is inseparable from the characteristics that tend to be oriented towards a capitalist economy. there is an assumption that globalization threatens and can destroy the life order of heterogeneity of local arts and culture by ignoring diversity and local wisdom to lead to universality. both of these understandings are a dichotomous and dilemma situation as well as an attraction. yasraf amir piliang (2005: 13), if the appeal of homogenization is stronger, then local cultural arts will be dragged into the flow of globalization, so that it is a threat to sustainability, existence and loss of identity. whereas for local cultural arts, if there is no development, then the opportunity to create local cultural excellence is not carried out, so local cultural arts are actually used by external interested parties, in the form of "theft" then modified according to the interests of the global capitalist economy. there is nothing to be overly concerned about because cultural globalization has inherent ambiguity, on the one hand, getting to know each other's cultures between nations and on the other hand, there is the power to maintain local identities. one example is the strength of local culture to fortify the identity of traditional ethnic arts with primordial ties. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 globalization has an influence on changes in society and the environment at the same time as the world is developing, resulting in community dynamics. there has been a change in attitude towards existing cultural values. so that there is a shift in the cultural value system that also brings changes in the relationship of human interaction in society. the impact of globalization and advances in communication technology that enter unconsciously have an impact on the intensity of cultural contact between tribes and with cultures from outside. in particular, cultural contact with foreign cultures not only increases in intensity, but also spreads quickly and has a wide range. there was a change in cultural orientation which sometimes had an impact on the values of society. the phenomenon of changes and shifts in the value of arts and culture caused by this global influence is very interesting to reveal. this research is more focused on the problem of the challenges of balinese local cultural arts in facing the global era. discussion local cultural arts in the global era local cultural arts that live in the community are usually born from the spiritual encouragement of the community and local rites which are spiritually and materially very important for the social life of a village community environment. local culture has a very close relationship with the community in an environment with all natural conditions in that environment. he is shown in various traditional ceremonies of a village, cleaning the village, for example, to honor the spirits of the ancestors as the guardians of the village. the purpose of the ceremony is for the village to be blessed with welfare by the watchman. regardless of this belief, the ceremony performed by cleaning the village (village ngusabha) produces good environmental impacts. if the village is clean from the elements of abstract problems, then a sense of security and peace will be felt. the local culture displayed in these traditional ceremonies has a very important function. to encourage solidarity to the community in order to unite their intentions, wishes and feelings in carrying out the ceremony. local culture as well as other arts has historically always had a contextual atmosphere, where art cannot be seen without a certain function for some of the people of each culture. it seems that the traditional ceremonies and local balinese cultural arts which are part of the cultural unity of the area, apart from being an expression of spirituality, contain a culture e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 in order to direct the community to care, maintenance and preservation of the macrocosm and microcosm realms (bhuana agung and bhuana alit). in fact, it is very likely that the spiritual foundation instilled by the ancestors was intended as an effort to conserve nature at scale and in no time that would maintain stability, health, the environment, and encourage human behavior in responding to life and the environment. this cultural attitude becomes intact when efforts to improve the quality of life in economic and technological systems do not disturb the harmony between human life and the life of the universe. the death of traditional art forms / balinese local wisdom due to the impact of technology. balinese local cultural arts are now facing very serious global challenges, especially in cities that have heterogeneous, urban, metropolitan and cosmopolitan predicates. we rarely find the forms of balinese carving motifs (pepatraan) in building architecture, both in the merajan building (the holy place at home) or in the house gate building, let alone the carvings on the balinese house itself. the carving motif seemed to be shifted by the volcanic lava stone building material which is hard and difficult to carve. the change of public interest in the stone (slippery stone) because it is considered to have a very long strength endurance. so that the slippery stone in the current era overcomes the material from sandstone and black sand, which is easier to carve. likewise, we see now that the architectural face of star hotels has also that most of the building forms no longer reflect their balinese even though there is already a legal regulation (bali province regulation) which deals with this problem. the face of bali is fading due to the wave of modernization. in the performing arts of the gamelan tradition, for example, nowadays in the cities we rarely hear the faint sound of classical pagongan music, when there are religious ceremonies, more often than not we hear bebarongan repertoire and kebyaran creations. gambuh art, sanghyang dance, gandrung dance are very rare and very difficult to regenerate. as far as we observe, this art form has experienced ups and downs in its life, and some have even experienced suspended animation. the application of modern technology among the farming community has in such a way that it has marginalized one of the typical balinese buildings as a place to store rice, which is called glebeg, klumpu or jineng which functions as a rice storage and is highly trusted as dewi sri's stana, besides technology has also changed mental attitudes. the behavior of the e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 farming community. the presence of modern technology in the global era has gradually changed the belief of farmers in the ruler of the rice "sangyang sri" (dewi sri, the name of the goddess of rice for the balinese people). so that the health and yields of rice harvests today are not due to the gift of "sangyang sri", but because the results of modern technology such as milling machines, plow machines, synthetic fertilizers for drug intekside, all of which are obtained with money. the richness of balinese traditional arts with various types and forms is the work of the balinese peasant community. even the performing arts of the palace (kraton) also come from peasant communities, this is as expressed by roestopo in his writing entitled the performing arts of peasants and technology communities, expresses it as follows: in the past, the people of the kraton (surakarta) believed that if the song “anglir mendung” was presented, it would affect the clouds and consequently rain. on the other hand, "gending pacul gowang" ,, when served can stop the disturbing wind. this kind of belief is also shared by balinese farming communities, especially in rural areas. gebug ende, is a war dance between two men (there are several pairs) whipping or beating and fending each other in an open field or in the middle of a rice field, witnessed by all villagers who each bring offerings. this art is found in sraya village, karangasem regency, bali. so that this art is also known as the gebug sraya dance. this dance is a ritual dance to ask for rain. the dancer who is injured by a whip with blood splattered on the ground is the success of the ritual. because the blood dripping on the ground was believed to be a guarantee of rain. this ritual dance has experienced a dysfunction of meaning, because this dance is rarely presented in the context of asking for tests, in fact, nowadays the values of local wisdom possessed by this nation have gradually faded due to existing technological advances caused by the impact of technology in the current global era. this can be seen / marked by the increasing difficulty of finding traditional performance art forms that function as ritual means, but the present forms of performance are more merely a means of entertainment. in other words, the existing performing arts forms have lost their cultural value or their value content has changed. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 changes in values in society traditionally, nations in the east generally have a mystical, magical, cosmic and religious orientation of cultural values. nations that are oriented towards cultural values like this, generally want to live in harmony with nature because they realize that they are part of nature. nature as a source of life has certain strengths or potentials that give or influence her life (ratna kutha, nyoman 2007: 63). therefore everything is directed towards a life in harmony with nature and tries to avoid all things that result in conflict with or against nature. in such a view nature is a macrocosm and man is a microcosm. therefore, if life is to be prosperous and safe, then humans as a microcosm must try to unite, in the teachings of hinduism in bali, we recognize the existence of bhuana alit (microcosm) and bhuana agung (macrocosm). the micro cosmos is termed as wadah or human body formed by five natural elements called panca maha bhuta, namely: (1) pertiwi, meaning that the human body is formed by the earth element, (2) apah, which means that the human body is formed by the element of water, ( 3) teja, which means that the human body is formed by the element of light, (4) bayu, which means that the human body is formed by the wind element, and (5) akasa, which means that the human body is formed by the elements of space. then what is meant in the realm of bhuana agung is the realm of bhur, bwah and swah. (1) bhur is called the lower realm, which is the realm of the bhuta kala, (2) bwah is called the middle realm, which is our human realm, and (3) swah is called the supreme / upper realm, namely the realm of the gods. these two realms must be harmonized and balanced in order to lead a more harmonious life. from these virtues, creative ideas will emerge to create better quality works of art or culture. traditional works of art are produced, whether in fine arts, music or other forms of art when ceremonies or rituals occur, such as life cycles, village cleaning, harvest parties, asking for rain or alms from the earth. dance and other performing arts are often packaged for the benefit of certain cultural events, for example in various traditional or religious ceremonies. because such aesthetic activities are more perceived as mystical or religious activities. this can be seen from several art forms in bali. globalization has unwittingly brought changes to the values in society. this change appears to be a shift in the cultural value system as well as attitudes and views that have changed towards cultural values. global influence has unwittingly led to social mobility, which is followed by shifting cultural value relationships in people's lives. the impact of globalization e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 and advances in communication technology that enter unconsciously have an impact on the intensity of cultural contact between tribes and with cultures from outside. especially with this cultural contact with foreign culture not only becomes large in intensity, but also its spread is fast and wide-ranging. there was a change in cultural orientation which sometimes had an impact on the values of society. facing the era of globalization, we are required to be able to develop and take advantage of our cultural wealth (local wisdoms / local genius). therefore, it is important to understand the regional cultures of this nation and develop works of art through an archipelago philosophical approach known as filsafat mistika (2012: 2). the explanation above explains that studying mystical philosophy is looking for true perfection (ngudi kasampurnan teak). a view that emphasizes inner peace, harmony and balance, accompanied by a sincere attitude towards all events that occur, while placing the individual under society and society under the universe (macrocosmic and microcosmic relations). that is, whoever lives in harmony with himself, will be in harmony with his community, then lives in harmony with his lord and is able to live a right life. ahimsa putra argued that, "local wisdom is the habit of a community that contains values, a source of morality that is respected by the community. local wisdom also has the meaning as a tool of knowledge and practice that can be used to solve problems / difficulties faced in a good, correct and good way (2009: 2). local wisdom, in short, is defined as local wisdom, while philosophically, local wisdom can be interpreted as a knowledge system of local communities that is empirical and pragmatic in nature. it is empirical because it is the result of local processing of the community, and departs from the facts that occur around people's lives and is pragmatic, local wisdom is part of culture that has high value, or contains noble values. the culture that is created forms and fosters its identity as a whole human. everyone has an identity that is built up by their culture, and local wisdom is present in the culture that shapes that human identity. indonesia has a large area, and has a wealth of culture and wisdom that is spread throughout the country in indonesia. cultural changes resulting in changes in mindset, lifestyle, and community culture which have an impact on changes in local wisdom, there has been a shift or began to abandon local wisdom. empowerment of local wisdom in the development of regional culture in indonesia and in bali in particular needs to be done because the loss of local wisdom can have an impact e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 on cultural resilience and obstruct the achievement of national goals. meanwhile, the development of regional culture also emphasizes the sustainability of traditional art life, both sacred and modern arts. preservation and development efforts through formal and non-formal education. the continuous development of balinese culture can support the continuity of balinese cultural life itself, which has an influence and character, identity, and human integrity. this is one of the factors that determines the strength or toughness of balinese culture against cultural influences from within or from outside or is caused by internal and external factors. according to sedyawati, cultural resilience is defined as the ability of a culture to maintain its identity, not by rejecting all foreign elements, but by filtering, selecting and, if necessary, modifying elements of external culture, in such a way that they are still in accordance with the character and image of the nation (edi sedyawati.2007: 7). to deal with foreign cultural influences, creativity or creative and critical power is needed to respond to all influences in life. creativity is basically present in all societies, both conservative and progressive. in fact, indonesian culture always changes according to the times. in addition, it can also increase the creativity of artists to be productive in creating works of art, providing facilities and infrastructure. understanding and empowering local wisdom to answer the problem of global challenges, it is very important to restore public awareness of the importance of understanding the cultural arts that bali and this nation (nusantara) have. the importance of empowering local wisdom can also create, harmonize life is maintained, can guide people to always behave and behave wisely towards the environment. wisdom towards the environment can be seen from how society treats objects, plants, animals and whatever is around them. this treatment involves the use of reason so that the results of the treatment can be seen from cultural activities or local wisdom. the importance of instilling local wisdom to the community is not only a physical problem, but also the noble cultural values that must be preserved in people's lives. public awareness will change their perceptions of local wisdom and awareness of the benefits of having local wisdom. this awareness can lead the community to re-carry out various activities which are part of local wisdom. local wisdom can enrich people's lives and can also provide deep experiences and make interactions and relationships between community members e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 more harmonious, full of mutual respect and intimacy. as for the positive impact on their people's lives, they will be happier and more prosperous. as art workers / art educators / artists, they are required to have expertise in art processing, so it is hoped that the local / local cultural abilities can be aligned with modern culture. art is a vital part of culture. so culture is expected to contribute in building work ethic and creative power. so, art should be able to develop naturally in both traditional and modern contexts. facing the era of globalization, we are required to be able to develop and take advantage of our cultural wealth (local wisdoms / local genius). therefore it is important to understand the cultural arts of bali and other areas that belong to this nation and to develop works of art that are expected to be able to answer cultural challenges in the global era. expected condition of local wisdom local wisdom which is part of local culture or regional culture, as something that is distinguished from national culture. the cultural identity of the indonesian people (in the sense of the indonesian national culture) has two sides, namely everything that is created in the context of being indonesian. the meaning is from the time of the national movement, until now; and cultural peaks raised from the various traditions of the ethnic groups in indonesia, which are accepted as the common property of the entire indonesian nation. what is faced today is that the two substances of indonesian culture now tend to be somewhat less well known by the general public, including the younger generation, this is due to the inclusion of popular culture which connotes a related part of global culture (edi sedyawati 2007: 6). the development of balinese local cultural arts is carried out by instilling awareness of the importance of art as the core of local culture and wisdom for the life of the balinese people. with this awareness, it is hoped that the balinese people will feel ownership and pride in their arts and culture. this will certainly be more effective, if it is based on the awareness to make cultural arts a part of identity, identity, and expression as well as for the enrichment of regional culture. awareness that arts and culture are the characteristics of balinese areas that contain noble values and encourage people to strive to develop their arts and culture. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 33-42 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 conclusion the diversity of local balinese cultural arts is faced with problems on the one hand and modernization on the other. for artists as the spearhead of renewal, there is no way except to look to the future, but this does not mean that we just underestimate local values. we must develop from the existing wealth. whatever the challenges faced by balinese cultural arts in the global era, it is very important to raise awareness for the younger generation to better understand and cultivate this balinese art and culture by loving it, understanding the values contained and preserving it. its existence by empowering local wisdom that grows in pockets of cultural arts in all corners of bali. references boskoff, alvin. "recent theories of social change" in weaner j. cahnman & alvin boskoff (ed.), sociology and history: theory and research, london: the free press of glencoe, 1964. darsono, sony kartika. 2013. "nusantara culture with the approach of philosophy of mysteries" (mystical philosophy). i made gede arimbawa, 2011, "the basis of ceramic product design development in the era of global market" mudra journal of cultural arts volume 26 no 2 july 2012 issn 0854-3461. kutha ratna, nyoman, 2007. " literary and cultural aesthetics ”. yogyakarta, publisher, student library. yasraf amir piliang 2005, "creating local excellence to seize global opportunities, a cultural approach" seminar "dissecting local excellence in a global context" july 26, 2005 isi denpasar. sedyawati, edi. 2007. beauty in culture book 1 the need to build a strong nation. jakarta: wedatama widya sastra. sedyawati, edi. 2008. indonesianness in culture book 2 cultural dialogue: national and ethnic, role of the cultural industry and mass media, cultural heritage, and dynamic preservation. jakarta: wedatama widya sastra. soedarsono, nani. 2016. "pancasila culture through local wisdom in strengthening national cultural identity" in bende cultural reading, vol 6 no. 2 june 2011. 1 persoalansakralisasi tari andir di desa tista, kerambitan,kabupaten tabanan ni made arshiniwati institutseni indonesia denpasar jalan nusa indah denpasar email: arshiniwati@gmail.com abstrak tariandir di desa tista adalah sebuah bentuk tarisejenis legong keraton yang oleh masyarakat tista disebut dengan andir.strukturkoreografinyasangatdekatdengantarilegongkeraton, tetapitari andir hanya berkembang di desa tista kerambitan.tari inidifungsikan sebagai seni wali dan bebali yang dalam pementasannya selalu melibatkan rangda sungsungan masyarakat, baikditampilkansebagaibagiandariceritamaupunhanyasebagai “saksi” pementasannya. penelitian kualitatif dengan mengaplikasikan teori representasi,teori ideologi, teori estetika, dan teori semiotika ini mengkaji permasalahan pokok yaitu tari andirsebagai seni sakral di desa tista kerambitan. hasil penelitian menunjukkan bahwa sebagai seni sakraltari andir terkait dengan:(1) penggunaan peralatan (benda keramat) berupa pelibatan rangdasungsungan (ratu ayu lingsir dan ratu ayu anom), yangdipercayamemilikikekuatanmagis yang dapatmelindungimasyarakattista;(2) setiap kegiatan yang dilakukan selalu melewati suatu proses upacara dengan berbagai upakara yang melengkapinya;(3) pelakunya adalah orang-orang pilihan(dipilih anak-anak gadis yang belum mengalami masa akil balik dan dipandang sebagai penari yang kesenengin yang dipilih dan direstui oleh tuhan);(4) tempat pementasannya adalah tempat-tempat suci yang terkait dengan upacara yadnya di pura-pura setempat dan dilakukan tiap 210 hari sekali (tiap enam bulan bali atau enam kali tiga puluh lima hari); (5) waktu pementasannya merupakan waktu yang dianggap kramat (sacred time) dan terkait dengan upacara yadnyadan (6) masyarakat pendukung (yang meyakini bahwa tari andir merupakan tari sakral yang kesakralannya bersumber dari rangda sungsungan. kata kunci: tariandir, senisakral. pendahuluan tariandir di desa tista merupakan salah satu tari tradisional bali sejenis legong keraton yang oleh masyarakat tista disebut dengan andir.senitradisisepertidisampaikanolehwibowo (2000: 57-60) adalah “senikolektif yang hidup di masyarakatdanlahirdaridorongan spiritual masyarakatdanritus-rituslokal yang secararohanidan material sangatsignifikanbagikehidupan social mailto:arshiniwati@gmail.com 2 suatulingkunganmasyarakatataudesa”.tariandir yang hidupdanlahirdaridorongan spiritual masyarakat desa tista ini memiliki prinsipkeindahan yang hamper samadenganlegong keratin dangambuhyaitungigelintabuh. prinsipngigelintabuholehdibia (1996: 100) dikatakanmengandungpengertianadanyasuatukeharmonisandanketerkaitanantaragerakta ridangamelan pengiring. tari andir dan tari legong keratonmemang merupakan bentuk tari yangsejenis, namun perkembangan dari kedua tari tersebut sangat berbeda.tari legongkeraton dapat dijumpai hampir di semua kabupaten dan kota di bali. tari legongkeraton bahkan identik dengan bali karena tari klasik ini telah mampu merepresentasikan bali di mata masyarakat luas termasuk dunia internasional. sementara tari andir hanya ada di desa tista, itupun hanya berkembang di satu banjar yaitu banjar carik desa tista kerambitan. dengan demikian tari andir termasuk salah satu kesenian langka yang perlu dipertahankan agar tidak mengalami kepunahan. namun kenyataan di lapangan memperlihatkan bahwa tari andirseringkalimengalami masalah dalam hal penggenerasian pemain, baik penari maupun penabuh. apabila masalah ini tidak mendapatkan perhatian tentu upaya pemertahanan tidak tercapai sesuai harapan. metode penulisan tulisan ini bertujuan untuk mendeskripsikan tari andir sebagai seni sakral di desa tista, kerambitan. aspek-aspek yang dikaji menyangkut masalah fungsi tariandir, kepentingan-kepentingan yang ingindicapai, maupunsistem yang digunakanuntukmencapaikepentingantersebut. penyajian data dan penafsirannya dikaitkan dengan berbagai faktor yang melingkupi tari andir sepertikemunculan dan perkembangannya, keberadaan dan perannya dalam masyarakat, kaitannya dengan pelaku-pelaku seni, kaitannya dengan sistem dalam masyarakat, maupun kaitannya dengan berbagai kepentingan.dengan demikian penelitian ini memerlukan pendekatan secara sinkronis maupun diakronis. soedarsono (1999: 20) mengatakan bahwa apabila objek penelitian masih hidup dan seorang peneliti akan mengungkap tahap-tahap perkembangannya, maka dapat digunakan pendekatan diakronis dan sinkronis atau menggunakan pendekatan tekstual 3 dan sekaligus kontekstual. penarikan kesimpulan dilakukan dengan mengadakan interpretasi terhadap permasalahan yang diajukan dengan mengaplikasikan teori representasi,teori ideologi, teori estetika, dan teori semiotika. hasil analisis data memuat deskripsi secara informal dan formal. deskripsi informal menyajikan hasil analisis secara naratif, sementara deskripsi formal menyajikan hasil analisis dalam bentuk gambar, bagan, ataupun foto-foto yang digunakan untuk mendukung kualitas penarasian hasil analisis. pembahasan tariandirdidesatista, kerambitandulunyadifungsikansebagaisenibebalidanbalih-balihan, namunbelakangantariinidifungsikansebagaiseniwalidanbebali.dibia dkk. (1997/1998−1999/2000: 7−8) mengatakan bahwa kesenian wali merupakan salah satu aspek vital dari kehidupan spiritual masyarakat. oleh sebab itu, kesenian seperti ini sangat disucikan karena dianggap serta dipercaya memiliki kekuatan magis serta mengandung nilai-nilai religius yang dipentaskan sebagai persembahan suci (yadnya) untuk kepentingan suatu upacara ritual. berdasarkankonseptersebuttariandiryang dalam setiap pementasannya selalu melibatkan rangdasungsungan (ratu ayu lingsir dan ratu ayu anom), baikditampilkansebagaibagiandariceritamaupunhanyasebagaisaksipementasan.merupak ansubjek yang dipandangsakralolehmasyarakatdesatistakerambitan.sakraldiartikankeramat, suci, kerohanian (partanto, 1994: 689).tari andirdipandangsebagai seni sakral karena sesuai dengan fungsinya sebagai seni wali maupun bebali. ciri-ciri seni wali sepertidikatakan oleh dibia dkk. (1997/1998−1999/2000: 7−8) antara lain melibatkan benda-benda kramat yang disucikan (sacred object); memerlukan upacara-upacara ritual yang dilaksanakan dengan sesajen; terdiri dari orang-orang pilihan (selected performers); hanya boleh dipentaskan ditempat-tempat suci (sacred space) seperti halaman pura, perempatan jalan, dan tempat-tempat lain dimana sebuah upacara yadnya dilaksanakan; serta pertunjukannya selalu diikat oleh waktu tertentu yang dianggap kramat (sacred time). 4 aplikasi dari ciri-ciri tersebut di dalam tari andir adalah sebagai berikut. (1) tari andir menggunakan peralatan (benda keramat) berupa pelibatan rangdasungsungan (ratu ayu lingsir dan ratu ayu anom).rangdasungsunganmerupakanbendasuciyangsangatdikeramatkandandipercayam emilikikekuatanmagis yang dapatmelindungimasyarakattista.selain rangda sungsungan, benda-benda terkait dengan tari andir yang juga dianggap keramat adalah: gelungan,keris, umbul-umbul dan gamelan (instrumen pengiringnya).(2) setiap kegiatan yang dilakukan selalu melewati suatu proses upacara dengan berbagai upakara yang melengkapinya. ritual-ritual yang dilakukan diantaranya: nuasen latihan (terutama pada acara penggenerasian pemain), pamelaspasan (ritual untuk peralatan baru dan penaripenari baru yang akan digunakan dan ditampilkan), dan ritual yang dilakukan dalam setiap pementasan. (3) pelakunya adalah orang-orang pilihan, biasanya dipilih anakanak gadis yang belum mengalami masa akil balik. pemilihan selanjutnya dilakukan berdasarkan seleksi pada waktu pelaksanaan latihan. penari-penari yang bisa mengikuti proses latihan sampai bisa membawakan koreografinya secara utuh dipandang sebagai penari yang kesenengin (dipilih dan direstui oleh tuhan). (4) tempat pementasannya adalah tempat-tempat suci yang terkait dengan upacara yadnya di pura-pura setempat dan dilakukan tiap 210 hari sekali (tiap enam bulan bali atau enam kali tiga puluh lima hari).(5) waktu pementasannya merupakan waktu yang dianggap kramat (sacred time) dan terkait dengan upacara yadnya seperti: tiap kamis pon uku kuningan dipentaskan di pura paempatan;tiap jumat uku kuningan dipentaskan di pura puseh; tiap kamis uku paang dipentaskan di pura prajapati; tiap selasa kliwon uku perangbakat dipentaskan di pura batu belig; tiap sabtu kliwon uku wayang dipentaskan di pura taman; dan tiap senin wage uku dukut dipentaskan di pura dalem. pementasan tari andir di pura-pura setempat dilakukan tiap 210 hari sekali (tiap enam bulan bali atau enam kali tiga puluh lima hari). selain ke lima ciri tersebut ada satu hal penting yang membuat seni tersebut dikatakan sakral, yaitu masyarakat pendukung yang meyakini kesakralannya. masyarakat desa tista sebagai masyarakat pendukung tari andirmemang meyakini bahwa tari andirmerupakan seni sakral.kesakralannya bersumber dari rangda sungsungan. 5 menjadikan tari andir sebagai seni sakral tentu mempunyai tujuan.hal ini sejalan dengan pandangan bandem (1995: 15) yang mengatakan bahwa manusia mencipta untuk berbagai kepentingan, sehingga hasil ciptaannyapun mengalami fungsi yang berbeda pula. salah satu tujuan dalam menjadikan tari andir sebagai seni sakral adalah untuk dapat mengatasi permasalahan penggenerasian pemain.keyakinan terhadap rangda sungsungan yang selalu dilibatkan dalam tari andirmemilikikekuatanmagis yang dapatmelindungimasyarakat,setidaknyaakanmendorongsemangatmasyarakatuntuktetap melibatkandiri di dalamkeseniantersebut. senitersatupadukandemikianeratdenganlingkungankehidupan yang dari situ senitimbuldan di dalamlingkunganitusenidinikmati(gie, 1996: 38).perubahan fungsi tari andirdari tidak sakral menjadi sakralmerepresentasikan adanya perubahan nilai-nilai spiritual, sosial, dan kultural dari masyarakat pendukung atau pemiliknya. representasi seperti dikatakan oleh jodelet(2006: 4) selalu terkait dengan ideologi. ideologimerupakansistemkepercayaandansistemnilaisertarepresentasinyadalamberbagai media dantindakansosial (piliang, 2006: 20).menganalisisbentukbentuksimbolsebagaiideologiberartimenganalisisbentuk-bentukrelasi yang digunakandandikendalikandalamkontekssosialhistoristertentu (thompson,2003: 1718).berpijak dari pandangan tersebut, perubahan fungsi dalam tari andir merupakan bagian dari ideologi yang bertujuan agar nilai-nilaibudaya,mitos, normasertakonsepkonsepdalammasyarakat yang direpresentasikanmelaluitariandirdapatdipertahankan. rangdasungsungan(sebagaisarana agama) dantariandir(sebagaisebuahseni) yang bersinergimerupakanideologiuntukmempertahankaneksistensitaritersebut.dengandemiki anpenomenayang terjadidalamtariandirtidakjauhberbedadenganpandanganmumford (dalammangunwijaya, 1985: 33) yang mengatakanbahwaupacara, kesenian, puisi, drama, musik, tari-tarian, ilmupengetahuan, mitos, dan agama, semuanyasamasamahakikidalamkehidupanmanusia.halitutidaksajamencakupaktivitas-aktivitaskerja yang langsungmenunjangkehidupannya, melainkanjugamencakupkegiatankegiatansimbolis yang memberiarti, baikkepada proses-proses kerjadanhasilhasilnyamaupunkepadapenyelesaiannya. 6 sebagai sebuah kesenian yang lahir dari suatu masyarakat desa yang dinamis, tari andiryang merupakan perwujudan ekspresi budaya, simbol kebanggaan masyarakat, dan sarana integrasi sosial dalam masyarakat desa tista diharapkan untuk tetap dapat bertahan di tengah-tengah arus globalisasi.kebertahanan tari andir yang merupakan salah satu kesenian khas daerah tabanan iniakan menunjang kebertahanan khasanah kekayaan seni budaya bali. ucapan terima kasih terimakasihdiucapkankepadaprof. dr. ir. sulistyawati, ms., m.m., m.mis.,d.th.; prof. dr. i wayandibia, sst.,m.a; prof. dr. i nyomanwedakusuma, m.s.; di sampingkepada dr. i gedemudana, m.sidarie-journal of cultural studies (www.ojs.unud.ac.id) atassegalailmudanbimbingan yang diberikan, sehinggaartikelinidapatdiselesaikandenganbaik. daftarpustaka arshiniwati, ni made. 2014. ”sakralisasi tari andir di desa tista, kerambitan, kabupaten tabanan”, disertasi program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana. bandem, i made. 1995. “tari bali dalam upacara agama hindu”. makalah disajikan dalam rangka pengabdian masyarakat/pembinaan kesenian oleh dosen dan mahasiswa stsi denpasar di propinsi lampung. denpasar: sekolah tinggi seni indonesia. dibia, i wayan. 1996.“prinsip-prinsip keindahan tari bali” dalam jurnal masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia (mspi) cetakan pertama 1996. yogyakarta: masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia,yayasan bentang budaya. dibia, i wayan, dkk.1997/1998-1999/2000.tari wali sanghyang, rejang, baris. denpasar: dinas kebudayaan propinsi daerah tingkat i bali. gie, the liang.1996. filsafat seni. yogyakarta: pusat belajar ilmu berguna (pubib). jodelet, denise. 2006. latarbelakangteorirepresentasisosial (representation sociales).diterjemahkandari “le dictionnaire des sciences humaines”, paris, puf, 2006.depok: departemensusastra fipb-ui. http://www.9icsrindonesia.net.ina. mangunwijaya, y.b. 1985. teknologidandampakkebudayaannya.jakarta: yayasanobor indonesia. soedarsono. 1999. metodologi penelitian seni pertunjukan dan seni rupa.bandung: masyarakat seni pertunjukan indonesia. http://www.ojs.unud.ac.id/ http://www.9icsr-indonesia.net.ina/ http://www.9icsr-indonesia.net.ina/ 7 piliang, yasraf amir. 2006. dunia yang dilipat, tamasya melampau batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta: jalasutra. thompson, j.b. 2003. analisis ideologi kritik wacana ideologi-ideologi dunia. (haqqul yakin penerjemah). yogyakarta: ircisod. wibowo, fred. 2000. “senitradisi di tengah kemajuanteknologitinggi”. dalam: jurnalekspresivolume ii tahun i, september 2000. yogyakarta: lembagapenelitianinstitutseni indonesia. microsoft word artikel rudi irawanto terbit1 e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 articulation of the javanese islamic mythic ideology in the krucil kediri puppets rudi irawanto1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, i nyoman suarka3, i ketut darmana4 1faculty of literature, malang state university, 2,34 cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1rudi.irawanto@fs.um.ac.id 2anom.kumbara@unud.c.id, 3nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 4ketut_darmana@unud.ac.id received date : 16-03-2021 accepted date : 07-02-2022 published date : 28-02-2022 abstract the cipto manunggal kebatinan community is a mystical community that has developed in the kediri area of east java, which strengthens its ideological identity through the krucil puppet art. krucil is constructed as a performing art from the kebatinan community, which displays the concepts in the kebatinan teachings they profess. the main concepts in kejawen teachings are reconstructed through symbols in the krucil puppets, so that the core concepts in kejawen teachings have new meanings. this study uses a critical ethnographic approach to dissect the ideological concepts in the wayang krucil which is used as an ideological representation of the cipto manunggal community. the results of this study indicate that there are 3 main aspects in cipto manunggal's kebatinan teachings that acquire new meanings, keywords: ideology, javanese islam, wayang krucil introduction the existence of the kebatinan community in indonesia has been going on since before the era before independence. the mystical community is spread across several regions in indonesia, including several mystical communities in the kediri regency area. kediri regency is one of the largest centers of kebatinan organizations in indonesia, in addition to the areas of madiun, jakarta, surakarta and yogyakarta (hadiwidjojo, 1983:27). the situation that affects the style of kediri culture in general, considering that some kebatinan teachings are one of the pillars of the socio-cultural life of the local community. although the practice of kebatinan is very personal, many spiritual activities are carried out e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 communally, involving certain cultural products, including the use of wayang as part of the ideological and ritual system adopted. for some mystical communities, wayang is considered a representation of a metaphysical and ethical system that is able to explain the origin of the universe, so that the existence of wayang as a mystical property is relatively common (anderson, 2016:14). one of the kebatinan communities in kediri that uses wayang as a medium of metaphysical and ethical representation is the cipto manunggal kebatinan community in senden village, kayen kidul sub-district, kediri regency. the cipto manunggal mystical society, is a spiritual community that places the krucil puppet as the ideological medium for kejawen teachings. one of the kebatinan communities in kediri that uses wayang as a medium of metaphysical and ethical representation is the cipto manunggal kebatinan community in senden village, kayen kidul sub-district, kediri regency. the cipto manunggal mystical society, is a spiritual community that places the krucil puppet as the ideological medium for kejawen teachings. one of the kebatinan communities in kediri that uses wayang as a medium of metaphysical and ethical representation is the cipto manunggal kebatinan community in senden village, kayen kidul sub-district, kediri regency. the cipto manunggal mystical society, is a spiritual community that places the krucil puppet as the ideological medium for kejawen teachings. senden village, which is a typical village that is socially and culturally open. the senden community consists of various beliefs, where the muslim community lives side by side with the hindu community, christian community to believers. krucil kediri's wayang art that developed in the village is side by side with jaranan art which has magical nuances and is identical to the abangan and hindu communities, wayang kulit art which is identical to the mythical art of the priyayi, campursari art which is identical to folk art, and jemblungan art which is identical with islamic art belonging to the santri (santri) community. krucil kediri's wayang performances have been adjusted to the current socio-cultural situation, both in visual appearance, characterizations and the variety of plays presented. the ideological orientation held by the puppeteers and the puppet crew of krucil kediri is channeled into the performance of the performances. krucil kediri's wayang art can be seen as one of the cultural capitals that function to defend or fight for a certain ideology. the involvement of the mystical community that supports the existence of the krucil puppet in several places cannot be ruled out. the puppet actors position krucil's wayang as the embodiment of their ideology. wayang krucil functioned not only as a means of e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 entertainment, but also functioned as an ideological medium of the kebatinan community in the kediri area. the ideological approach is used by the puppeteers, to internalize socioeconomic, symbolic and spiritual capital through the arts. the ideological interests of these puppeteers make krucil's wayang performance different from other puppets. this study wants to analyze the role of the krucil kediri wayang as a medium of ideological articulation for kebatinan adherents in the kediri district of east java. research methods this research is a qualitative research with an ethnographic approach and is interdisciplinary. the ethnographic approach was chosen because in the discipline of cultural studies (cultural studies) emphasizes the role of agency (actor). this emphasis on the role of the actor means that in cultural studies, the role of the individual, in his socio-cultural relations and interactions, is not seen as a passive consumer of meaning, but is seen as a producer of meaning. the interpretation process is expected to find the causes, forms and implications of ideological contestation in the krucil kediri puppet. the ethnographic approach was chosen because the main objective of this research is to understand and interpret a particular culture or social group system, in this case the cultural ideology of the krucil kediri puppet. this research was conducted in maron hamlet, sendhen village, kayen kidul subdistrict, kediri regency. the types of data in this study are divided into two categories, namely quantitative data and qualitative data. quantitative data includes 1) kediri district monograph data that provides a quantitative description of the population and socio-cultural activities in the research area, 2) documents in the form of archives, photos and manuscripts on wayang and relevant research on krucil puppets, 3) histographic data on krucil puppets in java timur, and 4) krucil puppet artifacts to get a description of the form, function and meaning in krucil wayang performances. qualitative data includes data on the socio-cultural situation of the people of kediri regency, especially in kayen kidul sub-district, krucil puppet visualization data in kediri regency, data on economic activity and data on social activities in the cipto manunggal community. these data are used to understand data on social capital, economic capital, symbolic capital and cultural capital of the actors of the wayang kucil culture, as a basis for analyzing the patterns of contestation that occur. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 sources of data in the study are grouped into two categories, namely primary data and secondary data. primary data were obtained from primary sources consisting of the chairman or mursyidthe cipto manunggal society and at the same time the puppet master krucil kediri, members of the cipto manunggal society, and the local community. secondary data sources were obtained from the puppeteers of krucil puppets, cultural observers in kediri district and academics who understand krucil wayang. the primary data of the study also involved several informants related to the existence of the krucil puppet. determination of informants in this study is based on the proximity of the informants to the sources of research data. in this study, three data analysis techniques were used. the three data analysis techniques refer to data analysis techniques in ethnographic research, which include domain, taxonomy, and componential analysis. domain analysis, the result is knowledge at an early level about various domains or conceptual categories in the kebatinan communitythe cipto manunggal community as a support community for krucil puppets. conceptual domains in this study include economic domains, social domains, symbolic domains and cultural domains. in the next stage, a more in-depth analysis is carried out, namely taxonomic analysis. in taxonomic analysis, the selected domains are detailed in detail about their internal structure. this researcher not only stops knowing the number of categories/symbols included in the domain, but keeps track of the possible sub-subs that may be covered and presented. at this stage, analysis is carried out by compiling categories or collecting elements that have the same characteristics in one domain. componential analysis is the stage of finding differences between elements in the domain obtained at the observation stage and or selected interviews. each component in a domain actually has certain attributes/characteristics associated with it. it is these attributes that distinguish one from the other. at this level, domain analysis is carried out to obtain a general and relatively comprehensive picture of a subject being studied. discussion 1. wayang krucil kediri as an expression of kejawen mystical synthesis for the javanese people, being muslim and being javanese at the same time, does not seem to be something that is taboo and is seen as strange. the phenomenon called riklfs (2012:30). as a hybrid culture, which is a cultural phenomenon that creates a mystical e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 synthesis phenomenon. mystical synthesis is a term to describe the reconciliation of javanese identity, belief, and style with the principles of islamic belief. the practice of mystical synthesis is caused by 1) strengthening islamic identity, 2) obedient implementation of the pillars of islam and 3) respect for ancestors and supernatural rulers in java. ricklefs opinion is based on facts in the field where javanese people tend to be acculturative and accept several teachings in one fixed format. the process of islamizing the javanese people which lasted until the colonial era, this mystical synthesis also produces accurative cultural forms between islamic and pre-islamic cultures. the formal unification of islamic teachings and javanese beliefs has actually started since the era of sultan agung in the 17th century. the mataram dynasty tried to synthesize islamic and javanese culture, for example using a hybrid calendar system that was not completely based on the old javanese calendar system, but still adopted the javanese calendar system hijri calendar (islam). in its development, the mataram kingdom tried to build a political culture that was different from its predecessor, the demak kingdom. the synthesis of islam and java became the peaks of acculturative mataram culture. the kejawen islamic library is one of the products of the synthesis of islam and java. kejawen islam is a library that contains javanese traditions with elements of islamic teachings, especially sufism teachings. the names that are often used to refer to kejawen islamic literature are primbon, wirid and suluk (simuh, 1988: 3). kejawen islam then became a tool of cultural and political legitimacy of the mataram era, including for the areas under mataram's rule. the east java region was one of the areas under the rule of the mataram kingdom, which also grew into a mystical synthesis area. the culmination of this mystical synthesis is the emergence of figures who are considered great and the birth of menumental books, such as the book of centini. mystical synthesis will culminate in the characterization of certain individuals as symbols of cultural identity or symbols of erucokro (queen of justice) in the messianic movement. the event that also gave birth to prince diponegoro, who at that time was considered a figure of the queen of justice (carey, 2019:82). in a different position, sunan kalijaga took on the role of a kejawen islamic figure. sunan kalijaga then became a kind of role model for adherents of the kejawen islamic movement or other kebathinan movements in java. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 this mystical synthesis practice will at a certain point lead to the strengthening of a new cultural identity, which will gradually shift the original identity. this concern was expressed in mangkunegara's fourth wedatama fiber. mangkunegara iv's concern about the political revival of islamic identity is quite reasonable considering that some muslim figures began to stay away from the noble teachings of java in the early 19th century. the number of pilgrims experienced a significant increase in the first half of the 19th century. the predicate of hajj became a marker of new social status in society in that era, shifted the role of traditional priyayi who were oriented to the palace. several islamic figures who had just returned from mecca began to adopt a different da'wah model from the era of the wali songo era. these preachers can be called a reformer group (tajdid) and are starting to stay away from the teachings of sufism as taught by the initial wave of islam's arrival in the archipelago (azra, 2013: 312). in java also began to develop tarekat movements which began to distance themselves from the teachings of javanese mystics. kh ahmad rifai, the founder of the tarekat, rifaiah in the kalisasak area of tegal, is an example of a cleric who forbids all forms of javanese art, including wayang art, which is considered heretical. the wave of islamism at the beginning of the 19th century was felt to be quite disturbing for some javanese kebatinan communities the founder of the tarekat, rifaiah in the kalisasak area of tegal, as an example of the ulama who banned all forms of javanese art, including wayang art, which were considered heretical. the wave of islamism at the beginning of the 19th century was felt to be quite disturbing for some javanese kebatinan communities. the founder of the tarekat, rifaiah in the kalisasak area of tegal, as an example of the ulama who banned all forms of javanese art, including wayang art, which were considered heretical. the wave of islamism at the beginning of the 19th century was felt to be quite disturbing for some javanese kebatinan communities. on the one hand, the mystical synthesis process carried out since the mataram era did not change the priyayi's perception of elite art and their position in society. the distance between folk art and elite art is always created, starting from the way of dress, the model of the house to the art objects that are collected. the priyanyi were actually individuals appointed by the kingdom as rulers of a certain area, although in practice the priyayi did not always have inheritable positions. these priyayi acted and behaved as feudal aristocrats, regardless of their position in the state structure (kartodirdjo, 1993:6). this phenomenon was deliberately created to take social distance with the underprivileged. the little people in e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 javanese terminology can consist of farmers or traders. javanese society was initially divided into 3 groups, namely kings (princes), nobles and peasants before the dutch feudalization era (muchtarom, 1988:3). this social stratification changed with the decline of feudalism and the arrival of the japanese in java. each social strata ultimately creates symbols of their respective cultures. the social distance between art belonging to the priyayi and the wong cilik and art belonging to the priyanyi and the santri became increasingly prominent in the early 19th century. the dutch east indies government began to appoint new priyayi in its territory, namely the foreign and pasisir areas as regents or wedanas. these priyayi received a fixed salary from the colonial government. a phenomenon that opens up opportunities for the birth of new foreign or pasisir nobility, or priyayi who are not of noble descent. these foreign aristocrats then positioned themselves as royalty of the palace, both in terms of dress and taste in the arts. this effort was actually a movement for the defeodalization of the javanese aristocracy in foreign and coastal areas by the colonial side, because these areas were indeed under dutch control. the birth of these foreign and coastal aristocrats, including in the east java region further strengthens the local identity that is different from the mataram area. the colonial government gave power to the gubernatorial regents (appointed by the dutch) to develop their respective identities. the regent of pasisir is as if he were his own kingdom, with all the customs and symbols of each (kartodirdjo, 1993:14). east java is a coastal area and a foreign area of mataram (kartodirdjo, 1993:11). mataram itself divides its territory into 4 cultural zones, namely the kutanegara area, the great country area, the foreign area and the coastal area. the foreign and coastal areas are areas that are outside the great state (core area) which are only ruled by a regent, which is socioculturally considered inferior to the territory of the great state. the regents in foreign and coastal areas have a lower social position than the bekel, as rulers of the great state. it is this historical background that creates a wider cultural distance between the territory of the core country and foreign countries. the rulers of foreign and coastal countries, covertly began to carry out resistance, both in the political realm, social and cultural. the political resistance of the coastal priyayi was in the case of senopati's expansion to the north of east java to stem the power of coastal islam, as well as the conflict between prince pekik and prince sedo krapyak regarding the seizure of the northern coast of java. it was realized by mataram that the coastal area had begun to build its own identity that was different from the e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 mataram kingdom, so that it needed to be limited in its space of movement. the politics of attacking coastal areas by sultan agung was also understood as mataram's effort to restore the profession of coastal communities to become farmers like the mataram kingdom in the interior. and the conflict between prince pekik and prince sedo krapyak over the seizure of the northern coast of java. it was realized by mataram that the coastal area had begun to build its own identity that was different from the mataram kingdom, so that it needed to be limited in its space of movement. the politics of attacking coastal areas by sultan agung was also understood as mataram's effort to restore the profession of coastal communities to being farmers again like the mataram kingdom in the interior and the conflict between prince pekik and prince sedo krapyak over the seizure of the northern coast of java. it was realized by mataram that the coastal area had begun to build its own identity that was different from the mataram kingdom, so that it needed to be limited in its space of movement. the politics of attacking coastal areas by sultan agung was also understood as mataram's effort to restore the profession of coastal communities to become farmers like the mataram kingdom in the interior. the conflict between mataram and its territories in the east java region continued to an ideological level. the coastal area is considered a more conservative area with stricter islamic teachings than the interior area. the coastal rulers also tried to develop a more collaborative form of culture than the acculturative inland areas. this process is what produces a different type of art in the interior. the kediri area, although geographically located in the interior and received dominant influence from mataram, has developed in a more open and acculturative culture. kediri grew as an inland area with a maritime situation. kediri's role in political dynamics in java lasted until the mataram period. kediri was involved in a conflict with the mataram palace during the trunojoyo rebellion in the early 17th century, which led to the fall of this area into the hands of amangkurat ii troops and the voc (riklefs, 1981:83). the incident that more or less changed the ideological position of the kediri area, became an area that was viewed more carefully by the mataram kingdom. in the era after the giyanti agreement, the kediri area was included in the surakarta palace area. kediri, like other hinterland areas, eventually developed a pattern of acculturative culture which became the foundation for the fertile synthesis of mystical culture in this region. the quantity of the community of believers is one indication of the flourishing of acculturative life in kediri. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 in subsequent developments, kediri culture grew in the tension of the putihan and abangan communities. the case of the krucil kediri puppet illustrates this phenomenon. wayang krucil kediri is a product that grows in two different cultural environments. wayang krucil etan kali, grew up in mataraman culture. mataraman is a term to describe the strong influence of the mataram kingdom in this area. the principle that according to foucault is called the power net. foucault sees the power model as widespread in human relations. these forces are found in various aspects of human relations, for example, relations between humans and other humans as well as human relations with their environment and situations, and others (bertens, 2000:302). the phenomenon that encourages the practice of hegemony. 2. dynamics of symbols of javanese islamic teachings in wayang krucil kediri javanese society is a society that glorifies the use of symbols in their social relations. these symbols become part of the cultural system which is reflected in their ritual activities. the same phenomenon was found in the village of senden, as the locus of the krucil puppet in kediri et al., the cultural symbolism is described in the existence of the krucil puppet. wayang krucil kediri became a new symbol. the symbols in kejawen teachings shifted from symbols in wayang kulit to figures in wayang krucil. 2.1 symbols in the teachings of manunggaling kawulo gusti the main teaching of the cipto manunggal community is the concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti. this concept presupposes a direct relationship between man and god. the concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti is described in the form of dungo and mantram which implies the unification of the essence of god with his servant. manunggaling kawulo gusti or wahdatul wujud is a makrifat teaching that puts forward competitive activities. this stage of makrifat was first introduced by al hallaj, a persian sufi in the 15th and 16th centuries. the teachings of al hallaj or hussein bin mansyur al hallaj in java were introduced by sheikh siti jenar and the walis with various methods. manunggaling kawulo gustior wahdatul wujud is described as the stage of the loss of the hijab (barrier veil) between kawulo and gusti. the process of losing the hijab between kawulo and gusti in the world of sufism, especially from al harawi, is called the mortal phase. fana' is a phase of self-negation when one unites with allah. individual boundaries e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 are lost. the view of al harawi represents most of the makrifat teachings which eliminate the essence of the self when worship takes place. at the level of makrifat all entities are the will of god. the teachings of manunggaling kawulo gusti in the cipto manunggal paguyuban kebatinan movement, received room for elaboration in the pasinaon forum. mursyid describes the concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti as the phase of the loss of the hijab between the will of man and the will of god, as is the case with the loss of color in the krucil puppet. kelir is a performance space that separates the position of the puppeteer and the audience. in the shadow puppet show, the white color becomes the dividing space between the dalang and the audience. the shadow puppet audience in the past was in front of the dalang behind the screen. at the krucil puppet performance, there is no screen. the room for the screen is left with holes, so that the audience can see the puppeteer from the front of the screen. the concept of a non-screen puppet performance is interpreted as a process of losing the shari'a and entering the realm of makrifat, as is the concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti. the area of makrifat is the highest position of faith in islam which can only be passed through the tarekat or the sufi way. for the spiritual community of the cipto manunggal paguyuban, the makrifat phase is the highest phase in the attainment of faith that needs to be expressed in cultural activities. wayang krucil becomes the legitimacy of the faith that is realized. the screen with holes or without screen becomes a visible symbol of faith. the position of the mastermind and the position of the host can be connected spiritually through the perforated screen. these makrifat symbols become cultural capital for the spiritual movement of the cipto manunggal paguyuban to maintain its beliefs. wayang krucil is the third generation of wayang which is considered to replace the position of the purwo shadow puppet which is full of elements of hinduism. puppet purwo is assessed as the shari'a phase, wayang madya (middle) as the essence phase and wayang wusana (third) as the makrifat phase. 2.2 symbol of the teaching of sangkan paran wayang krucil has a different storyline from wayang kulit purwa. the main krucil puppet stories are the panji chronicle and the majapahit chronicle. the story of panji has a different plot from the story of the wayang kulit purwo which is derived from the mahabharata or the ramayana. the banner story is rooted in local javanese culture, with the background e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 of the kediri kingdom era (kieven, 2018:1). the panji story or the panji cycle even though it develops in many versions, but has the same pattern. the panji story has three characteristics, namely birth, life and death. the story of panji for the spiritual movement of the cipto manunggal paguyuban also symbolizes the concept of sangkan paran. the concept of sangkan paran or sangkan paraning dumadi leads to the return of oneself to god, so that each individual understands the purpose of the life he is living. in wayang kulit purwo, the teachings of sangkan paran are represented through the concept of hastabrata in the story of wahyu makutorama (soesilo, 2004:79). the teaching of sangkan paraning dumadi is based on the concept of play. the play is a path that must be taken as a consequence of past actions that have an impact in the future. actions in the past are not always related to personal activities, but also relate to ancestral activities in the past which are considered to have consequences in today's life. the teachings are represented in several slametan activities or rituals of respect for ancestors, because seeing the existence of a phenomenon today has a correlation with events in the past. the phrase lakone must be ngene or the story must be like this, as a justification for the social conditions that are being experienced. an attitude that shows submission and obedience to god's will. this principle is referred to as the concept of following nature or melulakuning nature. in general, javanese people believe that someone who understands sangkan paraning dumadi will understand his essence. this concept can be found in the story of dewa ruci in the wayang kulit story, about the discovery of the identity of the figure of bima. dewa ruci's fiber is a reflection of the teachings of panthesime in javanese suluk literature, both according to the ittihadiyah school and the embodied school of thought (kasdi, 2005:43). the teachings of sangkan paraning dumadi in the kejawen literature are found in several books including the key book swarga mifthul djanati written by bratakesawa in 1952 (kholis, 2019), hidayat jati's wirid fiber written by r. ng. ronggowarsito in 1862 until the fiber of jatimurti published in the 1980s, in addition to the books in the mainstream, the cipto manunggal society in senden used the reference of the java library of serat pituduh awewaton agami islam, which is the main book of sangkan paran teachings in this community. the javanese pustaka serat pituduh awewaton agami islam is a collection of sangkan paran teachings which were rewritten by the mursyid of the cipto manunggal mysticism community, based on a story from grandmother cipto moer, who is believed to be e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 the bearer of the cipto manunggal society's mystical teachings. in the book, it is stated that serat pituduh is a guide obtained from kanjeng sunan kalijaga. the book is only 30 pages, which is only read in the month of sura or the month of muharram who is believed to be the bearer of the cipto manunggal community's mystic teachings. in the book, it is stated that serat pituduh is a guide obtained from kanjeng sunan kalijaga. the book is only 30 pages, which is only read in the month of sura or the month of muharram for the cipto manunggal paguyuban kebatinan movement, the sangkan paraning dumadi concept can be simplified as a story of the origin of the self, which begins with the meeting of male elements with female elements. the concept of sangkan paraning dumadi can be broken down into 3 stages, namely the stages of birth, journey and death, which is said to be related to the teachings in the hidayat jati wirid book, by ronggowarsito which divides 3 realms of isoteric understanding, namely: bait-al-makmur, bait-al-muharram and bait-al-mukaddas. isoteric concept by using the analogy of the limbs. bait-al-makmur is located on the head, bait-al-muharram is located on the chest and bait-al-mukaddas is located on the genitals. the concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti is in the bait-al-makmur lies in the mind. the story of panji, which is the main story in the wayang krucil story, is seen as representing the origin of life and the purpose of life itself. panji's journey to find the goddess sekartaji is interpreted as a sanepan or a symbol of the journey of wisdom, so that panji's story is interpreted as a spiritual story of javanese knights. panji's journey for the kebatinan movementcipto manunggal associationis a real example of the journey of wisdom. the banner represents the male element or the father element, while dewi sekartaji symbolizes the mother element or the female element. the meeting of father and mother produces identity. draftsangkan paraning dumadistarting from the initial phase, namely the meeting with the essence of god, such as the meeting between raden panji asmorobangun and dewi sejartaji. this phase is referred to as the attainment stage at the levelbait-al-makmur. bait-al-makmur is the phase where rahsa (rasa) and the state of teak reside. the state (kahanan) of teak, is a term to describe the state or nature of something that is true. teak is a term to indicate existing existence. there is in terms of essence and in terms of nature. the explanation of kahanan teak is explained in the fiber jatimurti book. fiber jatimurti is one of the books that is discussed regularly in the pasinaon meeting every month in the cipto e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 manunggal community devotional movement. the fiber explains the meaning of kahanan teak (joyoboyo: 1980:19). teakis a condition of true being that is united with the essence of god, so that ada is the essence of divinity. the birth or meeting of raden panji and dewi sekartaji is seen as the union of rahsa (taste) through lust. in hidayat jati's wirid fiber, it is said from rahsa that the state of teak or the essential one is born. the meeting of raden panji and dewi sekarataji became the embodiment of the origin of life due to lust that created rahsa. the second phase of the makrifat journey is passed at bait-al-muharram. bait-al-muharram on wirid fiber is drawn located on adam's chest. this phase is shown at the farewell stage between raden panji and dewi sekartaji at the krucil puppet performance. bait-al-muharram is the birthplace of pain and the origin of wishful thinking. the middle region is marked by the birth of conflicts in the panji story cycle. in some panji stories, conflicts are marked by raden panji's separation from dewi sekartaji. this phase can be found in the stories of panji semirang, panji jayakesuma as well as in the story of panji angraeni (panji reni) which is often performed in the story of the malang mask puppet. the last level in the makrifat phase is the achievement at the levelbait-almukaddas.bait-al-mukaddas is a place of purification, the last place to reach the stage of makrifat. in panji's story, this stage is seen as a meeting room for raden panji and dewi sekartaji after going through conflict or separation. the concept in the realm of bait-almukaddas symbolizes the center from the meeting of men and women to the birth of a new human being. in a wider context it is interpreted as a phase of becoming a new person. the krucil puppet performance is interpreted as the implementation of the stages in the makrifat teachings. the concept of makrifat which contains sufi teachings is expressed in stages of performance, so thatcipto manunggal associationgain spiritual legitimacy by performing wayang performances. 2.3 symbol of three elements the spiritual movement of the cipto manunggal community believes that all elements in nature have supporting elements, including plants, animals and even inanimate objects, namely spirits, urip and wadag. elements are constituent substances in the structure. a term used to describe an element whose existence describes the origin of something. the term e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 element used by the cipto manunggal association takes the definition from hidayat jati's wirid fiber which was rewritten in the fiber pituduh awewaton agami islam. plants are living things that only have life force (urip) and wadag. when plants (wood) are used as puppet materials, the life force (urip) persists in other forms. puppet craftsmen only maintain that vitality. the principle that boils down to the belief that the life force (urip) can be maintained or resurrected in another form. the krucil puppet performance is seen as an activity to maintain life (urip) in inanimate objects, so that every wayang will be respected as a living creature. each krucil puppet figure is seen as a form (wadag) that has the power of life (urip), and sometimes there are several spirits who are believed to have entered it intentionally. the spirits that enter the body of the krucil puppet are considered as representations of certain figures who have a relationship with supernatural powers. the concept of spirit in kejawen's view, is the essence of the nature of god (god). this concept sees the essence of god as one with the spirit, which is called the spirit of ilapi, an element that will not be separated from god (drewes, 2002:36). the environment outside of humans is an area that must be respected, considered to have their own guardians and owners. the guardian of the supernatural realm is called danyang. for the perpetrators of the kebatinan movement, respect for danyang is a representation of respect for ancestors. danyang is considered a figure who occupies one house, one area to objects, including the krucil puppet and the accompanying gamelan. the concept of spirit, urip and wadag elements in the mystic terminology of the cipto manunggal society places the position of every essence, both living and inanimate objects, as elements that must be respected according to their respective roles. this respect becomes a mechanism to control every activity to be carried out. wayang krucil is seen as a wadag that has a spirit, so it needs to be treated as a respect for objects that have a spirit. this concept of spirit means divine power, supernatural or supernatural power. for the javanese people, all objects that are considered to have a spirit will be wrapped in something, like the warongko concept on a keris. the function of the wrapper is to control the supernatural power of the object so as not to disturb the balance of its environment. this process is carried out on all objects that are considered to have supernatural powers, because they have a spirit and body. cosmological understanding associated with the principle of causality or cause and effect. the understanding of the cipto manunggal paguyuban always relates something to something else so that one phenomenon e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 will be seen as having a correlation with another phenomenon. the existence of a spirit or supernatural power in objects has a correlation with the origin and way of treating the object. wooden puppets are created from special wood, the material for krucil puppets in kediri is mentaos or bentawas wood (wrightia javanica a.dc) although there are some who use hibiscus wood and candlenut wood, but not too much. mentaos wood is a type of woody plant that is often found in java, which rafles once noted as a good and durable wood. the puppeteers of the krucil puppets believe that the choice of mentaos wood as the material for the puppets can be attributed to the use of the name pedestal mentaos, as the location for the founding of the islamic mataram kingdom. the name alas mentaos is taken from the mentaos wood plant in the forest. mentaos wood is technically easier to carve and has good durability. mentaos is a tree-habitual plant. this plant can reach a height of up to 35 meters with a diameter of up to 50 cm. the bark is gray brown to brownish yellow, slightly grooved. single leaf oval with a tapered leaf tip. the leaves have fine hairs on the surface and slightly rough on the underside of the leaves. flowers are yellowish white or pink to dark red, present in the form of panicles at the ends of twigs. the fruit is oval in shape with a hard fruit skin and has a cleavage in the middle. the fruit is brown in color, will break when old and the seeds will be scattered. the choice of wood in the krucil puppet is associated with the concept of the existence of spirits in plants or objects.the wood material in the krucil puppet is interpreted as a form of dhikr ya hayyu ya qoyyum bi rahmatika astaghiits, wa ash-lihlii sya'nii kullahu wa laa takilnii ilaa nafsii thorfata 'ainin abadan. ya hayyu ya qoyyum means the one who is almighty and independent. the dhikr sentence is commonly said in the morning and evening by muslims. the sentence ya hayyu ya qoyyum is also a wirid practice that is read in a certain amount. the word ya hayyu ya qoyyum is considered capable of giving life force to the puppet. yes hayyu is interpreted as living wood. some puppeteers of krucil's puppets also use the toponymous approach of the word ya hayyu as a logical explanation of the use of wood in krucil's puppets. the word wood is considered a derivation of the word ya hayyu. yes, hayyu is translated into wood. the concept of ya hayyu is translated as the command of dhikr through wayang. some krucil puppet makers in the past would always make dhikr while carving puppets. the dhikr that is commonly said is dhikr ya hayyu ya qoyyum. the krucil puppet craftsmen believe that by doing dhikr, the puppeteer will be able to bring the puppets to life on stage. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 the use of wood as a spiritual material in java also cannot be separated from the concept of kalpa wreksa, in hindu religious belief kalpa wreksa or also called the tree of life (kasdi, 2002:102). the concept of the tree of life is related to the concept of the world in the javanese view, which divides the world into three levels, the underworld, the upper world and the middle world. the tree of life is a tree that bridges the world above and the middle world. the existence of the tree of life is also associated with the existence of lord brahma, which symbolizes life, wealth and prosperity. the concept of the tree of life is then represented in the form of gunungan or kayon in wayang performances. kayon means something related to wood. the kayon in the krucil puppet is in the form of a series of peacock feathers, the process of making wayang puppets and the selection of materials based on islamic symbols were communicated repeatedly by the mursyid and members of the cipto manunggal paguyuban kebatinan movement. they want to show that the art of wayang krucil does not represent hindu art or pre-islamic art, but javanese art with javanese symbols of islam. wayang krucil is one of the cultural expressions of the cipto manunggal paguyuban kebatinan movement. the cultural path becomes a symbolic capital for the community to show its existence. the symbols of islam are not only in the selection of wayang materials, the performance process to the stories presented, but also elaborated in the concept of the stage setting. 2.4 the symbol of the order's movement the teachings of the cipto manunggal paguyuban kebatinan movement in their interaction process show the same approach patterns as the tarekat approach. the spiritual movement of the cipto manunggal paguyuban emphasizes the strong cultural relationship between students and teachers or mursyids. teachers make their cultural and spiritual understanding as a symbolic capital to show their existence. tarekat was originally one of the methods in achieving the spiritual level of a muslim to reach the stage of purification of the soul. in later eras, tarekat became religious institutions that had strong socio-emotional ties. in the institutionalization of the tarekat, the process of teacher-student interaction, the interaction between students or members of the tarekat, and the norms or rules of religious life that underlie the pattern of friendship between them. organizationally, the tarekat is an organization based on obedience or extraordinary obedience, which is institutionalized e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 between the students or members of the tarekat, or fanaticism towards the tarekat teacher or mursyid. tarekat can be referred to as a sufistic school which reflects a product of technical mystical thought and doctrine to provide a certain spiritual method. the spiritual movement of the cipto manunggal paguyuban in turn also offers certain technical mystical doctrines to reach the level of perfection in understanding divinity. the spiritual method commonly used by this kebatinan movement is the use of the sinamar strategy (metaphor) to understand the essence of divinity. the character of the use of this sinamar strategy is one of the modes of da'wah of the guardians carried out at the beginning of the arrival of islam on the island of java. the first generation guardians were educated in a javanese environment and had no direct relationship with the middle east (muchtarom, 1988:23). the principle of da'wah was later adopted by the poets of the mataram palace in teaching the essence of divinity, through wirid books. wirid books are books that teach makrifat knowledge about the nature of life so that humans are wise towards the perfection of sangkan paran or the glory of the state of identity (simuh, 2019:276). the wirid books are a kind of life guide to prepare for death which are conveyed in a disguised manner, so that the use of metaphors is common, for example to determine the level of makrifat using a concept called sinamar ing warno or disguised in colors. this cinnamar principle is used to read the signs in the krucil kediri puppet story. wayang krucil kediri is seen not only as a performance of cultural products, but also as a cultural symbol that displays bright concepts, so that it requires interpretation and interpretation. for example, to determine the level of makrifat using a concept called sinamar ing warno or disguised in colors. this cinnamar principle is used to read the signs in the krucil kediri puppet story. wayang krucil kediri is seen not only as a performance of cultural products, but also as a cultural symbol that displays bright concepts, so that it requires interpretation and interpretation. the cinnamar strategy in kejawen teachings is commonly used to avoid conflicts that may arise. the position of the mursyid of the cipto manunggal hermitage is fully realized, so that the use of the tarekat movement model is seen as more appropriate. the tarekat movement in addition to using the sinamar strategy also believes in the law of certainty (pinesthi) to maintain an order as is believed by the javanese people in general. pinesthi law believes that all existence must pass a predetermined path, and life is an inevitable project e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 in which each individual must submit and obey fate, goals and desires that have been set (mulder, 1996:25). the story in wayang krucil is a human story in a wantah context, which is not related to the story of divinity as the story in wayang kulit. the story of the journey of life described in the wayang krucil is seen as a process of undergoing the pinesthi law, so that the tarekat approach with maktifat teachings is seen as more appropriate to translate the pinesthi laws. in pinesthi law, events do not occur by chance, but manifest themselves because of coordination with the unseen (mulder, 1996:27). it is in this context that the calculation of the good and the bad can be done, so that preventive measures can be taken. conclusion the existence of the krucil puppet in kediri cannot be separated from the existence of the cipto manunggal community as a mystical community. this association builds its cultural identity based on kejawen concepts and uses these teachings as a moral basis for daily activities. the cipto manunggal paguyuban takes a position as a mystical community that rejects the stigma of being part of those who believe in beliefs, because they feel that their activities, including the krucil puppet show, are an effort to preserve culture. wayang krucil functions as an ideological medium, which acts as a reinterpretation of mystical teachings. wayang krucil kediri is a reinterpretation medium for the concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti, the concept of sangkan paran, the concept of three elements and the form of the tarekat movement. the teaching of manunggaling kawulo gusti, as the basis of the teaching, is seen as kejawen which is represented in the form of a non-screen performance on the krucil puppet stage. the teachings of sangkan paran, are teachings that understand the essence of the origin and purpose of life. the story of the panji, as the story of the meeting of men and women in the story in the wayang krucil, is seen as a symbol of the teachings of sangkan paran. the concept of the three elements is the concept of a life system in javanese islamic teachings, which consists of spirit, urip and wadag. the concept of the three elements is used to explain the essence of using wood in wayang, as a representation of living or living essences. the cipto manunggal society as a spiritual community uses the tarekat approach in its teaching system. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 1-19 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 references anderson, benedict r. 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(2018) menelusuri panji dan sekartaji tradisi panji dan proses transformasinya pada zaman kini. yogyakarta: penernit ombak. muchtarom, zaini. (1988). santri dan abangan di jawa. jakarta: inis. mulder, niels. (2013).mistisisme jawa ideologi di indonesia. yogyakarta: lkis. riklefs, m.c. (2012). mengisalamkan jawa sejarah islamisasi di jawa dan penentangannya dari 1930 sampai sekarang. jakarta: serambi ilmu semesta. simuh. (1995). sufisme jawa transformasi tasawuf islam ke mistik jawa. yogyakarta: bentang. joyoboyo. (1980). serat jati murti. surabaya: cv citrajaya. 1 paradoks kemiskinandi kelurahan ubud i nyomansudipa fakultasteknik universitasmahendradatta denpasar abstrak penelitianinimengangkatkemiskinansebagairealitassosial di tengahgemerlappariwisata di kelurahanubud.penelitianinidifokuskanpadapembahasan: (1) mengapa masih adakemiskinan, (2) upayaapayang dilakukan pemerintah dan lembaga lain untuk menanggulangi kemiskinan, dan (3) bagaimanadampak kemiskinan yang muncul. penelitianinimenggunakanmetodekualitatif. data diperolehmelalui proses observasi, wawancara, dandokumentasi. hasilpenelitianmenunjukkan, kemiskinan di kelurahanubud, disebabkanolehfaktor eksternal yaitu kebijakan pemerintah seperti acuan data yang tidak jelas, diagnosis yang kurang tepat, penanganan kemiskinan tidak terpadu dan tumpang tindih, dan kegagalan kebijakan pengembangan pariwisata.faktoreksternaldidukung faktor internal, yaituketerbatasanekonomi, sumberdaya, dantekanansosialbudaya, gayahidup, perilakukonsumsi,kepemilikanaset, lahan,danbiayaadatdan ritual. upayapemerintah secara finansial dilakukanmelalui program penanggulangan kemiskinan dan nonfinasial melaluikebijakan atau regulasi, pendampingan, danpelatihan.lsm melakukan upaya nonfinasial seperti menjadipendamping, mediator, fasilitator dan menyusun pemetaan sosial.dampak kemiskinan di kelurahan ubud adalahmengurangi kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap pemerintah, menimbulkankonflik sosial, dankonflik ekonomi. dampak bagi pariwisata adalah pariwisata dianggap gagal dalam menyejahterakan masyarakat. dampak bagi masyarakat adalah mengakibatkan kesenjangan sosial, konflik, meningkatnya angka kriminalitas, dan pewarisan kemiskinan. kata kunci: kemiskinan, pariwisata, kebijakanpemerintah. pendahuluan peranan pariwisata dalam pembangunan ekonomi bagi daya tarik wisata seperti bali,yang memang sudah terkenal sebagai salah satu daerah tujuan wisata dunia, tidakperlu dipertanyakan lagi. bps pada tahun 2012 juga mengemukakan bahwa pariwisatamempunyai keterkaitan ekonomi yang sangat erat dengan banyak sektor. peranan pariwisata juga dapat dilihat dari kontribusinya terhadap pdrb dan penyerapan tenaga kerja di bali. meningkatnya kontribusi sektor perdagangan, hotel, dan restoran, terhadap pdrb bali. salah satu kawasan pariwisata yang cukup terkenal di bali adalah kelurahanubud, di kecamatanubud, kabupatengianyar. ubud sebagai kampung seniman di gianyar telah menjadi daya tarik bagi wisatawan sehingga ubud telah menjadi tujuanpariwisatainternasional. kelurahan ubud yang berada di pusat kawasan pariwisata ubud sudah cukup lamaberkembang dan sampai sekarang masihmenjadiikonpariwisata. sebagai tujuan pariwisata utama di kabupaten gianyar, kelurahan ubud mempunyai peranan penting dalam meningkatkan perekonomian masyarakat dan menjadi magnet ekonomi bagi kawasan lain yang ada di sekitar kelurahan ubud dan bali. pariwisata telah memegang peranan yang cukup 2 besar dalam pembangunan di kelurahan ubud dan kabupaten gianyar dan sebagai salah satu penggerak laju pertumbuhan ekonomi di kabupaten gianyar. di balik sektor pariwisata yang demikian gemerlap dengan berbagai aktivitas yang mengiringinya, ternyata ubudmasih menyimpan wajah lain, yaitu kemiskinan. badan pusat statistik melalui pendataan program perlindungan sosial tahun 2011 mencatat 408 rumah tangga sasaran yang terdiri atas katagori miskin, hampir miskin, dan rentan miskin, atau jumlah individu sasaran sebanyak 2.318 jiwa. dibandingkan dengan jumlah rumah tangga yang ada di kelurahan ubud yaitu sebanyak 2.315 rumah tangga, persentase kemiskinan di kelurahan ubud sebesar 17,62% (bps, 2011). penelitian ini bertujuan untuk mengetahui penyebab kemiskinan kemiskinan,langkahlangkah yang telah dilakukan oleh pemerintah dan lembaga lain untuk menanggulangi kemiskinan,dan dampak kemiskinan di kelurahan ubud.manfaatpenelitianiniadalahmemperdalam dan mengembangkan kajian tentang kemiskinan.penelitian ini diharapkan menjadi rujukan bagi penelitian lebih lanjut tentang kondisi-kondisi kemiskinan khususnya masyarakat pada kawasan pariwisata, danmemberikan stimulasi bagi peneliti-penelitiselanjutnya untuk mengkaji fenomena-fenomena sosial secara lebih komprehensif, baik menggunakan pendekatan hukum, ekonomi, maupun pendekatan kajian budaya (cultural studies). metode penelitian penelitianinimenggunakanmetodekualitatif. metode kualitatif menghasilkan data deskriptif, baik berupa kata-kata ungkapan tertulis maupun lisan dari orang-orang dan perilaku yang diamati (moleong, 2002). data yang diperlukandiperolehmelalui proses observasi yang dipandudenganpedomanwawancara, studipustakadandokumen yang mendukungpenelitianini.lebihlanjutsetelahdilakukanverifikasi, data dianalisisdenganmenggunakanseperangkatteori yang digolongkansebagaiteorisosialkritis, sepertiteorihegemoni, teoridekonstruksi, danteorikemiskinankebudayaan. pembahasan hasilpenelitianmenunjukkanbeberapahalsebagaiberikut.penyebabmasihadanyarumaht anggasasaran (miskin) di kelurahanubud, disebabkanoleh faktor eksternal yaitu kebijakan pemerintah yang secara struktural menjadi penyebab kemiskinan seperti acuan data yang tidak jelas, diagnosis yang kurang tepat, penanganan kemiskinan tidak terpadu dan tumpang tindih, dan kegagalan kebijakan pengembangan pariwisata. faktor internal disebabkan oleh karenaketerbatasankemampuanrumahtanggasasaran (miskin) tersebutuntukmengaksessumberdayaekonomi yang adakarenarendahnyatingkatpendidikan, rendahnyakemampuansumberdaya, dantekanan-tekanansosialbudaya yang ditimbulkan dariaktivitasekonomi-pariwisata yang berlangsung di kelurahanubud. faktor lain 3 adalahkegagalanrumahtanggasasaran (miskin) untukmemenuhihakhakdasarsepertihakdasarterhadappendidikan, kesehatan, perumahandanhakuntukberpatisipasi. keterbatasanruanggeraktersebutmenyebabkanketerhimpitandalamlingkarankemiskinan.gaya hidupdanperilakukonsumsidalamlingkupekonomibiayatinggi di kelurahanubudakibatdampakberkembangnyapariwisata yang berimbaspadanilaikemahalandarihargaprodukprodukkonsumsi.globalisasibudayaterjadiketikapenetrasikekuatandansuperioritasbudayadariba ratmerambahkeberbagaisendikehidupanmasyarakat, mempengaruhipembentukanpolakonsumsimasyarakat, gayahidup, danbahkanmempengaruhicaraberpikirmasyarakat (george ritzer, 2002). masih adanya rumah tangga sasaran (miskin) di kelurahan ubud disebabkan oleh kemampuan mengakses sumber-sumber ekonomi yang rendah, tingkat pendidikan yang rendah. kebudayaan kemiskinan mencakup perasaan tidak berguna, pasrah, biasanya mereka tidak memiliki pengetahuan, pandangan dan ideologi untuk melihat persamaan permasalahan. penderitaan dan perasaan hampa diantara mereka yang hidup dalam kebudayaan kemiskinan (suparlan, 1984). di sisilainkepemilikanaset di kalanganrumahtanggasasaran (miskin) sangatrendah, kepemilikanlahandanadanyapengeluarantambahanuntukbiayaadatdan ritual yang cukupmemberatkandanmenyitawaktukerjamasyarakat. berbagai upaya telah dilakukan oleh pemerintah baik finasial dan non finasial. secara finasial dilakan melalui program-program penanggulangan kemiskinan dan non finansial dilakukan melalui pedekatan kebijakan atau regulasi, pendampingan, pelatihan atau diklat.sedangkanlembaga lain seperti lsm melakukan upaya non finasial seperti menjadipendamping, mediator, fasilitator dan membantu dalam pelaksanakan program penanggulangan dengan menyusun pemetaan sosial.dampak kemiskinan di kelurahan ubud menimbulkan perubahan kebijakan pemerintah dalam penanggulangan kemiskinan, bisa menjadi preseden buruk bagi pembangunan dan mengurangi kepercayaan masyarakat luas terhadap pemerintah. kegagalan dalam pencapaian target penanggulangi kemiskinan akan mengakibatkan pemerintah dianggap tidak mampu memenuhi komiten global yang telah dituangkan dalam millennium development goals (mdgs). secara politis pemerintah akan menjadi bulan-bulanan masyarakat dan para oposan. kegagalan dalam menanggulangi kemiskinan dan apabila kemiskinan meningkat akan berdampak kepada kondisi sosial masyarakat. kesenjangan pendapatan, distribusi pendapatan yang tidak merata akan memicu konflik sosial, konflik ekonomi yang berakibat semakin beratnya beban pemerintah dalam pembangunan. dampak bagi pariwisata adalah apabila pariwisata yang berkembang tetapi di sisi lain masyarakat semakin miskin, akan menimbulkan pertanyaan, apakah pariwisata telah memberikan dampak terhadap peningkatan kesejahteraan masyarakat. apabila kondisi ini terjadi, maka akan ada gugatan secara sosial secara tidak langsung kepada pariwisata dan pariwisata dianggap gagal dalam mensejahterakan 4 masyarakat. isu pro poor tourism hanya akan menjadi pemanis dalam literatur dan kampanye pariwisata. dampak bagi masyarakat adalah akan mengakibatkan kesenjangan sosial yang tinggi, konflik, meningkatnya angka kriminalitas, dan pewarisan kemiskinan kepada anak-anak si miskin sehingga akan menjadi mata rantai kemiskinan yang tidak dapat dipecahkan.kemiskinan pada masyarakat akan berdampak pada sikap apatis masyarakat terhadap lingkungan sekitar, interaksi sosial yang lemah, kepedulian rendah dan acuh tak acuh. makna kemiskinan dilihat dari makna ekonomi terhadap kemiskinan, dapat dijelaskan apabila secara ekonomi masyarakat miskin tidak memiliki kemampuan secara ekonomi, maka kaum miskin tidak dapat mempunyai akses terhadap pembiayaan kredit, tidak mampu membiayai pendidikan anaknya. secara ekonomi, pendapatan yang rendah dan standar hidup yang burukyang dialami oleh golongan miskin akan tercermin dari kesehatan, gizi, dan pendidikan yang rendah, dapat menurunkan produktivitas ekonomi mereka dan akibatnya secara tidak langsung akan menyebabkan perekonomian tumbuh lambat. distribusi dan pemerataan pendapatan yang gagal menjangkau kelompok miskin berimbas pada ketimpangan status sosial kehidupan masyarakat miskin tersebut. makna sosial adalah kesenjangan secara sosial juga akan memicu konflik sosial akibat kemiskinan yang membelit mereka. mereka cenderung diam, tidak mau ikut dalam pembangunan, dan partisipasi rendah. makna budaya yang ditimbulkan dari kemiskinan adalah adanya kemiskinan budaya sangat sulit untuk dihilangkan. sikap mental yang malas, tidak mau berusaha, semangat untuk meningkatkan taraf hidup, bahkan menganggap kemiskinan sebagai karma atau jalan hidup, dan yang paling ekstrim adalah pewarisan kemiskinan. secara budaya akan merasa sebagai masyarakat marjinal yang tidak memiliki hak secara personal dan akan pasif dalam setiap proses pembangunan.akses terhadap dunia luar juga kurang yang mengakibatkan munculnya partisipasi dan integrasi kaum miskin kedalam lembaga-lembaga utama masarakat, yang memunculkan rasa ketakutan, kecurigan, apatis dan perpecahan. respons-respons semacam ini akan berubah secara dramatis sesuai dengan cara pandang mereka, alasan mereka. sulit bagi golongan untuk melepaskan diri dari kemiskinan. respon kelompok miskin terhadap kemiskinan bersifat rasional, inovatif, dan bahkan lebih dapat diterima (gilbert dan gugler, 2007:111). kemiskinandalamperspektifkesejahteraansosialmengarahpadaketerbatasanindividuat aukelompokdalammengaksesjaringandanstruktursosial yang mendukungdalammendapatkankesempatankesempatanpeningkatanproduktivitas.faktorpenghambattersebutsecaraumummeliputifaktor internal, dalamhalinibersumberdarisimiskinitusendiri, sepertirendahnyapendidikandanadanyahambatanbudaya.sedangkanfaktoreksternalberasaldaril uarkemampuansesorangtersebut, sepertibirokrasiatauperaturan-peraturanresmi yang menghambatseseorangmendapatkansumberdaya.secarasederhanakemiskinandalampersepek tifilmukesejahteraansosialdimaknaisebagaikemiskinan yang 5 padaawalnyadisebabkanolehkemiskinanekonomi, kemudiandikarenakanterlalu lama dalamkondisitersebutbaikkarenafaktortidakdisengaja, disengajamaupunkarenadipeliharamenyebabkanefek domino yaitutumbuhnyapatologiataumasalahmasalahsosial.sedangkanrisikoketikakemiskinansudahmenjadimasalahsosialadalahselainharus menyelesaikanmasalahekonomiitusendirijugamengatasimasalahsosial yang timbul.contohnyaadalahmunculnyakriminalitas, budayamalas, korupsi, disparitassosial yang menyebabkankonflik, danketergantunganpadapihak lain. marginalisasi masyarakat menimbulkan pengaruh sosial. makna kemiskinan terhadap kondisi sosial masyarakat mempunyai hubungan yang sangat erat. ketimpangan ekonomi yang terjadi yang dikenal dengan istilah kedalaman kemiskinan dan keparahan kemiskinan menjadi pemicu kesenjangan sosial yang berkembang di masyarakat. tingkat kesejahteraan yang yang timpang akan menimbulkan gejolak sosial dan meningkatnya angka kriminalitas. permasalahan sosial yang terjadi karena kemiskinan memunculkan kelompok-kelompok marginal yang terhegemoni oleh kelompok tertentu. pariwisata ubud telah menjadi periwisata eksklusifyang telah menyingkirkan hak masyarakat ubud. munculnya hotel-hotel kecil telah membunuh ruang ekonomi masyarakat yang memiliki home stay atau penginapan kecil. ruang ekonomi masyarakat telah digerogoti oleh ruang komersil kapitalis. hegemoni secara terstruktur melalui perang ekonomi wisata telah memarginalkan kelompok masyarakat (pariwisata) dengan permainan ediologi ekonomi pariwisata para kapitalis. masyarakat secara halus dipaksa mengakui ediologi yang dibangun (gramsci, 1971). masyarakat miskin dan pelaku pariwisata yang berasal dari masyarakat telah menjadi oposan dari sistem pariwisata yang dibangun. kemiskinan semakin meningkat karena keterdesakan ruang ekonomi, kebudayaan kemiskinan yang menjadi warisan dari kelompok miskin di kelurahan ubud. kondisi ini sebenarnya disadari. tetapi kemampuan untuk melakukan dekonstruksi dari permainan tanda dan makna kapitalis.ideologipariwisata yang telahterbangun di ubudtelahmenjadisimbolkapitalisuntukmenguasairuangruangekonomipariwisatadanmembawapengikutbaruyaitukapitalismelokalyaitumasyarakatsetem patdankelasmasyarakattertentu yang ikutmemainkansimbolpariwisata di kelurahanubud.pertarunganmemperebutkanruangekonomipariwisatasangannyataterlihatdanse kalilagimasyarakatbawahharusmenjadipecundangdalampertarungankapitalistersebut.basis sosial masyarakat di era kapitalisme terletak pada hubungan produksi dalam ekonomi dan kapitalis menguasai kontrol ideologis industri budaya (suyanto, 2013). simpulan dan saran penyebabkemiskinan di kelurahanubud, disebabkanolehadalah faktor eksternal yaitu kebijakan pemerintah yang secara struktural menjadi penyebab kemiskinan seperti acuan data yang tidak jelas, diagnosis yang kurang tepat, penanganan kemiskinan tidak terpadu dan tumpang tindih, dan kegagalan kebijakan pengembangan pariwisata. faktor internal 6 disebabkanolehketerbatasankemampuanrumahtanggasasaran (miskin) untukmengaksessumberdayaekonomi, rendahnyatingkatpendidikan, rendahnyakemampuansumberdaya, dantekanan-tekanansosialbudaya, dankegagalanmemenuhihak-hakdasarsepertipendidikan, kesehatandanperumahan. berbagai upaya telah dilakukan oleh pemerintah baik finasial dan nonfinasial. secara finasial dilakukan melalui program-program penanggulangan kemiskinan dan nonfinansial dilakukan melalui pedekatan kebijakan atau regulasi, pendampingan, pelatihan atau diklat.sedangkanlembagalain,seperti lsm,melakukan upaya nonfinasial seperti menjadipendamping, mediator, fasilitator, dan membantu dalam pelaksanakan program penanggulangan dengan menyusun pemetaan sosial. sebagai saran, sebaiknyaadaperubahan kebijakan pemerintah dalam penanggulangan kemiskinan agar tidakmengurangi kepercayaan masyarakat terhadap pemerintahsendiri.perubahanituakanberdampak kepada kondisi sosial masyarakatdantidakmenimbulkan konflik sosial, konflik ekonomi, dan beratnya beban pemerintah dalam pembangunan. ucapan terima kasih ucapanterimakasih yang sedalam-dalamnyapenulissampaikankepadalurahubud, para kepalalingkungan di kelurahanubud, parainforman, perpustakaankajianbudayauniversitasudayana, dansemuapihak yang telahmembantupenulisanpenelitianini. daftar pustaka bps provinsi bali. 2011.statistik sosial. denpasar. gilbert, a dangugler, j. 2007.urbanisasidankemiskinan di duniaketiga. pt tiara wacana: yogyakarta gramsci, antonio. 1971. selection from prison notebooks.international publishers.isbn071780397-x. moleong, l.j. 2002. metodepenelitiankualitatif. bandung: pt remadjarosdakarya. ritzer, george. 2002. ketika kapitalisme berjingkrang, telaah kritis terhadap gelombang mcdonalisasi. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. sudipa, ...................................................................... suparlan. 1984. kemiskinan di perkotaan. jakarta: sinar harapan. suyanto, b. 2013.sosiologiekonomi:kapitalismedankonsumsi di era masyarakat postmodernisme. jakarta:kencanaprenada media group. microsoft word artikel a.n. rianti terbit 4 e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music at the batak toba ethnic traditional ceremony in denpasar city rianti simbolon1, i nyoman suarka2, ni made wiasti3 1master degree programme of cultural studies, udayana university, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1simbolonrianty@gmail.com, 2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 3made_wiasti@unud.ac.id received date : 12-01-2022 accepted date : 19-07-2022 published date : 31-08-2022 abstract the practice of using music at the batak toba ethnic traditional ceremony in denpasar city has transformed. the transformation was from gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music. furthermore, uning-uningan modern music dominated or used more often rather than gondang sabangunan traditional music in denpasar city. the main factor which causes this transformation is there are no artists who are able to use gondang sabangunan traditional ensemble music. the aims of this study are to know the causes of the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uninguningan modern music, the forms of the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music, to figure out the implication of the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music. the results showed that the transformation occurred because of the internal factors which consist of economic factors, artists’ creativity factors, the lack of understanding of the batak toba gondang traditional, and the lack of cultural transmission to the young generation. otherwise, the external factors consist of globalization factors, and pop culture factors. the transformation forms of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uninguningan modern music such as the formation transformation of music instruments, the transformation in using repertoire types, the position transformation of the musicians, the transformation of execution time, and the musician’s identity transformation. the implications of the transformation of gondang sabangun traditional music into uninguningan modern music are the fading of gondang traditional music, switching functions into entertainment, the artists are more concerned with material, and the young generation is less familiar with gondang traditional music. keywords: transformation, gondang sabangunan traditional music, uning-uningan modern inroduction according to the batak toba ethnic group, the traditional ceremony for the death which is usually called as saur matua and the traditional marriage ceremony of the batak toba ethnic group must be accompanied by gondang sabangunan traditional music. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 however, the practice of using traditional music at the traditional batak toba ethnic ceremony in denpasar city has been transformed into uning-uningan modern music. gondang music was once believed to be sacred and glorified, but nowadays it has been replaced with uning-uningan modern music whose function is as an entertainment aesthetic. based on the research according to nadeak, one of the batak toba ethnic artists whose name tobali group in denpasar city said, "gondang sabangunan traditional music has only been used once in denpasar city, in 2018 at the huria party event at the hkbp church (huria kristen batak protestant). at that time the musicians were invited from jakarta. the use of modern uning-uningan musical ensembles cannot be separated from batak traditional ceremony”. (interview with f. nadeak, 21 october 2020, in denpasar). the informant's statement above showed that in denpasar city gondang sabangunan traditional music has been replaced with uning-uningan modern music. this case happened because in denpasar city there are no artists who are able to use gondang sabangunan musical instrument ensemble, such as the sarune musical instrument. sarune musical instrument is one of the important musical instruments in gondang sabangunan ensemble. due to of there are no sarune musicians, people prefer to choose uning-uningan modern music to accompany traditional ceremony. moreover, because of the influence of pop music in the modern era, uning-uningan modern music has been preferred by a lot of people. the reason is pop music can build the atmosphere to make the ceremony alive. otherwise, the monotonous of gondang sabangunan ensemble makes the atmosphere less entertaining. in addition, the use of uning-uningan modern music is cheaper to be rent rather than the gondang sabangunan ensemble. the phenomenon above greatly affects the existence of gondang sabangunan traditional music in denpasar city. due to the phenomenon above, it greatly affects the existence of gondang sabangunan traditional music in denpasar city, the impact is traditional gondang is increasingly marginalized. this marginalization has made gondang sabangunan traditional music in denpasar city transformed into uning-uningan modern music. uning-uningan modern music is a combination of western music with traditional batak toba musical instruments, such as guitars and keyboards combined with taganing, sulim, and hasapi musical instruments. the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music are free to be used as creative material. during the difficult economic situation, single organ player can accompany the traditional ceremony by applying the uning-uningan music repertoire by using the keyboard. it can even involve musicality outside of batak customs such as popular pop songs. this case has a negative influence on the existence of traditional batak toba gondang music. it caused the batak toba e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 people in denpasar city started to leave their old culture. it can even involve musicality outside of batak customs such as popular pop songs. this case has a negative influence on the existence of traditional batak toba gondang music. it caused the batak toba people in denpasar city have started to leave their old culture. there will be found the impacts if this case is allowed continuously without any serious efforts from the artists, communities, and traditional leaders of the batak toba ethnic group in denpasar city. over time, traditional arts which is inherited by their ancestors will be increasingly marginalized and only just the name. there are values which are obtained from the use of the gondang sabangunan traditional music such as sociological value. the sociological value which is contained in the traditional music gondang sabangunan can unite batak toba ethnic groups in denpasar city. for example, if in the traditional ceremony inviting gondang traditional music players, it will increase the interest of the invitees to attend the ceremony. however, if the traditional ceremony is carried out without using music or only using keyboard musical instruments, the invitees are not really interested to attend the ceremony. therefore, gondang sabangunan traditional music has an important role as a sociological media which is quite important for the batak toba ethnic group in denpasar city. beside the sociological values, there is a cultural continuity value which is contained in gondang traditional music. gondang sabangunan traditional musical ensemble is a part of the culture of the batak toba ethnic group. the use of gondang sabangun in every traditional ceremony is a guarantee the continuity of the gondang tradition in the future. if the batak toba ethnic begins to leave the gondang sabangunan traditional music and prefer to use uning-uningan modern music, the continuity of the traditional gondang sabangun music will slowly fade in denpasar city. therefore, according to the author, gondang sabangunan needs to be maintained because it still contains sociological values and cultural continuity for the batak toba ethnicity in denpasar city. based on the problems above, the researchers need to examine the topic "transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music at the batak toba ethnic traditional ceremony in denpasar city". this study is analysed with the perspective of critical theories. in this study, it is comprehensively revealed the factors behind the transformation of gondang sabanguan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music, the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music, and the implications of the transformation of gondang sabangun traditional music into uning-uningan modern music. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 research methods this research used a qualitative approach which essentially understands the meaning or leads to the deep understanding, so that the search method applies to whom can provide information to complement the results of mantra's research (2004:28). the reason for applying the qualitative approach in this research is because it can understand more deeply the ideas, thoughts, and something behind the action in the form of views, the behaviour of the people who are involved in the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music at the batak toba ethnic ceremony in denpasar city. data were collected through in-depth interviews to obtain relevant information from predetermined informants. the informants consist of traditional figures, musical artists at traditional batak toba ethnic ceremony and certain people who have carried out traditional batak toba ceremony in denpasar city. after collecting the data, the researchers processed and analysed the data the data by using qualitative method. discussion from the explanation above, the practice of using gondang sabangunan traditional music has never been used in traditional batak toba ethnic ceremony in denpasar city, either the traditional ceremony of the death which is called saur matua or the traditional wedding ceremony. in denpasar city, gondang sabangunan traditional music was only used once in the huria party at the huria kristen batak protesten (hkbp) church. therefore, in this research, we will discuss the factors that cause the transformation, the forms of transformation and the implications of the transformation. based on the findings, there are internal and external factors that affect the transformation of gondang sabangun traditional music into uning-uningan modern music in denpasar. internal factors are cultural changes that come from the community who supports the culture itself. it happens because of various kinds of encouragement, including the challenges of natural changes that are so meaningful so that it pushes human to adapt, which means taking actions to change (sedyawati, 1996: 138). the factors of the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music at the batak toba ethnic traditional ceremony in denpasar city 1. economics factor according to bourdieu, there are four types of capital, namely economic capital, cultural capital, social capital and symbolic capital. economic can be directly converted e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 into material form and can be represented in the form of property rights. in traditional ceremony of death and marriage at the batak toba ethnicity, money is the economic capital. by using money, traditional ceremony can be carried out. oppose from the statement above, economic capital greatly influences the transformation of gondang sabangun traditional music into uning-uningan modern music at the traditional batak toba ethnic ceremony in denpasar city. economic capital can be a determining factor for the kind of the music that will be used. according to sibarani, many people cannot afford to rent a gondang sabangun traditional musical instrument because it is expensive, so they prefer to rent uning-uningan modern music. ”many people cannot afford to rent gondang traditional music. they cannot even rent uning-uningan modern music, especially to rent gondang traditional music. in order to rent uning-uningan modern music spend 4 million. furthermore, to rent traditional gondang music is more expensive. so that people who cannot afford to rent will prefer to use modern keyboards and tiles." (interview, 20 may 2021 in denpasar). from sibarani’s statement above, it shows that to accompany the traditional ceremony of the batak toba ethnicity in denpasar city depends on the economic capital owned. this case also supported by pierre bourdieu. he delivered that people who have a lot of capital will have different tastes from those who have less capital. capital has an important role in the selection of music for the batak toba traditional ceremony. if they do not have the economic capital, the community chooses to use a keyboard musical instrument with a guitar to accompany the traditional ceremony. as shown in the following image below: pictures of saur matua death ceremony source: family documentation e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 the picture above is the implementation of the traditional saur matua death ceremony in denpasar city, where the ceremony is only accompanied by the keyboard instruments, and guitars without any traditional musical instruments. according to informant j. gultom as the executor of the traditional ceremony, the reason for not using traditional gondang music because he was not be able economically to invite the musicians. “if you want to use gondang sabangunan traditional musical instrument, you must have a lot of money, because in denpasar city there are no artists who can afford to play the gondang sabangunan musical instrument. people who will carry ou the ceremony must invite the artists from outside denpasar. if we do the calculations, we have to cover the player's lodging costs, transportation costs and their rental costs. inviting the players must be per group, one group consist of at least seven people. so that it will spend more money than uning-uningan modern music. like yesterday, we only used the keyboard and guitar, it only costs 3 million for a day's rent.” (interview, october 03, 2021 in denpasar). the capital cost required to use gondang sabangunan traditional musical instrument is quite large. in denpasar city, many of them cannot afford to rent it. it happens because denpasar city does not have gondang traditional music players yet who live in denpasar city, so that they should invite music players from outside bali such as from jakarta, medan, and other cities. if you invite music players from outside bali, the cost is approximately 30 million. while using uning-uningan modern only costs 3 million. 2. the artist’s creativity factor creativity can build the culture to be dynamic, moving, changing, or developing. one of the creative activities can be seen in the arts. one of the traditional arts that is affected by touch of creativity to produce changes or developments occurs in gondang sabangunan traditional music. the creative artists are able to create a new musical composition, a new atmosphere, and a different concept from sacred music. in this modern era, the impact of globalization provides unlimited opportunities for artists to be free and to be more creative with gondang traditional music. the creative artists are able to collaborate with traditional gondang musical instruments with modern musical instruments. like the musical instrument taganing, sulim, hasapi collaborated with the keyboard and produced uning-uningan music. this statement was delivered by the informant, aritonang. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 “currently in denpasar, the most frequently used musical instrument to accompany every traditional ceremony is the keyboard in collaboration with the gondang, hasapi, and flute musical instruments. even the keyboard is the main musical instrument to accompany every traditional ceremony. because by just only using the keyboard, we can perform any song in uni-uningan style, including modern pop songs that are currently popular.” (interview on 17 may 2021 in denpasar). the statement above shows that due to the creativity of artists, the musical instruments used to accompany the toba batak traditional ceremonies in denpasar city are growing. the creative artists are able to change or arrange pop-modern songs into uning-uningan music by collaborating with batak toba traditional musical instruments, such as: taganing, hasapi, and sulim with modern keyboard instruments. in addition, the batak toba ethnic community also responded well to this change because the presence of modern uning-uningan music made the atmosphere of traditional ceremonies alive. 3. the lack of understanding of gondang sabanguan the lack of cultural capital about gondang traditional causes the transformation of gondang traditional music into uning-uningan modern music. in denpasar city, there is no group of artists who understand how to use the gondang sabangunan ensemble so that uning-uningan modern music is the choice for every traditional ceremony. this was revealed by informant f. nadeak as a toba batak artist in denpasar city. “among gondang traditional instruments, the sarune is the most difficult to play. other musical instruments can still be learned. in contrast to sarune, players cannot be thoughtless or just anyone must be descended from a sarune player. in denpasar city, no one has been able to use the sarune musical instrument, so this is one of the reasons why gondang traditional musical instrument is never used to accompany traditional ceremony in denpasar city.” (interview on october 21, 2020). the statement above shows that in denpasar city no one is able to use the sarune musical instrument, so that this case can cause uningan modern is more often used to substitute for gondang sabangun traditional music at traditional ceremonies of death and marriage. the impact is that people are getting used the things that are not from the actual culture. apart from the artists, many people do not also understand about the music in traditional ceremony. they use music only as a formality without understanding the meaning and relevance of music to traditional ceremony. they think it only as a formality. nowadays it is very often encountered when traditional ceremony only uses a single keyboard musical instrument. people think that the important thing is that there is music that accompanies the traditional ceremony. this is in line with what pilliang (2011:420) e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 said, popular ideology leads various discourses into the form of superficiality, surface characteristics, outward appearances and image celebrations. this ideology celebrates image without meaning, outer skin over content, appearance over essence, popularity over intellect. therefore, the ideology of popularity delays enlightenment and the search for identity because society is led to outward appearances not to the essences. 4. the lack of transmission of culture to the young generation cultural transmission is the spread or transmission of messages from one generation to the next in a relay. cultural transmission is a way for humans to maintain their culture so that it remains sustainable or working continuously. this cultural inheritance is not only just conveying values that are considered as the best version and become standard guidelines in society. in order to transmit the culture, ancient people generally used spoken language, while writing was very limited (siregar, 2015: 152). in denpasar city, the cultural inheritance of gondang sabangunan is still less, either from family, community or from artists. one example of cultural inheritance through the family is the way the parents teach the children about gondang traditional music from an early age, then the gondang culture will be attached to the child. so, even though it is influenced by modern music, it is unlikely that the child will already have the capital of knowledge about the actual traditional gondang. however, in denpasar city, this is rarely applied by parents to their children, because the parents do not have enough knowledge of traditional gondang music. in addition, most of them have their own activities so they don't have time to teach. this was conveyed by an informant, a traditional leader of panjaitan. “it is rare for parents to know about our gondang traditional music here because in general they have lived in the city for a long time and have often followed modern music to accompany traditional ceremony. if we don't have knowledge about it, how do we can teach it to your child. on the other hand, the majority of parents here have their own busy lives so they don't have time to teach this to their children." (interview, on 03 october 2021). the informant's statement above shows that parents who live in denpasar have adopted modern music because they have lived in denpasar for a long time so that their knowledge about gondang traditional culture is very lacking. apart from the family, from the community and artists, no one has made a special training place for gondang sabangunan traditional music in denpasar city, so it is difficult for the young generation to know the real batak traditional music. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 5. the globalization factor the main factor in the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music is the globalization factor. without realizing, globalization changes the values of society . the impact of globalization and advances in the field of incoming communication technology, unconsciously have an impact on the intensity of cultural contact between tribes and cultures from outside. especially, with cultural contact with foreign cultures, not only the intensity becomes great, but the spread takes place quickly and has a wide range. the impact of globalization and technological advances is very fast affecting the changes in gondang sabangunan, where the batak people are very easy to adopt other cultures and leave their identity. one example is the use of keyboard musical instruments as the main formation of modern yellow-uningan musical instruments. nowadays, the traditional ceremony of the toba batak ethnic group cannot be separated from the keyboard musical instrument. as simatupang's narration follows. “the factor for changing gondang traditional music into uning-uningan modern music is because people are adopt other cultures quickly and leave their identity behind. for example, musician viki sianipar, he arranges batak songs by collaborating batak music with western music. for the younger generation, it is very beautiful, so they imitate the same thing. so that, it doesn't maintain its identity." (interview, on may 16, 2021 in denpasar). this case shows that the impact of globalization and technological advances is quickly affecting the changes in traditional batak music. the batak people are very easy to adopt other cultures and leave their identity. technology is a medium that makes it easier for foreign cultures to replace local cultures. 6. pop culture factor the development of pop music culture significantly influenced the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan moderm music in traditional ceremony in denpasar city. it happens because of the market needs and people's tastes for pop songs. many artists adopt today's pop songs which are performed in the form of uningan modern so that they leave the actual traditional music songs. pop songs that are currently popular are arranged into uning-uningan music and it is in great demand from both young and old alike. evennowadays, pop music is more dominantly used as musical complement in traditional ceremony of the toba batak ethnicity. pop music is currently occurred to be performed for batak toba ethnic ceremony in denpasar city. pop music that is often presented at traditional batak ceremony are the music of maumere, anak e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 medan, sayur kol and pocco-pocco. society is concerned with celebrating pleasure rather than specialness, and society accepts it without prioritizing its true benefits and meaning. the existence of pop music cannot be prevented from traditional ceremony as long as it is from consumer demand. like it or not, musicians must obey with the owner's request for any music which is requested. the meaning of traditional music in traditional ceremony shifts into a mere entertainment event. the success of traditional ceremony is measured by the material of the party and the shrewdness of the musicians. the better the musician in entertaining, people will more praise for the traditional ceremony. the forms of transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music at the batak toba ethnic traditional ceremony in denpasar city 1. transformation in the formation of musical instrument the formation of musical instruments in uning-uningan modern musical ensemble is not an absolute formation. in various musical groups in denpasar city, the number and types of instruments which are used in uning-uningan modern musical ensembles consist of various kinds. sometimes the formation of an ensemble depends on the availability of musicians, but sometimes it also depends on what format is desired by the considered group of the musicians. uning-uningan ensembles which is used in denpasar city including the keyboard, taganing, sulim, and hasapi. meanwhile gondang sabangunan ensemble such as taganing, gordang, odap, ogung, sarune bolon, and hesek. moreover, in uninguningan modern ensemble musical instrument, gondang sabangunan ensemble only used the taganing as musical instrument. in the difficult economic situation, single organ player can accompany by using the keyboard only. they can apply the uning-uningan music repertoire. this case has a negative influence on the existence of traditional batak toba music. furthermore, this case is in line with the statement of giddens (2003:8) which said that the destruction of local culture is caused by the local community itself who does not have the ability to keep up with the globalization that hit local traditions. likewise, the batak toba ethnic community in denpasar city is still not familiar with their own culture. so that, who destroys the order of traditional music is the batak toba ethnic community itself. it can be seen clearly that the keyboard is not the part of the of gondang sabangunan traditional music or gondang hasapi. however, it is still requested that music players are required to provide a keyboard as a musical instrument. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 2. the repertoire type transformation in addition, during the changes in the formation of musical instruments, the type of repertoire which is played in traditional batak ceremony in denpasar city has also changed. from the results of the research, the authors found that the repertoire that is performed does not depend on the rules which are made by the custom. each group has its own variation in selecting the music which is presented in the ceremony. there are music groups that are against the inclusion of music which is outside batak custom, such as the music of maumere, sayur kol, anak medan and other songs. however, there are groups that accept this music. the type of repertoire which is played at traditional ceremony tends to be christian spiritual songs, regional batak songs, and even pop songs outside of the batak image which is not in line with the custom. the reason is because of the development of musical understanding. the use of repertoire to accompany music at traditional ceremonies has changed from the original. when carrying out the traditional ceremony which invited guests, the executor who carry out traditional ceremony are very proud to ask music players to play music outside of batak customs, such as: pocco-pocco, maumere, anak medan and pop music outside of batak customs with the reason that the event is more alive. during the implementation of traditional marriage ceremony and traditional death ceremony, whether using traditional music or uningan modern, cannot be separated from the structure of the mula-mula phase, somba-somba, mangaliat, request, and hasahatan. the mula-mula phase and somba-somba are the opening phases of gondang by using slow tempo that is accompanied by the repertoire of gondang mula-mula and gondang somba-somba. when starting a manortor in a traditional ceremony there must be an mulamula phase. the goal is to show the participants' respect for god, and to express the belief that everything in this world has an origin. then, it is followed by somba-somba whose purpose is to worship god, and the participants of traditional ceremony. the next phase is mangaliat. this phase uses fast tempo by using the gondang liat-liat repertoire. the aim of mangaliat is to show that god will provide safety and welfare to those who hold traditional ceremony. after mangaliat, is the request phase. the request phase is to accompany when giving ulos or gifts, the repertoire used is in accordance with the request by the gondang paminta. the last phase is hasahatan and sitio-tio which aims to make all requests and hope that god will be granted and their fortunes. this phase uses a fast tempo accompanied by a hasahatan repertoire. however, the practice of using music at traditional ceremony in denpasar city do not to follow the phases contained in traditional ceremony anymore. sometimes these phases are ignored in order to short the time.as e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 stated by piliang (2011:232), one of the human characteristics of a global city is speed (homo dramos). the world of human life is ruled by time and speed. one of the characteristics of people who live in the city is busy and fast-paced. it is the same with the batak toba ethnicity in denpasar city where they live in urban areas which require them to do everything quickly because they have their respective activities. this has an effect on the implementation of the batak toba traditional ceremony where the implementation is shortened, one way is by eliminating the gondang hasahatan phase (colosing). 3. the music player position transformation culturally, the position of the gondang sabangunan traditional music player must always be higher than the participants who attend in the traditional ceremony, even the family holding the party or the invitees. it happens because the batak people believe that pargondang (music players) are the connectors between humans and debata mulajadi na bolon (god almighty). so that, the position of pargondang must always be higher than the others when carrying out traditional batak toba ceremony. in bona pasogit (hometown), the position of the pargondang (music player) playing music at the top of the batak house in which is called bonggar, while the invitees are positioned in the courtyard of the house for the manortor (dancing). bongggar is a kind of balcony in the batak house which is located at the top as a place for gondang players. until now, in bona pasogit, if the gondang music players accompany traditional ceremony, their position is still in the bonggar. in case the village still has a batak house. this is different from the position of uning-uningan modern music players in denpasar city. the position of the musicians is in line with the participants of traditional ceremony. the implementation of the traditional death ceremony and wedding ceremony in denpasar city is usually carried out in hotels or in certain buildings. this place does not have bonggar like those are found in batak houses. so, that it requires the position of the musicians to be in the same position as the participants. 4. execution time transformation in my hometown (bona pasogit), the implementation of the traditional death ceremony or saur matua using the traditional musical instrument gondang sabangunan which is starting at night. it is called mamuhai gondang (starting gondang). the mamuhai gondang ceremony or starting the gondang is carried out by the family. moreover, the mamuhai gondang event is only attended by the nuclear family. then the next day, the traditional death ceremony of saur matua starts again in the morning until the event ends e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 by using the traditional music of gondang sabangunan. in contrast, the implementation of traditional ceremony in denpasar city, uning-uningan modern music usually starts in the morning until the afternoon called ulaon sadari which means a traditional ceremony carried out in one day. mamuhai gondang is performed in the morning followed by a series of traditional ceremonies for the death or saur matua. the transformation that occurs during the implementation of the gondang is found in the traditional ceremony of the death or saur matua. in bona pasogit, the traditional ceremony for the death or saur matua, mamuhai gondang is carried out at night. meanwhile, in denpasar city, mamuhai gondang is carried out in the morning. it happens because of the conditions that are not possible. in denpasar city, batak toba ethnicity is a majority immigrant who works as an employee so they don't have enough time. in addition, playing music at night can disrupt the rules around the area. 5. the transformation of music player identity the identity of music players is a term for musicians when they play music at traditional ceremony or other events. the identity of the traditional gondang sabangunan music player with the modern uning-uningan music player is different when they play music. for traditional gondang players it is called pargonsi, while uning-uningan modern music players are called parmusic. the mention for pargonsi has a higher level than parmusic because the players of the sarune and taganing instruments have special names. the sarune player is called batara guru humuntar and the taganing player is called batara guru humundul. these two musicians are the highest player positions because they are recognized as representations of "gods". it is religiously believed that pargonsi is an intermediary for the delivery of praise and worship to the creator. this title is only found in traditional gondang music players, while in uning-uningan modern players there is no call of respect for batara guru because all the musicians have the same level. this is what distinguishes the identity possessed by pargonsi which has a higher level than parmusic. this identity is not permanent but only applies when they are playing music during traditional ceremony/rituals. implications of the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music at the batak toba ethnic traditional service in denpasar city 1. the fading of gondang sabangunan traditional music in denpasar city the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 modern music was started from 2003 up to now. moreover, in 2003, it was first time a uning-uningan modern group was formed in denpasar city. the group was called the lake toba group. then, other artists followed to form a uning-uningan group. so that, nowadays it is increasingly used by the community. this transformation has caused the fading of gondang sabangunan traditional music in denpasar city. based on the results of research, there are some causes of the fading of gondang sabangunan traditional music by several things, namely: a. in denpasar city, there are no artists who are able to use gondang sabangunan traditional music instrument, especially the sarune musical instrument. actually, this case greatly affects the fading of gondang sabangunan traditional music. it happens because if you want to use gondang sabangun traditional music, you have to invite a group of artists from outside denpasar. meanwhile, if you invite from outside the city of denpasar, it will cost more. unfortunaltely, many people who are not able to afford it economically prefer to choose uning-uningan modern music. the statement above were deliverd by tambunan as the informant. “in this city, none of uning-uningan music artists were able to use the sarune instrument. it means that if you want to use this gondang traditional, you have to have a lot of money because you have to invite players from outside denpasar. while, we can't just invite the sarune players here. it should be complete with all the players and their musical instruments, so we will spend a lot of money.” (interview, 03 october 2021). the statement above is in line with bourdieu’s statement (bourdieu, 1991). it was said that capital has a close relationship with habitus. the capital is around in a person with the habitus. same with habitus, capital becomes an inseparable part of the agent's struggle in the realm. likewise, if people want to use gondang traditional music they must have capital, especially economic capital. without a lot of economics capital, they cannot afford to carry out the ceremony which is accompanied by gondang traditional music. b. the lack of interest of the artists in learning of gondang sabangun traditional music. the artists in denpasar city were already contaminated with modern music such as keyboards and guitars. from this case, they are not interested in learning the traditional ones. nowadays, in denpasar city, if we want to view from a market perspective, the use of uning-uningan modern music is more popular because it is practical to be used. moreover, it is cheaper, easier to learn, and it can build the atmosphere alive. this case makes the artists more interested in learning uningan modern. therefore, as long as the artists think more about the material than the e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 tradition, this gondang traditional will fade away in denpasar city. in addition, it will slowly disappear. this statement was stated by sibarani as the informant. “as artists, we will think more about money rather than anything else, especially if we only expect our work from one job. like it or not, we have to follow the music according to developments, if we don't follow it, we cannot follow and survive in the changes. nowadays, people here are used to see traditional ceremony which is accompanied by modern music. they feel that it is better because the traditional atmosphere is more alive” (interview, 20 may 2021 in denpasar). therefore, the globalization era is a space that provides freedom to the art life, both of traditional and popularity. according to soedarsono in (hajizar, 1998:178-179) it will appear new forms and functions as a result of human needs and creativity. in the end, performing arts are oriented to money (money value) which will lead to secularization, vulgarization and excessive imitation. the taste of the market and the variety of entertainment options have resulted in a defeat of local performing arts, especially gondang traditional music. c. the availability of keyboards on traditional batak toba musical becomes the main instrument for accompanying music at a traditional batak toba ceremony in denpasar city. this greatly affects the fading of the gondang sabangun traditional musical instrument in denpasar city. in this time, the existence of the keyboards in denpasar city cannot be separated from the traditional ceremony of batak toba ethnic. it happens because it will be unfamiliar to the invitees’ ears if it does not involve a keyboard as a musical instrument. even though, in the difficult economic situation, it is common for only single organ players to accompany traditional ceremony by applying the repertoire of uning-uningan music using the keyboard. with the availability of the keyboard as the batak musical instruments, it is able to replace the existence of traditional batak ethnic musical instruments. the following statement was stated by the informant, aritonang, regarding to the availability of a keyboard in the batak toba ethnic traditional ceremony. “nowadays, in denpasar, the musical instrument that we more often used to accompany every traditional ceremony cannot be separated from the keyboard. then, we collaborate it with the gondang, hasapi, and flute musical instruments. in fact, this keyboard has become our main musical instrument to accompany every traditional ceremony. due to to the fact that just by using the keyboard, we can perform any song in uning-uningan style, including modern pop songs that are currently popular.” (interview on 17 may 2021 in denpasar). the informant's statement above shows that the keyboards musical instrument has become part of the musical instrument to accompany batak toba ethnic traditional e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 ceremony in denpasar city. this is an inseparable part of the traditional ceremony of the batak toba ethnic group in denpasar city. the impact of the practical keyboard leads the batak toba ethnic in denpasar city prefer to use keyboard as musical instruments. besides, keyboard is cheaper and practical. moreover, there are many people who can play the keyboard in denpasar city. this is the causes of the fading of gondang sabangunan traditional music in denpasar city. 2. switching function from music to the entertainment gondang sabangunan traditional music was a sacred batak toba tradition. it was created by the all community members as a collective work, the art which is believed to have certain meanings, both of the artist, the social life and the environment. however, in denpasar city gondang sabangunan traditional music is considered as a boring performance because the sound of the element of the pentatonic gondang sabangunan is difficult to catch the entertainment element. theavailability of uning-uningan modern music is able to attract people's interest to prefer by using concept that uses keybord as the accompaniment. the invitees do the free style during the traditional wedding ceremony by using the accompaniment of the keyboard source: personal documentation, 2021 3. the artists are more concerned with the material humans is called as economic creatures because they always try to fulfill their needs in order to achieve prosperity and maintain life. likewise, batak artists in denpasar e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 have needs and desires to fulfill their need in order to survive. therefore, some batak artists in denpasar city earn money by playing music in traditional ceremony or other batak events. however, batak artists in denpasar city are currently more concerned with the material rather than concerned with the continuity of the gondang sabangun tradition. the following statement is from the informant, sibarani regarding the artists who are more concerned with material. “as the artists, we will think more about money than anything else, especially if we only expect from one job. like it or not, we have to follow the music according to developments, if we don't follow it, we cannot follow the changes even survive in this era" (interview, 20 may 2021 in denpasar). the informant's statement above shows that batak music artists in denpasar city are more concerned with material rather than preserving their culture. it happens because some batak artists have their main profession as music players. this case causes them to be more concerned with money rather than anything else. nowadays, the artists are more focused on learning uning-uningan modern music rather than gondang sabangunan traditional music, so that they can continue to sell in the market. 4. the young generation is unfamiliar with gondang sabangunan traditional music the young generation of batak toba ethnicity in denpasar city consists of two groups. the first is the groups of immigrants who are the students, and youths who migrate to work. second, a group of youth who were born and grow up in denpasar city. in this case, the group of youth who are unfamiliar with gondang sabangunan traditional music is a group of youth who were born and grow up in denpasar city. it happens because of several things, namely the younger generation has never seen the gondang sabangunan performance directly, the lack of parental involvement to the young generation to introduce gondang sabangunan traditional music, the lack of interest of the young generation to learn gondang sabangunan music. it has been previously mentioned that the implementation of gondang sabangunan has never been carried out in a traditional ceremony of the batak toba ethnicity in denpasar city. it has the implications for the young generation in denpasar city. gondang sabangunan which should be played in traditional ceremony is a medium for the young generation to get to know the gondang sabangun tradition. however, in the reality the music which is introduced to the young generation during bona taon parties, as well as traditional ceremony uses uning-uningan modern music, so that it makes the younger generation blind to the authenticity of the batak toba gondang traditional music. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 moreover, if the children never see the tradition since their childhood, how do they can understand and implement in their life. next, the lack of parental involvement in teaching gondang sabangunan tradition to the young generation. today, many media already provided many ways how to learn traditional gondang sabangunan traditional music, one of them youtube. even though parents don't understand gondang sabangun traditional music, they can introduce traditional music through youtube. it will affect the introduction gondang sabangun traditional music. in addition to introduce traditional music, the parents should encourage the children to choose gondang sabangunan traditional music over modern music. however, in the reality, the parents are even more supportive of their children for modern music lessons such as keyboards, drums, and others. conclusion at first the context of batak toba ethnic ceremony was accompanied by gondang sabangunan traditional music, but the practice of using traditional music at the batak toba ethnic ceremony in denpasar city has transformed into uning-uningan modern music. based on the descriptions and discussions in the previous chapters, regarding to the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music at the traditional batak toba ethnic ceremony in denpasar city, the researchers found three conclusions. the conclusions of this research are as follows: the factors that cause the transformation include internal and external factors. the internal factors such as economic factor, the artist's creativity factor, the lack of understanding about gondang sabangunan, the lack of cultural transmission to the young generation. while the external factors, namely, globalization factors, and pop culture factors. the form of transformation related to gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music is the transformation of the formation of the musical instruments, the transformation of the type of repertoire, the transformation of the position of the musicians, the transformation of the execution time, and the transformation of the musician’s identity. the implications of the transformation of gondang sabangunan traditional music into uning-uningan modern music such as the fading of gondang sabangunan traditional music in denpasar city, the switching functions to entertainment, the artists are more concerned with the material, the young generation is unfamiliar with gondang sabangunan traditional music. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 36-54 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 references amir yasraf piliang. 2011. bayang-bayang tuhan: agama dan imajinasi, bandung. mizan publika bagoes, i.m. 2004. filsafat penelitian & metode penelitian sosial. yogyakarta: pustaka belajar. bourdieu, p., 1991. language and symbolic power. harvard university press. giddens, a. 2003. masyarakat post tradisional. yogyakarta: ircisod siregar, mangihut. 2015. “konsumerisme dalam upacara perkawinan batak toba di kota denpasar”. (tesis). program studi kajian budaya. universitas udayana. microsoft word artikel nengah merta final e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 dismantling public service practices in the issuance of resident identity card in tegal harum village, denpasar i nengah merta1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, a.a. bagus wirawan3, i ketut darmana4 1stispol wira bhakti denpasar, 2,3,4cultural studies program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1nengahwirabhakti@gmail.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id , 3baguswirawan@yahoo.com, 4s2kjbdyunud@yahoo.com received date : 11-03-2019 accepted date : 21-04-2019 published date : 31-05-2019 abstract the bali bombing tragedy of 12 october 2002 has killed hundreds of souls. the event brought about the impact of major changes for balinese people. uncontrolled migrants are regarded as one of the causes of the bali bomb tragedy. the event then took the policy to control the attendance of migrants (tamiu) through the decree of the mayor of denpasar no. 610, the year 2002 that is a concern that migrants living in denpasar must have a resident identity card entrants (kipp). the purpose of this research is to understand and analyze the praaktik of kipp's publishing services as a control device of expat resident in denpasar city based on the spirit of prod dharma. data collection methods are performed with observations, interviews, and documentation. technical data is done qualitatively. the research finds that kipp's publishing has not been successful as a control device for the number of migrants. kipp's service practices are inefficient, not transparent and unaccountable. the reason is that the existence of dualism of customary village and the village of dinas, human resources are still weak, facilities and infrastructure that is not refresentative that implicates to the open opportunities of corruption, collusion and nepotism, public service costs high, the number of unsynced population at the village level, sub-districts, or even provincial-level patents and increasing social pathology. this paper suggests the need for the assertiveness of the rules between the authority of indigenous villages and dinas, need to increase the quality of human resources, especially the lower level, and the strict action to actors who are not disciplined in carrying out their duties. keywords: public service, excellent service, the identity of the resident, prod dharma. introduction the identity card issuance service of migrant residents (kipp) intends to control the number of migrants, especially the residents come outside bali who want to stay while in bali. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 however, efforts to control migrants through kipp's publishing policies have not been able to manage and control the maximum population. kipp publishing service program in order to control the number of people in bali actually raises various problems. the number of migrants is increasingly uncontrolled. the ethics of public services that should be based on the prod dharma as the values of local wisdom of hinduism, can not be realized according to the rules and regulations of the invitation. the failure to control the number of migrants to date has led to new problems, such as slum, criminality, and other social pathology. various factors are suspected to be the source of the problem, such as the game power of actors of interest and the power dualism village of dinas and adat village. in general, the study aims to analyse and understand the practice of issuing the identity card of migrants, the background has not realized its prime service, and its implications for public service issuance of identity cards migrant people in tegal harum village, denpasar barat district, denpasar city. specifically, this research aims to understand the implementation of public services in issuing identity cards of migrants in tegal harum village, west denpasar district, denpasar city, to analyse the background has not been realized good public service in issuing the identity card of migrant residents in desa tegal harum, district denpasar barat, denpasar city, and to understand the implications of public service in issuing identity cards of migrants in tegal harum village , west denpasar district, denpasar city. theoretically the benefit of this research to support the theory of public service in the knowledge (critical theory) of cultural studies (caltural studies), in addition, is also expected to contribute other studies relating to the fulfillment of quality public service. practically, this research is expected to provide input to the formulation of public service policy. various factors, allegedly a source of problems related to the kipp ministry, such as the game power of actors of interest, and the power dualism of the village of dinas and indigenous villages. if this is still allowed, it certainly raises a problem that is increasingly complex for the government. nevertheless, this phenomenon can not be known empirically and deeply. the author has the view that this problem needs to be based on a more precise way of solving. therefore, it is important to study a focus on public services in kipp publishing. it is also very interesting for writers to do research with the title, dismantling public service practices in the issuance of immigrant identity cards in the village tegal harum, district denpasar barat, denpasar. the focus of this research is directed to three main problems: (1) how is public service practice in issuing a resident identity card?, (2) why the issuance of a resident identity card has not been able to make the service public e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 services?, and (3) how is the implications of public service in issuing the identity card of the migrant resident? research method the research uses a cultural study paradigm with a foundation of critical theories, namely post-structuralism from piare bourdieu and micheal foucoult as an analysis tool, through three stages, data reduction, exposure, and verification. data collection techniques are done with observations, in-depth interviews, and documentation in the area of tegal harum village denpasar barat. bourdieu theory can explain that the occurrence of public service practice in the issuance of resident identity cards is not separated from habitus factor, namely the habits that have occurred long ago that is the result teaching subtly, conducting service to the community based on the operational guidelines and technical services of the population administration. ownership and mastery of cultural, social, symbolic and intellectual capital by service personnel. in the realm there is the development of social modernity, in every banjar or traditional village or the plan to implement a pattern of service making kips from the side requirements, cost, and model of service is varied and it is very different between the banjar in the city denpasar. the theory of foucault can explain that the organizing of knowledge always produces power and power forming knowledge. power has always been actualized through knowledge, and knowledge has always been the effect of power (foucault, 1980:89-99; ritzer, 2003:7881). the link between science and power in foucauldian terminology is derived from the nitzche view of human substance that has the will to reign. the will for the knowledge of "righteousness" is associated with the will to reign. knowledge that claims truth is born within the frame of power. power is transformed into the knowledge that power runs effectively and operationally (foucault, 1980:89-99). results and discussion 1. public service practices in issuing resident identity the theory of practice of bourdieu can explain that the occurrence of public service practice in the issuance of identity card residents are not separated from habitus factors, namely habits that occurred since the result of subtle learning, performing services to the community based on the operational guidelines and the implementation about the administration ministry of residence. ownership and mastery of cultural, social, symbolic and e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 intellectual capital by service personnel. in the realm there is the development of social modernity, in every banjar or adat village or pakraman implement a pattern of service making kips of the requirement, cost and model of service is varied and it is very different between the banjar in the city of denpasar. prime service practices are still experiencing obstacles, including lack of facilities and infrastructure, poor government assistance, and lack of human resources in the form of quality and quantity. in this fast-paced era, the ability to adapt to the development of the world is very important in order to emphasize the severity of the era. bi ¬ la it can not be done, will be pinched by the modernization, namely the changes of society that move from the traditional situation or from the community to the people who go to the modern community. in addition, the social order to ¬ ma ¬ will need to be adjusted to the state of the times, community work, social needs, and the skills of each individual. bureaucratic devices can provide quality public services when performance is always based on ethical values of public services. in general, the quality of public service is determined by some aspects, namely system, institutional, financial, and human resources. in this case the government must completely fulfill these four aspects. thus the community will participate in the implementation of public services. along with the strengthening of global culture and modernization influence, indigenous villages/pakraman as institutions that represent traditional values will certainly face various problems and challenges. according to modernization theories, social change that occurs in the community can be observed from high mobility of population, high activity of exchange of goods and services, rapid turnover of money, the proliferation of capitalist storefronts, such as malls, shophouses, bars, restaurants, and others. culturally, modern society is characterized by a strong life style and image. in addition, it also strengthen the influence of modern values, such as individualistic, materialistic, practical (effective and efficient), democratic, dependence on the use of information and technology in various areas of life. this modern culture at least will cause a collision between modern and traditional values in the life of its main community for the management of public services. there is indeed a reciprocal relationship between the quality of public service and corrupt practices. the more widespread corruption practices made by public administrators, the worse the quality of public service. conversely, the worse the quality of public services, the more likely the possibility of corruption, especially in the form of bribery. because the relationship between the two is reciprocal, the improvement of public service quality will be able to cope with corruption practices. the poor public service made wide open corruption e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 cracks. because public services are in direct contact with the community, the consequences are worse. the vices in the public service sector can reduce and erode the spirit of the growing community against the eradication of corruption that grows more fertile. in fact, it can have an impact on the growth of some community permissive attitudes towards corruption. based on the decree of the house of pakraman village in denpasar city number 14/12-sk/mmdp/vii/2014 on the arrangement of migrant residents in the village of adat/pakraman, the assembly of madya village pakraman denpasar is authorized to make the rules of organizing the inhabitants of migrants (krama tamiu and tamiu) that are part of government and customs further arrangements can be made by each pakraman village which is coordinated to the village and kelurahan of denpasar city to regulate the imposition of contribution fees and social security as the operational cost of migrant resident control. therefore, the existence of adat institutions into the government work partnerships as stipulated in the perda of bali province number 3, year 2003, namely the authority to make rules relating to government affairs and customary affairs. in the orderly administration of the population, the collection of migrants in tegal harum village, structurally, the flow structure of bureaucracy adhering to the pattern of service village and traditional village/pakraman. however, the two structures have their own plot. this is the beginning of the opportunity to open corruption. pakraman village is led by the village of pakraman to overtake several kelian banjar pakraman and its ranks. the village apparatus is obliged to do the logging of residents (direct contact) with residents of migrants and at the same time has the authority to publish kipp for a fee. on the other side, the service village under the provisions of the provision overcomes some of the service and its ranks, also has the task of regulating the settlers, but there are no provisions for the cost of a dime or free. as part of the population information system, kipp is published as a legally-free identity of citizenship. however, the government issuance of kipp through the authorized institution, the pakraman village, is free of charge. it is legitimately recognized based on a pararem decision. as the government's working partnership, the pakraman village has the authority to publish kipp, which is currently a self-reported letter or ilikita krama. the identity card is issued for adult migrants, who are seventeen years of age or older or have married. when examined the different rules imposed in particular about the amount of costs imposed for residents of migrants from outside bali, give an indication of the presence of stricter rules/incriminate migrants from outside bali. it is part of the deterrent effect so that migrants are not easy to come to bali. the service personnel and their staff are running their power e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 over the classes below, which is that the settlers are organized as a persuasive fee through cost owners and individuals without being provided with a valid proof of payment. with a capital of power and knowledge, the ruler through pararem seemed to have the approval of the class and the power of social by creating and maintaining an alliance system through political and ideological struggles. that is, the rule of law that has been enacted in jakarta and has been established by president susilo bambang yudhoyono on 24 december 2013 has actually tied all the elements of the nation to carry out all the provisions in it. in such regulations, if there are officials and officers who still hold charges in the management of the settlement documents, considered corruption, may be questioned in accordance with article 95b. as a consequence of these provisions, the mayor as the local government is under the publication of the rules of mayor of denpasar no. 12, year 2013 concerning the termination of restrictions on the restriction of denpasar. however, the traditional village is still held. the overlapping rules regarding the levy relating to this public service open the opportunity of corruption. if observed based on the flow of bureaucracy that exists regarding the orderly administration of migrants as the above explanation, the opportunities for corruption act remain open. it happens because, structurally, the most intensive directly related to the community related to the issuance of the identity of migrant residents in tegal harum village is a traditional village. although the service village stops the cost of charges, the pakraman village continues to do so, on the grounds of a customary village pararem agreement. law no. 24, year 2013 of the population administration is a new era in the field of population administration. the interesting thing and need to be examined by all layers of society is the inclusion of article 79 a that the management and issuance of residence documents is free of charge. however, in practice, the levy still exists and occurs in every banjar or pakraman village. in connection with the suspicion of some of the parties on the opening of corruption practices in the service of kipp in bali, director of public criminal investigation of polda bali, kombes pol. mahendra jaya, in the news media jawa pos, said that the ranks of the bali local police will clear the voting of temporary resident identity cards. it is ready to muzzle the charges of temporary resident identity card (kipp). because it includes a wild levy (pungli), the police will crack down on the person who did the levy or payment of the kipem that had been done a number of persons with the name of pararem. in fact, the source of village funds is clear and has been regulated especially with the validity of e-ktp. the withdrawal of kipem, he also impressed the extortion of foreigners. there are interesting indications to be e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 examined that the encouragement from the police officers reflects the occurrence of corruption in the cost of kipp in bali. while the action is considered corruption, the adat village with the existing pararem considers the action legal. this usage controversy becomes more profound when it is more serious through criminal rules for those who commit violations in the sense of still levy on the management and publication of residence documents. it is regulated specifically in clause 95 b which states the following; cleanliness, kipp extension money, money-like grief, and other arent levies happening in every banjar in bali for the reason awig-awig or pararem adat village in bali is not something new. it has been commonly experienced by the migrants ' prolonged population. migrants are not empowered to refuse and be considered a massive obligation in any banjar environment, where they reside. in this context piliang (2003) is more highlighting the corruption of the mental and cultural bureaucracy of public service actors who tend to be concerned about lifestyle. the lifestyle of consumerism and the hedonism that struck the community, especially its rulers and authorities, were the springs of mental corruption, collusion, and nepotism. because unlike in developed countries, mentally not ready to enter the lifestyle. the machine desires capitalism in addition to instilling a positive desire for progress, fostering also in everyone negative narcism desire, a desire to be confessed, revered, and honored by others through style and appearance (car, house, golf course), not through honest, simple, and responsible nature (piliang, 2003:222). citizens are also infected by the same mindset, which is to worship, flatter, and even to immature the rich and luxurious look, not honest and simple people. how does a person's process become richer, whether following the left or right lane, not in question. in such conditions informal social controls are hard to be enforced to prevent corruption, collusion, and nepotism. the ruler will still justify the abuse of trust for personal benefit (corruption). people and officials will remain in agreement or cooperation against the law to launch its affairs or interests and harm others, society or state (collusion), the ruler imposed the will and against the law to benefit the interests of the family and or the chronology of the interests of society, nation, and state (nepotism). the settlers were wondering. why the indigenous villages still attract levies. however, the government officials said the levy was legitimate. the formation of pararem has been through paruman (agreement) and got approval from the community referring to the perda of bali province number 5, year 2001 about pakraman village. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 as long as human individuals drift to the culture of consumerism or accompanying hedonism, they will continue to fantasize rich. this is followed by a powerful desire because wealth and power can be exchanged for each other. therefore, the ruling officials always have the greatest potential for corruption. in contrast, the rich are most likely to buy power, both to add to his power and wealth. consequently, corruption, collusion, and nepotism are inevitable, even stronger. moreover, there is mental priyayi that considers the work of hands is dirty and can be degrading. in addition, also the glory of life does not lie in the hard work of racking the brain or sweat, but lies in the luxury. thus, the shortcut traveled is to charge the luxury of life on the shoulders of others (mas'udi, 2005:6). factually, not everyone can move the burden of luxury to others, except among those with political, economic, social, and cultural capital. it is identical with power ownership. power means the ability to list what the needs of others are structurally weaker in position. that ability is easily marketed so corruption occurs. migrants who have access to power can simplify their business to acquire kipp. if you have a good relationship with the service personnel, you can cut a long enough bureaucratic chain. in addition, it also shortens the management time even though the charges are inevitable. citizens who have a kinship relationship with the power holders publish kipp, especially power holders at the village kelian level or banjar collusion to accelerate the process of making kipp. similarly, if the applicant has important offices in government, community organizations, churches, and mosques, it will facilitate collusion process, nepotism, and corruption in the management of self identity and his family. by utilizing this network, the applicant can ignore any requirements that should be met or exempt from additional costs that are usually imposed. cultural culture that emphasizes more of the family aspect can make one factor of collusion culture growth and nepotism in public service practice. the bureaucracy that should have suddenly become brief with the practice of corruption, collusion, and nepotism in it. the innocent confession of a young man from bandung named randy conceived (ra), a newcomer who works as a distribution employee of refill drinking water on jalan gunung bees. he lives with the owner of the business. when encountered incidentally have not already had the receipt of the report letter from the kelian banjar or local service. ra told researchers that every day he was worried if at any time there was a session from the banjar officers. feeling anxious and uncomfortable in working, finally ra decided to take care of identity to the local banjar. in accordance with the local awig-awig ¬ banjar should complete the administrative requirements in the form of a photocopy of the original id of two pieces, photocopy of one e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 sheet, 2x3 pieces of two sheets, fill in the form of a self-report receipt, the administration fee is rp 10.000, 00 and the cost of funds amounted to rp 100.000, 00 because ra is an expat citizen who does not have a bali id card. according to the narrative, the stage of nobility procedures is carried out from requesting an application form for a certificate of self-report. generally to get a certificate, each applicant is obliged to pay rp 10,000, 00, however, ra admitted because it is known to reside in the address of the rechargeable water owner who still has a good relationship to the chairman of the ward, ra admitted not to pay or exempt from the fee as it is not requested by the attendant. after obtaining a certificate from the head of the ward, ra went to see the pakraman kelian, but arriving there the petition was rejected because there are some requirements that have not been met, namely the certificate of work. because ra has not requested a certificate of work to his boss, ra is back to the kelian tempek (chairman of the ward) who still has a family relationship with the business owner where he works. suddenly, the kelihan tempek participated to participate with ra to the house kelian banjar, the process is very short. the identity card of a resident on behalf of ra is immediately published, even immediately and free of charge. according to the information of ra, the more demonstrated the opening of collusion practices and nepotism is commonplace. maladministration of public service in kipp service based on the recognition of the informant is very possible. public service through direct contact will be difficult to avoid any special treatment that affects the deviation to the provisions of the administration. as reality in the field can be modeled that when a citizen who comes by accident is a close family or a person who has an important position in that area, very likely, the waiter will give special treatment to this kind of citizen. such actions certainly impact the creation of discriminatory service that can trigger a sense of injustice to the community. the awareness of the symptoms of maladministration, as a contributing factor to the practice of service that is inefficient, not transparent, and can not be accounted for. the kipp service is an integral part of public service systems conducted by local governments. the identity management of the migrant population through the proximity system, the regulation will produce an agreement that contradicts the values of ethics, morality, rationaliras, faith, even the prevailing laws and regulations. the form of the agreement can form bribery and a wild levy. corruption, nepotism, and collusion in the form of a bribery to facilitate liberation, waivers, etc., are conducted without a clear foundation of rules for its own sake. due to the many pretext of more than one rule to be faced by resident migrants, it is possible to cause confusion or uncertainty of service. a condition that is unclear e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 or uncertain (ambiguous) gives meaning to more than one or meaningful double so that it sometimes raises doubts, blurring, and obscurity for the community. the empirical fact is apparent in discovering its contextures and is particularly relevant to bourdieu's social practice theory. 2. factors that affect the unrealized public service excellence power has always been actualized through knowledge, and knowledge has always been the effect of power (foucault, 1980:89-99; ritzer, 2003:78-81). the link between science and power in foucauldian terminology is derived from the nitzche view of human substance that has the will to reign. the will for the knowledge of "righteousness" is associated with the will to reign. knowledge that claims truth is born within the frame of power. power is transformed into the knowledge that power runs effectively and operationally (foucault, 1980:89-99). knowledge and power have a reciprocal relationship. the continuous implementation of power will create a knowledge entity, and vice versa the implementation of knowledge will cause power effect. the power of producing knowledge and knowledge provides power. power does not always work through oppression and repression, but also normalization and regulation (sutrisno, 2005:154). regulation, and normalization of policies according to the meter and van horn (1975:271), actions undertaken by individuals, officers, and government/private persons who are directed at the achievement of objectives. this is as a string-linking that gives birth to what is called social pathology "(kartono, 2005: v). such social situations are ultimately easy to elicit pathological/sociopathic behaviour that deviates from common patterns. there are groups and factions in the midst of the fragmented society, each keeping its own norms and rules and acting alone. the logical consequences of such conditions are the emergence of many social problems, such as sociopathic conduct, social deviations, social disorganization, social disintegrating, as it develops in the village of the fragrant ttegal, denpasar city. 3. implications of public services in issuing resident identity cards tegal harum village area is a strategic place that is close to the center of the city hustle. in addition, there are also several traditional markets that are used as a night market that is open for twenty-four hours nonstop which becomes a living place for residents of migrants. this directly affects the high variation of value in the lives of surrounding communities. tegal harum village is not as wide as the other villages in denpasar. it is also e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 a more limited source of livelihood. the presence of migrants makes the competition in the provision of sustenance become increasingly strict so that it does not close the possibility of potentially becoming a conflict in the midst of pre-maintained harmonization conditions. to minimize the potential conflict, apparatus in tegal harum village seeks to nurturing by providing the best service to the local community. the service staff is certainly very expecting a new resident to always understand the condition of the village area in their new residence. thus it can conform and obtain a good acceptance of the environment entered. has become a routine agenda in bali, namely every eid celebration is over, the citizens who are homecoming to each other region again crowded the big cities in bali and have been doing normal as before. however, the time after lebaran turned out to have various problems for the government, such as social pathology, increased crime, social conflict, and environmental problems. the implications of increasing social pathology and potential conflicts are observed from the seizure of economic resources is not separated from the number of migrants and residing in tegal harum village. this development brings out various types of business activities, such as fresh traders, barber, meatballs, vegetable dealers around to the corners of the alley. that, either directly or indirectly, as a result of the presence of new people, who are invited by the residents who have been resident who have been residing in the administrative area of tegal harum village. behind it many people argue that the culinary business does not provide optimal benefits for the balinese people around, even tends to have the local community. one reason is that 80% of the culinary assets are owned by migrants from outside bali. the area of tegal harum village is increasingly dense with a variety of street trade facilities without regard to its sustainability. the pakraman village, which is the base for balinese cultural defenses, has not yet received an income comparable to the cultural capital invested. therefore, the conflict between the pakraman village and culinary businessmen is difficult to avoid. the saying is "there is sugar there ant", no wonder if the development of various food vendor activities that are sweet selling invite the people of nonbali migrated to west denpasar area, especially the village area tegal harum to make a living. the newcomers are not forever depriving the balinese rice pot. they take advantage of the living opportunities that are less desirable by the balinese, such as the haircut business along the road perumnas monang maning and its surroundings. in this case it can be seen almost entirely using the sign "hair cut maduratna" (the owner and workers are people from java madura). roving vegetable e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 traders, medicinal turmeric merchants, secondhand goods suppliers (scavenger), very small is likely to be done by balinese people. in fact, now it has emerged muslim shops that display custom balinese fashion that is commonly used to worship the temple by hindu residents. another thing is to strengthen the influence of modern values, such as individualistic, materialistic, praxis (effective and efficient), democratic, and dependence on the use of information and technology in various areas of his life. this modern culture at least will cause a collision between the modern and traditional values in the life of the pakraman village, such as. (1) the duality of the village (dinas and customs) often cause problems due to the less clear job description respectively. in addition, it also does not infrequently arise problems in withdrawal of economic sources. (2) the collision between economic interests (work/livelihood) with customary activities is quite high frequency. in addition, the inability of the locals to compete with new comers is primarily in the scramble of economic sectors. this led to the assumption that the customary community is incriminated and becomes a barrier to progress. in tegal harum village, it is visible on the surface of hindu religion, islamic religion, christianity, buddhism, and catholic religion together. in accordance with the data in the profile of tegal harum village year 2015 recorded the number of followers of hinduism is as many as 6,859 people, the islamic religion as many as 3,133 people, the christian religion as many as 405 people, followers of the catholic religion as many as 241 people, and the people of buddhism as much as 55 persons. i wayan jaman, as kelian banjar pakraman sari bhuana. the occurrence of friction because religious differences are more triggered by the variation of the religion of migrants. the inclusion of new religious flows that are more practical and do not take much time to be an alternative for the manners who can not afford to follow the solid activity in bali, mainly in the village pakraman. the rationalization of awig-awig is considered to be equivalent to a positive legal source, making the village to apply rigid rules to the krama, even for things that should be resolved by deliberation. fanaticism to the village of excessive pakraman easily triggers the difference of understanding the other pakraman village. it also includes migrants who have been allowed internal friction. the majority of hindu religions are equally challenged by religious immigrants other than hindus. a tense atmosphere that leads to conflict in religious life is not caused by religious teachings adopted by religious believers. the friction occurs because of the wrong way of understanding religion. according to i ketut wiana (2011). this is the connection with foucault's theory of power and knowledge relations. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 conclusion and suggestion conclusion first, the practice of public service in kipp issuance in tegal harum village has not been achieved according to regulations and superior service standards. spirit prod dharma, as a guideline for public service, can not be implemented optimally. service access is more inclined to the proximity factor with policy actors and rulers who play an important role in kipp publishing, such as the head of the environment and banjar kelian. the mechanisms of kipp services, inefficient, not transfaran, and cannot be accounted for properly by actors who hold power. secondly, a factor that has not yet achieved excellent service is the power dualism of the village and indigenous villages, because of the quality of resources that are still weak, especially the lack of knowledge of the officers about the service based on the spirit of prod dharma, the lack of adequate support facilities and infrastructure such as a set of technological systems, a refresentative workspace, and including also the low level of citizen awareness of migrants to reporting themselves. thirdly, the implications of kipp's publishing service are the growing practices of corruption, collusion, and nepotism. high public service fees. not synchronize the number of population data from village level, sub-district, district and city even to provincial level. social pathology is increasing in the form of economic, religious and cultural friction. in the event of the struggle for economic resources in the community, the opportunities for trade and informal employment are increasingly narrow, competition is getting tougher. suggestion research advice is (1) because of the existence of the power dualism of indigenous villages and service villages, there is a clear affirmation of the task division; (2) because the quality of human resources is still weak, it is necessary to improve knowledge and skills for officers to the bottom of the level; (3) because there is still a power relationship performed by the rulers, there must be strict sanctions against the actors to the lower level. e-journal of cultural studies may 2019 vol. 12, number 2, page 47-61 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 acknowledgement the author thanked the promoters who had been in the completion of this study, as well as all those who contributed to the completion of this study and the publication of this article on the journal of cultural studies in this issue. references aryana, i nyoman. 2005. ”implementasi surat keputusan wali kota denpasar nomor 610, tahun 2002 sebagai dasar penertiban penduduk di kota denpasar (perspektif budaya)”. 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(disertasi). denpasar: universitas udayana. sutrisno, muji 2005. teori-teori kebudayaan. yogyakarta: kanisius. surat keputusan wali kota denpasar nomor 610, tahun 2002 tentang perubahan surat keputusan wali kota denpasar nomor 593, tahun 2000 tentang penertiban penduduk pendatang. undang-undang nomor 25, tahun 2009 tentang pelayanan publik. microsoft word artikel bugis 2 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 unveil the day of discourse on the use of traditional balinese clothing for asn in the provincial government of bali desak putu andi suarmini1, i nyoman suarka2, i nyoman sukiada3 1bali provincial information and informatics communication office, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email : 1desak.andi@gmail.com,2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 3nyoman_sukiada@unud.ac.id received date : 10-07-2019 accepted date : 14-08-2019 published date : 30-11-2019 abstract this study aims to uncover the form of power relations and the implications of the discourse on the use of traditional balinese clothing for the state civil apparatus (asn) in the provincial government of bali. the rules on the use of traditional balinese clothes for the asn bali provincial government are the implementation of the policy of the governor of bali wayan koster at the beginning of his leadership period and has been set forth in the governor regulation no. 79 of 2018 concerning the day of the use of customary bali clothing. the study uses the scientific foundation of cultural studies with a qualitative approach. two theories used in this research are the theory of power and knowledge relations and social practice theory. these two theories are collaboratively used to uncover the power relation forms and the implications of the discourse on the use of traditional balinese clothes for asn within the provincial government of bali. the study revealed the form of power relations in the day-to-day discourse on the use of traditional balinese clothes for asn in the provincial government of bali, namely governmentality in the form of regulations aimed at making the application of balinese customary dress rules effective. another form of power relation is the hegemonic ideology that is by utilizing the myths of balinese traditional clothing and symbolic power relations using meaningful symbols. the results also revealed that the discourse on the use of balinese traditional clothing for asn in the environment of the provincial government of bali has implications for the representation of social classes marked by the desire of a group of asn to differentiate themselves by adding accessories to the traditional clothes they wear. another implication is consumerism among asns, where their desire engine is motivated to add custom clothing collections to the office beyond what they actually need. the application of traditional balinese dress rules for the bali provincial government asn also gives rise to what is called cultural hybridization. keywords: discourse, balinese traditional clothing, state civil apparatus introduction bali is one of the regions in indonesia which is known to have a diversity of traditions and cultures. one of the cultural products that characterizes and identifies the balinese e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 people is traditional clothing. in balinese life, traditional dress is not only used for customary interests, but also worn in the procession of hindu worship. given the importance of the meaning of traditional dress for the balinese, its use is governed by the rules and norms that apply. in its development, the era of globalization brought extraordinary influence for bali as a tourism area. the rapid global development has influenced various aspects of people's lives. if this is examined from the point of view of ritzer and goodman (2005), it can be said that globalization has changed the direction of imperialism, ie from occupying the area physically changing towards a new style of imperialism, namely economic imperialism and cultural imperialism. the most visible impact of economic imperialism and cultural imperialism is the full adoption of american culture by society, which stager (in atmadja, 2001: 90) is known as americanization. spreading the symptoms of americanization among the eastern people, including the bali region, the scope turned out to be quite broad, which includes the issue of food, drinks, cars and lifestyle and the use of clothing is no exception. the use of traditional balinese clothing was not immune from the effects of globalization. the global era marked by the dynamic development of the fashion world has an impact on how to dress customarily in bali, especially young people who are easily carried by the current of civilization. with the reason to follow fashion, the use of traditional clothing is no longer following the concept of traditional balinese dress. i gusti ngurah agung aryawan from the denpasar hindu dharma institute in the national seminar on religion and culture (semaya ii: 2017) conveyed a phenomenon of balinese traditional clothing worn when attending worship in temples. teenagers, regardless of their level or social stratification, are competing to display their appearance with a fashionable, trendy, fashionable bandage by emphasizing more beauty, exhibiting materialistic and luxury elements. more than that, they also did not hesitate to show the element of sensuality and put aside the ethics that actually became the substance of sradha and devotional service. the shift in the procedures for the use of traditional balinese clothing has received attention bali governor wayan koster by issuing governor regulation no. 79 of 2018 concerning the day of use of traditional balinese clothing. bali governor wayan koster in his interview with liputan6.com said that this regulation was aimed at strengthening balinese customs, religion, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 art, traditions and culture as the vision carried out in his reign was nangun sat kerthi loka bali (liputan6.com, 2 october 2018). the regulation on bali traditional dressing day was officially enacted on october 11, 2018. the enactment of pergub 79 of 2018 began with the simultaneous declaration which was centered at penataran pura agung besakih, karangasem regency. on the same day, simultaneous declaration was also carried out by the regency / city government up to the village / kelurahan office. as from the day of its promulgation, the regulations regarding the day of the use of traditional balinese clothing also apply to the state civil apparatus (asn) who serve in the environment of the bali provincial government. since october 11, 2018, every thursday, purnama, tilem and the anniversary of the province of bali, asn bali provincial government uses traditional balinese clothing to the office. observing the above description, the application of pergub no. 79 of 2018 for asn in the provincial government of bali is interesting to study from the perspective of cultural studies. this discourse is interesting to study because it can be said to be misplaced. the term misplaced was conveyed by professor of the faculty of cultural sciences, gadjah mada university prof. dr. irwan abdullah when giving a public lecture for udayana university cultural studies students, may 2, 2019. the misplaced concept according to irwan abdulah refers to the placement of goods or the use of something that is not in accordance with the rules of use, for example the placement of toilet paper on the dining table. referring to the explanation, the use of traditional balinese clothing to the office can be said to be misplaced. clothing that is usually used for traditional events, in this rule must be subject to asn on certain days. this article aims to reveal the form of power relations and the implications of the bali traditional clothing use discourse for asn in the provincial government of bali. to elaborate, the researcher formulated two research questions namely: (a) what is the form of power relations in the discourse on the use of traditional balinese attire for asn in the provincial government of bali? (b) what are the implications of the discourse on the use of balinese traditional clothing for asn in the provincial government of bali? concept and theory in this study there are two concepts that are operationalized, namely power relations and discourse. the power relation is a concept that was coined by michael foucault, a french philosopher. in foucault's view, power is one dimension of relations. where there is a relationship, there is power (sutrisno, 2005: 146). power, according to foucault, is e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 everywhere. the will for truth is the same as the will to power. the definition of power according to foucault is completely different from the understanding understood by most people. in general, power is understood and discussed as a power or influence possessed by a person or institution to impose his will on other parties. foucault has a different perspective on how to understand power. the way foucault understands power is very original (martono, 2006: 81). associated with this study, the application of balinese traditional dress rules for asn in the provincial government of bali is also inseparable from the practice of power relations. through a number of tactics, maneuvers and strategies that are played by agents in power relations, asn is invited to be obedient and useful to knowledge about the importance of efforts to restore the custom of balinese dress. the concept of discourse intended in this study is an action. discourse is understood as something that is expressed consciously, controlled, not something that is out of control or expressed outside of consciousness (eriyanto: 2001). discourse is not understood as a series of words or propositions in a text, but something that produces something else (an idea, concept or effect). discourse can be detected because it is systematically an idea, opinion, concept, and outlook on life formed in a particular context so that it affects the way of thinking or acting. foucault in piliang (2004: 223) said that in every discourse there are interrelated relations between discourse expressions, knowledge (knowledge) that underlies it, and power relations that operate behind it. every discourse is integrated with the power that operates behind it and cannot be separated from the power relations hidden behind it, which are the product of the practice of power. according to foucault, discourse or thought and thought about people, knowledge and abstract systems of thought which according to him all are inseparable from power relations (aur, 2005). all discourse that has a pretense of objectivity in science is the discourse of someone who has power (haryatmoko, 2016: 19). based on the description above, the discourse referred to in this study is the rules on the use of traditional balinese clothing that has been applied to asn in the provincial government of bali. the day's discourse on the use of balinese clothing is integrated with the power that operates behind it and cannot be separated from the power relations hidden behind it, which are the product of the practice of power. to answer the two problem formulations in this study, the author uses two theoretical foundations, namely the theory of power relations and knowledge and social practice theory. theories of power and knowledge relations were coined by michel foucault. in foucault's e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 view, knowledge and power have a reciprocal relationship. implementation of power that will continuously create knowledge entities, and vice versa the administration of knowledge will cause the effect of power (eriyanto, 2003: 65). knowledge power theory is applied to reveal the power relations practice in the discourse on the use of traditional balinese attire for the bali provincial government asn. this theory is useful for analyzing the power of science through ideological discourse that seeks to be built and perpetuated as a concept that integrates with culture to gain recognition / legality. another theory is the theory of social practice created by pierre bourdieu. in bourdieu's view, social practice is the dialectical dynamics between social actors and all who are attached to him formed by habitus with objects outside it (arena). the concept of habitus, capital and the realm is used to formulate the theory into a concept (habitus x capital) + domain = practice (bourdieu, 1984: 10, in harker et al, 2005: xii). habitus and the realm are a key and important set of concepts supported by a number of other ideas such as symbolic power, strategy, power struggles, economy and culture. habitus is a cognitive structure that mediates between individuals and social reality, in the sense that individuals use the concept of habitus in dealing with social reality (harker et al, 2005: xviii). the concept of habitus is very clear that it is not a natural inborn nature that complements individual human beings, both psychologically and biologically. habitus is a result of learning through nurturing, experience and education in a subtle way without realizing it as if it is natural. this practical theory is relevant to be used to examine the implications of power relations in the day-to-day discourse on the use of traditional balinese attire for the bali provincial government asn. changes that occur in the arena of the use of traditional balinese dress can not be separated from the role of individuals (habitus) bearers of the policy related to the realm of ties (social space) and capital that can lead to the meaning of the impact of power relations in implementing regulations on the use of traditional balinese dress. research method this study was designed as a qualitative study with a postmodernism approach. the location of this research is in the provincial government of bali. types of qualitative data were collected from primary and secondary data sources through observation, in-depth interviews, and document studies. informants are determined by selection based on criteria, namely the actors directly involved in the theme under study. the researcher became the main instrument in this study which was assisted by supporting instruments, such as interview e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 guidelines and data recording devices, both digital cameras and voice recorder applications on cell phones, and laptops for data storage. data were analyzed through data reduction, data presentation and verification phases. interpretation of data in depth and presented descriptively-narrative. discussion the rules for using balinese traditional clothing to work on certain days as stipulated in pergub no. 79 of 2018 is the first program launched by wayan koster who was appointed governor of bali by indonesian president joko widodo at the state palace, 5 september 2018. balinese traditional clothing as stipulated in the governor regulation must be imposed on government institutions, private institutions and educational institutions during working hours every thursday, purnama, tilem, and provincial anniversary on august 14. the environment of government institutions and private institutions as referred to in this rule is the entire space used for work activities. regulations on the use of traditional balinese clothing to the workplace are massively applied among the balinese provincial asns. the application of pergub number 79 year 2018 for the bali provincial government asn is full of the practice of power relations. the forms of power relations are govenmentality, hegemonic ideology and symbolic power relations. the concept of govenmentality was raised in foucault's work, referring to a form of regulation that reaches social order in a population to be the subject of bureaucratic regimes and types of discipline (barker, 2014: 112). associated with this study, the relationship between the power of governmentality is reflected in a number of regulations intended to discipline asn so that they are accustomed to wearing traditional clothing to the office on specified days. the application of the rules of the use of traditional balinese clothing for the asn bali provincial government was followed by the issuance of a number of regulations which are derived from pergub number 79 year 2018. the regional secretary of the bali province dewa made indra as the highest leader in the civil service structure within the provincial government of bali issued circular letter number 2666 year 2018 about the use of balinese traditional clothing in the provincial government of bali. the circular dated 29 october 2018 was aimed at disciplining and giving understanding to asn about the ethics of using balinese traditional clothes on the day specified in pergub 79 of 2018. next on january 17, 2019, secretary of the province of bali dewa made indra re-issued circular no. 528 year 2019 regarding the ethics of the use of balinese traditional clothing in the environment of e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 the provincial government of bali. the circular addressed to the head of regional apparatuses in the provincial government of bali more specifically regulates custom clothing models and types of fabric that asn must use when going to the office. referring to the power relations of governmentality, a number of regulations which were intensely issued in the early days of the implementation of the balinese traditional dress are a process of internalisation of power in the social body, in this case the asn group, as well as a model of disciplinary power that internalizes power within an individual body. regulations in the social order or in foucault's terms are called 'policing', in which a population is subject to bureaucratic regimes and types of discipline. the second form of relations is hegemonic ideology. hegemony is related to ideology that has coverage beyond all social, cultural, economic fields in a society (althusser 2010: 51). systematically the ideology of hegemony forces individuals and society with certain thoughts, certain biases, certain preference systems, where power tends to do hegemony of meaning towards social reality. individuals and communities are accommodated by their values and ideas with a perspective that has been patterned, structured in terms of the meaning created and desired by power. according to koenta wibisono (1989), if examined carefully there are several elements of ideology, namely: belief, loyalty and myth. the discourse on the use of traditional balinese clothing that is applied to asn in the bali provincial government is strongly influenced by myth in its implementation. this myth, among others, is implied in the governor regulation 79 of 2018 which states that balinese traditional clothing is balinese traditional clothing characterized by balinese customs used as a form of cultural protection that reflects the nature of politeness, shade, peace and pride for the wearer. the description implies, when wearing traditional balinese clothing, the wearer will feel peaceful and shady. this was confirmed by the statement of i nyoman parta, a senior pdip politician who participated in giving birth to the issuance of the 79th governor of 2018. he said that the traditional balinese attire was elegant and brought a calm atmosphere to anyone who wore it. in addition, balinese traditional clothing is also metaksu so that it will arouse pride for those who use it. balinese traditional clothes have many variants so that any fabric can be used, suitable and suitable (interview, 16 august 2019). the myths contained in every part of balinese traditional clothing are also used to convince asn. the provincial government of bali specifically invited practitioners of balinese cosmetology and fashion dr. anak agung ayu ketut agung to provide understanding to the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 asn in the environment of the bali provincial government about the procedures for customary dress and the meaning contained therein. in his presentation, agung chose specific parts of balinese traditional clothing that could be linked to asn tasks. to the asns who attended the socialization activities, agung stressed that for asn men, folds of cloth / kamen (wastra) were circular from left to right because men were the dharma holders. that is, an asn must always hold on to the dharma or good in carrying out the task. traditional dress for men is also equipped with a handkerchief (kampuh) which means self-control. that is, asn should be able to control itself so that it is far from commendable actions such as corruption. next udeng or destar which has the meaning of cricket manah (focusing the mind) which is the source of the five senses. in this case, asn must be able to control not to do negative things that are against the law (exposure before asn, january 29, 2019). the symbolic meaning of balinese traditional clothing is also used by the governor of bali wayan koster to discipline asn. he hoped, by wearing traditional balinese attire while working, asn could be more traditional. that is the meaning that must be absorbed by asn when its body is wrapped in balinese traditional clothes (speech, 1 april 2019). the use of myth has proven to be able to hegemony the asn provincial government in the use of traditional balinese clothing. ni ketut rai minarni (42 years) stated that the meaning contained in the parts of balinese traditional clothing is indeed very relevant to be applied in carrying out his duties as asn. as an asn, he feels reminded to always be guided by dharma (truth), self-control and focus on obligations as an asn. according to him, the rules on the use of balinese traditional clothing are very positive because when wearing traditional clothes, he remembers the meanings of the clothes worn (interview, 2 june 2019). the agents in the power relations also use symbolic capital to make the balinese governmental asn circles obedient and useful to the rules of traditional balinese dress. in bourdieu's view, symbolic capital is the basis of dominance and legitimacy. symbolic capital is capital that can be exchanged and carry positions that can generate power, that is, power to represent a legitimate social world or symbolic power. through the imaging process, the symbol system obtains its abstract power in order to change meaning, herd perspective, and influence the practice of a person or group. symbols have the power to shape, preserve and change reality (bourdieu, 1992: 219-225). symbolic capital also plays a role in establishing power relations in the system and structure of society. the power of this symbol contains magical energy that can make people believe, acknowledge, and submit to the truth created by the symbol system. the power of symbols is able to direct anyone who recognizes, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 preserves or changes perceptions to the behavior of a person, group when in contact with reality (barker, 2014: 115-116). the discourse on the use of traditional balinese clothing for asn in the environment of bali provincial government is inseparable from the use of symbols that are full of meaning. the use of symbols is reflected in the choice of location and the time of the inauguration of the bali traditional clothing day. the inauguration day for the use of balinese traditional clothing was held on thursday, october 11, 2018 at pura agung besakih. pura agung besakih is the biggest temple that is supported by all hindus in bali. this temple is located in rendang district, karangasem regency. for balinese hindus, pura besakih is the huluning of the balinese universe or the 'island of bali'. as the huluning of the balinese universe, besakih temple 'by itself' is considered a very sacred place and also very sacred. the position of besakih temple as one of the most important shrines in bali is indeed closely related to the attitudes and behavior of the rulers in bali to place the besakih temple in the constellation of their political ideology (sancaya, 2011). the decision to choose besakih temple as the location for the inauguration of the bali traditional dress day is a symbolic power relation. the choice of locations that were full of meaning was a tactic and strategy to attract the sympathy of the community towards the implementation of pergub number 79 of 2018. related to the location of the inauguration of the bali traditional dress use day, the governor of bali wayan koster asked for consideration of ida shri bhagawan putra natha nawa wangsa pemayun (58 years). ida bhagawan said, besakih temple was chosen because of its position as a mother temple or mother tample which was supported by all hindus in bali. beside that, besakih temple is also an upstream which symbolizes purusa (male) and predhana (female), where balinese traditional clothing is worn by men and women. with the promulgation of the besakih temple, this regulation is expected to get the blessing of its application so that it can get support from all components of the balinese community (interview, 26 august 2019). in addition to site selection and use of good days, the involvement of leaders from religious and customary institutions in the inauguration activities also reflects the use of symbolic power relations. to note, the inauguration of the day of the use of balinese traditional clothing which was centered at the agung besakih temple on october 11, 2011 was led by deputy governor of bali tjokorda oka artha ardhana sukawati. the inauguration of the bali traditional dress day in besakih temple was attended by the chairperson of bali phdi, chairperson of the main assembly of pakraman village, jero suwena putus upadesa, chair e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 of the bali dprd i nyoman adi wiryatama, chairperson of commission iv of bali dprd i nyoman parta, regional secretary dewa made indra and head of the regional apparatus organization (opd) in the provincial government of bali and representatives of community leaders. the inauguration activity began with the performance of two sacred dances namely rejang renteng dance and kincang kincung baris dance. after that, deputy governor cok ace symbolically put the destar on bendesa adat besakih jero mangku widiarta and two community leaders namely prof. made surada and prof. i nengah duija. the use of destar to religious leaders and community leaders marks the start of the implementation of the rules for the use of bali traditional clothing day on thursday, purnama, tilem and the anniversary of the province of bali on august 14 each year. the opening ceremony continued with a joint prayer led by sulinggih. the whole series of inauguration activities ended with the performance of the rejang giri kusuma dance. the use of religious symbols in the inauguration of the bali traditional clothing day is intended to make this rule more meaningful. thus, this regulation is expected to be widely accepted. the balinese traditional dress code for asn in the bali provincial government in its application raises what bourdieu calls distinction. bourdieu called the distinction a power strategy. the pattern of dominant class behavior usually distinguishes itself from the petty bourgeois class and the popular class. one way to distinguish yourself from the other two classes is through three structures of consumption, namely food, culture and appearance (haryatmoko, 2016: 47). bourdieu gave an example, when schools apply the rules of uniform clothing, students who come from upper social classes state the difference through the brand of shoes, watches, cellphones, vehicles and accessories used. tastes reveal a system of representation that is peculiar to certain social groups, their position in society and the desire to place themselves in the ladder of power (bourdieu, 1979). representation of social class also occurs among the asn of the provincial government of bali in line with the enactment of the rules of traditional balinese dress. it can be seen from the selection of clothing and accessories worn by asn when wearing custom clothing. the representation of social class is more visible in women's asn groups. this is because women generally want to look beautiful and attractive and are often positioned as objects of male libido (atdmaja, 2010: 245). the representation of social class appears to be an effort to distinguish themselves from others when wearing balinese traditional clothing. for superiors namely kebaya, asn women from upper social classes differentiate themselves e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 with additional sequins or mote on the kebaya they wear when going to the office. in addition, they also distinguish themselves with additional accessories such as larger earrings and brooches. the representation of social class was revealed in the statement of ni komang tresia mila dewi (30 years) who said that she lacked confidence because she was required to use kebaya from plain cloth and seemed uniform with other female asns. therefore, he modified the kebaya with additional sequins or mote. thus, kebaya made from plain cloth will look more luxurious and different from the others (interview 12 june 2019). for the installation of sequins or mote, additional costs range from rp. 80,000 to rp. 100,000, depending on the pattern and the number of sequins or pieces that are installed. in addition to the addition of variations on the kebaya worn, class representation is also shown by the use of jewelry in the form of bross and subeng. in bourdieu's view, social class representation is closely related to consumerism. all social classes are exposed to the plague of consumerism. consumerism is an act of mindset and the act of someone buying goods not because they need the item, but because the act of buying itself gives satisfaction. in other words, someone who is infected by consumerism always feels that shopping because he needs the item, even at the next moment of reflection, that the person does not need the item. in this postmodern era, the object of consumption is able to determine the prestige, status and social symbols of the wearer. thus it was stated by piliang (2011: 145) that the culture of consumerism is a culture of consumption carried out by society today not only based on use value in order to meet basic human needs, but consumption is related to symbolic elements to mark certain social classes, statuses or symbols. consumerism among the bali provincial government asn after the enactment of the day rules for the use of traditional balinese clothing is shown by the ownership of clothing types such as kebaya, kamen, udeng and kampuh that exceeds the amount they need. the shrewdness of custom clothing manufacturers in issuing new products that adjust to the dress code that applies to asn has made the desire to shop for clothing among asn more encouraged. if before the application of this rule, they only buy the completeness of traditional balinese clothing before the feast or religious ceremony, now they can shop for clothes at any time. ni made sri dewi (43 years) said, in a month, the use of traditional clothing can be more than six times. there is a feeling of discomfort when using kebaya or kamen, that's all. therefore, since this regulation was enacted, he has often bought kebaya and kamen so that the amount owned is quite a lot. moreover, there are just the colors of cloth or the latest e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 models that have sprung up. to get around expenses, sri dewi often installments on fashion sellers who have become her customers (interview, july 16, 2019). consumptive behavior in buying custom clothing is also shown by male asns with the aim of increasing their dashing appearance. this was revealed in the statement of i made sudarma (39 years). according to him, the office must look neat and convincing. therefore, he also added to the collection of traditional clothing such as shirts, kampuh, udeng and kamen. because according to him the customary attire worn at the office is slightly different from those used for prayer. the types and motifs of the shirts, as well as the various variations of the udeng also encourage him to continue to add to his clothing collection (interview, 18 july 2019). another implication of the rules on the use of traditional balinese clothing for asn to the workplace is cultural hybridization. culture hybridization is a process that occurs after a mixture of two different cultures. hybridization is a process of parasitism in a system in which an entity is made a living place by other entities, which can destroy the identity and diversity of both, even though it can establish new identities and differences (piliang, 2008: 368). if related to this study, the discourse on the use of traditional balinese clothes for asn in the environment of the bali provincial government has implications for cultural hybridization. cultural hybridization is evident in the use of balinese traditional clothing by asn muslim women who wear hijab on a daily basis. jilbab is an element of muslim clothing that serves as a cover of the head to the chest. when the day of the use of traditional balinese clothing, they still wear the hijab because it is a religious obligation. they still choose to wear traditional balinese attire, even though there is a circular that tolerates the use of clothing from the area of origin. they chose to take part in using traditional balinese attire as a form of respect and to be easy to adapt in the office environment. like the statement made by yayuk widiya (45 years) who stated that he must respect balinese culture because he currently served in bali. he also mentions the term where the earth is trampled there the sky is held. in its use, he and some of his colleagues had a lot to learn from friends from bali. fortunately, ready-made clothing such as kebaya and kamen are easily obtained in clothing stores (interview, 1 april 2019). paying close attention to yayuk's statement that says "where the earth is trampled there the sky is held up", the hybridization it does is a type of transculturation. he who includes a minority among asns who are predominantly hindu chose to adapt to the use and habits of superiors, who consider it a better choice for the recipient. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2019 vol. 12, number 4, page 26-39 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 conclusion the discourse on the use of traditional balinese attire for the bali provincial government asn in its application is strongly influenced by the power relations that are played by the agents. thus, the adherence shown by asn in the provincial government of bali to the discourse on the use of traditional balinese clothing does not occur naturally. even though the governor of bali was involved in the production and distribution of that truth, but the power hidden in the discourse did not belong to the governor of bali. that power has been actualized in the disposition, maneuvering, tactics, techniques, and strategies to convey or distribute knowledge that is considered as truth, that the traditional balinese attire must be preserved because it is a balinese human identity and all parties, including the bali provincial government asn, so they must obey and useful in that truth. the use of balinese traditional clothing has a number of implications that should be criticized, namely the emergence of social class representation and consumerism among the asn of the provincial government of bali. this needs attention because the main task of asn is to provide services to the community. references althusser, luois. 2010. tentang ideologi, marxisme strukturalis, psikoanalisis, cultural studies. yogyakarta : jalasutra. atmadja, nengah bawa. 2001. reformasi ke arah kemajuan 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pierre, dan wacquant loic jd. 1992. an invitation to reflexive sociology. chicago : chicago university press. bourdieu, p., 1979. la distinction: critique sociale du jugement [distinction: a social critique of the judgement of taste]. paris: editions de minuit canclini, n. 1990. hybrid cultures: strategi untuk masuk dan keluar dari modernitas. debolsillo: meksiko. eriyanto. 2001. analisis wacana : pengantar analisis teks media. yogyakarta : lkis. eriyanto. 2003. analisis wacana pengantar analisis teks media. yogyakarta : pt. lkis printing cemerlang. harker, richard, et al. 2009. (habitus x modal) + ranah = praktik: pengantar paling komprehensif kepada pemikiran piere bourdieu, terj. pipit maizier yogyakarta: jalasutra. haryatmoko. 2016. membongkar rezim ketidakpastian pemikiran kritis post-strukturalis. yogyakarta : penerbit kanisius. martono, nanang. 2005. sosiologi perubahan sosial perspektif klasik, modern, posmodern dan poskolonial. jakarta : pt raja grafindo persada). i gusti ngurah agung aryawan. dampak globalisasi terhadap etika berbusana remaja hindu dalam asosiasi upaya untuk membentuk generasi yang ilmiah dan religius. prosiding seminar nasional agama dan budaya (semaya ii tahun 2016). idg. windhu sancaya. 2011. pura besakih : di antara legenda dan sejarah penguasa bali. kajian bali, volume 01, nomor 01, april 2011. piliang, yasraf amir. 2004. dunia yang dilipat, tamasya melampaui batas-batas kebudayaan. yogyakarta : jalasutra. piliang, yasraf amir, 2008. multiplisitas dan diferensi : redefinisi desain, teknologi, dan humanitas. yogyakarta dan bandung: jalasutra. ritzer g. 2005. ketika kapitalisme berjingkrang telaah kritis terhadap gelombang mcdonalisasi. diterjemahkan oleh solihin dan didik p yowono. yogyakarta : pustaka pelajar. susanto, p.s.hary. 1987. mitos menurut pemikiran mircea eliade. yogyakarta : kanisius. sutrisno, muji. 2005. teori-teori kebudayaan. yogyakarta : kanisius. microsoft word artikel tresya pricillia terbit2 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 the manifestation of kim kardashian’s aesthetic and glamour labors in kim kardashian: hollywood mobile game tresya pricillia soehendar1, ellita permata widjayanti2 1,2english department, faculty of language and art, state university of jakarta, east jakarta email : 1tresyapricillia2266@gmail.com, 2ellita.permata@gmail.com received date : 1-05-2020 accepted date : 20-10-2020 published date : 30-11-2020 abstract disproving the ‘famous-for-being-famous’ epithet, kim kardashian shares the intricacy of the tricky and binding work of celebrity into the nascent screen-based culture, the mobile game kim kardashian: hollywood (kk: h). with swipes and taps to follow the in-game stories, the kk: h player discovers the set of rules and features of kk: h that welcome them to the digitalized version of aesthetic and glamour labors where the states of being fashionable, ageless and charming are matter. through an analysis of in-game dominant discourse as well as the player’s game experience shown in facebook public groups, this study explores the underlying values manifesting the practice of aesthetic and glamour labors as an engaging strategy of digital gameplay. the exploration falls into four stages of docility (power, system, surveillance, and normalization) that built upon michel foucault’s theory of docile body to examine the gameplay as simulating the “real” constitutive social practice of celebrity that lead the examination to the case of hyperreality. the result of this examination places kk: h as the particular cultural representation as well as a seemingly playful parody of celebrity work wherein the pursuit of mass beauty standard is associated with the pursuit of fame in the interest of financial benefits and personal satisfaction. keywords: kim kardashian, aesthetic and glamour labors, kim kardashian: hollywood (kk: h), docile body, hyper-reality. introduction in the era of mainstreaming digital medium, body (superficial look) and image (persona) become the currency of promotional value, notably, for celebrity as the intermediary of brandmarketing. indeed, eschewing from the historical foundation of celebrity that has been an e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 entertainer in social media to the greater extent of the internet, the notion of the importance of celebrity now is forcefully pushed into a celebrity system that attempts to “expanding its enterprise beyond its original goals” (choi and berger in boileau, 2017) whereby body with its attribute still be the part of management that is commodified in celebrity labor practice (boileau, 2017, p.3). the celebrities have to shape their bodies to look like the product of work because fashion couture that is invented by the fast-fashion purveyors is already embedded as body couture (hyland, 2015). body couture itself is a practice in which a celebrity is also capable to wear the body as the form of couture to comply with the client and spectacle’s requirements. celebrity in that case has a role as a commodity, precisely, a commercial product that p. david marshall (1997) said can be manufactured and traded by promotions and publicities in media industries. at the most pragmatic level of becoming media coverage, celebrities would construct an image or persona of themselves – maintaining two selves in one body with a constructed attitude through fashion management. the notion of persona performed the duality between “myself” or “being for itself” and “my self in the eyes of others” or “the being for others” (morrison, 2014). taking an example from the american sensational media personality kim kardashian, she typically dresses up in a more revealing way for the professional purpose of advertisement rather than in the moment of her exposing personal motherhood (pasenen, 2018). thus, she exemplifies merleau-ponty’s (1976, 1981) concept of body that considered a body as a visible vehicle of self. she turns her body into the object in time and space by involving the body in a particular environment to identify self with commitments to certain projects (entwistle & wissinger, 2006, p.12). with mind and consciousness, kim performed labor on her body as she was locating her body in a ‘definitive environment’ such as a workplace, and then leads her to set the context whereby her body is objectified and commodified. according to entwistle and wissinger (2006), the notion of body-objectification has become some of the researchers’ focuses, for their attention is drawn upon the body management in contemporary labor practices. within that broad research, the analysis has been directed towards ‘aesthetic labor’ to represents current trends in work practice. aesthetic labor is usually used to promote products and services (wissinger, 2006. p.6). it refers to ‘embodied capacities and attributes’ (warhurst & nickson, 2001: 13) that enable employees e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 to ‘look good and sound right’ for the job (entwistle & wissinger to ibid, 2006, p.2) because producing an attractive look is considered as a ‘professional’ attitude in a style labor market. in their study of aesthetic labor, entwistle and wissinger (2006), focus on the case of fashion modeling in new york and london. they argue that models have a similar condition of working within the so-called ‘culture industries’ such as film, media, advertising, and so on. in these industries, one should strive for their careers because the patterns of culture industries are highly individual and idiosyncratic which forced them to depend upon luck and the ability to create and use social networking and encounters (mcrobbie, 2003) or ‘social capital’ in bourdieueian lens. besides social capital, to gain entry tickets to the competitive industry and stay within it, fashion models must adhere to the strict standards. they have to be thin or muscular, slacken the aging process, and adjustable to the whims of fashion trends, as demanded by performance work standard of modeling, television, film, and dancing industries. as a result, constantly having commitments to body maintenance and style customization outside normal working hours (looking great every time) is a must for them (entwisle & wissinger, 2006, p.12). kim kardashian who is the role model with the talent of “looking great”, once said “there’s nothing we can do that’s not documented, so why not look your best, and amazing?” (paper magazine, 2014). she implies that the works in culture industries (along with its requirements) involve in the daily lives of the related laborer, and she begins to normalize it by patently declaring that those who do not subscribe the tenets of glamour means they are unacceptable to be part of the industry. through the writer’s observation of kardashian’s reality tv show ‘keeping up with the kardashians’ per seasons (2019), kim with other kardashians clan indeed tirelessly working on her body and image either in the workplace which values her as an aesthetic laborer and in digital media which embroils her to the realm of ‘glamour’ in elizabeth wissinger’s sense (2014). the attempt of kim kardashian personalizing her body is back-to-back taken into account by wissinger. she examines kardashians as the phenomenon where the labor market is now centered on the activity of body and style customization and it is defined as ‘glamour labor’. kardashians exemplify the glamour laborers, for investing time and effort into editing the body and self to appear as fascinating in highly filtered and manipulated online life for the sake of achieving social legitimacy such as "likes" in the digital world (p.2). as a result, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 the ‘glamour labor’ in the case of kardashians becomes a common desire for the public (wissinger, 2016, p.8). by revealing the effort to be glamour, the kardashians (notably kim kardashian as the pioneer of raising fame), show the young women (who are in the productive ages) that she is merely an ordinary american girl with all american work ethic. this means by working hard (work the body out), young women are capable to develop a successful career as she did. in this frame, kim kardashian implicates glamour labor as the route of fame for female, and many women have adopted her techniques (wissinger, 2016, p.6). as they investigate the glamour girls reality show, coy and garner (2010) once stated that celebrity lifestyle which facilitated by money (such as celebrity parties, branded clothes, holidays, bodily beauty treatment, and other leisure time with vip treatment) are the prominent associations of young women’s dreams (p.667). the success of kim kardashian was then manifested in a form of a role-playing mobile game named ‘kim kardashian: hollywood’ (abbreviated into kk: h). in this game, the players are persuaded to create a digital journey with the motive that they can achieve fame within the game world. the concept of the game is simple: the players need to work their way up the chart of hollywood to become an a-list celebrity and kim kardashian who appears as the non-playable character as a mentor who will show them the path to fame. the game adapts kardashians’ personal life (e.g. socialize, dating, married and having kids) and professional life (e.g shoot for a reality show, advertisements or campaign, do the photoshoot, modeling, talk-show, interview, held and attend parties, attend award and fashion show, and many more) that will be possessed by the player once they occupy the realm of kk: h. in living the life of kardashians which is celebrity-based life, the acts of aesthetic and glamour labors are entangled to the players in their virtual world. it could be seen through the game practices/movements/activities that are conducted by the discourses that appear through in-game written text (such as narrative dialogue box and text box) and in-game visual features (such as wardrobe, ‘show your style event’, etc). by june 2020 google playstore record more than 10 million people download this game since it is launched in 2014, and it has more than 45 million downloads in two years according to wire (2016). the aforementioned huge number of people in a long period shows that the players are docile enough to constantly undertake progressive game activities even with several forcing rules. the concept of the docile body itself is a part of an interactional analysis e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 in respect with foucauldian perspectives such as the living body is filled up with discourse, becoming an individual; bodies are categorized by encountering rules of conduct to attain a certain identity; bodies are motivated to avoid punishment and receive rewards; by learning “the know-how” and outcome of certain described events and positions, individuals are induced to follow the imperatives of discourses (hestad, 2008, p.22 24). as such, this study aims to examine the act of aesthetic and glamour labors (as the predicted engagement of playing kk: h) within kim kardashian: hollywood mobile game and there out the game in a form of player’s shared experience through facebook public groups. this game has also been studied by alison harvey (2018) who examined three aspects in kk: h namely the game content (celebrity culture), economics (free-to-play within game purchases), and mechanics (affective engagement) to understand how the game gain receptions by functioning links. the examination results in the conclusion that kk: h is not merely a mobile game but also a cultural object intertwining a range of issues in celebrity, social media, and new models of feminine labor. chess and maddox (2018) also shed the light on the issue within kk: h. in their study "kim kardashian is my new bff: video games and the looking glass celebrity", they use several celebrity-games which are considered as a feminized product to examine the engagement between players and the related celebrities with celebrity culture. the concept of looking-glass celebrity is demonstrated in their study, for it includes the idea that players' actions are depending on how their game avatars are viewed. indeed, the players of this game strongly engage in and out of the game. by willingly follow (docile to) the rules of in-game aesthetic and glamour labors, the players arouse the desire of having abundant virtual outfits to the next extent. they are willing to gather creating community on the real-life online medium to seek, show, and vote all for the virtual outfits. thousands of committed players could hunt for and discuss virtual outfits beyond the game such as on facebook public group of kk: h players – involving their “real” physical life for enhancing the virtual life (hyperreal). in all conscience, virtual outfits are needed merely to fulfill the player’s satisfaction in adapting the system into superficial. it is because players actually can escape from the computational object at any time – since the decision to fully exit is on their hands. in that hook, they have to come to terms with the magic trick of kim kardashian: hollywood game as what it calls aesthetic and glamour labors. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 this study then explores the underlying values manifesting the practice of aesthetic and glamour labors as an engaging strategy of digital gameplay. it examines how the game creators with the power embedded in all features inside the game make the player docile to all the rules set in it. it also explores how the game leads the players to live in hyperreality in which they act in a real-world like being in the game. research methodology the case of this study is investigated using a descriptive-analytical method. the data source of this study is a mobile game named kim kardashian : hollywood (kk: h). the primary data are the textual and virtual discourses that appear through in-game written text (in the form of a narrative dialogue box and text box) and in-game visual features (in the form of promotional tag, wardrobe feature, and show your style features) that are all constructing rules or statement related to style, fashion, appearance, or look of game characters (read also: indicating the issue of aesthetic and glamour labors). the activities (such as postings) of kk: h game players as online communities in facebook groups would be taken into consideration (as additional data) to dismantle fatherly the performance of digital aesthetic and glamor labors beyond the game. the additional data is utilized due to kk: h is designed to be sensed as a social network, and it is confirmed by its developer, de masi (2016), who tries to build “communities” within the game. facebook public group is the platform that enables the players to share their game experiences and problems on a large scale, and also creating events for other fun. all of these primary and additional data are collected in the form of screen-shoot images and are classified according to the sub-cases around the main issue. the selected in-game written texts and visual features of kk: h would be analyzed in advance with docile body – undergone to 4 systematical steps. firstly, identifying the power relation. secondly, analyzing how the power holder constructs the drive system that consists of persuasive play and rules. thirdly, analyzing how the act of surveillance is involved, and fourthly, analyzing the forms of normalization to players until they are labeled as docile. the result of the first layer of analysis would uncover the manifestation of aesthetic and glamour labors in a mobile game, and how it engages players in the game. that result is amplified to the next stage by analyzing its effect for the player’s real-life – connecting the concept of hyper-reality to players’ online community. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 docility stages for the manifestation of kim kardashian’s aesthetic and glamour labors similar to the notion of ‘quest’ in a game, labor involves commitment and docility to continuity. to analyze the form of labors in an environment or medium, it is needed to identify the way the related medium is constructed as best as creating disciplinary action for the participant or creating docility. docility is accomplished by using power in creating the system that manipulates the body in which it includes the constant surveillance and normalization that all for the power holder’s advantage and keeping the society in harmony (foucault: 1995). 1st docility stage: constituting power prates (2014) once emphasized, that although games are “strategic interactions between rational individuals in a social environment”, they did not provide equal forces for players (p.1). regarding the game theory, power is possible to be understood in a way it can affect the relationship between the players and the agents who involve in game-development – assuming that one side of the agents has more forces than others, and by the forces, they can guarantee that their wills are easily achieved (balzer, 1992). in a game, it is common to realize that the players have different forces with the game developers who capable to create and upgrade the rules within the system that the players participate in. in kim kardashian: hollywood game, the higher forces are not merely possessed by the developers but kim kardashian as well. kim, her family, and her relatives are created as non-playable characters who possess the higher ranks beyond in-game hollywood chart. consequently, they are not considered as number 1 a-list celebrities (the highest rank players) but a-list vip celebrity. being a vip celebrity makes the position of kim kardashian, her family, and her relatives are unbeatable, even for kim’s in-game best-friend-forever (bff), the player’s character (player’s avatar). as such, kim kardashian and other classified vip celebrities are created to be looked up by the players, prominently, as the fashion style inspirations in a game. it could be proven by the way the game frequently puts the outfits as ‘kim’s pick’ or using the headline ‘shop kim’s closet’ for the promotional tag (figure 1). additionally, the available purchased clothing(s) in the wardrobe feature (kustomize) are mostly the duplicates of the kardashians in a real life. there are hundreds of style options for the player’s character to the taste of kardashians and mainstream celebrities which are sleek, glamour, sexy (revealing), skin-tight, etc. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 figure 1. the set of clothes that is picked by kim is sold through the promotional tag and worth real-life currency. many of the products from the real kim kardashian’s personal and favorite brands including the brands of her relatives (such as karl lagerfeld, oliver rousteing, erika jayne, etc.) are infused digitally as a commodity to monetize players. in the sense of prates (2014), kim and glu (the game developer) used their power to obtain any kind of material or immaterial advantages because power is indeed concealed in a manipulative way to reach the utility and economic level of the body (foucault in beheshti & shafieyan, 2016, p.3). the forces of the game developers in kk: h is concealed by the way they create some of the fictional or non-playable characters (npc) that actively help players to build their virtual career as a celebrity as well as to influence players in terms of making a decision in the game world. for example, when the player’s character is still an ordinary shop clerk and is destined to join kim kardashian in the magazine photo-shoot section for the first time, the player is started to be required to look dressier by kim to meet the expectation of the photographer (figure 1.). as soon as the fictional character of kim suggests the player’s character to move, the only in-game activity that is accessible at that moment is “dress to impress”. through the non-playable characters such as kim kardashian (who would be the mentor as well as bff of the player’s character), the developers begin to lead the players to the main purpose of the game in which personalizing the avatar as good as possible either by getting virtual outfits or purchasing it. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 figure 2. the non-playable character of kim kardashian suggests the players to dress up for the photo-shoot that is conducted by the demanded photographer named st. garret clair, and later the suggestion becomes the obliged quest with the headline ‘dress to impress’. the dialogue text in figure 2 shows the starting point of the in-game aesthetic labor in which the suggestion of kim to “wear something dressier” emulates the requirements of the real aesthetic labor that set by the agent and clients of a model in entwistle and wissinger’s observation (2014). the necessity of aesthetic labor is reflected as the player involves “work to get work” such as impressing the potential clients (e.g photographers or fashion editors) first by doing casting or meeting that usually only takes five minutes to impress in real life. after stepping to the spotlight through the first-ever doing photo-shoot with kim and demanded photographer, the player’s character is bumped into suggestion relating to body and gesture management (for impressing the photographer) in which this time the suggestion is dropped by simon (who is already become the player’s virtual manager officially). the character of simon orsik is developed to accumulates and manage the works of celebrity that is assigned to his talent (player’s character) from numerous clients. the assigned works will appear as quests that must be completed to make significant progress in the game. at this point, the player relies on the calls from simon to search, show, and guide them to the path of fame (figure 3). figure 3. simon suggested player’s character to follow every requirement set by the photographers. the requirement includes posing management either for photo-shoots, appearances or daily activities report. in such way, the body must be fitted to certain form on-screen and for public exposure involving player to one of the attempts in aesthetic and glamour labors. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 besides the character of the manager (simon orsik), the game also provides the character of publicist for the personal publicity management of the players. that character named maria holmes, who places the player’s character under her ‘watchful eyes’. because the success of celebrity depends on the quality of excessive talks in media (penfold-mounced to ibid, 2009. p.13), the player’s character needs the touch of maria’s expertise in which she could maintain, represent, and protect the image of the player’s characters as a celebrity. maria is also one of the game strategic interactions that are built by the game developers to deliver quest to players beside simon and kim kardashian. the quest from maria is usually a matter to build a network and persona/image that is more attractive, inspiring, and marketable for the current society in kk: h. the suggestion of maria holmes in building networking depicts the finding of angela mcrobbie (2003) in which she emphasized that making the right connections and impressing the right people (such as the significant media partnership and photographers) might increase one’s opportunity in gaining and protecting prestigious work, and to involve in the highly networked fashion (in cultural/creative industry), one must be “always on display”. continued by entwistle and wissinger (2014), the term “always on display” means that one has to concern about the way they are being seen at the right places as well as at the right time (p,790). in that case, the game manifests the need of careful self-representation, selfpromotion, good networking, and skillful social interaction by creating the character of publicist, manager, and experienced celebrity mentor that guide players to fulfill the demand of aesthetic labor in the sense of entwistle and wissinger (2014) and in a more realistic way. that condition of self-actualization through ‘working’ for fame in this game constitutes docility toward power. power is operated over people through demand/requirement to be an “enterprising individual” and it can be deeply internalized by the participant themselves (foucault in entwistle & wissinger; p. 787, 2014). thus in the reflection of aesthetic labor throughout game quest and interaction, the player may not sense that they are being controlled by the developer, particularly through the aforementioned non-playable characters. it is also due to power that can shift from corporate control and code into individual managed bodies (foucault in hestad, 2008), and it can be pushed down gently in the hierarchy and produces ritual of truth (foucault, 1955). what makes power accepted, is simply by the fact that it is not merely sensed as a force that says no, but it “traverses and produces things, it induces pleasure, forms knowledge, produces e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 discourse” (foucault, 1955, p.62). on a mechanical scale, the produced discourse and induced pleasure within the game’s graphic and narrative level make the players feel as if they have more freedom to act while in fact, they are ‘trapped’ in the game system that makes them docile to the power. 2nd docility stage: establishing drive system the notion of a system generally must include an organized scheme and method. it also includes rules as best as constructing barriers. according to foucault (1955), barriers serve to enclose individuals, and in this manner individuals merely conditionally being controlled by the information that enters the perceptual system (p.72). the power holder in that case is capable to constitute barriers through discourse within the system they made. discourse is imperative and can conduct individuals to follow certain rules in any act. hence, there is no social influence among individuals besides the constitutive one, and by discourse, people are organized systematically to constitute the social process that resulted in benefits and rewards (foucault, 1955, p 34, p.71). herbert blumer (1968, 143-4) points out the notion of “social system” as the reification in which the social system consists of “social actors interpreting the meanings in their social world and acting on that” (foucault, 1955, p.29). in a game system, the processes of the social system are embedded within the possibilities of play to comprehend the game “procedural rhetoric” (a form of persuasion through game practices) and to convey the meaning within the rules of play (bogost, 2008). the game kim kardashian: hollywood models a particular social world. it infuses meaning into gameplay through its rule sets (that presented by particular discourses) and the dynamics between the player’s character and the system they enable. in the process of setting the main goal of climbing the hollywood ladder up (from unlisted to a-list celebrity), both in-game written texts and in-game visual features of kk: h dominantly contain discourses that are promoting the value of celebrity (such as commoditized/objectified body and persona, network-building/social capital, and obsessing trend fashion style) to be manifested into in-game actions (such as posing for a magazine, walking on the catwalk, looking fashionable in parties, etc.) that are all limited by energy and time. that circumstance allows the virtual outfits (including make-up and hairstyles) to be defined as the main marketing objects of kk: h, and it could be proven by creating virtual outfits as most of the game rewards, and increasing style options. as such, the game practice is built to mystify e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 players by a lifestyle of gaining virtual designer clothes and transforming the looks variously adapting to the particular events at last. at this stage of pursuing rewards of trendy virtual outfits, players intuition are challenged towards whether they want to spend real money for purchasing in-game outfits or spend more and more time completing the quests merely to collect the virtual outfits. this kind of reward is important for the players of celebrity roleplaying game in which the game frequently values superficial looks either through the appearance of its in-game written text or the function of in-game visual features. as a whole and in regards to the digitalized practice of aesthetic and glamour labors, the drive system of kk: h could be visualized as a flow that consisting of four phases below (figure 2): 1. the depletion and renewal of energy as in real life, the work or any action in games consume energy as well. single ingame energy cost 5 minutes of waiting which means the longer duration of work the player’s character takes, the more and more amount of energy is spent. 2. the immaterial work of celebrity before starting the work, the player’s character is usually asked to do body customizing (in terms of self-branding or self-managing). this activity frequently leads to the desire to purchase more virtual outfits. 3. the time-limited in-game work to make the significant progress in kk: h, the players have to take all the assigned works that have various timers. the works must be completed before time is up to gain bonus cash, extra reward points, and gain more fans. 4. the rewards or achievement after all, every in-game activities / quests lead to rewards or social achievements for arousing the sense of player’s satisfaction. the dominant rewards in kk: h is provided in form of virtual outfits, while the dominant in-game social achievements are about beauty and fashion. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 gathering the ideas and the interrelated functions of energy, in-game actions, and achievements, depicts the real system of work in reality. in the physical world, any kind of works in the realm of labor drains a lot of energy. it takes mental and physical efforts to do something that is bound to corporate codes. even the works of changing clothes, checking makeup, smiling, posing, charming, facing the camera, socializing, and waving that are displayed as the in-game actions could be sensed as too imperative since they involve the serious physical discipline and emotional management (holla, 2015, p.4) as aesthetic and glamour labors in real life. kk: h manifests the difficulties of achieving a good performance in the workplace by developing the form of energy that limits the intensity of performing work actions and akin to wages rather than physical need. achievement in that case plays a role as the feedback after several tedious tapping and waiting actions for the in-game work phases. mead (1938) stated that there is always a payoff for our efforts, and it impulses satisfaction to keep attaching value from a certain act (mead in hestad, 2008, p.31). things can be either rewarding or aversive, so bodies could be naturally disciplined by reward and punishment in the line by what “discursive rational” tells to do (foucault, 1995, p.17). through the system of rewarding in kk: h, the achievement feature seemingly function as the form of disciplinary tools in which its description is shaped figure. 4. the flow of kk: h drive system e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 by discourses that conduct a player’s character the way the celebrity world is supposed to work. figure 5. 3 of 16 achievements types in kk: h with their details that indicate the component of aesthetic and glamour labors such as fashion/glam/look/network. the list of achievement names, descriptions, and the way they are earned (figure 5), are constructed by millennial vocabularies and tones to reach the target audience’s attention which is ‘young folks’. through the discourse representing in-game actions, the game induces the value of a common female celebrity that should be elegant, good-looking, fashion icon, yet sociable, entertaining, funny, charming at the same time – all as player’s character’s persona. with the aforementioned persona, the player’s character not only have to impress the working partner, but other gazes online – arousing the necessity of pursuing people’s recognition in a form of calculated virtual fans that resemble the form of “likes”, “loves”, or ‘views’ in social media. that case reflects the concept of glamour labor as entwistle (2016) stated that glamor laboring is about chasing “ever-receding deal of looking right, feeling right or being in the right circle” (p.150) in which the act of posting one’s glamour online “rising and falling by the metrics of likes, hearts, influence scores and views” that determined the success of celebrity these days (p.148). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 moreover, in the macro sense, discourse seems to maintain the people with an underlying motive to lead people to benefits and avoid danger, while in the micro-sociological sense, individuals naturally tend to seek the positive ones and avoid cost/sanctions (foucault, 1995, p.17). it draws upon the analogy that the player of a game naturally would seek as much as provided rewards as possible because the reward is the most reachable forms of satisfaction, and with the discourse (such as in the description of achievement features, actions, or the dialogue of non-playable characters) every play to achieve rewards is masked from the notion “persuasive” and covered by the sense of “playful”. in the real social world, the interaction of body gestures that later shape the self is based on very specific physical surroundings and people that reward or punish the individual. that also become the consideration of kk: h game in which the form of movement/body gestures of the player’s character (actions) in figure 5 are determined the persona/image of their characters and that all synchronized to achieve the rewards that the game has offered to engage players even more. hereinafter, the combination of several elements such as ranks, working quest, timer, energy, actions, and rewards constitute the higher system in which it is emerging out the social practice such as aesthetic and glamour labors in the kk: h game case. every barrier or limitation through time, energy, the kind of actions, and type of social achievements leads to disciplinary function because they put terms and conditions on the physical performance of individuals. that is to say, during the progress-making in kk: h, the players are performing nothing more and nothing less than a finite knowable range of actions that are allowed by the rules of aesthetic and glamour labors. 3rd docility stage: applying constant surveillance surveillance is considered as one of the most operative disciplinary tools in enforcing individuals to subjection (beheshti & shafieyan, p.6, 2016). it produces useful bodies to fit and operate the system normally. it acts as a key part in making the process of disciplinary or docility easier (foucault in hestard, 2008, p.12). digital games, particularly, online games represent the enclosures of surveillance in which each word typed, each nudge on the joystick, and each push of the d-pad, are translated into codes, and thus the play is made as bait for surveillance (whitson & bart, 2010, p.4). the interesting analytical issue here is not whether the agents of surveillance lurk as the shadows from the physical or real world, but how the in-game apparatus of surveillance proposes a new form of attention and e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 watchfulness in the current everyday lives of people. digital online games like kk: h uses and explores the surveillance capacities at both the mechanical and representational scales that draw from the dominant surveillance culture these days which is social media (represented by the ‘news feed’ feature as the resemblance of twitter). in the exposition of kk: h, the player’s character is warned by the appearance of media that are always watching and ready to post positive or negative judgment as of the feedback for the player’s character activities, especially work. also, since every single move of a celebrity is always followed by a camera, their performance always resulted in an online publication. the game then increases player’s awareness of the presence of media by creating the character of paparazzi that is “following celebrity for good stories and good photos” and constantly displayed when the player’s character is still recognized as the newcomer in the fashion scene (figure 4.1). paparazzi in kk: h is used as the perfect momentum for novice celebrity’s exposure attempt. by doing appearances or works with the famous celebrity network, paparazzi would slowly recognize the association and potential of the player’s character in the cultural industry. maria and simon then re-advice player’s character to be “always-on” because the good photos of celebrities are not only the goldmine for paparazzi but also could boost the number of fans for celebrities as well. at this juncture, the value of aesthetics such as ‘always on’ in physical places have to be performed in a manner that player’s character embodied the work of body/surficial maintenance and the beauty standard beyond the professional life. moreover, various fictional media networks derived from in-game fashion magazines such as trendstyle (@trendstylemag), streaming companies such as popflix (@popflix), and entertainment news sources such as ray power show (@starnews_ray) and hiro nakayama (@hiro_nakayama). the media networks above are the ever-present and watching media that always report positive or negative feedback on the player’s character’s professional (work) activities, especially the work with fashion media partnership (such as metropolitan, popglam, muse, and glamm magazines), and personal (date) activities. every feedback could impact on the player’s character’s fan base and celebrity status depending on how the player effectively navigates the depletion and renewal of their character’s energy for the completion of the quest. as far as it could be observed, the feedback puts weight on assessing the ‘looks’ of the player’s character – evoking the need of customizing the style/looks of game character as frequently as possible to the players. it is also due to good e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 feedback that could also be generated by routinely changing and purchasing outfits from kustomize feature as the media in kk: h is constructed to be noticed with the fashion move of player’s character. in that case, the fundamental element of fame is about the need to perform the effective self-representation (that always presented by fashion styles) and the ability to distribute that representation among necessary media platforms – leaving celebrity as the glamour laborer who crafts, edit and filter their image online. as a result, the possible subject of getting greater attention such as celebrity, would ‘break their legs’ to shape their image by showing off their best beauty, fashion, or body fitness to bring themselves to the market, and that method could be called as glamour labor if it is extended for the potential online performance. kim kardashian, for example, has been called fashion icon by vogue editor, balmain designer, and h&m collaborators as the departure from the role of glamour in the past in which she always did the effortless work of presenting herself beautifully and fashionably for media consumption insofar (entwistle to lindig, 2016, p.146). kim’s awareness of the importance in shaping or crafting an image for gaining media and public attention is further enforced towards players through the gameplay of kk: h not only by the presence of news feed feature as the tool of surveillance but also by the judgmental narrative dialogue of non-playable characters (such as fans and rivals) about superficial/looks/fashion. by the presence of fans and rivals who are putting the weight of their assessments or critical views to player’s character‘s superficial in the kk: h game, it could lead players to the awareness of an avidly surveilled internet in which every image or looks that the celebrity presented either among the game or physical spaces are circulated to people’s gaze and then generated to benefit or cost. according to goffman’s (1991) theoretical consideration on the individual and their behavioral motives, individuals cannot present their selves favorably without the conceptualized audience or someone else to observe (goffman in hestad, 2008, p.41). similarly to that, the player then is expected to put their attention on the way their game character should be presented aesthetically and glamour in which it is the common strategized manner among celebrity labor. in that case, the in-game hollywood aims to normalize the idea of the player’s character as a ’connective commodity’, product placement, a networked platform for commercializing, social spending, and interaction (gallagher, 2017, p.190). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 4th stage to docility: enforcing normalization when there is an awareness of being watched, the individual starts to modify and normalize their behavior and actions accordingly to the regulation in a system (foucault, 1995). that is to say, the application of constant surveillance in the disciplinary method has resulted in the normalization that is the final goal of the power holders. normalization dehumanized an individual to accept and adjust themselves to such standards as a matter to be part of the system (foucault in bahesti and shafieyan, 2006, p.6). in the kk: h game, such a process of normalization to aesthetic and glamour labors is applied by making the player’s character and non-playable character normally devoted to the beauty standards that are set by media. it is the typical way of celebrity games that tend to empower players to perform the work of aspiring fame with beauty as the key. as a gameoriented to female audiences, kk: h manifests the trends in the broader culture of celebrity through narratives that emphasize the importance of cultivating a unique individual style to be accepted to the system of networked media. the player’s character of kk: h is constantly told by non-playable characters that they have a unique look, although the options to customize the player’s character’s body shape, age, or physical abilities do not exist. the creativity of a player can be expressed but limited to face shape, hairstyle, eye color, and clothing from the selected real-life brands. as a result, every playable-characters adhere to the narrow western ideal of attractiveness (such as being skinny, tall, having curves galore, and obsessively fashionable) that enforcing such norms, highlighting the limitations of personalization and customization. moreover in terms of normalizing aesthetic and glamour labors, kk: h reveals the work of personalizing self by customizing fashion style or look while masking the work of body maintenance such as dieting, beauty rituals, fitness, cosmetic surgery, and enhancement into the infrequently appeared narrative dialogue of non-playable characters. body maintenance is the most prominent requirements of aesthetic labors and media standards in the realm of glamour labor (entwistle and wissinger; 2014, 2016), yet making body maintenance as the requirement of gameplay is still taboo to be visible because in real life it is commonly taken to the extreme (harvey, p.14, 2008). therefore, the activities of mixing, matching, and collecting myriad branded outfits are revealed as the prominent gameplay in kk: h. and enforced through frequently appeared narratives within work and date activities (figure 6). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 figure 6. either in dating or working the player’s character will be judged to “pay attention what you’re wearing for !” the player’s character is never assigned to a quest in dieting or doing plastic surgery since they are created with the face that always ready on-screen and the body of a western model type that globally ‘bankable’, especially with the lucrative associations such as kardashians and their relatives. however, such normalization to those requirements of aesthetic and glamour labors become one of the possible successful strategies to leads player to visit kustomize (wardrobe feature) as frequent as possible, tap the feminized action repetitively, collect in-game soft currencies, and at last back to back purchase the major ingame celebrity enhancement such as virtual outfits. this is articulated in morrison’s study (2016) that stated the dominant discourses in kk: h assigns power to notions of idealized beauty and brand loyalty although within a symbolic economy in a virtual space (p.244). additionally, with the aforementioned entertaining narrative that persistently involves the player to the system, the game empowers the player to defend the logic of beauty for beauty’s sake because in reality, the dominant aesthetic logic determines the value of high-end celebrity. after all of the four stages that the collected in-game written text and visual features passed through, the aesthetic and glamour labors of kim kardashian (as the representative subject of common celebrity in this study) indeed are manifested systematically following the order of docility. the analysis of collected in-game written text and visual features based on the order of docility in michel foucault’s sense elucidates the way the game is developed as a matter to engage players to the game by making them docile indirectly following the rules of aesthetic and glamour labors. the manifestation of aesthetic and glamour labors in the kk: h game is beneficial to engage players to virtual outfits due to the rules within them aroused the urge of players to possess virtual outfits even more, and the way of possessing the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 referred items could be viewed throughout the player’s gaming experience shared in facebook public groups. from kk: h to facebook public groups: the engagement of in-game kim kardashian’s aesthetic and glamour labors for players considering the forefront conceptual thought of jean baudrillard related to the game, each mechanical elements of the game are entirely what it calls as the art of simulation (baudrillard in crogan, 2007, p.2). by the mechanical pattern and scheme of the real world, kk: h covered the subjects and objects in reality with a lack of original ‘aura’, yet that representation could be willingly accepted as faithful things to players. in baudrillard’s sense (2005), the game as kk: h is the “horizon of programmed reality” or the simulation of the real celebrity world that accumulates the unceasing possibilities and glues players to the screen – turning the game into the highest level of simulation, hyperreality (baudrillard in coulter, 2007, p.5). hyperreality is marked when people gradually replace the natural world by a lot of technology and self-referential signs (bk, 1997, p. 101). while the debatable hyperreality concept from a game commonly centers on the blurring reality and fiction that focus on simulations of the “real” world, what is especially interesting this study has found is that how players of kk: h are able to “make use” the available data or game attributes to determine new courses of action that have not been defined in the rules of the game. it is supported by coulter’s (2007) interpretation of baudrillard’s thought about gaming as a passion that stated the more players reach inside the game (attempting to escape from the world of rationality or seeking for stress-relieved device), the world of the game could infect society outside the game (p.3). for example, as the cause of the manifestation of aesthetic and glamor labors that making the notion of ‘beauty’ as the default in player’s mind, there are thousands of players of kk: h normalizes the work of pursuing and showing beauty in other online spaces such as twitter, instagram, google+ and facebook that notably are the platforms to connect to others by the authentic identity – infecting the self-referential attributes with more digitalized essence. among other real online social space, facebook is the most utilized by kk: h players to connect players as communities, and that situation draws the immersive players to the surface. immersive players refer to those who enjoy living through the eyes of their game e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 characters either in real or virtual lives. the immersive players tend to carry the attributes of their in-game character as the representation of their “real” selves. the players of kk: h use their well-dressed game characters’ pictures as profile pictures for their facebook, instagram, twitter, or google+ accounts. also, their names are added with the word ‘kkh’, and their identities are created based on their occupation or status in the game either for the sake of being recognized by other players or bringing the sense of belonging in a community. after all, the involvement of kk: h game characters in player’s social media comes intending to satisfy particular needs either for their character in a game (gaining wardrobe enhancement) or as a matter to foster social capital in form of public engagement (dalisay et.al, 2014, p. 5) because the social aspect is the most favorite part of a game (perez, 2016, p.11). through the observation of various facebook public groups (such as ‘kk: h the socialites’, ‘kim kardashian: hollywood game’, ‘kk: h exclusive’, ‘kim kardashian: hollywood community & tips’, and ‘kkh players’), the members of each groups share the similar patterns of social activities that build around the need of in-game beauty enhancement and recognition. one of the activities is hunt for virtual outfits in which it is optimizing the function of the ‘gift friend’ feature. by utilizing the power of facebook circle, the players could create a posting of giftrequest that is shared in a group home page to achieve gifts from other players – expecting that kind of posting could function as a shortcut to digitalized glamour in living the game life. indeed by the existence of the gift friends feature, no virtual or real cash, k-stars, in-game diamonds, and energy should be spent to be fashionable, yet the player needs to count on their skill of building friendship and creating posting(s) or comment(s) that entice other players to “gift-away”. another post to seek for the character’s enhancement is also shown in a manner of asking for virtual outfit procurement advice. in that case, virtual outfits become nothing less than currencies that are aroused by the requirements of aesthetic and glamour labors. these laborers force conspicuous consumption on fashion that makes the player willingly work beyond the game for the sake of greater good customized character’s appearance. that is in line with messinger and his colleagues (2009), who identified virtual consumption as the important driver that influences personal and virtual social behavior in the interest of the general process of avatar construction (nagy & koles, 2014, p.9). despite seeking their character’s beauty enhancement through the act of asking for virtual outfits and advice that affect the gameplay, the players also utilize facebook public e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 groups as a platform to seek attention on their well-customized characters. to make that aim more interactive and enthusiastic, the players usually propose several types of postings that encompass ‘trend’ challenge, competition, or ootd (outfits of the day) to invite numerous players to comment and take the fashion style as the major concern. although almost all these attention-seeking activities are not part of the gameplay, the players carry the value of in-game aesthetic and glamour labors such as customizing and personalizing looks and accumulating social capital (the likes, the friends' request, or the compliments). some of the activities even require physical effort to dress up the real body and the consistency in following dress codes. through the case of using a community to achieve the enhancement and attention on player’s character appearance, it could be sensed that the players consider their characters as the living units that truly need virtual outfits to live by the in-game labor. in baudrillard’s sense (1991), their game characters are no longer considered as their representations or imitative, but as themselves in reality. avatars or game character embodied conceptions of the user’s self that can be thought of as the vehicles used to communicate with other virtual residents (nagy & koles, 2014, p.7). through their game characters and associated profiles, the residents of the virtual world can establish one’s virtual identities which can be molded according to their expectations and desires. moreover, kk: h players do not only create specific virtual identities for themselves but also construct their fantasies and aspirations on their ideal selves to the digital entities (nagy & koles, 2014). for example, even within facebook public groups, the kk: h players still absorbed to their role as a good-looking public figure in a competitive celebrity game world, and when the fellow players gather as a community, they maximize the enjoyment from playing together – creating their own culture based on the value they admire (passions) and rules that the game develops. by using fashion/beauty features as the attributes to extend the enjoyment and as the community’s major discussions, the kk: h players have followed the in-game aesthetic and glamour labors that are built for their embodied experience – presenting it as part of the ordinary world of everyday experience, and it mystifyingly engages player physically to game prior commodity. with that form of engagement that realized in facebook public groups, the player of kk: h is eventually meet the game developer’s expectation to have a great interest in maintaining their digital illusions as similar as de masi stated “the world going mobile means you need e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 to bring the whole world into your mobile product” (henry via inc.com, 2016). if the player is not such a type of the long-run inhabitants, then they still are remembered simply as an individual who had caught up in the obsession of computational age “the lack of distinction between the real and the virtual” (baudrillard in coulter, 2007, p. 92). conclusion from the theoretical and conceptual accounts of michel foucault’s docile body, jean baudrillard’s hyper-reality along with several references to game study, it could be summarized that the idealized discourses about beauty which is the groundwork of the virtual construction of aesthetic and glamor labors in the clear digital world (such as kk: h game) promises players the opportunity to escape from the turmoil of corporeality and its imperfections – trading them in with virtual outfits for the celebrity ladder and the player’s digital consumption. the body of the player’s character is fixed to a forever-perfect computational entity with a battery (bar of energy) that is drained and must be recharged. instead, it is the physical body of the player that is disciplined – commanded to leave and return adjusting the in-game time limitation. in this way, the players immediately possess all the required characteristics to achieve fame such as a fit body, type of role model with conventional beauty, work with ‘important’ people in the cool industry, and the ability to acquire as many as luxury outfits. hence, the characteristics enable them to compete with qualified others in a very superficial celebrity world that requires them to possess feminized professional skills such as charming, smiling, dazzling the crowd, posing, checking make-up, changing wardrobe, and seeking for the perfect light – all for impressing clients and media. through these skills, the player’s character gains wealth as well as social attention (in the form of fans). in other words, the player’s character resembles kim kardashian herself who raises to fame by building a successful marketable brand in an ever-expanding industry that licenses the superficial-based activities and conspicuous consumption. selling the body and self via personal branding is the route to celebrity success that kim and other celebrities have shown, and it is framed in kk: h game as an entirely meritocratic process. precisely, the practices of aesthetic and glamor labors forces players to look more closely at the gameplay that illuminates the omnipresence yet publicly invisible celebrity works. for instance, in the digital settings of kk: h, the player may understand the immaterial e-journal of cultural studies nov 2020 vol. 13, number 4, page 12-38 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 work of celebrity (such as the work of self-branding through body-customizing) before ultimately seeing the final product on screen and in a magazine. concomitantly, this also means that the players of kk: h currently have larger access to celebrities, for they are able to view celebrity’s work behind the scenes and in their daily lives – associating celebrity as the display who “always on”. furthermore, it is important to note that the manifestation of aesthetic and glamour labors is not merely facilitated by the expansion of celebrity culture, yet also by the shift in the practical and conceptual boundaries between play (product) and finance (benefit). kk: h constructs narratives where the player’s character is doing the work of the aesthetic and glamour labors, while simultaneously promoting the player’s character back to players themselves as consumers. kim and other non-playable characters, in that case, try to validate the injected value of celebrity to the gameplay that makes the player become a normal embodied individual who chases the celebrity status with the up-to-date procurement for beauty enhancement. at the juncture of the normalization process, a player is trained and produces a docile body that is not economically useful to them but the power holders. to this end, the bodies of the players might not be required to pose for magazine photoshoot, but their hands move their character to do the practice, and their brains work for the best game strategy. also with the fact that the players work beyond the game (such as in facebook public groups) either for the in-game progress sake or sensing the neighborliness around the fellow players, proves that they are 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(2016). glamour labour in the age of kardashian. critical studies in fashion & beauty, 7: 2. sage publication. doi: 10.1386/csfb.7.2.141_1. microsoft word artikel i gst dyah maheswari terbit2 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 practice of temple development grants’ discourse of badung district government, bali i gusti agung dyah maheswari1, i nyoman darma putra2, i wayan suardiana3 1,2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1dyahmaheswari@yahoo.co.id, 2idarmaputra@yahoo.com, 3i.suardiana@yahoo.com received date : 28-08-2020 accepted date : 09-09-2021 published date : 30-11-2021 abstract this paper analyzes the policy of development grants in the cultural and religious sector of the badung regency government in bali with the realization of assistance targeting community groups in the construction of the physical infrastructure of the temple as a hindu holy place that has political tendencies and power. this topic is researched because it is one of the public policies that is sentimental and very intimate because it directly touches social life and previous cultural values. the problem examined in this study is how the mechanism, strategy, which is carried out by the agent in exercising power. the power in question is not the power of a person but the power is everywhere and intertwined with knowledge. this research data was obtained based on the results of interviews, observations, and documentation studies which were then analyzed with the theory of power and knowledge by foucault, and practical theory by pierre bourdieu. the analysis in is first indicated a mutually beneficial process between the lead district government, legislative members who became facilitators and the community, the application of religious, customary, and cultural concepts in perpetuating power and pragmatism and lack of education. keywords: temple development grant, public policy, power relations introduction this article analyzes the policy of grant assistance for temple construction in badung regency. the problem discussed in this article is how the power relations contained in the policy discourse of grant aid by the badung regency government as a public policy that is sentimental because it directly touches social life, religious and cultural values, and tendencies for political harmonization. the study is also directed to look at the meaning, form of basic assumptions of the policy of grant assistance for temple development in badung regency with critical theories of cultural studies. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 this grant discourse began to receive considerable attention during the reign of the elected badung regent, giriprasta for the 2016-2020 period. this regent figure gets the attention of the wider community when massive policies or grant assistance are given to community groups. each year the number of grant applications reaches an average of more than 600 applications. in particular, it is related to temple development grants which are part of the planned universal national development program (ppnsb) with five priority programs, namely religious and cultural customs, clothing, food and shelter, health and education, social security and employment, and tourism (mahendra, 2007). 2020: 332). especially in the fields of custom, religion and culture, badung regency also provides assistance in building and renovating temples for the welfare of its people. the provision of this grant is sourced from the regional revenue and expenditure budget (abpd) of badung regency which is then fully distributed to the regional government. according towildavsky (1958: 15 in rahman 2011: 156) talking about the budget is not an easy thing which only refers to a better budget formulation but also has to look at the political dimensions of the budget, especially who should get something and consider the reasons for who designs and gets what. the discourse of this grant aid although its basic purpose is to help empower and prosper the communitynot all badung people are able to get assistance because one of the regulations that requires community groups to submit proposals with facilitators by members of the legislature or council members even though this assistance is granted on behalf of all the people of badung. doubtsaboutthispolicyprocess are notonlylimited to thepresence of anelement of politicaltendenciesbuthavetheeffect of becomingan arena of corruption. especially in the fields of custom, religion and culture, badung regency also provides assistance in building and renovating temples for the welfare of its people. the temple, which is a holy place to perform prayers, became a polemic when the sacred values passed down since ancient times began to shift with the inclusion of temples as an economic commodity.(raka, 2015). it is not uncommon for supporting temple physical facilities and infrastructure to be part of the discourse on this grant fund. these rocks are not only targeting temples that are included in the territorial temple or ‘kahyangantiga” but also family temples. on a more minimalist scale, the sacredness of the old family temple with its various forms of building carvings as a profitable production and distribution business (maharani, 2018). this could be one of the factors that shifts the culture that should be preserved instead into an e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 industrial culture that erodes local wisdom starting from the family level. this phenomenon can be seen in the government's efforts to provide grants to motivate and empower the community by targeting a very small scope, namely family temples. therefore this research is important for the following reasons. firstly, it is a public policy that is sentimental because it directly touches social life, religious and cultural values. secondly, the tendency of political harmonization to achieve certain interests. thirdly, there is a tendency to consider it natural and accustomed to the assistance provided so that people's mentality will become dependent. research method this research is qualitative. qualitative research aims to obtain a complete picture of something according to the human point of view being studied. the location of this research is in badung regency. data were collected by interview, observation, and literature study. interviews were conducted with members of the dprd of badung regency, regional apparatus in badung regency, as well as grant recipients in badung regency. observations were made to seedirectly the power behind the discourse so that with this observation there searcher can collect information or data. in itial observations were made base don the field situation related to the policía llocation of grants carried out by the evaluation team of regional apparatus to community groups which took place in may-july 2019 by directly observing the location of grantre cipients. literature studies are obtained froms up porting books, articles, decrees that supportre search. this research was conducted using the theory of power relations by foucault to see the forms of knowledge and forms of power supported by the practical theory by bourdieu which explains the mechanism of power, the power relations that exist in the discourse and the hermeneutic theory which explains the meaning of the discourse on grant aid policies of the badungdistrict government. the construction of temples is a form of influential discourse which is transformed by the knowledge that gives birth to power. knowledge about preserving culture and religion perpetuates this grant discourse into development tips. not only limited to policies, grants also enter the field of hindu religion and culture. this is based on the fact that in making decisions on grants, especially in their formulation, it cannot be separated from considerations e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 of interests, both related to the interests of human resource development, as well as ideological interests, political interests, and economic interests. discussion 1. transactional policy politics and economics are no longer seen separately, but there is a process of reciprocal and dynamic interaction in the power relations effort which is further described referring to the basic problems between politics and economics. this issue raises the question of how the two processes are interrelated and how they should be related. in foucault's understanding, discourse cannot be separated from the political goals contained in it. this political goal then becomes a kind of direction for how individuals should direct their perspectives and behavior. in this connection, the activity of giving is a reflection of the exchange system, in the sense that the gift cannot only be assessed from a physical point of view, but is understood as achievement in the context of the meaning system of the local community. the grant aid discourse is viewed from the perspective of a political approach. the discourse on temple development grant assistance can be seen as an implicit transaction vehicle. in the process, this policy is also based on a harmonious relationship between the community as supporters and the legislature. dirgayusa as a member of the badung regency dprd did not deny that one of the examples of grant recipients came from the closest environment. the idea or the beginning of the proposal to repair or renovate the temple came from the prajuru who are part of the members of the indigenous community who come from the area of their choice, for example, the temple that comes from each area chosen by the council members, has the same perspective (interview, 27 may 2020). the beginning of the process of applying for a temple development grant in badung regency was inseparable from the harmonization of the agreement on the understanding. prajuru in this case took the initiative and the initial decision to apply for a grant because he had the power to speak on behalf of his village. on the other hand, this causes the village to become a supporter of the government because it has perpetuated development in the fields of culture and religion. therefore, the transformation of discourse in the practice of development for the welfare of the community has changed the beliefs of the community. on the other hand, this causes the village to become a supporter of the government because it has perpetuated development in e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 the fields of culture and religion. therefore, the transformation of discourse in the practice of development for the welfare of the community has changed the beliefs of the community. on the other hand, this causes the village to become a supporter of the government because it has perpetuated development in the fields of culture and religion. therefore, the transformation of discourse in the practice of development for the welfare of the community has changed the beliefs of the community. if seen literally transactional means trade politics, there are those who act to sell and some who act to buy, taking into account the means of payment that have been mutually agreed upon (amri, 1997). if in the buying and selling mechanism, the means of payment is usually in the form of cash, while in political practice, if there is transactional politics, it is realized in several forms including those who give, promises and there are those who receive and continuously experience novelty in the political transaction. the process of applying for a temple development grant in badung regency is inseparable from the harmonization of the agreement. prajuru in this case took the initiative and the initial decision to apply for a grant because he had the power to speak on behalf of his village. on the other hand, this causes the village to become a supporter of the government because it has perpetuated development in the fields of culture and religion. therefore, the transformation of discourse in the practice of development for the welfare of the community has changed the beliefs of the community. even so, the granting of this grant is justified because the statutory regulations have been based on the principle of decency, the principle of rationality where the decision to grant grants actually achieves the target and can be accounted for.. in another case, it can be seen how local legislatures practice and modify their authority in the process of determining group grant budget recommendations in the regions. budget constraints often make the allocation process dynamic, especially since many parties have different interests and preferences, especially the political elite (rubin, 1993:4). this was also explained by sukayasa as the regional apparatus that oversees the performance of the temple development grant policy in badung regency, that before 2019 every application for proposals should contain a letter of recommendation approved by the board members regarding the amount of recommendation value to be given without going through an evaluation mechanism or price survey but later this began to be changed with the badung regent regulation number 9 of 2019 concerning changes to the regent's regulation e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 badung number 43 of 2018 regarding guidelines for granting (interview, 18 april 2020). the same thing was also conveyed by dirgayusa as a member of the badung regency council that since 2019 if there are applications with an amount above two hundred million, it will be used as a regional apparatus work unit program and there is no approval recommendation sheet by council members. therefore, in this case raises concerns due to discrepancies regarding the number of recommendations with the amount that should be obtained after going through the market price evaluation stage. it can be said that the condition of the community group shows an understanding between the members of the council and the community considering its function as a facilitator to get assistance. in contrast to what happened starting in 2019, the recommendation process which is fully under the authority of the dprd has been replaced with a new regulation coinciding with the use of the badung regency e-grant procedure. at this stage the overall determination of recommendations is based on the results of an evaluation carried out by regional officials who see firsthand the suitability of what is being said to be designed and what deserves to be received. it can be said that the condition of the community group shows an understanding between the members of the council and the community considering its function as a facilitator to get assistance. 2. image of the regent of generous image is closely related to knowledge, feelings, and tendencies towards something that happens to a person's daily situation, therefore the image can change over time depending on the situation and conditions that occur at that time. according to dan nimmo (in muchtar, 2016). a person's image of politics can also be used as a basis for assessing why an event can be said as an interpretation of signs that are constructed into a person's image. especially regarding the leaders in badung regency themselves, socializing their politics by providing grant assistance aimed at the community, ultimately encouraging community participation which shows the reality of experience in evaluating their leaders, on the basis that there is a correlation with attitudes and feelings by inserting the nickname of the bares regent. in imaging there are elements of positioning and memory, positioning explains how to place an impression and distinctiveness related to its political image to the public (mansur et al, 2017). the badung leader himself places his various grants and puts e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 his position as one of the regional leaders who care about the community even outside badung regency by providing grant assistance in other districts through the badung angelus bhuana program. badung angelus buanawith the meaning as from badung to bali, is a continuation of the grant program that has been ongoing in badung regency but the target is to several other regional districts in bali. this indicates how the badung regency government forms a positive image as the most important element that is considered by the people in determining their perceptions and choices, therefore the leader in this case the badung regent uses the concept of image to mediate the distance that is not limited only in the badung area but expands the arena between behavior of people with what is the real hope stored in the minds of the people. badung angelus buana formed through programs that support political perceptions, whether they are part of badung angelus buana or populist assistance, namely policies the distribution of free laptops has become a positive imaging tool for the regent in the community through a number of mass media with paid news (advertorials), especially in print media (mahendra, et al, 2020). this indicates how the badung regency government forms a positive image as the most important element that is considered by the public in determining their perceptions and choices, therefore the leader, in this case the badung regent, uses the concept of image to mediate the distance that is not limited only to the badung area but expands its political arena. the next isin memory, humans basically select the information stored in their memory with only the things that are considered important and also tend to capture messages that are simple and uncomplicated as giriprasta said in his speech. the assistance can be provided by the central government to provinces, districts, cities and villages, the provincial government can provide assistance to districts, cities and villages, the district government can provide assistance to villages and other governments, where giriprasta makes political policies to be given to relatives (communities) in gianyar (speech, 18 september 2019). emphasis on easy, uncomplicated speech and positioning oneself on an equal footing with the community indirectly believes that the actions taken by the badung regent related to the provision of grants continuously and are absorbed in the minds of the people that giriprasta is a regent who cares and takes care of the community. the political image will undergo a process of exchange and adjustment at this point, the important location of political e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 communication and socialization. political socialization that is carried out continuously will produce a political image and in turn will encourage political participation in elections that are based on majority choice, requiring a candidate or leader to form public opinion which is expected to influence political attitudes and behavior. in discourse, there is a very complex meaning mechanism. thus, there is no absolute truth in matters of interpretation of discourse. meaning or interpretation that is temporal or temporary because of the context is always mediated by a series of markers (hamidi, 2011: 86). a positive picture, by itself will increase the popularity and electability of the leader, and vice versa. people's choices can be formed through creating a positive image through appearances in the mass media which constructs the image of the bares regent who represents the badung regency government and has an impact on the image of badung regency itself. the construction of an image that shows the badung government is different from other districts by being able to move people's hearts and have a sense that this agency is capable and great in meeting the welfare of the community. political image is basically more than just a strategy to present a leader, to the public. but it also relates to the impression that the public has. image is a transaction between a strategy, which in this case is a leader in creating a personal impression with the beliefs that already exist in the minds of the public. in line with what was expressed by foucault where this image becomes part of a strategy or maneuver in exercising power within the scope of leadership. figure 1. use of the “bares” or generous regent tagline, badung is great in social media users source: instagram.com e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 figure 2. use of the “bares” or generous regent tagline, badung is great in social media users source: instagram.com several taglines, such as the hashtag of the bares regent and the hashtag of badungbesar, construct the image of the regent of bares and what is displayed on social media is an illustration of the figure of a badung leader who is able to create badung regency which is considered a great regency in bali. this also explains that the process of meaning by the community is not always influenced by knowledge about the programs offered such as grant assistance or by information that builds a political image. however, the process of meaning is strongly influenced by the impression and the criteria used by the people in assessing the image of the political leader. this natural tendency explains why images, however, in the context of image formation, not a few have lost their attentiongrabbing power. the images that were previously expected to be able to create stimulation, and information splashes turned into repetitions, finally becoming images that are considered normal. for example, when political images appear in large numbers, high frequency, and fast time, causing the message to no longer attract people's attention, as conveyed by a member of the badung dprd, dirgayusa below. all the stigmas built by the regent seem to make things easier, where these stigmas should be followed by standardization, but today's nickname as bares regent has started to be misused a lot where it should still exist in a mechanism and not be made up(interview, 27 may 2020). nowadays, the nickname of the regent of bares is not only seen as a positive image but also many have a bad opinion because the peculiarity of the stigma seems to make it easier in various aspects attached to the regent of bares. therefore, political imagery can influence public opinion with the formation of public opinion in the community can influence one's political attitudes and behavior. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 3. religion and political ideology ideology is understood as the ideas that bind and become the basis of justification for all social groups. the binder of this ideology is not its function as a subject to hold and believe in true beliefs but the actions of various beliefs themselves. ideology is basically interchangeable with its concepts of knowledge and power. when the concept of ideology is read as knowledge and power, significant structures emerge that shape social relations within and through power. ideology here is understood as a number of views of life from groups that form their identity as a group and become the justification for the actions taken (barker, 2014: 139-140). one of the things that the badung regency government wants to achieve is the goal of preserving the concepts of culture, customs, and religion, such as his presentation in an interview with giriprasta on the antv bali media in 2017 which stated that hinduism in bali has almost all of its time spent on in implementing adat, a lot of funds are spent for adat interests so that for development it is hoped that the community will not spend more funds for it, the badung regency government helps the community with a grant policy. this explains how temple development assistance becomes a form of influential discourse that is transformed by the presence of knowledge so that it gives birth to power. knowledge will preserve culture and religion perpetuate the discourse of this grant as development tips. not only limited to policies, grants also enter the area of hindu religion and culture. this is based on the fact that in making decisions on grants, especially in their formulation, it cannot be separated from the consideration of interests, both related to the interests of human resource development, as well as ideological interests, political interests, and economic interests. in addition to the transformation regarding the practice of discourse and development, there is the possibility of changing society. knowledge is the way how power imposesit self on the subject with out giving the impression that it comes from a particular subject, because the scientific criteria seem to be independent of the subject. (haryatmoko, 2016:17). knowledge of the development and development of traditional arts culture is then captured that the need for this can be achieved, especially in the cultural sector, especially the construction of temples where the agent who plays the role of kelian adat (the chairman of the committee) has the power to speak on behalf of the grant because he becomes a village representative who then channel it into aspirations addressed to board members. in e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 pilliang's understanding (in wijaya 2012:142) every discourse there is an interrelated relationship between the expression of the discourse, the knowledge that underlies it and the power relations that operate behind it. in these power relations, it will be seen the influence of the knowledge relations consumed by the people who produce the discourse, so that the network of power networks will be seen along with the discourse that is raised. in bali, especially with the majority of the hindu community, they know the basic concept of tri hitakarana. in the concept of natural harmony (tri hita karana) it is explained that there is parhayangan which means maintaining a harmonious relationship with the creator or god almighty, pawongan which means maintaining a harmonious relationship with all living things and finally the existence of palemahan which means maintaining a harmonious relationship with other natural environment (sudarsana, 2017). the philosophy of tri hita karana is the happiness of inner and outer life caused by a balanced and harmonious relationship between man and man, man and god, and man and the environment, the substance and values contained therein are very broad and have never been degraded by the times. the concept of tri hita karana teaches hindus about the approach used to achieve goals. the understanding of the basic conception of hindu religious teachings is also one of the philosophical foundations related to the emergence of temple development policies. temples as symbols of hindus become the basis of ideologies regarding religions that are intertwined so that they give rise to power. religion has the meaning of a bond that must be obeyed by humans, the bond that is created is a belief in the existence of a higher power than humans and is intangible but can affect human life. figure 3. kahyangantigamengwi temple (source: dyahmaheswari documentation, 2020) e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 according to durkheim, it is difficult to distinguish which one is pure religion and which one is the result of religious interpretation (nurdinah, 2013: 268). there is an indication of the loss of philosophical value in the holy place of the new temple because of the grant assistance for the construction of temples and temples it is also used as a place to carry out political activities through policies.its main concentration lies in the broad influence, determining the welfare and interests of all members of society. the interpretation of religion comes from humans in their authority to regulate the discourse of translating their religion, is temporal, and turns into a culture so that it can be accepted. culture is the embodiment of human interaction with the environment which is motivated by religious norms and based on local customs, therefore the nature of inheriting culture and traditions inherent in every human being, one of which is the existence of a temple as a place to perpetuate beliefs about religion, and this belief creates a situation to perpetuate cultural heritage, customs, and religion to be able to maintain the existence of culture. 4. the power of symbolic domination the discourse of temple building grants has become a battle arena for various individuals. in order to fulfill this arena, the right habitus and capital are needed. social capital in the community is reflected through the relationships that are owned within the scope of the traditional village. traditional village is a unit of customary law community in bali which has territory, position, traditional rights, and social manners of community life from generation to generation in the ties of the sacred place of kahyangantiga or kahyangandesa (maria and rupa, 2007). in general, the capital referred to by bourdieu isan instrument for social domination. class is an individual or a group of people who are in a certain position and have a role in the situation.sindhunata, 2003). the dominance in the customary village space can be seen from the prajuru or village council which makes the initial decision regarding the use of grant funds intended for temple construction because they have symbolic capital, namely having a position, being a representative of their village and having the power to speak on behalf of their village. this is in accordance with the statement expressed by sukarna as the grantee/prajuru community (informant), where he confirmed that the initial initiative to apply for the grant came from a village decision which was then coordinated with the council members (interview, 27 may 2020). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 indirectly, the village also acts as an extension of the government's hand in development with its social capital. in the process, it is seen how the social capital that has been established regarding the relationship and network of relationships by the prajuru to the council members as facilitators to realize the temple development grant. furthermore, because legislative members have cultural capital, especially for badung regency, each community institution that submits an application is assisted by a personal assistant assigned by a member of the council in each selected area to assist the community in the administrative submission process. on the other hand, the existence of regulations in supervision acts as a form of control carried out by the badung regency government or the leader becomes the dominance shown in this discourse. this form of control is carried out from the existence of regulations in monitoring actions in the monitoring and evaluation process which are carried out entirely on the basis of the regent's decree number 9 of 2019 concerning changes to the badung regent's decree number 43 of 2018 concerning granting guidelines, which is the mechanism for implementing grants. as a political strategy that involves citizen participation in the process of determining the allocation and distribution of resources. looking at the current conditions through the discourse on grants for the construction of temples from a political perspective, it can be viewed from two angles. first, from the ruler's point of view, this is a way of maintaining power by empowering and involving the community. while the second in the community's point of view is a means of gaining access to resources by involving themselves in the planning process. in the end, the village obeyed and disciplined the government because it received grants. 5. practical policies and support the people power relations lead to interdependence between various parties, ranging from those who hold power to those who are objects of power. rulers have the ability to play an important social role in a society. especially on the unequal material abundance in a society, for example between groups of owners of capital and groups that need capital. the realization of this assistance has more influence on the economic value in the community which has changed, as dirgayusa as a member of the badung government council said, that the stigma of a rich district in badung is not neglected, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 badung regency itself, which has already been dubbed as a rich district, has created a change in people's emphasis on cultural values. in traditional hindu society, mutual cooperation is known. in this case, this value seems to have not been realized due to the grant assistance where the community no longer has to struggle to jointly bear the costs. the philosophy of assistance that is not stimulant so that it is pragmatic is actually a problem. that power operates and is not owned by individuals and its nature normalizes the structures of society. unwittingly power operates in the network of public awareness. even though they assume that the government makes a policy for the benefit of the people, to overcome the problems that occur in society. strengthening politics pragmatism in policy justifies the view that political interactions are always economically motivated. through the discourse on the temple development grant, the influence and socio-religious legitimacy it has has implications that are seen as unfavorable. this gave rise to rumors about political policies as reciprocity but instead became careless because it made people's mentality to become dependent and uneducated on the other hand, based on the policy of grants organized by the badung regency government, it creates conditions where the community has confidence in the government. due to the nature of this grant assistance, it is direct by empowering the community independently for development in the region and to the religious side with the grant through this regent regulation number 9 of 2019. in principle, development in the region is touching all the needs of the community in order to realize an increase in welfare in the community itself.this is also supported by a statement expressed by sudiarawati (an informant) as the community who positively welcomes this policy because it is considered that its designation is truly directed and the burden on the community itself becomes lighter (interview, 29 may 2020). the role of local government in this context is as a facilitator in realizing this. the active role of the community in the development process is something that has become a necessity in the development process itself. therefore, the impact of this policy can be directly felt by the community. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 conclusion the form of the discourse on the grant to build a temple for the badung regency government in bali indicates a mutually beneficial process between the leading government, members of the council who serve as facilitators and the community. this mutually beneficial process begins with an interaction based on the area of choice and emotional closeness which is one of the basics of the transaction process. in addition, the form of discourse related to the interests of political image is also attached to this discourse. the grant program for the construction of the badung regency government temple in bali in its implementation is full of power relations practices played by the agents involved. to form an obedient and disciplined society, agents in power relations use a number of regulations that are regulatory in nature, starting from within the agency itself. development ideologies and religious concepts are also played by agents to perpetuate power relations by creating thoughts of truth in the minds of the people regarding temple renewal and making people obedient and useful.in the end, the dominance of this discourse can be seen from the point of view of the rulers, as a way to maintain power by empowering and involving the community. meanwhile, the community becomes the subordinate side who moves unconsciously to believe in the truth as a means of gaining access to grant assistance by involving themselves in the process. references amri, emizal. 1997. perkembangan teori pertukaran, struktural fungsional, dan ekologi budaya: implemetasidan sumbangan dalam studiantropologi budaya. barker, chris. 2014. kamus kajian budaya. yogyakarta :penerbit pt kanisius hamidi, jazim. 2011. hermeneutika hukum. malang : ub press haryatmoko. 2016. membongkar rezim kepastian pemikiran kritis post strukturalis. yogyakarta :penerbit pt kanisius maharani dewi, ni made dwi dan saortua marbun. (2018). ‘komodifikasi pura keluarga di bali’. jurnal studi kultural, vol. iii no.2, pp. 85-89. mahendra. 2020. ‘kebijakan pendidikan bermotif politik: pengembangan pendidikan dasar melalui pembagian laptop gratis di kabupaten badung bali’. jurnal kajian bali. vol. 10, no 1, pp 327-345 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 14-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 maiwan, m. 2015. teori-teori ekonomi politik internasional dalam perbincangan aliran dan pandangan. jurnal ilmiah mimbar demokrasi, vol. 156, no. 5, pp. 109-123. mansur, dkk. 2017. ‘strategi marketing politik calon independen dalam kontestasi pilkada serentak tahun 2017 di kabupaten buton selatan’. jurnal ilmu sosial. vol. 16, no.1, pp. 9-19. maria, siti dan rupa, i wayan. 2007. desa adat tenganan pegringsingan, kabupaten karangasem, provinsi bali; seri monografi komunitas adat. direktorat kepercayaan terhadap tuhan yang maha esa, direktorat jenderal nilai budaya, seni, dan film, departemen kebudayaan dan pariwisata. muchtar, khoiruddin. 2016. ‘komunikasi politik dan pembentukan citra partai. jurnal sosiologi mayarakat. vol. 14, no. 2, pp. 136-147. nurdinah, muhammad. 2013. ‘memahami konsep sakral dan profan dalam agamaagama’.substantia. vol.33, no.2, pp. 268-280. raka, anak agung gd. 2015. ‘komodifikasi warisan budaya sebagai daya tarik wisata di pura penataran sasih pejeng gianyar’. disertasi untuk memperoleh gelar doktor pada program doktor, program studi kajian budaya program pascasarjana universitas udayana. rahman, fathur. 2011. ‘politik anggaran pendidikan yang minus keberpihakan’. jurnal studi pemerintahan, vol.2, no. 1, pp.152-156. renwarin, bernadius. 2006. ‘pembangunan :antara mitos dan rasionalitas.. jurnal agama dan kebudayaan. vol. 3, no. 1, pp. 65-87 sindhunata.2003. ‘membangun sikap intelektual’. dalam majalah basis.edisi 52, vol. 11-12. november 2003. sudarsana, i ketut.2017. ‘konsep pelestarian lingkungan dalam upacara tumpek wariga sebagai media pendidikan bagi masyarakat hindu bali, volume 2 no.1 pp 1-7 wijaya, i nyoman. (2012).‘relasi-relasi kekuasaan di balik pengelolaan industry pariwisata bali’. jurnal humaniora. volume 24 no. 2 juni 2012 microsoft word artikel jro made ariyadi terbit2 e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 12-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 the market ideology behind the development of kanda pat teachings in bali in the global era 1jro made gede aryadi putra, 2nyoman adiputra, 3nyoman suarka, 4a.a. ngurah anom kumbara 1i gusti bagus sugriwa state hindu indonesia, 2faculty of medicine, udayana university, 3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1jrogede69@yahoo.com, 2nyoman_adiputra@unud.ac.id 3anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 4nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id received date : 08-01-2021 accepted date : 07-04-2021 published date : 31-05-2021 abstract tourism as an introduction to balinese culture in the era of globalization with the development of the global tourism business. on the other hand, the emergence of a spiritual school of kebatinan which is proficient with kanda pat's style, grows, exists and develops in bali. local adaptation causes variation or diversity in responding to a culture. in globalization there is a local response or adaptation to the globalization uniformity project. this response made kanda pat's teachings globalized, as a genius local science that began to globalize. based on these ideas, in this research there are several things to be examined related to the existence of kanda pat's teachings in the balinese social environment. from the description of the background, it generally aims to reveal the phenomenon of the market ideology behind the development of kanda pat's teachings in bali in the global era. in addition to general objectives it also has specific objectives, the specific objectives of this study are (1) knowing the shape of kanda pat in balinese culture, (2) knowing the social and economic benefits of developing kanda pat's teachings as a healing tourism. based on the discussion of this research, it is found that the existence of kanda pat is a great cultural wealth of balinese people, which is commodified as tourism healing to have socio-economic, spiritual and health functions in line with tourism developments and postmodern lifestyle trends. keywords: market ideology, kanda pat teachings, tourism, healig. glucasization introduction this research is motivated by several phenomena, such as the limited study of culture that focuses on the dynamics of figures or experts engaged in the healing tradition in bali; the stigma and marginalization of mystical knowledge, especially in the field of traditional healing; as well as the phenomenon of the existence of social practices of specialists or figures in the field of traditional healing in bali. this research describes the traditional healing in bali known e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 12-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 as kanda pat. this kind of healing model still exists to be applied in balinese society today, even more and more and globally, which is packaged in the form of tourism healing. academic studies related to classical or traditional healing practices in indonesia have not been widely studied in the academic realm, especially from the perspective of cultural studies. the progress of science and technology which is very sophisticated has implications for the progress of human civilization. this technological advancement encourages humans to be more active in producing something to meet all kinds of increasingly complex life needs, while providers of these needs are limited in number. this will lead to fierce competition that can affect the mindset, lifestyle of humans in the modern era like today. thus, on the one hand science and technology brings progress to civilization, but on the other hand it has an impact on the breakdown of social order. science and technology has also brought changes to the lifestyle of an agrarian society into industrial capitalism. apart from medical, non-medical healers with the theme of "alternative medicine" have also emerged. especially in bali, alternative healing communities from various backgrounds have sprung up. like the “mushrooms in the rainy season” the communities introduced various kinds of healing techniques, such as traditional ingredients (usadha), reflection, yoga, inner power, hindu spirituality, authentic balinese spirituality (balian), and others. even, interestingly, javanese, chinese, arabic, indian, and other medicinal experts also appeared. they exist fundamentally as "healing broadcasts" carrying out "healing missions". traditional medicine is a result of human thought which is definitely an irrational form of medical rationale. in this case, it does not mean not believing in logical reasoning, but rather seeking the truth from the other side that has been explained in medicine. the response from medical drugs is actually accompanied by finding the root cause of the problem to the onset of the disease, then finding a way out. in this case, irrational does not mean unsure of medicine, but only wants to find other causes and avenues for a healing process. tourism as an introduction to balinese culture in the era of globalization with the development of the global tourism business. on the other hand, the emergence of a spiritual school of kebatinan which is proficient with kanda pat's style, grows, exists and develops in bali. this phenomenon is not only related to ideological movements, popular culture, and lifestyle (ideoscapes), but also other movements (scapes) (ritzer, 2012: 591). local adaptation causes variation or diversity in responding to a culture. in globalization there is a e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 12-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 local response or adaptation to the globalization uniformity project. this response made kanda pat's teachings globalized, as a genius local science that began to globalize. based on this background, the objectives of this study are (1) knowing the form of kanda pat in balinese culture, (2) knowing the effect of kanda pat's spiritual practice as a spiritual tourism healing on the social, economic and spiritual aspects of the people in bali. research methods this study uses a paradigm of cultural studies with an ethnographic approach, namely entering the activities of balinese spiritual figures individually and in groups in several spiritual places studied. this research data includes qualitative data which is also supported by quantitative data. the research data were collected through observation techniques, in-depth interviews, library studies, and documentation. before arriving at the qualitative data processing or analysis stage, the data is reduced or selected according to the research objectives. the location of this research was conducted in the city of denpasar and ubud. results and discussion the form of kanda pat's teachings in balinese culture spiritual kanda pat is one of the balinese cultures that has developed and is cultivated by balinese mysticism experts and spiritual figures in several places in bali, apart from spreading spiritual values in balinese society, the main objective behind it is profit or economic gain, both for the perpetrator. who is an expert on kanda pat and the manager of the yadnya market in bali. the results of this study indicate that there are social phenomena in the implementation of rituals according to kanda pat, as well as if you want to deepen the knowledge of kanda pat in putra sinuhun's house and other griya. apart from having religious benefits it also has social, cultural and economic benefits. social benefits are changes in attitudes of religious behavior in society, both individually and in groups. the reality in the field is that to carry out self-purification in accordance with the instructions of kanda pat's teachings, facilities and ceremonies are required at a fairly high cost provided by the seller as the offering agent for the means of the ceremony. on the basis of this pelung, kanda pat has been commodified by packaging it in the form of spiritual tourism so as to make kanda pat more open and touched in a multicultural manner. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 12-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 in the world of spiritual tourism, the teachings of kanda pat are very influential through various forms including the most popular form of healing. the teachings of kanda pat, which were inherited from generation to generation by the balinese, cannot be separated from religious activities. besides that, religious activities also have an influence on economic activities and other activities. this research has looked at the phenomenon that is developing in society where the implementation of hindu religious rituals on the one hand tends to spend a lot of money and time or commercialization (yupardhi. 2012). material profits also touch the traders in the yadnya market, and are also accepted by the managers of the wholesale yadnya in bali. buying / selling transactions in the yadnya economy in bali occur when a client or someone needs a ceremony. ritual expenditures also include consumption expenditures for hindu communities in bali related to traditional and religious ceremonies (sukarsa. 2005). kanda pat comes from the word kanda which means friend, speech, advice, stories, behavior, supernatural powers, kesidian, and sanity, while the word pat means four. kanda pat can be interpreted as a subtle brother who always accompanies humans when they are born into the world. in this case, it is hyang widhi's strength that always accompanies the human spirit / spirit from embryo to birth and death. since the names of kanda pat change according to human circumstances and age, automatically kanda pat also changes. here's a model of the kanda pat change. 1. kanda pat rare: embryo, karen, bra, angdian, lembana. twenty days content; anta, prata, kala, dengen. content forty weeks; ari-ari, lamas, sad, yeh nyom. born, the umbilical cord breaks; mekair, salabir, mokair, selair. the visible and tangible forms of kanda pat are ari-ari, lamas, bitter, and yeh nyom. when babies are born they are immediately treated. furthermore, their form is abstract or intangible but can be felt by humans who have the capacity for psychic powers to do so. philosophically, these manifestations are the four manifestations of sang hyang tunggal or sang hyang widhi wasa as hyang siwa, then manifesting themselves into placenta hyang sadasiwa manifesting themselves as lamas, hyang paramasiwa manifesting themselves to be bitter, and hyang suniasiwa manifesting themselves into yeh-nyom. 2. kanda pat butha: babies can make voices: anggapati, prajapati, banaspati, and banaspatiraja. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 12-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 3. kanda pat sari: age fourteen and over: sidasakti, sidarasa, maskuina, ajiputrapetak. has grandchildren: podgala, kroda, sari, yasren. 4. kanda pat atma: passed away: suratman, jogormanik, mahakala, dorakala. 5. kanda pat dewa: manunggal (moksa): shiva, sadasiwa, paramasiwa, suniitiwa. the balinese people's belief in kanda pat's advice from the past until he entered the modern era caused him to exist in the global era. the existence of kanda pat in bali can be expressed as a struggle for a "great" ideology of cultural knowledge. according to geertz (1973: 112), culture is not merely a collection of ideas, systems, language, social organization, art, or artifacts and is believed to be true by a group of people or particular society. basically, culture is filled with special interests. the aim is to establish particular groups or classes in social formations and structures through symbols and rituals that are widely practiced and discussed in the reality and imagination of members of society so that they become a common sense whose truth continues to be believed. the teachings of kanda pat were passed down not only from one person to another within a disciplinary circle (dharmaguru), but also based on the experiences and inner workings of many people since the time of ancient javanese literature. in this respect, kanda pat's teaching is an autonomous whole. the point is that the text which contains kanda pat's teachings as a whole contains teachings and instructions that must be followed by everyone who wants to pursue kanda pat's teachings. then the narrative contains the author's mandate who wrote the text to readers or people who wish to explore kanda pat's teachings. dharmaputra (2002: 49) living the teachings means following all the commands in the teaching. this shows that the teachings of kanda pat in the kanda pat text give instructions to everyone who wants to learn them. this means that this text is autonomous or stands alone as a form of authority that is accepted for anyone who intends to study kanda pat. authentic standing alone also means that the text is a complete whole. however, in the narrative or in its intrinsic elements there are several things that are related to other ancient texts or books. it is impossible for a text to stand alone without any touch from other texts. the contents of each text definitely contain things that are found in books or other literature. in this case, the kanda pat text must have had doctrinal similarities with other teachings that were contemporaneous with the emergence of kanda pat's teachings. or at least related to the philosophy of hinduism and javanese-bali culture which is the main basis for this teaching. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 12-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 social benefits of the development of the kanda pat teachings initially the balinese people considered it far to understand the words in kanda pat, but over time a willingness to understand and defend its teachings grew. they are also proud to have a legacy of valuable knowledge. apart from being a form of preserving cultural heritage, it is also a means for solutions in life related to physical and spiritual conditions and for asking for welfare. "catur-relative, miss, kanggo nemoke sedulur karo kanggo nguri-uri culture. kanggo anakputu legacy". "kanda pat is good ma'am, to get to know your siblings and preserve the culture. this is a legacy for our children and grandchildren" (interview, 16 january 2018) jro riyanti revealed that kanda pat had positive values. the goal is to get to know the inner sibling. in addition, it is also to preserve the culture and pass it on to posterity. in absorbing it, self purification is needed, namely by identifying the relative chess who is inside and outside of oneself. this is in accordance with the description of van gennep, taylor, r. otto (in ghazali, 2011: 98) that rites are always related to purification so that kanda pat's teachings are a medium of purification. it is said so because in a religious viewpoint that the ritual of hajj has a function of purification, that is, humans present offerings in the form of animals to the gods in order to get purification. on the other hand, eliade referred to it as the concept of hierofs bambang gede rawi (1956: 28) stated that the ceremony aims to sweep away all the diseases and papa pataka letuhing bhuana into the ocean, which will result in the salvation of the world with all its contents. in this context the intention is as an effort to clean up the abstract. in carrying out the rituals there is no compulsion. in fact, it is carried out by several foreign tourists according to the wishes of each citizen. this means that there are no provisions in conducting rituals related to kanda pat and other rituals of interest. this leeway makes balinese people feel less burdened by traditions. they can carry out based on the hobby of each tourist. this allows the existence of these ritual traditions to continue to develop in society and kanda pat's knowledge to become popular in the global e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 12-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 world. in kanda pat's teachings, several things that are religious in nature are often found, one of which is the connection between self-awareness of the elements of space and time. the belief of the balinese people is seen in their behavior when carrying out religious activities, which affects their economic activities and other activities. through the implementation of the special ritual traditions of the balinese people, one of them in the city of denpasar has a strong belief in each other, both believed by fellow residents of denpasar city and believed by people outside denpasar city. to be believed by fellow denpasar residents, it is manifested in prayer together at temples around denpasar when the moon is full or certain days. they have the same prayer goal, namely for the welfare of life. the implementation of prayers together for good in realizing the togetherness between them is getting closer. moreover, the implementation is based on the sincerity of each citizen. thus, the knowledge between them grew well and felt like revelation. in addition, the implementation of the event together also creates mutual trust in asking for this. the elements of togetherness, tolerance, and trust that were built up for the implementation of the ceremony created a bond of solidarity and harmony between them. the influence of kanda pat's spiritual practices on the economy in bali the development of the people's economy in bali has adopted several major frameworks of economic policy in the field of yadnya ceremonies. in this research, it is found that a scientific study is intended to provide a brief description of various economic practices. yadnya affects the economy and people's lives. economic development which is based on yadnya values which are very important in balinese culture in the form of the ceremony has attracted the attention of many parties, both critics and praise. from a cultural point of view, the economic practices of yadnya that exist in various places in bali including in the cities are no more than part of balinese culture. on the other hand, for clergy, clergy, community leaders and spiritual practitioners, the economic practice of yadnya is truly part of an effort to economic development and increase welfare based on the hindu paradigm. the yadnya economy in bali has been developing for a long time. at least the need for ceremonies as a basic form of the yadnya economy in bali has established the yadnya market as one of the places for selling / buying services for ceremonial needs. in addition, it also encourages a wider market share of the yadnya ceremony facilities in accordance with the e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 12-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 needs of the ceremony in general or as an individual. another thing is the service of his yadnya needs through several yadnya shops and through spiritual figures within the scope of the griya (sulinggih) who have provided various services for his yadnya by helping the process of making appropriate ceremonies. meanwhile, on the other hand, some kind of yadnya supermarkets have sprung up in several corners. in this case it is known as wholesale yadnya. bali, which has always been the center of world attention and many scientists from various parts of the world seek the contents of balinese culture, always find something that is scientific or a product that is the attraction of balinese culture. the development of kanda pat teachings in bali, to the global era through discourse and ritual traditions in balinese society, for example, for generations it has always been positioned in the context of justice that must be maintained and believed by the hindu community in bali as a cultural ideology which is still up to now. still persistently survive (atmaja, 2017: 132). conclusion the development of kanda pat's teachings in bali is more dominantly known through the implementation of its special rituals. the implementation of rituals in the practice of kanda pat teachings apart from functioning religiously also has positive implications for social benefits, namely the attitude of tolerance of religious behavior, and cultural benefits, namely being able to preserve the values of local wisdom / local genius. the practice of kanda pat's teachings also had an impact on the economy of the balinese people, there was a change in the attitude of the community's efforts to carry out a spiritual lifestyle through the yadnya economy. rituals according to kanda pat's teachings or daily spiritual activities are part of the lifestyle in the yadnya economy. the very rapid development of tourism in bali has also encouraged new actors and agencies to make kanda pat a commodity packaged in healing terism to meet the needs of postmodern lifestyle trends. this then has implications for opening up opportunities for economic services for the community to fulfill the movement of the spiritual tourism system, in the form of facilities and infrastructure needs and the spiritual actors involved. e-journal of cultural studies may 2021 vol. 14, number 2, page 12-20 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 suggestion considering that kanda pat's teachings have social and cultural benefits in the values of local wisdom, it is necessary to always produce and focus on preserving elements of local wisdom. given the economic influence of the practice of kanda pat's teachings, there is a need for information disclosure in the economy to get better benefits. references atmaja, jiwa. 2016. dampak kegiatan upacara terhadap perekonomian di bali. denpasar: udayana press. bourdieu, p. 1977. cultural reproduction and sosial reproduction. hal. 487-511 dalam j.karabel dan a.h. hasel(eds) power and ideology in education. new york:oxford university press. capra, fijrop. 2010. titik balik peradaban. yogyakarta: lkis. dharmaputra, anak agung ngurah. 2002. ajaran-ajaran spiritual pengendalian diri. denpasar: cv kayumas agung. durkheim, emile. 2003.sejarah agama (the elementary forms of the religious). yogyakaerta: irc. so. d geertz, clifford. 1973. the interpretation of cultures. new york: basic group. ghazali, adeng muchtar. 2011. anrtropologi agama upaya memahami keragaman kepercayaan, keyakinan dan agama. bandung: anggota ikapi alfabeta. rawi, bambang gede. 1956. ritual melis sebagai inti pembersihan jagat. bali: mahameru. ritzer, geogre dan berry smart. 2012. handbook teori sosial. bandung: nusa media. sukarsa, i made. 2005. “pengaruh pendapatan keluarga dan pemahaman agama terhadap pengeluaran konsumsi ritual masyarakat hindu di bali ditinjau dari berbagai dimensi waktu”(disertasi). program pascasarjana universitas airlangga surabaya suryani, ni luh putu. 2010. karakter manusia bali. denpasar: pustaka larasan. yupardhi, s. 2012. upakara umat hindu bali tradisi yang kaku, hura-hura dan tidak mendidik. wahana. edisi no.83.th.xxix agustus 2012. issn:0853-4588 microsoft word artikel a.n. yanti p negara terbit 1 e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 dance performance to achieve muri: study of rejang sandat ratu segara dance performance in tanah lot, tabanan, bali ni made ari yanti putri negara1, i nyoman darma putra2, ni luh arjani3 1master degree programme of cultural studies, udayana university, 2,3cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1ariyantiputrinegara@gmail.com, 2idarmaputra@yahoo.com 3luh_arjani@unud.ac.id received date : 11-11-2021 accepted date : 11-05-2022 published date : 31-08-2022 abstract rejang is a sacred dance that has certain standards in its creation and performance. this sacred dance is performed during the dewa yadnya ceremony by taking into account the place, time, and means of offerings that have been determined. however, recently a new creation of rejang dance has emerged which has a function not for religious ceremonies, but for other purposes such as entertainment to achieve a muri (indonesian record museum) record. this type of rejang dance is the rejang sandat ratu segara dance which was staged on august 18, 2018 in tanah lot, tabanan, bali. this certainly attracts the attention of the people of tabanan and causes this dance to be widely discussed on social media and in real life. this article examines the form of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance and finds out how it differs from the rejang dance in bali. the research method used is qualitative research with descriptive and explanatory exposure. in this study, there are several differences in the form of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance with the rejang dance that developed in bali such as movement, dancers, clothing, and settings. keywords: rejang sandat ratu segara dance, tanah lot tabanan, muri record, sacred art introduction the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is a new dance creation initiated by ni putu eka wiryastuti, the regent of tabanan for the period 2011-2021, together with two artists from tabanan, i wayan juana adi saputra and i wayan muder. this viral dance in 2018 was first performed at the tanah lot festival colossally with a total of 1800 dancers. the show, which involved junior and senior high school students throughout tabanan regency, won an achievement in the form of a muri record. regardless of the achievements, the show made memories of the mass riots at the tanah lot tourist attraction. this has become a public spotlight and it is interesting to study further the form of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance. in studying the form of the rejang sandat ratu e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 segara dance, the theory of deconstruction is used as a 'scalpel'. through the method of deconstruction, derrida uncovers various assumptions hidden in structural linguistics. these hidden assumptions generally escape the attention of structural linguists and derrida reacts to them, then overturns them (yusuf, 2014: 39). in this study, the categories or assumptions that will be dismantled are the differences in the form of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance with the rejang dance in bali. in addition to aesthetic forms, verbal and nonverbal forms are also fundamental things that are learned in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance. in conducting this research, no articles or journals have been found that discuss the rejang sandat ratu segara dance, especially regarding the study of its performance. this research was conducted in tabanan regency, precisely in beraban village and tanah lot dtw. the research method used is qualitative research with descriptive and explanative exposure. data was collected by using three techniques, namely observation, interview and document study. observations were made at the staging site and mingled directly with the people who felt the impact of the performance. furthermore, in the interview and determination of prospective informants, purposive sampling and snowball sampling techniques were used. as well as in the study through document studies carried out on photos, videos and diaries obtained via the internet and coming directly to the staging area. in conducting data analysis, there are three stages, namely data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions. the results of research in the field are in the form of observations and interviews which are equipped with a literature review, then processed to get the results that are poured into a paper. data analysis results are presented in the form of writing and tables. with these methods and techniques, readers are expected to be able to understand the findings obtained through qualitative research. discussion the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is a colossal dance with 1800 dancers. the performance was held at the second tanah lot festival which was held at the tanah lot tourist destination, kediri, tabanan on 18-8-2018 at pkl. 18.00 pm. based on the results of the research conducted, it can be stated that the functions of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance performance include the function as an offering, a function as a promotion to increase the visit of tanah lot dtw and as a means of breaking the muri record. classification of balinese dance based on its function can be divided into wali, bebalih and balih-balihan dances. rejang dance is included in the guardian dance which e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 is intended as a complement to the dewa yadnya ceremony. however, nowadays, the rejang dance has increased its function to other things as mentioned above. dance is a form of human expression embodied into motion supported by other elements. motion is an important element in dance. balinese dance is closely related to its environment; it was demonstrated in the expression of its movements. dance creators are inspired by the natural environment so that they can create dances that are rich in movements. for the shape to be perfect, the movements were still arranged in such a way as to fulfill the three elements of wiraga (body build and movement quality), wirama (music or rhythm), and wirasa (authority and expression) (bandem, 1996:32). other things that support dance are music, costumes/dress, make-up, stage settings, and properties. if the combination of the elements is managed properly, it will create an entertaining dance form to be enjoyed. as an art form performed or exhibited to the public, dance can become a form whose basic elements or components can be visually captured by the human senses. visually, the basic components in dance have artistic values that can captivate the audience to live it (maryono, 2015:24). furthermore, maryono explained that the form of dance generally consists of two basic components, namely: a) verbal components and b) nonverbal components. the two major components of dance, both verbal and nonverbal, are complementary, whose presence forms a performance. the form of the verbal component consists of the types of the language contained in dance performances, which can be in the form of: (1) tembang (song) literature (in the form of ada-ada, macapat, pathetan, sindhenan, gerongan, sendhon, jineman, and palaran); (2) janturan (monologue); (3) antawecana (dialogue); (4) geguritan (poetry), and (5) verse. while the types of components or elements of dance in the form of nonverbal or non-language consist of: (1) theme, (2) storyline or dramatic plot, (3) motion, (4) dancer, (5) floor pattern, (6) facial expression, (7) makeup, (8) clothing, (9) music, (10) stage, (11) property, (12) lighting, (13) setting (maryono, 2015:24). verbal components of rejang sandat ratu segara dance as maryono has described, the form of the verbal component consists the types of the language contained in dance performances, which can be in the form of: (1) tembang (song) literature (in the form of ada-ada, macapat, pathetan, sindhenan, gerongan, sendhon, jineman, and palaran); (2) janturan (monologue); (3) antawecana (dialogue); (4) geguritan (poetry), and (5) verse (maryono, 2015:24). so, the rejang sandat ratu segara dance contains one of the verbal components, namely tembang e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 literature (sindhenan and gerongan). the sindhenan work is a javanese tembang (song) sung by only a singer (solo), usually by a female vocalist, whose voices interrupt between taps. the function of sindhenan work is more directed to express a feminine impression which has a smooth, soft and sweet nature (maryono, 2015:34). the rejang sandat ratu segara dance uses a type of sindhenan which is sung solo and in javanese. as said by gusti ayu irayanti, a singer and gerong (chorus member), that at the beginning of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance, it is accompanied by a sindhenan with a tone that has been created. gusti ayu irayanti is a singer who takes a solo note at the beginning. the song lyrics in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance are as follows. “ratu segoro……agung lan wicaksono (queen of the seas …… great and wise) sinar suci ma ring segoro kidul (having a holy light on the southern sea) ratu segoro, lako lan wicaksono (queen of the sea, just and wise) sinar suci ma ring segoro kidul (having a holy light on the southern sea) paras ayu gumilar cahayaning suci (beautiful face surrounded by holy light) hyang wisesa kahuripan” (owner of eternal life) rejang sandat ratu segara dance is to worship ratu segara (the queen of the sea) with a pure heart so that we get the holy light. this can be seen clearly in the lyrics used in the pesindhenan section. then in the second part, gerongan is continued by using the song kawitan wargasari with the following lyrics. ”purwakaning angripta rum, ning wana ukir kahadang labuh, kartika, panedenging sari, angayon tangguli ketur, angring-ring jangga mure” non-verbal components of rejang sandat ratu segara dance the form of nonverbal components in dance is a form that can be visually captured by the five human senses. the types of components or elements of dance in the form of nonverbal or non-language consist of: 1) theme, 2) storyline or dramatic plot, (3) motion, (4) dancer, (5) floor pattern, (6) facial expression, (7) makeup, (8) clothing/costume, (9) music, (10) stage, (11) property, (12) lighting, (13) setting (maryono, 2015:52). theme the theme becomes the guideline in framing a dance work. as in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance, which takes the theme of the presentation, every other e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 component must adjust to the theme that has been set. the theme of offerings in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance then developed into dance movements and structures following the theme. in setting the theme as the first step in the process of creating the rejang sandat ratu segara dance, it seems that there is no good coordination and communication with the spiritual guardian (holy people) at tanah lot temple, where the performance is performed. referring to the theme, namely offerings and referring to the place, namely pura luhur tanah lot (tanah lot holy temple), the spiritual guardian of pura luhur tanah lot, i wayan semudre yasa, hopes before proceeding and training, there will be communication with the temple custodian. the theme designed by ni putu eka wiryastuti was obtained through meditation. as explained by i wayan juana adi saputra as a choreographer, that he was asked by ni putu eka wiryastuti to create a new rejang dance and asked for a day to meditate. and the next day ni putu eka wiryastuti gave i wayan juana the theme of offering, to be precise, an offering to ratu kidul (queen of ocean) as the ruler of the ocean. storyline the storyline in dance works formed from rhythm can be observed in the types of folk dances that do not use story patterns. this means that this form of dance work is based more on cultivating the rhythm or tempo of motion, including: loud-slow, fast-slow, strong-weak supported by the rhythmic playing of the accompaniment music (maryono, 2015: 53). in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance, the storyline or dramatic plot is divided into four parts, namely the initial round (papeson), the middle act (pengawak), the final round (penget), and the closing (pekaad). the initial round (papeson) depicts the majesty of kanjeng ratu kidul which is illustrated with motion and accompaniment music. the atmosphere shown in this section is a magical and authoritative javanese atmosphere. the middle act (pengawak) describes a welcome (pendak) that shows a majestic and solemn atmosphere. the final part (pengecet) describes an offering of gratitude to ida betara ratu segara (the ocean god) who has been pleased to provide purification of nature and its contents, always given safety and welfare. the atmosphere described in this section is that of a joyful offering. the closing part (pekaad) is the part that describes the return of ratu segara after giving her grace and mercy to nature and its contents. she returned to the middle of the sea with a magical atmosphere. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 movements motion in dance is a language that is formed into the movement patterns of a dancer. the principles of form that need to be analyzed include, among others: unity, variation, repetition, transition or displacement, series, comparison, and climax (hadi, 2007: 25). first, unity is a very important principle in the form of motion or choreography. "unity" implies being a whole. the unity of the aspects of motion, space, and time that are present in dance is a whole that is ready to be lived and understood (sumandiyo y. hadi, 2007: 25). based on the presentation of the wholeness of motion, according to sumandiyo y. hadi, the rejang sandat ratu segara dance contains harmonious movement, space, and time that are run according to proportions to form wholeness. this wholeness can be enjoyed and lived by 1800 dancers as well as the audience. second, the most visible variation in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is at the beginning (papeson). the variation is the presence of dominant javanese movements in this section. this is not found in the rejang dance that developed in bali. however, the principle of variation is not really for the sake of "variation" itself; variation must develop in wholeness and unity (hadi, 2007: 26). third, the repetition involved in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance can be seen in each round. in the early stages, javanese movements seen are repeated for accentuating the javanese atmosphere highlighted. as juana said, the initial part (papeson) only uses javanese movements aiming to emphasize the javanese concept. the fourth is displacement or transition. a dancer must understand very well the meaning of transition, analysis of transitions, transfers, or connections from one motion to another smoothly and skillfully, the entire series of forms of motion become more effective in creating unity or wholeness (hadi, 2007: 27). the rejang sandat ratu segara dance has a clear connection or transition from the initial part that has a javanese nuance to the second part with balinese nuances. like the rejang dance in general, from the second part to the third part, as well as from the third part which has balinese nuances until part four which again has javanese nuance. it shows that the choreographer succeeded in placing the transition so that this dance can form a unity. the fifth, which is a series or can be analyzed as a continuity, is one of the principles that need to be considered because dance movement form can be felt like experience (hadi, 2007: 28). the rejang sandat ratu segara dance seems to use the abca formula in a continuity relationship. abca is performing a javanese movement in the first and fourth parts. however, in the second and third parts, balinese movements are performed. the analysis of the climax principle e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 becomes the last analysis. the climax is enjoyed as the culmination of a journey of beginning, development, and completion. however, in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance, it is difficult to conclude which climax is meant. as with most of the rejang dances that developed in bali, they are not concerned with the climax of a performance, but only emphasize the function of the rejang dance itself. dancer considering the main element of dance, the movement carried out or channeled through the body of a dancer, the dancers are a crucial component in a dance performance. in the initial process of creating the rejang sandat ratu segara dance, there were only five dancers involved, but along with the corrections made by ni putu eka wiryastuti, finally, there were nine core dancers who were adjusted to her magical number belief. yuna as the dance coach explained that the initial selection of core dancers is selected by their closest relationship to the dance coach. the relationships meant are like siblings, studio students, and close friends of dance coaches. after direct coaching with ni putu eka wiryastuti and the formation and dance move of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance were approved, the selection throughout the tabanan district was carried out from 10 sub-districts in tabanan. initially, the number of dancers desired by ni putu eka wiryastuti was 7200. it was confirmed by i wayan muder and i wayan juana adi saputra, that ni putu eka wiryastuti's initial request was 7200 dancers by using multiples of the number 9. however, due to space constraints, the number was reduced and finally obtained 1800 people, or in choreography, it is called colossal. ni putu eka wiryastuti (2018: 14) explained the requirements for dancers participating in the performance of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance during the selection process up to the performance. it was done so that the performance had a magical-religious nuance. the requirements include the following. a) before dancing, rejang sandat ratu segara dancers are required to spread jasmine flowers on the stage (performance venue). b) dancers must be teenagers and must not be during period/menstruation (cuntaka). c) this rejang dance is performed in connection with the dewa yadnya ceremony and should not be performed anywhere. d) rejang dance costume in the show must be following the original clothing and is not allowed to add or revision. e) this dance is danced at the shrine that worships ibu ratu segara or in other sacred areas. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 judging from its function, the rejang dance is more sacred because the dancer or the rejang dance itself is a dance offering to god, it is why the dancers at the time of dancing must be genuinely pure, therefore the average dancer age is six to eight years old (agung, 1982: 38). in sacred dance performances such as the rejang dance, the dancer is the most crucial element. however, it is difficult for the rejang sandat ratu segara dance performance committee to ensure that the 1800 dancers involved in the performance are pure girls or not during their menstruation. according to i wayan muder, the presence of impure dancers who are in their period and pregnant but still participate in the performance, became one of the reasons that triggered the mass chaos that occurred after dancing the rejang sandat ratu segara dance. not only dancers who were in their period but some dancers are married. it was explained by putu adnya semapta as the leader of eo jayapro, that after being tracked down, there were dancers who were married. whereas in her book, ni putu eka wiryastuti explains the criteria for rejang sandat ratu segara dancers are dancers who are still teenagers and are not in their menstruation period (cuntaka). the number of dancers who are representatives from each school, causes the condition of the dancers to be uncertain. consequently, when someone violates the rules, the sacredness of the dance is questioned. as stated by ni luh putu sintayani, a dancer from smp 2 kerambitan admitted that she participated in this rejang dance performance because she was appointed by the school. likewise, gusti ayu nandita ari trisna, a dancer from smp 1 kerambitan said that participating in this performance was because of a recommendation from a friend. floor pattern the floor pattern is a line formed from the dancer's body movements that cross the floor. various types of lines formed by dancers on the floor or performance stage are imaginary lines that can be captured with sensitivity (maryono, 2015: 58). in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance, the floor pattern used is more symmetrical. the floor pattern used during the performance at pura luhur tanah lot is the beach filled with sand and coral. the direction of the floor pattern used is facing the audience or back to the beach and tanah lot temple. this is confirmed by i wayan juana, i wayan muder, and putu adnya semapta, that the dancers are impersonating the ratu segara who emerges from the sea giving blessings to the community and will later return to the sea. it is why the dancers seem to come from the sea, facing the audience. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 as explained by bandem and fredrik, that the rejang dance is performed before the pretima (the god symbol) as worship and offering to god. however, the floor pattern used in the performance of rejang sandat ratu segara is different. the dancers made a motion facing the audience and also local officials who attended the performance at that time. this does not follow the description of the usual rejang dance performance venue. if examined based on the place where the rejang dance is performed, in pura luhur tanah lot, the pretima or pelinggih (a place for worship) is in the direction of the sea. in other words, if performing a performance for a divine offering at pura luhur tanah lot, then the dancers should face the beach or pura luhur tanah lot. facial expression facial expression is a change in the visual condition of a person's face. facial expressions are a means to get an understanding and description of a person's psychological condition (maryono, 2015: 60). in a dance, facial expressions help the audience in understanding the meaning of the choreographer. in the beginning, the rejang sandat ratu segara dance uses a flat facial expression or does not smile. it was confirmed by ni putu yuna sri rejeki and i wayan juana, that ni putu eka wiryastuti asked the dancers in the first part to have a flat expression and not smile. according to i wayan juana, it is following the image of the great ratu segara imagined by ni putu eka wiryastuti. in the second and third parts, it is clear that the facial expressions of the dancers change from a flat expression to a smile. and finally, in part three, they come back and dance with their backs to the audience. make-up characters or figures in dance performances are mostly formed from make-up. make-up in performing arts is not only to beautify the dancers but also for the expression so that the shape is very diverse according to the designed character (maryono, 2015: 61). in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance, the dancers use beautiful make-up and green colors following the color of ratu kidul. as explained by muder, in art, one must use make-up that fits the theme. the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is also adapted to the character of ratu segara, so that the make-up worn should represent ratu segara, in shades of green. the make-up worn includes foundation, powder, green and brown eyeshadow, eyelashes, eyebrow pencil, mascara, blush, and eyeliner. in addition to make-up equipment, hair make-up worn includes gold sandat accessories, imitation roses, and imitation jasmine flowers. it is different from the balinese rejang dance makee-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 up, in which the dancers wear a bun containing fruit or flowers harvested by the community in the village that owns the rejang. dress/costume for the balinese people, clothing as a primary need can seem drowned out by secondary needs, such as the need for the value of beauty, and the need for appreciation. by dressing well and beautifully or expensively, the wearer feels and hopes to be appreciated by others (agung, 2004: 1). clothing, in addition to having a shape or fashion, also has a meaningful color as symbols in the show. maryono explained that the symbolic types of shapes and colors of the dancers' clothing are intended to have a role as a) identity, b) characteristics, and c) aesthetic expression. figure 1. rejang sandat ratu segara costume (doc. jayaprana production) the clothes/costume worn by the rejang sandat ratu segara dancers in the colossal performance on august 18, 2018, had green shades consisting of green kamen (one of traditional balinese clothes), white kebaya (traditional javanese clothes), green shawl, sandat flowers (accessories), gold flowers (accessories), imitation roses (accessories), imitation jasmine flowers (accessories), a pair subeng (jewelry) and brooch. in a book entitled rejang sandat ratu segara dance, ni putu eka wiryastuti explains that the overall dress is green with a combination of white kebaya which portrays the purity based on coolness and peace, and a headdress with various flowers to represent ratu segara's majesty (kanjeng ratu kidul). the costume given to the dancers become their private property after this rejang dance. this was confirmed by ni putu dhita dewiyanti, gusti ayu nandita ari trisna and ni made tia dwiyanti as colossal dancers from e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 representatives of smp in kerambitan. however, not a few of the dancers burned the clothes they got because they were afraid of the chaos that occurred after the performance. ni made tia dwiyanti, one of the dancers, admitted that she burned her dance clothes at the tanah lot temple, three days after the performance. music music as an illustration of dance is the gendhing (gamelan [an indonesian orchestra consisting of percussion instruments] melody). in dance performances, it is used to illustrate a description of the ongoing condition of the atmosphere. the function of the gendhing here forms the atmospheres that allow the dancers to express themselves (maryono, 2015: 65). the rejang sandat ratu segara dance uses gong kebyar (a style or genre of balinese gamelan music of indonesia) as accompaniment music in its performance. the musical nuances produced are divided into two types, namely javanese and balinese nuances. as the wish of the former regent of tabanan, ni putu eka wiryastuti, that the beginning and the end of this dance depicts javanese nuances. stage a stage is a place that distinguishes the position of the dancer from the audience. the staging area used in the performance of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is an open stage that blends with nature. the open stage can be in the form of: a) a natural courtyard suitable for performances of various types of folk dances, b) a field for colossal types of dance work, and c) a path for performances that has carnival or walking type. the third one is suitable for: folk and mass dance work (maryono, 2015: 67). based on maryono's explanation, the venue for the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is on the open field, in this case, is a beach with a colossal type of dance performance. figure 2. venue for the performance with 1800 dancers. (rejang sandat ratu segara doc. jayaprana production) e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 the staging used in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance colossal performance was the beach located in the tanah lot temple area. the staging area is 'cleaned' by the spiritual guardian of pura luhur tanah lot, by preparing offerings in hindu religious beliefs to ask for grace. the spiritual guardian of pura luhur tanah lot stated: “the ceremony before the final rehearsal was delivering guru piduka (a kind of apology) together with the regent. on d-2 we hold mapekeleb (a kind of hindu ceremony) to the ocean, thanking the god for his grace. on the d-day, we keep doing the pejati (to show sincerity before god) and the nunas panglukatan (a ritual for self-cleansing or purifying) for the ida bhatara (the god). (interview, i wayan samudre yasa, 24 may 2021). putu adnya semapta as the event organizer of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance explained that the selection of beaches around tanah lot temple was all following ni putu eka wiryastuti wish. she wished to explore all the beaches in tabanan and start with tanah lot beach while increasing tourism destinations. in contrast to i wayan muder who had given another option in choosing a place. he preferred an open field such as a football field. i wayan muder suggested choosing a football field since he observed that the condition of the tanah lot beach was full of large rocks. he thought that it would be dangerous if anyone was in a trance or unconscious. however, ni putu eka wiryastuti did not agree with i wayan muder's suggestion, and eventually, the performance was held at the tanah lot temple. property based on observations through video performances, the rejang sandat ratu segara dance did not use property in its performance. lighting the rejang sandat ratu segara dance performance did not use a lot of lighting. based on observations through video, lighting was only used in the audience area while in the dancers, there was only natural light used, the sunlight. setting in setting up a decent, adequate, and attractive performance quality stage, it is necessary to take into account and consider the artistic setting. a good artistic form of the stage is to meet the following requirements: providing illustrations of the theme of the show, illustrating each scene of the performance, and giving the power of expression of the show (maryono, 2015: 70). the rejang sandat ratu segara dance uses the tanah e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 lot sea setting. the selection of the sea setting in this dance supports the form of the rejang dance which describes the offering to ratu segara. the sea becomes the background for the dancers at the time of dancing which depicts the arrival of ratu segara from the sea. conclusion the form of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is divided into 2 components, namely verbal and non-verbal. the verbal component of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance consists of literary tembang (sindhenan and gerongan). the lyrics used in sindhenan are a worship of worship/offering to ratu segara with a pure heart so that we get holy light. while the non-verbal components consist of 1) theme, 2) storyline or dramatic plot, (3) motion, (4) dancer (5) floor pattern, (6) facial expression, (7) makeup, (8) clothing, (9) music, (10) stage, (11) property, (12) lighting, (13) setting. the theme used in the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is an offering with a storyline which is divided into 4 parts, namely the initial act (papeson), the middle act (penggawak), the final act (pengecet) and the closing (pekaad). the movements used are balinese and javanese dance movements that follow the source of inspiration for the creation of the dance, namely the badhaya ketawang dance. the dancers in this performance are divided into 2, namely core dancers and colossal dancers. the floor pattern used is lined up facing the audience and back to the sea with a total of 1800 dancers. the clothes used by the rejang sandat ratu segara dance dancers in the colossal performance on 18-8-2018 are shades of green consisting of green kamen, white kebaya, green shawl, imitation sandat flowers, gold flowers, imitation roses, imitation jasmine flowers, a pair subeng and brooch. the rejang sandat ratu segara dance uses gong kebyar as accompaniment music in its performance. the staging area used in the colossal performance of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is the beach in the tanah lot temple area. meanwhile, the setting chosen for this performance is with its back to the sea and facing the audience. the form of the rejang sandat ratu segara dance is different from the rejang dance that developed in bali. starting from the motion to the setting of the place used. in addition to the different forms, the function of this rejang dance performance also experienced a different development from the function of rejang dance in bali in general. the difference in form is of course adapted to one of the functions of the performance, namely as a means of achieving a muri record. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 1-14 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 references agung, a.a ayu ketut (2004) busana adat bali. denpasar: pustaka bali post agung, anak agung gde putra (1982) beberapa tari upacara dalam masyarakat bali. jakarta: direktorat jenderal kebudayaan departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. bandem, i made (1996) etnologi tari bali. denpasar: kanisius. wiryastuti, ni putu eka (2018) tari rejang sandat ratu segara. tabanan. hadi, y. sumandiyo. (2007) kajian tari teks dan konteks. yogyakarta: pustaka book publisher. lubis, akhyar yusuf. (2014) postmodernisme teori dan metode. jakarta: rajawali pers. maryono (2015) analisa tari. surakarta: isi press. internet source https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=jqlzzqyp_0u (accessed on november 3rd, 2021) 1 tubuh joget ale-ale sebagai modal perlawanan salman alfarisi program studi seni drama, tari, dan musik stkip hamzanwadi selong email: guruonyeh@gmail.com. abstrak paper ini bertujuan untuk memahami bagaimana fenomena tubuh joget dalam kesenian ale-ale. kesenian ini muncul di tengah masyarakat sasak, lombok, tahun 1999. ketiga unsur kesenian ini, yakni musik, lagu, dan tarian mencerminkan gagasan perlawanan terhadap kemapanan. pembongkaran terhadap kebenaran tunggal tuan guru dan budayawan sebagai kelompok dominan di masyarakat sasak tampak pada ekspresi tarian joget. oleh karena itu, untuk memahami dimensi perlawanan joget tersebut digunakan metode kualitatif-interpretatif dengan rancangan penelitian berparadigma kajian budaya. teori yang dipergunakan adalah teori sosial kritis, seperti teori praktik sosial bourdieu, teori dekonstruksi derrida, dan estetika postmodern sebagai tambahan. pemerolehan data dilakukan dengan cara wawancara mendalam, observasi paratisipatoris, dan dokumentasi. temuan penting penelitian ini antara lain pertama, tubuh joget memerlihatkan kekayaan dimensi perlawanan kesenian ale-ale karena dengan tubuh, joget dapat memerdekakan diri dari keterdesakan oleh relaitas mereka, baik keterdesakan dalam dimensi ekonomi maupun sosial yang dikonstruk oleh kelompok elite masyarakat sasak. dalam konteks ini, tubuh joget tidak hanya menjadi eskpresi personal joget, tetapi juga dapat menjadi arena praktik kuasa kelompok dominan di masyarakat sasak, yakni tuan guru dan budayawan. kedua, tubuh joget tidak hanya dapat dilihat sebagai ekpresi estetis semata melainkan sebagai bentuk pertarungan antara kelompok yang terpinggirkan yakni joget dengan kelompok dominan, yaitu tuan guru dalam soal keagamaan dan budayawan dalam konteks kebudayaan. kata-kata kunci: tubuh, joget, kebebasan, perlawanan. pendahuluan joget merupakan pusat magnet dalam pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale, yakni kesenian yang muncul pada tahun 1999 di lombok, nusa tenggara barat. kesenian ini diambil dari judul lagu yang diciptakan jamilah adiningrat setelah sebelumnya yah kondang mengkreasikan kesenian tradisional kamput menjadi kamput modern yang menjadi cikal bakal kesenian ale-ale, sehingga kedua seniman ini dapat disebut sebagai pencipta kesenian ale-ale. kesenian ini menjadi kontroversial karena dipandang bertentangan dengan agama dan nilai budaya oleh pemuka agama, yakni tuan guru dan pemangku budaya, yakni budayawan. penentangan kedua figur ini semakin kuat manakala joget mempertunjukkan tarian mengandung unsur erotisme. tuan guru dan budayawan menghendaki agar joget selalu berpegang kepada nilai agama dan kesenian mainstream. sementara joget bersikap sebaliknya. situasi yang berlawanan di atas telah memperhadapkan joget dengan tuan guru dan budayawan, sehingga joget mengoptimalkan tubuh sebagai modal perlawanan, mailto:guruonyeh@gmail.com 2 sedangkan tuan guru menjadikan nilai agama dan budayawan menggunakan nilai budaya adiluhung untuk menekan joget. didorong oleh kehendak perlawanan terhadap tuan guru dan budayawan serta kehendak untuk memeroleh uang, joget pun memaksa tubuh mereka untuk bekerja dengan menghadirkan tarian sepanjang pertunjukan berlangsung. atas dasar ini, maka fokus penelitian ini adalah pada bagaimanakah tubuh joget dipergunakan sebagai modal perlawanan. tujuan penelitian ini untuk memahami dan menjelaskan fenomena tubuh joget yang dipergunakan sebagai modal perlawanan. metode penelitian penelitian ini dirancang berparadigma kajian budayawa dengan menggunakan teori kritis untuk memahami persoalan yang ada. metode penelitian yang dipergunakan adalah kualititaf interpretatif. data penelitian diperoleh dengan wawancara mendalam, obeservasi partisipatoris, dan dokumentasi kemudian dideskripsikan melalui kalimat, tabel dan gambar. pembahasan tubuh sebagai simbol sekaligus modal bagi joget untuk melakukan resistensi terhadap kekuasaan yang menekan mereka. baik kekuasaan yang timbul akibat hasrat mereka yang melahirkan kehendak konsumtif maupun kekuasaan yang datang dari kelompok dominan dalam kehidupan sosial mereka, yakni tuan guru dan budayawan. karena joget umumnya berasal dari kelas ekonomi rendah, maka untuk pemenuhan hasrat konsumtif, agar mereka merasakan kesetaran dengan kelompok dominan, tubuh mereka paksa untuk bekerja mencari uang di sepanjang pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale. dalam konteks ini, dapat dipahami bahwa tubuh juga menjadi wilayah di mana relasi kuasa berjalan di atasnya. relasi-relasi kuasa itu melatih, memaksa, menyiksa, menandai, menanamkan kehendak dan menguasai tubuh (foucault dalam hardiyanta, 1997: 28-29). pertanyaannya, siapa penakluk tubuh yang mempolitisasi secara teknologis tubuh dalam konteks kesenian ale-ale. sebagai pusat magnet pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale, jogetlah aktor utama dalam penaklukan tubuh tersebut. tetapi dalam konteks relasi sosial yang berlangsung secara kolektif di kalangan pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale, maka elemen lain juga berperan besar. misalnya pengibing yang memaksa tubuh joget melampaui batas kekuatannya. relasi-relasi tubuh tersebut tidak dapat dilepaskan dari resistensi pemilik tubuh terhadap kekuasaan dominan. citra tubuh merupakan prasarat penting untuk melakukan tindakan sukarela karena menyatukan dan mengoordinasikan sensasi sikap tubuh, perabaan, gerak, dan pengelihatan, sehingga sensasi-sensasi ini dialami sebagai sensasi suatu subjek yang dikoordinasikan menjadi ruang tunggal (grosz dalam ritzer dan smart, 2012: 893). 3 sebagai modal joget, tubuh mula-mula diperlihatkan dengan gerakan-gerakan ala kadarnya, tetapi begitu memasuki fase di mana tubuh digerakkan untuk memancing gairah penonton guna mengibing, tubuh tidak lagi menjadi milik joget, melainkan tubuh sudah dipekerjakan oleh joget sebagaimana yang dikatakan synott sebagai tubuh sosial dan rogers menyebutnya sebagai tubuh budaya (dalam atmadja, 2010: 72). dengan kata lain, tubuh sudah bekerja pada penonton atas namanya sendiri untuk kepentingan joget. oleh joget, tubuh dipacu, digoyang, digetarkan, ditarik maju mundur, ditekan ke bawah ke atas tanpa mengenal lelah agar tubuh mendapatkan bayaran yang banyak. joget tidak peduli apakah tubuh mereka sudah merasakan letih, sepanjang masih ada waktu dan kesempatan, tubuh terus bekerja tanpa henti. dalam situasi tersebut di atas, dapat dikatakan bahwa tubuh joget menemukan titik via negativa, yakni penyatuan psikis dan tubuh menjadi alat bagi joget untuk melakukan kontak dan berada lebih dekat dengan sisi dalam batin mereka (yudiaryani, 1997: 202). pada kondisi ini, joget sudah lepas dari tubuh mereka sendiri. mereka masing-masing memiliki dunia sendiri. joget dengan hasrat memeroleh bayaran yang lebih banyak, bahkan hasrat fantasi seksual sebagaimana yang difantasikan oleh penonton, sedangkan tubuh dengan hidupnya sendiri, bergerak mempertunjukkan kuasanya. sekali waktu, dengan jelas terlihat, ekspresi wajah joget jauh berbeda dengan gerakan tubuh mereka. wajah mereka seperti sedang berada jauh di luar kalangan pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale. meskipun mereka berusaha tersenyum dan tertawa. hal itu semata-mata dilakukan sebagai bentuk profesionalitas. akan tetapi, begitu wajah mereka ditarik ke tubuh, maka yang tampak adalah perasaan berbeda. wajah joget seperti sedang tertimpa persoalan, sedangkan tubuh mereka tidak peduli, sehingga tubuh tersebut terus bergerak mencari mangsa, karena tubuh mereka sedang menemukan titik kulminasi yang tepat untuk menumpahkan kemarahan. tubuh di satu sisi menjadi topeng sekaligus modal joget, tetapi pada saat bersamaan, joget sebenarnya sedang disiksa oleh tubuh mereka sendiri, sehingga mereka merasakan sakit pada diri mereka sendiri dalam waktu yang lama. persoalan hidup joget yang berada dalam ekonomi rendah, kelompok terpinggirkan yang di satu sisi juga memiliki hasrat untuk setara dengan kelompok domian merupakan pisau bagi tubuh untuk menyiksa joget dengan cara memacu joget terus ngibing. dengan begitu, joget terus menerus merasakan sakit. terlebih lagi, rasa sakit yang joget rasakan tidak digubris orang lain. dalam konteks siksaan simbolik tubuh kepada joget ini, dapat diacu pula apa yang dikatakan foucault, jadi siksaan merupakan seni menghasilkan sejumlah rasa sakit yang diatur berdasarkan kriteria tertentu (dalam hardiyanta, 1997: 37). perbedaan kehendak tubuh joget dengan joget sendiri semakin tampak apabila pertunjukan sudah usai. joget merasakan tubuh mereka letih, lalu mereka menangis di 4 belakang panggung karena mengingat persoalan hidup mereka atau mereka termenung, duduk dengan tatapan mata kosong meskipun sedang berada di tengah keramaian. mereka tampak tidak memiliki daya apa pun. tidak pula tampak bahwa baru saja mereka mengontestasikan ideologi kekebasan mereka di pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale. dalam konteks ini, tubuh diperbudak oleh hasrat joget, tetapi pada saat bersamaan tubuh juga sedang menumbangkan joget dengan cara memotong semua kemungkinan yang stabil pada hasrat joget (ritzer, 2010: 228). lebih jauh lagi, ketika tubuh diperhadapkan dengan penonton, tubuh menebar kuasanya dengan berusaha menjaga stamina, melayani pengibing yang satu ke pengibing berikutnya yang jauh lebih bertenaga. tubuh mesti melayani pengibing yang masih bertenaga baru tersebut, sedangkan sebelumnya tubuh sudah melakukan pemerasan tenaga yang masih tersedia. namun demikian, kuasa tubuh telah mengikat pengibing dengan pesona tenaga yang terus terjaga, bahkan bagi sebagian penonton melihat bahwa pada saat tubuh tampak semakin lelah justru pesona tubuh semakin mereka rasakan. hal senada diungkapkan oleh joas, bahkan untuk mengidentifikasi persepsi atau sensasi yang datang dari dalam diri sendiri, diperlukan sikap terhadap tubuh orang itu sendiri yang diperantarai dengan isarat tubuh yang signifikan (dalam ritzer dan smart, 2012: 894). pada diri joget, sering tampak bahwa tubuh mereka memiliki dunia sendiri. ideologi tubuh adalah memuaskan tuannya, yakni joget itu sendiri dan penonton. nalar joget sering tampak tidak sejalan dengan tubuh mereka. mereka mempunyai hasrat menguasai penonton dan memiliki obsesi memeroleh tujuan mengumpulkan uang bayaran sebanyakbanyaknya, sementara tubuh melayani tuannya meskipun dengan perubahan rupa, yakni dari tubuh tampak masih bertenaga dengan tubuh yang “harus” tampak bertenaga. tubuh bagian betis tidak luput dari perhatian penonton. mereka menilai betis tersebut putih atau tidak, panjang atau pendek, kokoh dan lincah bergerak atau tidak. apabila betis tersebut memesonakan mereka, penonton tidak segan-segan langsung memberikan penilaian kemudian tidak malu-malu menampakkan keterpesonaan. tidak merasa puas dengan tubuh bagian betis, penonton menggerayangkan mata mereka ke bagian paha. paha yang dibiarkan terbuka sedikit dengan kain yang ditarik hingga ke atas lutut membuat penonton tidak tinggal diam. dalam situasi tersebut, tampak bahwa penonton sedang mengalami histeria, sehingga mereka terus mengikuti hasrat seksual mereka dengan media tubuh joget secara berpindah-pindah karena mereka sedang berada dalam situasi fantasi romantis yang meregresi mereka secara imajinatif dan emosional sehingga mereka merasakan diri dibawa ke suatu masa di mana mereka merasakan diri sebagai pusat perhatian (radway dalam storey, 2010: 59). histeria ini yang menyebabkan penonton tidak bisa merasa terpuaskan dalam waktu lama, sehingga kuasa tubuh joget terus mencengkram penonton sampai batas5 batas yang mereka sendiri hadirkan dengan cara histeria. penonton membentuk sensasi mereka sendiri dengan visualisasi tubuh joget. sensasi dan inervasi yang jumlahnya tidak bisa dihitung, yang kita temui sebagai gejala histeria, dalam organ-organ yang tidak bisa dikaitkan dengan aspek seksualitas (freud, 2009: 342-243). merasa tidak puas dengan bagian tubuh yang terbuka, penonton memamerkan hasrat mereka terhadap tubuh yang tertutupi pakaian joget. pinggul, perut, buah dada, bahkan punggung pun menjadi objek hasrat penonton. kuasa tubuh telah mengubah penonton melupakan ruang dan waktu tempat di mana mereka bisa jadi tidak dapat mengekspresikan diri secara bebas. mereka berasal dari kelompok terpinggirkan sehingga hidup dalam tekanan sosial dan ekonomi kelompok dominan. dengan itu, untuk sementara waktu mereka lupa bahwa mereka sedang berada di ruang publik. hasrat untuk menyentuh, melihat, hingga merasakan tubuh joget dipamerkan secara merdeka dan berkelompok. joget yang memiliki tubuh menyadari bahwa mereka telah menguasai penonton. dengan begitu, mereka pun dengan mudah “menjajah” penonton, mengubah mereka seperti orang gila, sehingga sanggup melakukan apa saja untuk memuaskan diri. dalam konteks ini, kuasa tubuh telah membuat mereka merasa di puncak hasrat hanya dengan mereka melihat, sekali waktu memegang, dan hanya dengan menertawakan tingkah pengibing sekaligus menertawakan diri sendiri. hal ini memerlihatkan salah satu bentuk kekuasaan, di mana kekuasaan joget dan pengibing berlabuh pada kenikmatan yang tidak terlindungi karena kenikmatan itu muncul manasuka (foucault dalam ritzer, 2010: 112). perayaan kemenangan yang dilakukan oleh kuasa tubuh dan pengibing terus berlanjut ke dalam ekspresi kebebasan berbentuk simbolik dengan beragam rupa dan gaya, tergantung karakter pengibing. keduanya sama-sama saling menundukkan, sehingga tontonan pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale tidak henti-hentinya menyihir penonton hingga pertunjukan usai, karena tubuh harus punya kuasa atau dikonstruk untuk memiliki kuasa, sehingga tubuh yang merasakan lelah pun tetap tampak memiliki kuasa. perlu diketahui, apa sebenarnya yang sedang terjadi pada saat tubuh merayakan kuasanya kepada joget dan termasuk pula memperdayai penonton. kalau dalam konteks psikoanalisis, yang tampak adalah bagaimana bawah sadar joget berperan penting, yakni mereka memiliki banyak persoalan yang membuat mereka membiarkan diri dikuasai oleh tubuh mereka sendiri. ekonomi, posisi sosial yang rendah, lemahnya akses kuasa, sehingga berimplikasi pada kurangnya perasaan bahagia mereka pada saat berada di luar kalangan pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale. dalam hal menarik dicermati analogi ritzer, logika psikonalisisnya adalah, contoh bahwa, penutur memeroleh kenikmatan dari selip lidah. dan kemudian mengeluarkan ide yang tertekan, namun dalam proses penutur juga mengacaukan makna yang diucapkan. jadi kata-kata yang dikeluarkan dalam selip lidah harus ditafsirkan sebagai gejolak pokok bahkan realitas alam bawah sadar (2010: 48). 6 sebenarnya, baik tubuh dan joget sama-sama lelahnya, sehingga tampak pula telah terjadi krisis dalam situasi tersebut karena secara simbolik telah terjadi konflik terbuka dalam individu joget antara kebutuhan-kebutuhan budaya objektif tubuh mereka dengan perjuangan diri untuk ekspresi kehidupannya sendiri (weinstein dan weinstein, 2008: 131). jadi, tubuh dipergunakan oleh joget untuk memeroleh hasrat kebebasan, yakni joget berusaha membebaskan diri dari berbagai persoalan sosial dan ekonomi yang menghimpit. dengan mempergunakan tubuh, joget memeroleh kekuasaan dan menjadikan penonton sebagai objek kekuasaannya, terutama pengibing. simpulan pada ranah pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale, joget membentuk sistemnya sendiri dengan tubuh yang dipacu terus untuk bekerja agar mereka mampu melepaskan diri dari tekanan realitas, di mana mereka tidak dapat menjadi subjek pada realitas tersebut. karena mereka berlatar belakang ekonomi lemah dan sosial yang terpinggirkan, mereka menjadi objek dari kelompok dominan, sehingga merasa memiliki posisi yang kuat di ranah pertunjukan kesenian ale-ale, joget menggunakan modal yang paling realistis pada diri mereka, yakni tubuh mereka sendiri. ucapan terima kasih terima kasih kepada ketua stkip hamzanwadi selong yang telah memberikan bantuan pendidikan. penulis menyampaikan kebanggaan mendalam kepada kelompok kesenian aleale yang ada di lombok, nusa tenggara barat. daftar pustaka alafarisi, salman. 2014. “kesenian ale-ale sebagai kontestasi ideologi masyarakat sasak”, disertasi program doktor, program studi kajian budaya, program pascasarjana, universitas udayana. atmadja, nengah bawa. 2010. komodifikasi tubuh perempuan joged “ngebor” bali. denpasar: program studi magister dan doktor kajian budaya universitas udayana dan pustaka larasan. freud, sigmund. 2009. pengantar umum psikoanalisis. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. hardiyanta, petrus sunu. 1997. michel foucault disiplin tubuh bengkel individu modern. yogyakarta: lkis. ritzer, george dan barry smart. 2012. handbook teori sosial. jakarta: nusa media. ritzer, george. 2010. teori sosial postmodern. yogyakarta: kreasi wacana. storey, john. 2010. cultural studies dan kajian budaya pengantar komprehensif teori dan metode. yogyakarta: jalasutra. weinstein, deena dan weinstein, michael a. 2008. “simmel dan teori masyarakat postmodern” dalam teori-teori sosiologi modernitas postmodernitas pasca marxis pasca liberal. bryan s. turner (ed). yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. yudiaryani. 1997. “metode transformasi, sistem via negativa, dan teknik trance dalam proses kreatif jerzy grotowski” (dalam seni, jurnal pengetahuan dan penciptaan seni, v/03-04). yogyakarta: bp isi yogyakarta. 7 microsoft word artikel a.n. nurul aini terbit 3 e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 27-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 ecoprint color fastness resistance on goatskin media against wet rub and sunlight nurul aini1, endang prahastuti 2, mayang fatkhi rohmah3 123universitas negeri malang email: 1nurul.aini.ft@um.ac.id, 2endang.prahastuti.ft@um.ac.id, 3mayangfatkhi@gmail.com received date : 16-03-2022 accepted date : 18-04-2022 published date : 31-05-2022 abstract many artisans prefer to use artificial (synthetic) dyes because they are faster and easier. however, chemical substances from synthetic dye waste are harmful to the environment. eco-print technique minimizes environmental losses due to natural coloring techniques on printing or transferring colors and motifs from plants directly to the medium. this study aimed to determine the color fastness of eco-print on goatskin material against wet rubbing and sunlight using mordant and tunjung. this research was descriptive research with a quantitative approach. the results showed that the average evaluation value of color fastness to sunlight was 4.75, better than wet rubbing, which got an average evaluation value of 4.42. the bivariate analysis showed the value of sig. (0.043) or h0 was rejected. in conclusion, there was a difference in color fastness from ecoprint on goatskin material against wet rubbing and sunlight. keywords: eco-print, fastness resistance, goatskin. introduction the textile industry in indonesia grows rapidly with a wide variety of textile products in various motifs and colors such as weaving, batik, tie-dyeing, songket and eco-print (wahyuni & mutmainah, 2020). the process of giving color to textile products to produce a particular color composition is called coloring (prahastuti, 2016). many artisans prefer to use artificial (synthetic) dyes because they are faster and easier. however, chemical substances from synthetic dye waste are harmful to the environment. the abundance of indonesia's natural resources provides an excellent opportunity to be used as a coloring and replace the chemical substances to give more product value and avoid negative impacts on the environment. a form of developing natural coloring techniques is eco-print e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 27-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 (flint, 2008: 25; wahyuni & mutmainah, 2020). the eco-print technique is a textile processing technique using natural dyes through a process of printing or transferring colors and shapes of motifs from plants directly on cloth or other media; thus, the motifs from this technique are unique and cannot be repeated since the materials such as leaves, flowers, or twigs are also different (flint, 2008: 26). young teak leaves can be used in eco-print techniques because they contain anthocyanin pigments that produce a clearer, brighter, and more concentrated reddish color. also, young teak leaves contain carotenoids vital in coloring and contain high tannins; they could attach an intense color. the eco-print technique can be used on fabric media and animal skin. however, animal skin medium is still rarely used due to its relatively lengthy process with high production costs, although it also has a relatively high selling price. a specific point of the eco-print process between fabrics and animal skins is the steaming process, in which the flame should not be too hot on animal skin because it results in curly and stiff media. animal skin eco-printing uses the steaming technique to maximize the release and absorption of natural colors. additionally, there is a mordanting process on animal skin e co-prints to relax the skin and facilitate the colouring to absorb and lock the natural pigment into the leather material (larasati et al., 2021; wahyuni & mutmainah, 2020). eco-printing of teak leaves on goatskin could be developed into a trend that adds the aesthetic value of goatskin to increase the business potential and function of processed goatskin. goatskin has more unique characteristics and is solid and flexible than sheepskin or cowhide. the harmonious application of colors and motifs from young teak leaves allows the creation of modern, more expansive, innovative, and creative works such as bags, wallets, shoes, and so on (enita, 2014). from the interviews that authors conducted with the leather eco-print craftsman griya madukara and the textile evaluation laboratory of the indonesian islamic university (uii) yogyakarta, the mordant types affect the color fastness of the produced leather eco-print because mordant is a natural dye binder to bound colors to the fabric or leather. mordant is an auxiliary material that generates color from natural dyes and strengthens color resistance. some examples of mordant substances are an alum, tunjung, palm sugar, rock sugar, lime water, and so on (ramanto, 2007: 57). hence, researchers were encouraged to make further observations to determine the color resistance of the eco-print on goatskin media against wet rubbing and sunlight using a solution of alum and tunjung mordants. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 27-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 research method this research was descriptive research with a quantitative approach. there were 12 observations and 6 samples to test. data collection was carried out in august– september 2021 at griya madukara, which conducts eco-print on animal skin. the object of this research was goatskin, dyed using the eco-print technique with a mordanting process using alum and tunjung solutions. this research data was primary data obtained directly from color fastness testing by a team of testers at the textile evaluation laboratory, islamic university of indonesia, yogyakarta, using the grayscale and staining scale following the sni iso 105-x12:2012 on color fastness to rubbing and sni iso 105b01:2010 on color fastness to sunlight. there were two variable types in this study: dependent and independent variables. the dependent variable was the color fastness test results against wet rubbing and sunlight. the independent variables were the type of mordant solution in making eco-prints on goatskin media: alum (al2(so4)3) and tunjung (feso4). data analysis was carried out using descriptive analysis and bivariate analysis. descriptive analysis was conducted to determine the color fastness of eco-print on goatskin media treated with alum and tunjung mordant against wet rubbing and sun exposure. bivariate analysis was used to determine the difference between the color fastness of eco-print on goatskin media against wet rubbing and sunlight. the statistical tests in this study used the kruskal wallis test with the help of spss 22 computer software at a 0.05 significance level. color fastness resistance test results against wet rubbing table 1. color fastness resistance test results against wet rubbing color fastness resistance test test number mordant type alum tunjung 1 4 (good) 4.5 (good) wet rubbing 2 4.5 (good) 4.5 (good) 3 4.5 (good) 4.5 (good) average 4.3 (good) 4.5 (good) based on the above data, the average score results were a good score of 4.3 using alum mordant and a good score of 4.5 using tunjung mordant. therefore, the ecoe-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 27-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 print color fastness test on goatskin media using alum and tunjung mordants against wet rubbing had a good evaluation value. color fastness resistance test results against sunlight table 2. color fastness resistance test results against sunlight color fastness resistance test test number mordant type alum tunjung sunlight 1 4.5 (good) 5 (excellent) 2 4.5 (good) 5 (excellent) 3 4.5 (good) 5 (excellent) average 4.5 (good) 5 (excellent) based on the above data, the average score results were a good average score of 4.5 on alum mordant and an excellent score of 5 on tunjung mordant. thus, the ecoprint color fastness test results on goatskin media using alum mordant and tunjung against sunlight were good and excellent evaluation values. analysis of color fastness test against sunlight and wet rubbing the data obtained from the islamic university of indonesia textile evaluation laboratory test results were hypothesized using the spss 22 program. the following are the results: table 3 results of color fastness resistance test against wet rubbing and sunlight color fastness resistance test mordant substances informatio n h count sig. alum tunjung average wet rubbing 4.3 4.5 4.42 there' s a differ ence 4.083 0.043 sunlight 4.5 5 4.75 based on the data analysis using kruskal wallis above, the value of sig. (0.043) < α (0.05) or calculated h value (4.083) > χ ² table (3.841). it can be concluded that there are differences in the results of eco-print color fastness on goatskin media against wet rubbing and sunlight, or h0 is rejected. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 27-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 discussion color fastness resistance test results against wet rubbing based on the above data, the average score results were a good average score of 4.5 on alum mordant and an excellent score of 5 on tunjung mordant. thus, the ecoprint color fastness test results on goatskin media using alum mordant and tunjung against sunlight were good and excellent evaluation values. these followed the research of priambodho (2015) and rosyida (2014), which showed that the staining of teak leaves treated with alum and tunjung solutions had a good evaluation of the color fastness value (priambodho, 2015; rosyida & achadi w., 2014). during the coloring process, mordant functions as a bridge between natural dyes and skin tissue to bind well, thereby increasing the color fastness properties (pancapalaga et al., 2021; vankar, 2000). young teak leaves have high anthocyanin, tannin and carotenoid pigments so that the color pigments can be bound and absorbed maximally on the goatskin, making the color difficult to remove even with repeated rubbing (aradhana et al., 2010; astiti, 2017; fathinatullabibah et al., 2014). color fastness resistance test results against sunlight based on the data analysis using kruskal wallis above, the value of sig. (0.043) < α (0.05) or calculated h value (4.083) > χ ² table (3.841). it can be concluded that there are differences in the results of eco-print color fastness on goatskin media against wet rubbing and sunlight, or h0 is rejected. these followed the researches of murwati (2011) and nugraha (2020), which showed that the test sample using tunjung (feso4) as a mordant had the highest value compared to alum mordant (al2(so4)3) (murwati et al., 2011; nugraha & rakhmatiara, 2020). it occurred because feso4 forms complex bonds with a combination of metal salts to protect color pigments from sunlight which break down and fade colors (nugraha & rakhmatiara, 2020). the fe+2 ions in the tunjung/ferrous sulfate reacted with the natural color pigment molecules of young teak leaves into the skin pores, which formed a larger color bond and made it darker than the alum solution (pujilestari, 2015). comparison of color fastness resistance test results against wet rub and sunlight based on the data analysis using kruskal wallis above, the value of sig. (0.043) < α (0.05) or calculated h value (4.083) > χ ² table (3.841). it can be concluded that there e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 27-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 are differences in the results of eco-print color fastness on goatskin media against wet rubbing and sunlight, or h0 is rejected. this research aligned with kharisma (2020), who got a better color fastness value in the sunlight test than wet rubbing (kharisma & sudiarso, 2020). this study also followed the statement of vankar (2000), which stated that anthraquinone compounds in teak leaves produce a reddish color and have good fastness to light. these anthraquinones form complex bonds with a combination of metal salts (mordant substances) and produce colors with good fastness (vankar, 2000). the natural color pigments of young teak leaves during the heating and processing were attached to the goatskin so that the color could be more resistant to the sun's heat (kwartiningsih et al., 2009). the researcher assumed that if the goatskins is exposed to water or wet cloth, it will cause the skin pores to open and release some of the absorbed dye and leave a mark when repeated 10 times in machine-scrubbed with large enough pressure (chintya & utami, 2017; kharisma & sudiarso, 2020). conclusion based on the described results, it can be concluded that the color fastness of teak leaf eco-prints on goatskin media using alum and tunjung mordants against wet rubbing resulted in the good category. in contrast, the color fastness to sunlight results in a good score for the alum treatment and excellent value evaluation for the tunjung treatment. the data analysis using the kruskal wallis statistical test showed differences in eco-print's wet rubbing and sunlight results. the level of color resistance to sunlight was better than wet rubbing. the surface of the eco-print on the goatskin media was uneven due to the use of corrugated pipe hoses, and the surface color followed the waves of the pipe hose. suggestion further research in making eco-prints on leather media to use pipe hoses on a flat surface so that the color would more evenly match the pipe hose's surface. besides, future researchers could also use other types of plants such as lanang leaves, african leaves, and so on to determine the fastness that could occur. in addition, it is hoped that the fashion study program can provide knowledge and insight to fashion design students about eco-printing on leather media using natural materials. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 27-33 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 references chintya, n., & utami, b. (2017). ekstraksi tannin dari daun sirsak (annona muricata l.) sebagai pewarna alami tekstil. journal cis-trans (jc-t), 1(1), 22–29. enita, r. (2014). redesain motif pucuk rebung kuntum mambang dengan teknik emoss. universitas telkom. flint, i. (2008). eco colour: botanical dyes for beautiful textiles. interweave press. kharisma, y., & sudiarso, a. (2020). pengujian ketahanan luntur warna cokelat pada kain batik katun dengan pewarna alami. semnas ristek (seminar nasional riset dan inovasi teknologi), 4(1). kwartiningsih, e., setyawardhani, d. a., wilyanto, a., & triyono, a. (2009). zat pewarna alami tekstil dari kulit buah manggis. . 8(1): 41-47. ekuilibrium, 8(1), 41–47. larasati, f. u., aini, n., & irianti, a. h. s. (2021). proses pembuatan batik tulis remekan di kecamatan ngantang. prosiding pendidikan teknik boga busana, 16(1). murwati, e. s., pristiwati, e., & nugroho, l. p. a. (2011). teknik pewarnaan agel dengan zat warna alam dari daun jati. dinamika kerajinan dan batik, 29(1), 31–36. nugraha, j., & rakhmatiara, e. y. (2020). effects of different mordants on silk fabric dyed with onion outer skin extracts. arena tekstil, 35(1), 29–38. prahastuti, e. (2016). potensi pengembangan kerajinan batik gentongan di desa paseseh kecamatan tanjungbumi madura. seminar nasional gender dan budaya madura iii madura: perempuan, budaya & perubahan, 113–120. pujilestari, t. (2015). review: sumber dan pemanfaatan zat warna alam untuk keperluan industri. dinamika kerajinan dan batik, 32(2), 93–106. ramanto, m. (2007). pengetahuan bahan seni rupa dan kriya. unp press. vankar, p. s. (2000). chemistry of natural dyes. general article, 5(10), 73–80. wahyuni, t. s., & mutmainah, s. (2020). karakteristik karya ecoprint natural dye pada kulit di rumah batik hardini papar-kediri. jurnal seni rupa, 8(2), 194–207. microsoft word artikel saortua terbit5 e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 38-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 there is no complete hegemony: sharia tourism development discourse in bali saortua marbun1, anak agung ngurah anom kumbara2, i nyoman darma putra3, ida bagus gde pujaastawa4 1triatma mulya university, indonesia, 2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1saortuam@gmail.com, 2anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 3idarmaputra@yahoo.com, 4ibg_pujaastawa@yahoo.co.id received date : 13-05-2021 accepted date : 09-06-2021 published date : 31-08-2021 abstract in the past decade, the indonesian government has taken political and economic policy measures to improve the country's image as a muslim-friendly destination. the leading destinations chosen to be developed with the concept of sharia tourism are one form of these efforts. however, the policy faced negative responses from several regions, especially from tourism stakeholders in bali. indeed, the balinese are not enthusiastic about the possibility of their island being labelled as sharia tourism destination. even though sharia tourism stakeholders took the initiative to show the potential benefits of sharia tourism economically, the idea was still rejected. primary data was collected utilizing in depth interviews with key informants selected purposively, while secondary data was obtained from literature, documents, information from mass media and local television. the data were analyzed with a critical theory approach in the style of cultural studies, using the theory of hegemony, ideology, power/knowledge relations and critical discourse analysis to explain the form of discourse, response forms and implications of the discourse on sharia tourism development in bali. this paper also presents both empirical and theoretical findings and provides recommendations. this article concludes that bali can't be transformed into a sharia tourism destination, however, bali still accommodates the needs of muslim tourists. keywords: discourse, sharia tourism, balinese cultural tourism, hegemony, counterhegemony introduction the discourse of implementing sharia tourism in bali has raised pros and cons among bali’s tourism stakeholders, the ministry of tourism and creative economy (kemenparekraf) as well as sharia economic stakeholders. the balinese side rejected the policy while the e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 38-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 sharia tourism stakeholders were in line with the government's wishes. the development of sharia tourism destination is motivated by the economic potential of the halal lifestyle (marbun, 2018; rabo & isaac, 2019: 151; kneks, 2020), the growth of the halal market and global muslim population (pewforum, 2011), as well as indonesia's position as the country with the largest muslim population. it should be noted that the development of the halal lifestyle industry is guided by the legal system and the sharia economic system (kneks, 2020). the halal lifestyle industry includes clusters in the fields of pharmacy, cosmetics, fashion, media, recreation, halal food, and sharia tourism (razalli et al., 2012: 92; kompas, 2020; kneks, 2020). the implementation of sharia principles in sharia tourism clusters is classy and added value, considering that islamic tourists can continue to maintain their religiosity and personal attachment to the divine in their daily life and during their trip (ma'zumi et al., 2017: 279). according to kneks, indonesia has the potential to become a world halal center, by encouraging sharia tourism clusters as a locomotive for economic growth by networking with oic member countries following the sophistication provided by globalization (appadurai, 1990: 295-310). in addition to the capital of the muslim population, indonesia also has an umbrella in the form of power technology devices (foucault in behrent, 2013), namely islamic shariabased regulations, including marriage laws, banking, sharia finance, waqf, zakat management, (anti) pornography, guarantee of halal products and services, implementation of the field of halal product assurance, ministerial regulations regarding guidelines for the implementation of sharia hotels, guidelines for the implementation of sharia tourism by national sharia council-indonesian ulema council or dewan syariah nasional-majelis ulama indonesia (dsn-mui fatwa no. 108 of 2016) and kneks as a non-structural institution that has a master plan in enhancing the development of the national sharia economic and financial ecosystem. it is important to note that the indonesian sharia tourism cluster has been active and received recognition from the world halal tourism award in the form of three awards in 2015 and twelve awards in 2016. the awards include the halal tourism business in the fields of airlines, airports, family-friendly hotels, resorts, halal travel operators, halal travel websites, halal honeymoon destinations, hajj and umrah operators, halal destinations, halal culinary destinations and halal cultural destinations (gmti, 2016; kemenparekraf, 2016; marbun, 2018). furthermore, indonesia's halal tourism ranking has also increased in the last 5 years, ranking 6 in 2015, ranking 4 in 2016, and ranking 1 in 2019 e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 38-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 (liputan6, 2019). this achievement shows that indonesia has the potential to become "one of the main actors and hubs of the world's sharia economy" (kneks). the ministry of tourism and creative economy identified thirteen provinces, starting from west nusa tenggara, nangroe aceh darussalam, west sumatra, riau, lampung, banten, dki jakarta, west java, central java, yogyakarta, east java, south sulawesi, and bali, as sharia tourism destinations (andriani, et al., 2015; sindo news, 2015; al hasan, 2017), based on the readiness and availability of sharia hotel accommodation, halal restaurants (jpnn, 2015b; kumparan, 2019; republika, 2013), houses of worship, and etc. the role of the island of bali in the development of sharia-labeled destinations is seen as potential, considering that culture, traditional traditions, religious rituals, and nature are attractive. there is no doubt that in bali there are 760 mosques, dozens of islamic banking, halal restaurants, sharia hotels, hundreds of halal-certified producers. it is very important to add that social life in bali is conducive to cultural diversity, as evidenced by the high index of religious harmony (ministry of religion, 2019; republika, 2017; tribun bali, 2019), in bali there are also traditional villages with a majority muslim population such as pegayaman village, gelgel village, loloan village, which located outside the tourism track, namely in north bali and west bali. certainly, muslim tourists do not worry about traveling to bali. therefore, it makes sense that bali is included in the list of sharia tourism destinations issued by the tourism ministry (andriani et al., 2015; sindo news, 2015; al hasan, 2017). however, the discourse on developing sharia tourism destination faced a rejection response from the balinese side, when the islamic economic community (mes) bali made a statement, quoted by mass media, had a discourse on fostering a muslim-majority village in bali as a "pilot project for sharia economic development" (metro bali, 2015b), and working on a sharia tourism village. in bali (republika, 2015), as a pilot village for the application of sharia values in a kaffah manner, as an actualization of islam that is rahmatan lil alamin (hermawan, interviewed 16 may 2019). at least eight demonstrations took place in east bali, west bali and south bali such as in karangasem (tribun bali, 2015g), in klungkung (tribun bali, 2015c), (nusa bali, 2015), and denpasar (layarberita, 2015), (nusa bali, 2015), in tabanan (news.beritabali.com, 2015c), in gianyar (nusa bali, 2015), in buleleng (metro bali, 2015a), (tribun bali, 2015e), (kabarnusa, 2015a) , and in jembrana (tribun bali, 2015b), (liputan6, 2015), (kabarnusa, 2015a,b), to reject the discourse of sharia tourism village. the participants in the action consisted of youth groups, students, members of community e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 38-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 organizations such as the “puskor hindunesia”, “aliansi peduli bali” (the bali care alliance), “aliansi hindu muda indonesia” (the young indonesian hindu alliance), “kesatuan mahasiswa hindu dharma indonesia” (the indonesian hindu dharma student union), “kelompok cakrawayu” (the cakrawayu group), and “gerakan pemuda marhaen” (the marhaen youth movement). rejection was also conveyed by the governor of bali (20132018) (republika, 2015b; jpnn, 2015b), members of the dpd ri (tribun bali, 2015a), deputy chairperson of the provincial dprd of bali (tribun bali, 2015a), chairperson of the bali indonesian hotel and restaurant association (phri) (liputan6, 2015). the resistance again occurred when the vice presidential candidate sandiaga uno in 2019 conveyed a discourse on the development of sharia tourism destinations while campaigning in bali (media indonesia, 2019). the refusal was conveyed by the governor of bali (2018-2024) (detik news, 2019), the deputy governor of bali (2018-2024) (media indonesia, 2019), humanists, traditional leaders, community leaders (media indonesia, 2019; detik news, 2019e). despite the pros and cons, the sharia tourism business, sharia hotels, halal restaurants in bali continue to develop sustainably. in 2015 there were the bayt kaboki hotel (jpnn, 2015a) and the rhadana hotel in kuta, comparing to 2020, the number of halalcertified hotel restaurants rose to eleven units (lppom mui bali, 2020). therefore, the polemic of sharia tourism destination in bali is relevant to be studied with a cross-disciplinary approach in the cultural studies method. method in addition, to analyzing the situation related to tourism in bali and indonesia in general, special attention is focused on sharia tourism discourse to understand the form of sharia tourism development discourse in bali, knowing the response to it and its implications. the answer to this question will reflect the attitude of officials, the attitude of the local community and the attitude of the stakeholders towards the perspective that wants to make the island of bali a leading destination with a halal label. research questions will be answered using a two-pronged qualitative method. first, collecting primary data through in-depth interviews with key informants determined by purposive sampling technique. it should be noted, that the in-depth interview technique involves a series of prepared questions, however, this technique provides flexibility so that it can be developed to ensure that the interviewed informants will provide in depth insight into the issues of sharia tourism development e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 38-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 discourse in bali. in addition, secondary data was also collected through literature and documents review, media information and local television program. secondary data was collected as a cross-reference of research results. overall, both primary and secondary data were analyzed using hegemonic theory, ideological theory, power/knowledge relation theory and critical discourse analysis which were used eclectically. furthermore, the results of the analysis are compiled based on the common thread from the results of interviews and literature reviews. result and discussions the development of sharia tourism destinations in indonesia is an integral part of the national economic policy promoted by the government based on islamic sharia. the legal, economic and financial principles sourced from the holy qur'an are implemented into state policy through the process of positivizing the islamic legal system into the national legal system, economic system and national financial system as represented in the law on islamic justice, marriage, sharia finance, (anti) pornography, halal product guarantees, ministerial regulations regarding guidelines for operating sharia hotel businesses, as well as guidelines for tourism implementation based on sharia principles in the form of a dsn-mui fatwa. the ideology of islamic economics and finance (marbun, 2018) is accommodated by the state in order to strengthen national economic resilience, and to make indonesia a leading islamic economic center in the world. in order to accelerate the growth of sharia economy, the government formed the national committee for sharia economy and finance (komite nasional ekonomi dan keuangan syariah or kneks). furthermore, kneks makes the sharia tourism cluster as one of the main sectors to strengthening the halal value chain. accordingly, sharia tourism is applied nationally, including in bali. thus, the political policy of sharia economic and financial development and the positivization of the sharia legal system can be seen as an effort to create distinction in order to maintain class and dominance of sharia economic stakeholder groups (marbun, 2021). likewise, the top-down approach in development sharia tourism destination policy in bali can be interpreted as a practice of state hegemony towards bali (marbun, 2021), by socializing the ideology and identity of the majority group to produce a consensus, so that the concept and label of sharia tourism can be accepted and implemented in bali. e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 38-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 the hegemony of the state, that proposed to develop sharia tourism in bali has faced a counter-hegemonic response from the cultural tourism stakeholders and components of the balinese hindu community. the counter-hegemony response was delivered (1) on a regulatif basis, in the form of updating regional regulations on balinese cultural tourism and the making of new regulations related to maintaining balinese ethnic and cultural identity, such as using balinese language and clothing on certain days for civil servants and private; as well as counter hegemony (2) directly submitted to kemenparekraf officials, to management of community organizations, and to the vice presidential candidates who are campaigning in bali. the counter-hegemony response was motivated by (1) the concept of balinese cultural tourism which has developed and has been regulated since the 1970s, (2) the actualization of the values of multiculturalism in the practice of balinese cultural tourism which is characterized by the spirit of togetherness and freedom without discrimination, (3) is motivated by islamophobic discourses such as prejudice and stereotypes against muslims as immigrants, and (4) efforts to maintain ethnic identity imbued with the steady spirit of bali. due to the counter-hegemony response, both regulatory and practical, the hegemony of sharia tourism development never run smoothly and unanimously in bali, as well as in other areas such in labuan bajo, east nusa tenggara and toba, north sumatra, which have the majority population were not share the same belief with the stakeholders of sharia tourism. the counter-hegemony response from tourism stakeholders in bali emphasized that balinese people refuse to be labeled as sharia tourism destination because the label can be interpreted as a form of violence against the local traditions, identity and establishment of cultural tourism in bali (marbun, 2021). however, it should be underlined, that bali remains committed to practicing hospitality to all tourists, including accommodating the spiritual needs of muslim tourists (marbun, 2021), such prepared in hotel room facilities compliance to sharia, halal culinary, etc. thus, the practice of counter hegemony that occurs can be interpreted that state policies that use a top-down approach are irrelevant in the current era of globalization. the implications of the discourse on developing sharia tourism in bali are (1) the discourse on identity politics is getting stronger because the state has made political policies that accommodate the sharia legal system and sharia economic system into the national legal system so that it opens up space for identity struggles between groups (marbun, 2021), (2) government policies which identifies and includes bali as one of the sharia tourism destinations can be interpreted as a form of political dominance and a threat to the e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 38-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 sustainability of cultural tourism, preservation of ethnic identity, marginalization of hindu religious values in bali (marbun, 2021), (3) the sense of threat contributes to increasing public awareness so that bali can implement a balinese governance system, one management system, which is outlined among others through regional regulations on standards for managing balinese cultural tourism, strengthening traditional villages, preserving balinese language and clothing. efforts towards self-reliance in bali have become a necessity in order to control the impact of capitalization, exploitation of culture, traditions, customs and natural resources in the name of national tourism economic development policies, (4) the discourse of sharia tourism development in bali opens up space for capitalization, both for those who are pro and those who are against the discourse of sharia tourism. stakeholders who are against the discourse of sharia tourism development that are reaping blessings are (a) populist politicians who are increasingly popular in the community by utilizing the issue of sharia tourism development discourse as a political commodity in order to win constituent support, and (b) other ethnicities can make this practice counter hegemony to the discourse of sharia tourism development in bali, as a reference. meanwhile, stakeholders who are pro to the discourse of developing sharia tourism at the national level can freely continue the implementation of the concept of sharia tourism in at least 10 other provinces outside bali, as well as stakeholders who are pro to the development of sharia tourism in bali can continue their business after receiving clear signs post counter hegemony (marbun, 2021). based on these implications, it can be said that the attraction of interest between the two parties has reached a stable position, where balinese cultural tourism remains as an icon of bali tourism, while on the other hand the practice of sharia tourism can continue to process. conclusion stakeholders of the sharia legal system, sharia economic and financial system, as well as the halal lifestyle industry in indonesia have succeeded in constructing power technology, sharia-based governmentality technology that is accommodated into the national legal system and national economic system through legal political policies and national economic politics. the sharia-based legal product has been implemented as a legal umbrella for economic development, sharia finance, including the umbrella practice for developing sharia tourism clusters. thus, it can be said that michel foucault's theory of the relation of power and knowledge, technology of power, technology of governmentality, technology of e-journal of cultural studies august 2021 vol. 14, number 3, page 38-49 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 self; find the context. the state and stakeholders in the development of sharia tourism clusters have not succeeded in realizing their hegemony to bali, even though these hegemony efforts have been in progress both explicitly and implicitly since 2013-2019. the counter hegemony from the balinese side to the hegemony of sharia tourism development is carried out for two strong reasons, namely regulatory reasons and practical reasons. the hegemony and counter hegemony of sharia tourism in bali in 2013-2019, theoretically shows that there is no total hegemony (marbun, 2021) as is generally understood from the hegemony theory of antonio gramsci and his followers. the concept of sharia tourism has always faced consistent resistance from the balinese in the last decade, which can be used as a theoretical basis to predict that the counter hegemony movement towards sharia tourism concepts and labels will continue whenever sharia tourism issues emerge in the public domain (marbun, 2021). therefore, the discourse of sharia tourism development triggers polemic, hegemony, counter hegemony and has counter-productive implications. it is very important to note that although bali does not implement the label of sharia tourism, halal tourism, muslim friendly, bali still practices the values of multiculturalism, applying hospitality to all tourists, including accommodating the spiritual needs of muslim tourists. therefore, it is recommended that the government avoid conflicts of interest and provide support for efforts to maintain the identity and icon of balinese cultural tourism. meanwhile, the local government of bali is advised to expose the practice of harmony, balinese hospitality in order to strengthen the brand image of balinese cultural tourism. meanwhile, the community is advised to maintain 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2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 consuming concerns: language style of humour on four female stand-up comedians gusti ayu praminatih tourism study program, institut pariwisata dan bisnis internasional, denpasar, 80239, bali, indonesia e-mail: gusti.praminatih@ipb-intl.ac.id received date : 25-10-2021 accepted date : 26-11-2021 published date : 30-11-2021 abstract comedy is a male-dominated world as sociolinguistics theory also mentions that women employ less humour compared to men. however, female comedians also appeared on television. in indonesia, stand-up comedy indonesia (suci) is a popular stand-up comedy competition broadcasted by a reputable national network channel, kompas tv. interestingly, numerous young female stand-up comedians also took part as participants of suci. this study aimed to analyse humour performed by four female comedian finalists from different cultural backgrounds such as arab-indonesian, chinese-indonesian, british expatriate, and indonesian with batak ethnicity. this study employed a qualitative method by applying various techniques such as video selection, downloading, transcribing relevant data, reducing data, applying theories, and concluding. the data were analysed using the theory of women's language and the theory of types and functions of humour. the study found that women employed humour in stand-up comedy to speak up their minds and share their concerns with the audiences using various language styles, including rhetorical questions, hypercorrect grammars, taboo words, and rising intonations. the humour was employed primarily to share their concerns toward sensitive cultural issues such as stereotypes and identity, sexism, relationship and gender equality, and body positivity. in addition, it contributes to enriching the theory of women's language style and humour. keywords: humour, stand up comedy competition, women's language style, identity introduction since a theory called women's language was introduced by (lakoff, 1973), some studies were extensively conducted on how women employed their language. in this theory, women's language features included hedges, rising declarative intonations, tag questions, empty adjectives, naming of colours, intensifiers, hypercorrect grammar, super polite forms, avoidance of strong swear words, and emphatic stress. besides, some other studies also e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 showed that women used more standard and modest use strategies, approaches, word choices to communicate than men (labov, 1990;tannen, 1991;eckert & mcconnell-ginet, 2003;holmes, 2004, 2006). these numerous studies indicated that greater attention was given to women's language. however, there was very little concern on how these women's language features appeared regarding humour. humour itself has complex definitions and circumstances. humour is a specific human communication that aims to lighten the mood and establish friendship by producing laughter (berger, 1976, p. 113). the speaker's intention in humour defined it as any communication with witty and funny intention already known in advance by the speaker(winick, 1976, p. 124). hay (1995) asserted that the taxonomy of humour falls into twelve categories: anecdote, fantasy, insult, irony, jokes, observational, quote, role-play, self-deprecation, vulgarity, wordplay, and others. further, it is also mentioned that humour serves three primary functions such as solidarity (to share, to highlight or capitalise on similar experience, to clarify and maintain boundaries, to tease), to power (to foster conflict, to control and set boundaries, to tease), and psychological (to defend, to cope with a situational problem, to cope with a general problem). humour has been studied in various disciplines such as health, psychology, politics, literature, and linguistic. it showed that humour is an unseparated aspect of human life. thus, the language used to convey humour is significant and worth investigating. a study found that humorous language can be used to create a friendly and comfortable atmosphere for negotiating and transferring knowledge, especially for sensitive and taboo issues such as the case of hiv/aids(chimbwete-phiri & schnurr, 2017, p. 4). furthermore, when concerning women and humour, some studies have been conducted. in the classroom setting, female students were warier in using humour than their fellow male students (sev’er & ungar, 1997, p. 99). women employed humour to rework gender identity through resistance to gender stereotypes (green, 1998, p. 181). humour was salutogenic and vital for older women in swedish (forssén, 2007, p. 232). women employed humour as personal, emotional management and bonding, highlighting its power to share similar issues, differences, and obstacles within a safe circumstance (schnurr, 2008, p. 304). humour and laughter were also employed by elderly japanese women as coping strategies when talking about the death and the pain of losing their significant other (matsumoto, 2009, pp. 948–949). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 an investigation on gender-based humour on the internet found three types of humour between women and men: sexist joke, feminist, and postfeminist joke regarding the perception of feminism and masculinity (shifman & lemish, 2010, p. 884). female comediennes were seen to be less appealing due to the gendered perception that they lacked skills, and the topic brought was often about femininity that was less relevant to male viewers (bore, 2010, p. 152).a study revealed that humour employed by young women on the internet has functioned as the diminution of sadness, bitterness, and dissatisfaction (kanai, 2019, p. 13). in addition, although stereotypically, women were not involved in humour, they employed humour to perform leadership in a masculine work environment, and it helped women balance professional work and gender identities (sinkeviciute, 2019, pp. 128–129). an extensive study of female firefighters found that they employed humour to negotiate with the adversity working in a male dominance world (eriksen, 2019, p. 5). although studies on the roles and functions of humour primarily for women had been conducted extensively, the language features of the humour remained uninvestigated. in indonesia, humour has long been part of the entertainment industry and broadcasted on television in a comedy show. previously, several comedy programs that broadcasted traditional and modern comedy shows, including ketoprak, srimulat, campursari, opera van java, were conducted with a large group of comedians. interestingly, most of these comedy groups always have at least one female figure. to this day, indonesia has a few well regarded female comedians, such as mpok atih, omas, and nunung. recently, stand-up comedy gained popularity in many of indonesia's national television broadcasters. as a result, standup comedy or solo comedy shows were essential in encouraging young female comedians to perform comedy. kompas tv,owned by kompas gramedia group, the biggest media group in indonesia, has been one of indonesia's national television broadcasts popular stand-up competition for nearly a decade. the stand-up comedy programme, stand-up comedy indonesia kompas tv or abbreviated suci, has been broadcast for nine seasons, from 2011 to the present in 2021. it successfully orbited young stand-up comedians to the indonesian entertainment industry. interestingly, a few numbers of female stand-up comedians also took part in suci as the finalists. until the present day, when this study was conducted, suci winners were all-male stand-up comedians. however, the study was still worth the attention to give further insight e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 into the language style and humour employed by female stand-up comedians in indonesia.therefore, this study examined female stand-up comedians' language style, humour types, and functions within the indonesian context. furthermore, from the humour delivered, the author looked for its cultural implications.this study contributed to the studies on linguistics and culture because humour is also a part of social interaction, and it has cultural elements. in addition, this study also enriched the discussion on language and gender, which is also a field studied in sociolinguistics. method four female stand-up comedians were purposefully selected based on their cultural background. the first stand-up comedian was an arab-indonesian who also became the finalist of suci season one in 2011 when she was named indonesian's first female stand-up comedian. the second stand-up comedian was a chinese-indonesian from suci season two in the following year, 2012. the third stand-up comedian was a british expatriate who, until this study was conducted, remained the first and the only foreigner ever to join suci season three in 2013. lastly, the fourth stand-up comedian was an indonesian with batak ethnicity who happened to be the finalist of suci season four in 2014. thus, it can be concluded that in the first four years of suci, it had attracted many young potential female stand-up comedians to demonstrate their ability to perform humour to a broader audience. however, up to now, the female stand-up comedians never came out as the winner. despite that, these women still successfully made their name in stand-up comedy and other entertainment industries. data collection was conducted by selecting the performance of each female-stand up comedian. the videos were selected based on a few reasons, such as video availability from the subject of suci 2011 and suci 2012, where not many options of videos were available, the most viewed video for the subject of suci 2013, and the stand-up comedy theme from the subject of suci 2014. after selecting suitable videos, the author downloaded the videos selected from the official youtube account of kompas tv. these videos were then transcribed and analysed using data reduction. next, the results were analysed by applying the women's language features and humour theories. after that, the conclusion of women's language styles, types, and functions and the cultural implications of their humour was drawn. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 result and discussions stand-up comedy is a short comedy performance, so the average time is five to eight minutes. four female stand-up comedians selected in the first four seasons of suci came from various backgrounds such as arab-indonesian, chinese-indonesian, british expatriate, and indonesian with batak ethnicity. the results obtained found that these four stand-up comedians used their humour as a safe place to share their struggles, thoughts, and critics about stereotypes and identity, sexism, relationship and gender equality, and body positivity. in addition, they also employed humour to share concerns with the audiences who were facing the same circumstances. sakdiyah makruf was named indonesia's first female muslim stand-up comedian. she was the first and only female finalist in suci season one in 2011. she was known to bring racial issues, stereotypes, and identity struggles from an arab-indonesian in her stand-up comedy performance. in this study, the author analysed one of her performances during the elimination round. sakdiyah delivered her comedy in a well-arranged and formal language except for data (1), where she intentionally used the language to mimic chinese-indonesian. she used the first-person saya to refer to herself instead of informal forms such as aku or gue. she also employed some rhetorical questions during her performance. in the opening of her comedy speech, sakdiyah started her comedy with data (1) mimicking the chineseindonesian followed by data (2) where she teased a fellow chinese-indonesian in the competition and data (3) stating her identity crisis as the result of being labelled and stereotyped as an arab-indonesian, as follows: (1) lu olang jangan belani ngina-ngina olang alab lu! jangan belani-belani lu! do not you dare to insult the arabs! do not you dare! (2) yang ngadepin biar ernest. let ernest confronts (you). (3) memang susah jadi orang arab. seumur hidup ga pernah ditanya nama. ini saya sebutin lagi. saya sakdiyah. it is hard being an arab. i have never been asked my name in my life. so here i say it once again. i am sakdiyah. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 data (1) was a role play because sakdiyah tried to mimic the stereotype of how chinese-indonesian people speak by replacing r with l from a word. after that, she continued with data (2), which was a joke to a fellow contestant who was a chinese-indonesian. finally, data (3) was an anecdote from her personal experience that people did not bother calling her name but simply by her ethnic group. the function of humour in data (1) and data (2) was to show solidarity of arab-indonesian and chinese-indonesian. meanwhile, data (3), it was to show how sakdiyah had to cope with how she perceived herself and how others perceived her. furthermore, in her humour, sakdiyah also mentioned the stereotype of an arabindonesian woman primarily related to physical appearance in data (4), as follows: (4) begitu mau make up, masnya nanya, "mbak, arab ya?" maksud kamu apa? mau nanya apa? apa hubungannya arab sama riasan wajah? oh mungkin kalo arab itu ga perlu di-shading. itu untungnya. as soon as he wanted to makeup, he asked, "miss, are you an arab?" what do you mean? what do you want to say? what does being an arab have to do with makeup? oh, maybe an arab does not need shading. that is luck. data (4) was an anecdote from her personal experience that being an arabindonesian made people around her asking an awkward question related to her background. data (4) functioned to cope with ethnic and physical discrimination. furthermore, besides being stereotyped for language and physical differences, sakdiyah also stated that she was stereotyped as being more religious. it was shown in data (5), data (6), and data (7) as follows: (5) lebih beruntung lagi, orang arab berwajah sholeha seperti saya. ada ibu-ibu keluar melihat saya langsung, "mbak, jadwal shalat di daerah ini jam berapa ya, mbak?" dari mana ibu itu yakin saya tahu jadwal shalat? memangnya saya bedug? even luckier, an arab who has a pious face like me. a woman came out, and when she saw me (she said), "ma'am, what time is the praying in this area?" how could she be sure that i knew the prayer times? am i a bedug? e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 (6) sekalian aja nanya, "mbak, lebaran nanti kapan?" saya tidak tahu, bu. kalau nanya saya, tergantung saya datang bulannya kapan. while at it, (she) might ask, "miss, when will eid be?" i do not know, ma'am. it depends on when my month comes. (7) ada ibu-ibu langsung gelar sejadah di sebelah saya agak ke belakang. "mbak, imam, ya." dari mana dia bisa yakin saya bisa jadi imam? saya dari subuh sampai isha, al fatihah sama qulhu aja. there was a woman who immediately took the sajadah next to me, slightly behind. "miss, you are the imam, okay?" how did she can be sure that i could become the imam? from fajr to isha, i only recite al fatihah and qulhu. data (5), data (6), and data (7) were anecdotes from sakdiyah's personal experience that when she was identified as being an arab-indonesian, people assumed that she was as being more religious. furthermore, in data (6), sakdiyah also added wordplay. the wordplay was shown when sakdiyah was asked when eid will be, to which she replied with "when my month comes" or in the original language, indonesian, "datang bulan", which means menstrual period. the function of humour from data (5), data (6), data (7) was to cope with the stereotype as being more religious than others. in addition, sakdiyah also mentioned that aside from being stereotyped as an arabindonesian, in the social setting, she also had to face a certain friendship etiquette from the opposite gender. they were shown in data (8) and (9) as follows: (8) ketemu temen di kantor, cowok, tidak mau salaman sama saya. kenapa? kudisan? cakep begini tidak mungkin kudisan. (i) met a friend at the office, a man (who) did not want to shake hands with me. why? mange? this cute does not have mange. (9) memang susah. besok lagi ketemu sama cowok itu lagi sedang berbicara dengan cewek yang lain, tidak menatap matanya. katanya menahan pandangan. eh jadi cowok ya, menahan pandangan sama yang sebelah, tidak menahan sama sakdiyah. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 it is hard. the next day, (i) saw this man again, (he) was talking to another woman, (he) did not look at her eyes. he said (he) was lowering his gaze. oh, man, you can lower (your) gaze to (the woman) next to you, but you do not lower gaze to sakdiyah. data (8) and (9) were anecdotes of sakdiyah's personal experience in the friendship context that being an arab-indonesian influenced how the opposite gender perceived and interacted with her, such as avoiding handshaking and lowering the gaze. the function of data (8) and data (9) was to cope with interaction etiquette with the opposite gender. lastly, in data (10), sakdiyah mentioned that she was identified as a member of the arabindonesian community that it became her identity as she said, as follows: (10) makanya kalau ada yang mau sewa saya untuk sinetron katakan sekarang ini. saya siap untuk amnesia di sinetron. kenapa? seamnesia-amnesianya orang arab tidak akan pernah nyasar. pasti bisa pulang ke rumah. kenapa? kalau nyasar di jakarta, "mbak, arab condet, ya?" so if anyone wants to hire me for soap operas, say so now. i am ready to play amnesia on soap operas. why? the arabs' amnesiacs will never go astray. i definitely can go home. why? if (i) get lost in jakarta, "miss, arab condet, huh?" data (10) can be categorised as jokes and fantasy because she wished if she were asked to be an actor who played a woman with amnesia. she further explained that she could easily find a way back home in the soap opera and real-life due to her arab appearance that people quickly recognised and helped her find the community where she belonged. therefore, data (10) functioned to cope with her identity as a member of the arab community in jakarta, indonesia. jessica farolan was a chinese-indonesian with psychological health training background who competed in suci season two in 2012. unfortunately, jessica's performances during suci season two were not widely available online; thus, the author analysed a video of her first audition to be analysed in this study. like sakdiyah, who delivered her comedy in a well-arranged and formal language, jessica also used formal language and tone such as the first-person personal pronoun saya to deliver her humour. however, at the end of her comedy performance, she surprisingly employed a taboo word e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 commonly practised by male stand-up comedians, but it is unlikely, according to the theory of women's language features, that women tend to avoid strong or taboo words. it was shown in data (11) as follows: (11) yang terakhir yang paling bikin sebal itu adalah yang namanya penyelewengan kosakata bahasa indonesia. kosakata yang paling fenomenal yang pernah saya temui adalah ***. *** itu artinya merengek demi apapun. the last thing that irritates me the most is the misuse of indonesian vocabulary. the most phenomenal vocabulary i have ever encountered is *** (censored word). *** (censored word) it means whining for anything. in jessica's short comedy, she talked about the misused vocabulary in the indonesian language. in the beginning, her humour delivery was very formal, as if she read a speech instead of performing comedy. then, however, she employed a strong word resulting in censorship. thus, the type of humour in data (11) was vulgarity due to her use of a taboo word. the function of data (11) was to highlight phenomena related to the violation of language use. interestingly, unlike many stand-up comedians who explicitly deliver their humour, jessica's taboo word implicitly showed sexism in the language that many people did not realise the actual meaning of the word ***. the word *** is commonly associated with a female's vital organ and is often used as a swear word, with little information available to know that the word has an entirely different meaning. alison victoria was a british expatriate nominated as the first foreigner who joined the indonesian stand-up comedy competition suci season three in 2013. there were several videos of her stand-up comedy performances, and in this study, the author employed the most viewed video on youtube as the data. alison delivered her comedy in indonesian with very little code-switching to her native language, english. however, unlike sakdiyah and jessica, who preferred to go with the first-person personal pronoun saya, alison used the first-person personal pronoun gue primarily used by the jakarta metropolitan area. it indicated that very formal language was not always the option for a female stand-up comedian who preferred to be perceived as more sociable. alison also employed some rhetorical questions during her stand-up comedy performance that can be seen in the data (12) and data (13) as follows: e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 (12) ada yang mau perbaiki keturunan malam ini? kebetulan gue jomblo. tapi jomblo yang beranak satu. ya hitunglah buy one get one free lah. anyone wants to improve the offspring tonight? i happen to be single. but single with one child. yes, it is a buy one get one free. (13) masalahnya cuman kalau gue nikah lagi, gue tidak mau jadi istrinya. kayaknya lebih enak jadi suami ya. kan kalau suami, pulang kerja capek, dilayani sama istri. kalau istri pulang kerja capek, tetep harus melayani suami dong. siapa yang melayani istri? supirnya? the only problem is that if i remarry, i do not want to be a wife. i think it is better to be a husband. if the husband comes home (and) he is tired from work, his wife serves him. if the wife comes home from work tired, she still has to serve her husband. who serves the wife? the driver? data (12) and (13) were categorised as anecdotes and jokes based on her marital status and made a funny commentary about how people usually stereotype her foreigner has a better gene and thus better offspring. furthermore, alison's joke contained critics about inequality in the relationship within a household. data (12) and data (13) functioned to cope with her current marital status and the inequality in the household. in addition, alison further went talking about the stereotype of her and other fellow foreigners presented in data (14), as follows: (14) tapi sampai sekarang hubungan yang paling gue nikmati itu sama pembantu gue. ya kalau selera bule emang begitu ya? however, until now, the relationship i enjoy most is with my maid. yes, the foreigners like it, right? data (14) was categorised as the stereotype of caucasians and white who dated exotic asian women. the function of data (14) was to tease as she did not reject nor accept the stereotype. she then proceeded to another example of inequality in the household, as presented in data (15), as follows: e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 (15) waktu itu gue yang kerjain semua tugas cowok. ya duduk manislah di sofa nonton bola dan dia yang sibuk beres-beres, masak dan gosip ama tetangga. gue yang kerja keras untuk menafkahi dia dan anak gue. kurang sempurna apa coba? at that time, i did all the men's jobs. sitting on the couch watching football, she is busy cleaning, cooking and gossiping with the neighbours. i work hard to provide for her and my child. am i not perfect? data (15) was a joke and irony as she mentioned what men typically do in the household that working and providing the family was the excuse not to involve in the domestic chores. the function of data (15) was to highlight inequality between women and men regarding domestic chores and responsibility. lastly, she emphasised that for many indonesian, it was an internalised concept that the caucasians were a superior race, and thus they were the desirable ones to marry and have offspring. (16) itu tukang bakso lihat aku, "kok sendirian? apa mau nikah sama abang saja?". kalau dipikir-pikir, dapat pahala juga bantu tukang bakso memperbaiki keturunan. the meatball seller looked at me, "how come you are alone? do you want to marry me instead?" (i) was thinking that (i) would get rewarded for helping the meatball maker to improve (his) offspring. data (16) was an anecdote based on alison's personal experience related to people's views on her and what they expected from her as a caucasian if they were in a relationship. the function of data (16) was to cope with how alison perceived herself and how people perceived her as a caucasian. gita butarbutar was one of two female stand-up comedians in suci season four in 2014. as a member of the batak ethnic, known for their loud voice, gita delivered her humour with rising intonations in declarative sentences. in addition, she employed the first-person personal pronoun aku that more informal than i but less exclusive than gue. gita also used rhetorical questions in her performance. in this study, she talked about being a plus-size woman. it began with data (17) and data (18), as follows: e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 (17) aku ga sadar kalau misalnya aku gendut. jadi aku baru sadar kalau aku gendut itu baru-baru saja. i did not realise that i was fat. so i realised that i have been fat just recently. (18) waktu temen-temenku masuk ke dalam café itu, pelayannya bukain pintunya satu. waktu aku datang, yang dibukain pintunya dua. aku pikir mereka bukain dua pintu itu gara-gara aku cantik dan menawan. itu sakit! when my friends entered the cafe, the waiter opened one door. when i arrived, two doors were opened. i thought that they opened those two doors because i was pretty. it hurts! data (17) and (18) were anecdotes that gita experienced as she was treated differently due to her plus-size physical appearance and how this treatment had affected her. data (17) and data (18) were functioned to cope with an unpleasant situation such as being treated differently because of looks. another problem when it came to her plus-size physic was related to following the latest fashion trend. through her humour, gita criticised fashion trends for not giving many options for plus-sized women like her. in addition to her critics, she mentioned how she dealt with this situation and maintained a positive view of herself. her critics and the positive view were stated in data (19) and data (20) as follows: (19) dan jadi orang gendut itu sakitnya luar biasa woy. ih, sakit sekali. apalagi jadi cewek gendut. kenapa? karena kami itu tidak bisa untuk ngikutin mode. tren busana terkini itu tidak ada sama orang gendut. moreover, being a fat person hurts so much. ugh, that hurts! (i was) especially being a fat girl. why? because we cannot follow fashion. the latest fashion trends do not fit fat girls. (20) aku pernah itu ngelihat trend masa kini, legging kuncup bunga. aku cari sampai sampai dapat, ya kan? rupanya ada leggingnya ukuran aku. tapi setelah aku perhatikan ya e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 kan, kayak ada yang salah sama legging ini, ya kan? apa yang salah ya? motifnya ganti, bunganya mekar. i once saw the current trend, flower bud leggings. i searched until i got it, right? there are leggings my size. nevertheless, after i looked at it, right? there seemed to be something wrong with these leggings, right? what is wrong, huh? the motive changes, the flowers bloom. data (19) and (20) were anecdotes based on gita's experience of the fashion industry with a plus-size problem and how she perceived and maintained a positive attitude toward herself despite the circumstance. as it was clear from the finding description, there were some important discoveries of the language styles, types and functions of humour, and the cultural implications of humour by the selected female stand-up comedians. in this study, all four female stand-up comedians communicated their concerns on complex and challenging issues by employing humour. humour helped them as the safer and lighter way to deliver their comments, critics, and messages. if it were not through humour, the topics covered by the female stand-up comedians would be susceptible to be discussed—for example, the narrative of being the arab and or chinese indonesian and their relationship with the indigenous. it was in line with a previous study that mentioned that through humorous language, the process of negotiating and transferring knowledge, especially for sensitive and taboo issues, can be done in a friendly way (chimbwete-phiri & schnurr, 2017, p. 4). this study fulfilled the gaps in the previous studies and discovered how the triad, such as language, gender, and humour, were intertwined in delivering sociocultural concerns. for example, in delivering complex issues such as racial stereotypes, especially the arabindonesian, sakdiyah's language was mainly rhetorical questions. in lakoff's (1973)theory, women are said to use question tags more than men. it is in line with the current study finding that sakdiyah primarily employed question tags that functioned as rhetorical questions. furthermore, another significant finding from sakdiyah's humour was that she attempted to share solidarity with another fellow contestant in suci, which happened to be a chinese – indonesian. thus, it indicated that sakdiyah did not merely deliver her personal stereotypes problems but also shared concerns with the chinese-indonesian people who underwent similar circumstances. typically, discussing the racial issue is complicated in e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 indonesia, so the speaker must carefully select the words, primarily when broadcast on national television. however, sakdiyah successfully depicted how she perceived herself and her identity as an arab-indonesian and how the indigenous perceived her. furthermore, she employed her humour to cope with the positive and negative stereotypes heavily attached to her. further, a previous study found that female comediennes were less appealing due to a gendered impression that they lacked abilities, and the topics they delivered were frequently about femininity, which male viewers found less important (bore, 2010, p. 152). in contrast, jessica, a chinese-indonesia stand-up comedian, tried a different approach of bringing humour and delivering the message about femininity and sexism in a knowledgable and less offensive way. it was commonly found that the minority ethnics often use their ethnicity in stand up comedy; for example, jimmy o. yang, a hongkong-american stand-up comedian based in the united states, primarily delivered humour about being a chinese immigrant. another name, such as russell peters, a canadian, talked about being an indian descent. other stand-up comedians also used racial issues such as mexican immigrants or african-american as the central theme of their stand-up comedy. similarly, in indonesia, a male stand-up comedian from southeast sulawesi, arie kriting, often employed humour with ethnicity as the central theme and even used stage names related to the stereotype. in this study, unlike the common racial-ethnicity performed by other comedians, jessica decided to take an approach and theme by bringing up a topic about language with the subliminal message about sexism in the indonesian language. the language style employed by jessica was the use of hypercorrect grammar as she employed well-structured sentences with a formal tone in delivering her humour. however, at the end of her humour, jessica surprisingly used a taboo word that was not suitable with lakoff's(1973)theory that said women usually avoid strong swear or taboo words. through her well-structured sentences with an abruptly inserted taboo word, jessica shared her concerns about language violation and the sexism in her mother tongue. although the national television had to censor the word, she successfully delivered her humour that highlighted a concerning issue, especially a taboo word related to a women's reproductive organ.jessica's attempted to show intellectual humour. she performed the most unlikely topic when most stand-comedians with similar backgrounds and circumstances would use ethnicity as the central part of the comedy. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 equally important, it was asserted that women used comedy to alter their gender identity by resisting gender stereotypes (green, 1998, p. 181). concerning that, altering gender identity by resisting stereotypes also appeared in alison's humour. even more, she did resist not only gender stereotypes but also racial stereotypes. in delivering her humour, alison tended to employ rhetorical questions following lakoff's(1973) theory. furthermore, despite being a british expatriate, she delivered the humour entirely in well-spoken indonesian, and she only slipped a small amount of code-switching from indonesia to english. the issue that she addressed such as caucasian stereotypes and superiority, domestic relationships, gender equality. alison's humour implied that it was not uncommon for her to receive the stereotype that caucasians were the desirable ones. she also mentioned that this stereotype affected how people perceived her and thus also the relationship. lastly, she also criticised and delivered her concern to the fellow female that experienced inequality in the domestic sphere. as a final point, it was mentioned in the previous study that women use humour to regulate their emotions and bond with one another, emphasising its power to discuss similar challenges, differences, and obstacles in a safe environment (schnurr, 2008, p. 304). in line with the previous study, the current study found that gita shared the problems universally faced by women and even men, beauty standards. in this study, gita delivered concerns about beauty standards from a plus-sized perspective. in delivering this topic, as a batak, gita mainly employed high intonation along with rhetorical questions. female and male bataknese have long been stereotyped by their raising of intonation, even in a declarative sentence and in line withlakoff's(1973) theory. the content of gita's humour was against the ideal beauty standard that beauty must have a slim body to be accepted socially. she also projected body positivity as the central message of her humour. conclusions the four female stand-up comedians in this study used their ethnic background and sociocultural concerns as elements of their humour, but the points they expressed were not pretending to represent their ethnicity but more personal and universal concerns. from the results of this study, it can be concluded that these female stand-up comedians employed humour primarily to show their identity, solidarity, desire to articulate their aspiration for gender equality and rejection of stigmatisation. these women did not stop themselves from e-journal of cultural studies nov 2021 vol. 14, number 4, page 42-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 using various humour techniques, even taboo words from the language used. their performance, however, was pure humour without ethnic bias or sentiment. despite the results, the study also has some limitations. this study investigated women's humour in broadcasting a stand-up comedy set-up and not in a natural setting. thus, the humour presented may have been adapted to be suitable for viewing by the wider audience, and some words may be censored. the data used was also still limited to cases of four female stand-up comedians in the indonesian context. further researchers have the opportunity to investigate other aspects of stand-up comedians life and their perceptions of it in the context of highly monetised life. references berger, a. a. 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(1976). the social contexts of humor. journal of communication, 26(3), 124–128. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1460-2466.1976.tb01915.x microsoft word artikel i made kartika terbit3 e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 the practice of independent learning and its implications for students’ learning in classrooms and educational institutions i made kartika1, a.a. ngurah anom kumbara2, i ketut suda3,i gede mudana4 1dwijendra university denpasar, 2cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university, 3indonesian hindu university denpasar, 4bali state polytechnic email: 1 kwik.kartika@gmail.com, 2anom.kumbara@unud.c.id, 3suda.unhidps@yahoo.co.id, 4igedemudana@gmail.com received date : 28-05-2021 accepted date : 07-02-2022 published date : 28-02-2022 abstract this article examines the practice of independent learning and its implications for students, the learning process in classrooms, and educational institutions.the policy of independent learning is the policy of the minister of education and culture, which includes four main programs, namely the replacement of usbn into school exams, the replacement of the national exam with a minimum competency assessment and character survey, the implementation of a 1-sheet lesson plan, and the application of zoning-based new student admissions. the application of independent learning at the denpasar city public high school, especially at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 was held starting from the 2019/2020 academic year. however, in practice there are still some obstacles faced by the school management. the writing of this article uses a qualitative descriptive method, with a cultural studies approach. this research found several things, among others: first,on the psychological aspect of implementing the independent learning policy, especially with regard to the replacement of usbn into a school exam and the national examination as a minimum competency assessment, at least it can reduce the psychological burden of students in facing these exams. second, in the didactic aspect, the application of this free learning policy can provide flexibility for teachers in terms of finding and finding various learning strategies and methods to develop paikem learning. third, in the sociological and juridical aspects, the implementation of this free learning policy can encourage the realization of a sense of justice for the indonesian people, in terms of obtaining equal opportunities to enjoy quality education. keywords: freedom of learning, national examination, usbn, ppdb based on zoning introduction the independent learning policy launched by the minister of education and culture of the republic of indonesia, starting from the primary and secondary education levels to higher education levelsinteresting to studyacademically. the reason is that various responses emerged in society, both from education practitioners, academics, and society in general. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 ideally, education should be able to free people from all the problems that bind their lives. however, in fact education in this case school institutions have not been able to realize the educational goals as mandated in the legislation. in the midst of public anxiety about the low function of schools in developing their potential and freeing students from various problems that bind themselves, the minister of education and culture nadiem makarim issued an independent learning policy that ideally promises sweet hopes for future educational prospects. in connection with how the practice of independent learning is carried out by educational units, especially at the state senior high school level (sma negeri) in denpasar city, this research is not only interesting, but also urgent to be carried out immediately. based on the background of the problem above, there are three main problems that will be studied in this research, including: (1) what is the form of independent learning practice at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar? (2) what are the potentials and obstacles to the practice of independent learning at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar? (3) what are the implications of the practice of independent learning at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar, for students, the learning process in classrooms, and educational institutions? so this research is not only interesting, but also urgent to be done. based on the background of the problem above, there are three main problems that will be studied in this research, including: (1) what is the form of independent learning practice at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar? (2) what are the potentials and obstacles to the practice of independent learning at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar? (3) what are the implications of the practice of independent learning at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar, for students, the learning process in classrooms, and educational institutions? so this research is not only interesting, but also urgent to be done. the objectives of this research are (1)to analyze the form of the practice of independent learning in state senior high schools in denpasar city; (2) to analyze the potentials and obstacles to the practice of independent learning in state senior high schools in denpasar city; and (3) to analyze the implications of the practice of independent learning in state senior high schools in denpasar city. literature review in order to examine these three problems,digunakan teori dekonstruksi jacques derrida (1976), yang mengatakan bahwa ciri khas dari dekonstruksi adalah penolakannya e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 35 terhadap logosentrisme dan fonosentrisme yang secara keseluruhan melahirkan oposisi biner dan cara-cara berpikir lainnya yang bersifat hierarkhis dikotomis. kecenderungan utama oposisi biner adalah anggapan bahwa unsur yang pertama merupakan pusat, asal usul, dan prinsip, dengan konskuensi logis unsur yang lain menjadi sekunder, marginal, manifes, dan padanan pelengkap lainnya (ratna, 2004:222). dekonstruksi bertujuan untuk membongkar tradisi metafisika barat seperti fenomenologi husserlian, strukturalisme saussurean, psikoanalisis freudian, dan psikoanalisis lacanian. tugas pokok dekonstruksi adalah di satu pihak mengungkap hakekat problematika wacana-wacana yang dipusatkan,and on the other hand dismantle metaphysics by changing its boundaries conceptually (sarup, 2003:51). the deconstruction developed by derrida is a denial of the opposition of speech/written, being/not existing, pure/polluted, and finally the rejection of a single truth or logos itself. furthermore, deconstruction will separate, disassemble to find and expose various assumptions, rhetorical strategies and text blanks. disclosure of hierarchical binary oppositions such as reality/appearance, nature/culture, reason/madness, to show: a) that one part of the binary pair is seen as unimportant; b) that the binary guarantees correctness; c) that each part of the binary pair affects each other (barker, 2004:406). in addition to the deconstruction theory, this study also uses educational management theory, which is a series of activities in the form of a collaborative business management process of a group of people who are members of educational organizations, to achieve educational goals that have been previously set, to be effective and efficient, with the scope of activities including: planning , organizing, staffing, directing, leading, coordinating, motivating, controlling, reporting, and forecasting. it was further stated that the urgency and implementation of education management on education management covers the following areas: curriculum management, student management, infrastructure management, management of educators and education staff, public relations management, and financial management. departing from this fact, it can be said that education management is the development of general management to areas of education. management according to terry and rue (1991:1) is a process or framework that involves the guidance or direction of a group of people towards organizational goals or real purposes. if terry and rue put forward management theory in general, then nohfield (in suda, 2009:39) explains that education e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 36 management is a process or framework that provides opportunities for participants or members of school organizations to participate in developing personal understanding and encourage the creation of conditions conducive to practical reflection, especially in the field of education. understanding the practice of education in schools as a cultural process (enculturation and acculturation) cannot be separated from the relationship between power and knowledge as described by michel foucault. foucault's work on the ''relation of power and knowledge'' (power is knowledge, knowledge is power) is a philosophical contribution to the theory of truth. according to foucault (2002:167), there is a relationship between power and knowledge. power is the power and thought of each subject, and not as a right of domination by elite groups that determine the life of the whole society. in this theory, foucault explores the discursive practices and forms of power that make up the subject. it means, in relation to the relation of power and knowledge, foucault does not build a rational theory about history, but instead presents history which is marked by discursive discontinuities or forms of power relations with knowledge (beilharz, 2005:127). in relation to educational practice, foucault says that there is no knowledge without the effect of power and vice versa there is no power without knowledge. the theory of relational knowledge as described by focoult is then eclectic with the concept of capital according to bourdieu, where bourdieu (in hasbullah, 2006:7) says that the terminology of capital has three forms. first, economic capital which can be associated with money or ownership of objects, goods, and the like that can be viewed and used for investment purposes; second, institutionalized cultural capital in the form of educational qualifications; and third, is social capital which consists of social obligations and among them is institutionalized in the form of honor and nobility. in the process of providing education in this capital exchange school, it can run very well, because according to bourdieu (1990: 110) dominant economic institutions have been structured to benefit those who already have economic capital. likewise, educational institutions are structured to benefit those who already have cultural capital in the form of the habitus of the dominant cultural faction. 110) dominant economic institutions have been structured to benefit those who already have economic capital. likewise, educational institutions are structured to benefit those who already have cultural capital in the form of the habitus of the dominant cultural faction.that is, in the e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 37 educational practice of school management, principals, teachers, school committees, and the education office as the dominant group with the knowledge possessed can become schools as a playground, in which there is always an opportunity to risk each other and exchange capital, namely social capital, cultural capital, and economic capital. for example, through school regulations, the principal makes rules to dominate and hegemony on the parents' side, which is then legalized by the school committee and also by the education office, especially the office in charge of senior high schools. research methods the writing of this article uses a qualitative method with a cultural studies approach or often referred to as a cultural studies approach (barker, 2004: 28). qualitative methods are methods with quality intensity, values, which in their application are distinguished from quantitative methods, namely methods with measurements in the form of numbers and amounts (ratna, 2010: 306). qualitative analysis is defined as research that produces descriptive data in the form of words and or expressions, including actions that can be observed with an emphasis on developing concepts and understanding patterns that exist in the data. this research was conducted at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar. data collection techniques used include observation techniques, namely by observing various activities carried out by research subjects related to the practice of independent learning in this research location. then the interview technique is one of the most common and most powerful ways to understand other human beings. denzin, (2009: 501) states that, interviewing is the art of socializing, the meeting of two humans who interact with each other within a certain period of time. the third technique is the document study technique, which is to find and obtain data about things or variables in the form of notes, transcripts, books, newspapers, magazines, inscriptions, and so on (arikunto, 2002:206). discussion replacement of usbn into school examination according to makarim, the idea to replace the national standard school examination (usbn) with an assessment (assessment) is based on the current conditions and situation where usbn is considered to limit the application of the spirit of the national education system law which should provide flexibility for schools to determine the graduation of their e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 38 students. therefore, in 2020 usbn will be replaced with an exam (assessment) that is held only by the school. this is intended to assess student competence, which is carried out in the form of a written test and or other forms of assessment that are more comprehensive. for example, it is possible to assess student competence, the test is carried out in the form of portfolios and assignments such as group assignments, written works, and so on. all of this is intended to make teachers and schools more independent in assessing the learning outcomes of their students. talking about the issue of independent learning, it can refer to a learning model based on giving students a sense of independence in terms of learning which was initiated by the minister of education and culture nadiem makarim whose implementation in schools, especially sma/smk started in 2019. according to kurniasih (in kompas.com/02/02/2020) (accessed january 26, 2021), that one form of free learning policy issued by the minister of education and culture is the implementation of exams held in schools. the concept of independent learning is actually in line with the idea of freire (in yunus, 2007: 1) which says that education is basically held in order to free humans from the various life problems they face. so, education for freire is one of the efforts to restore the function of humans to become human in order to avoid various forms of oppression, ignorance, to being left behind. regarding what freire said above and referring to the policy of the minister of education and culture of the republic of indonesia, at sma negeri 3 denpasar since 2019 the practice of independent learning has been implemented gradually. as stated by the principal of sma negeri 3 denpasar, drs. ida bagus sudirga, m.pd.h as follows. so at sma negeri 3 denpasar since 2019 the practice of independent learning has begun to be implemented which is carried out in stages. as stated by the principal of sma negeri 3 denpasar, drs. ida bagus sudirga, m.pd.h as follows. so at sma negeri 3 denpasar since 2019 the practice of independent learning has begun to be implemented which is carried out in stages. as stated by the principal of sma negeri 3 denpasar, drs. ida bagus sudirga, m.pd.h as follows. we at sma negeri 3 denpasar, in principle, try to follow whatever policies the central government takes in terms of learning practices. it's like the practice of free learning, because it's a government decision, so we have to follow it. however, for the national examination which is based on the discourse of independent learning to be changed to us, its implementation will begin in the 2020/2021 academic year. this is because to return the national exam to the form of a school exam, it does require preparation, both regarding the preparation of questions, regarding the facilities and infrastructure to support the implementation of the exam, and especially regarding the preparation of human resources, especially teachers (interview, january 22, 2021). e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 39 the same thing was conveyed by the head of sma negeri 8 denpasar, namely drs. i ketut suyastra, m.pd by saying the following. in my opinion, the replacement of usbn into an assessment that is only carried out by the school is an attempt to restore the essence of the exam or the assessment itself. that is, the graduation of students at the end of the level is indeed the authority of the teacher and the school, because those who best understand the abilities of students at the school concerned are the teachers there. therefore, in principle, i agree to replace the usbn with a school assessment (interview, 8 february 2021). observing the statements of the two informants, a framework of thought can be built that the replacement of usbn into a school assessment is actually a return to the essence of the assessment itself. this means that to determine student graduation at the end of the level is determined by the teacher and the school. this is based on the idea that the teachers who best understand the abilities of the students at the school concerned are the teachers who teach there. in addition, the final level assessment carried out by the school also allows for a more comprehensive assessment of students' abilities, which does not only rely on tests at the end of the level, but can also be given in other forms of assessment, such as assignment assignments, porto polio, and other forms of assessment. collaborative projects. change from national examination to minimum competency assessment as reported by solopos.com (https://www.solopos.com/friday, 12 february 2021) accessed 15 february 2021, that starting the 2020/2021 school year the ministry of education and culture will no longer hold a national exam as a way to determine a student's graduation. students in ending a certain level of education, but will be replaced with a minimum competency assessment and character survey. the minimum competency assessment and character survey include an assessment of the ability to reason using language (literacy), the ability to reason using mathematics (numbering), and strengthening the character education of students (kompas.com/11-12-2019) accessed 15 february 2021. thus, it can be emphasized that starting the 2020/2021 academic year, the national exam which is abbreviated as un is no longer a graduation requirement for students in ending a certain level of education, and is no longer used as a requirement to enter a higher level of education. related to the existence of the national exam which in the previous era was often abbreviated as ebtanas (national stage of learning evaluation), according to sam m. chan and tuti t. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 40 sam (2005:40-41) academically, the goal of ebtanas to uniform the quality of education was not achieved. referring to the views of chan and tuti t. sam that the education or learning process held in schools so far is no longer aimed at mastering and deepening knowledge, but rather leading to efforts to seek financial gain, it seems that this is a fact. regarding the replacement of the national examination as a minimum competency assessment and character survey at sma negeri 3 and sma 8 denpasar, the head of sma negeri 8 denpasar, mr. drs. i ketut suyastra, m.pd said the following. for the 2020/2021 academic year, we at sma negeri 8 denpasar have started implementing a minimum competency assessment and character survey as a substitute for the national exam, in determining the graduation of students. because this assessment model is a government program, which in this case is the minister of education and culture as a form of free learning policy. yes, as the lowest implementing unit whose name is government policy, it must be supported and implemented. likewise, the policy of replacing the national examination with a minimum competency assessment and character surveys that will be carried out starting the 2020/2021 school year must be carried out, said suyastra when interviewed in a meeting room at sma negeri 8 denpasar (interview, february 8, 2021). the same thing was conveyed by one of the teachers of sma negeri 3 denpasar who was appointed as an informant, namely:mr. dewa gede alit dwija, s.pd (59 years old). among his various statements he said the following. actually, the free learning policy issued by the minister of education and culture has actually started to be implemented since the decision was issued, namely since the 2019/2020 school year. however, its implementation is certainly not as easy as it sounds, because everything requires planning, preparation, and coordination. regarding the replacement of the national examination to be a minimum competency assessment and character survey, the minister had planned from the start that its implementation would begin in the 2020/2021 school year. what is clear is that all components of the free learning policy will be implemented in all educational institutions, especially for the sma/smk level (interview, january 22, 2020). observing the statements of the two informants above, it can be understood that the free learning policy in the form of replacing the national examination with a minimum competency assessment and character survey has indeed begun to be carried out in 2020/2021 schools, especially in sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar. this independent learning policy actually has a close relationship with school-based management as was the education management program that was once programmed in the era of regional e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 41 autonomy. in relation to the implementation of such education management, beny susetyo (2005:31-32) said that education in indonesia faces three major challenges, namely (1) the world of education is required to be able to maintain the results of educational development that have been achieved previously; (2) to anticipate the global era, the world of education is required to prepare competent human resources to be able to compete in the era of the global job market; (3) considering the number one and number two challenges, namely in the context of anticipating the readiness of human resources to face competition in the global era that has hit the world, it is necessary to make changes and adjustments to the national education system, in order to realize a more democratic education process, paying attention to diversity of needs/conditions of the region and students, as well as encouraging community participation in national development, especially in the field of education. practices of independent learning according to sri minda murni as reported by kompas.com (08-03-2020) (accessed february 8, 2021) that the thing that most attracted the attention of teachers from nadiem makarim's statement about the concept of independent learning was the learning implementation plan (rpp) which must be written by the teacher. teacher only in one page (1 sheet). from a number of conversations between supervisors, principals, and teachers, the central theme of the discussion was how to design the lesson plan which only had one sheet. there is even a desire for a number of school principals and teachers to conduct training on making one-page lesson plans as referred to above. the policy for implementing the 1-sheet rpp is an effort to simplify the learning scenario, which before the policy for independence in learning was issued, this rpp contained many sheets, up to 10 sheets or more. administratively, this is considered too burdensome for teachers in preparing learning administration, namely the making of lesson plans (rpp). the making of the rpp, which has more than 10 sheets, has taken a lot of time for the teacher to make learning administration, while the aspects of methodology, strategy, and deepening of the material to be taught by the teacher to students have received less attention. whereas according to sanjaya (2008) the role of the teacher is not only as an administrator, but also as a learning resource, as a facilitator, as a class manager, as a demonstrator, and as an evaluator.regarding the implementation of the 1 sheet lesson plan, e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 at sma negeri 3 and sma 8 denpasar, one of the teachers, who was appointed as an informant, namely ida ayu sriathi (58 years old) said as follows. we at sma negeri 3 denpasar have been instructed to use the lesson plans that follow the one-sheet format as conveyed by the minister of education and culture nadiem makarim. to follow up on the principal's appeal, we teachers have been given training in making 1-page lesson plans through subject teacher deliberations (mgmp). in addition, for comparison, i also downloaded a format on google that can be used as a model for making the 1 sheet lesson plan (interview, 22 february 2021). the same thing was conveyed by one of the teachers of sma negeri 8 denpasar, namely:mrs. nyoman puspadi, s.pd (aged 58 years) one of the teachers of sma negeri 8 denpasar who was appointed as an informant said the following. ... yes the policy of implementing 1 sheet of rpp for sma negeri 8 denpasar has been implemented according to the circular of the minister of education and culture no. 14 of 2019 concerning simplification of learning implementation plans (rpp). regarding the issuance of this circular, we at sma negeri 8 denpasar have been asked by the principal to implement this policy. so, we have carried out the process of simplifying the lesson plans and have started to implement it in our teaching places since the 2019/2020 school year (interview, 15 february 2021). from the above statement, it can be understood that the simplification of the lesson plans into 1 sheet has many positive aspects, namely learning can take place more flexibly, because it is not too tied to the formulation of the lesson plans that have been made, teachers can be more flexible in developing teaching materials and learning strategies, while students can think more creatively and innovatively. , because it is not too tied to the teaching materials formulated by the teacher in the lesson plans as in the old lesson plans format. this is in line with what was said by lia fakhriah (inhttps://www.instastori.com/) accessed 18 february 2021, citing the statement of the minister of education and culture nadiem makarim who said that ''the essence of rpp is the teacher's reflection on achieving targets in the learning implementation plan. so, the most important thing in this case is that the educational objectives contained in the rpp can be achieved, not the lesson plan (rpp) which is lengthy in pages”. implementation of zoning-based new student admission (ppdb) according to mahatma chrysnha as reported by kompas.com (9 july 2020, https://kompaspedia.kompas.id/), accessed on 19 february 2021, that the implementation of new student admission (ppdb) is generally based on government regulation no. 17 of e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 2010 concerning management and implementation of education. the legal product regulates the acceptance of students starting from early childhood education, elementary, junior high, high school / vocational / ma, up to university level. as has happened so far, the acceptance of new students (ppdb) for public schools at the elementary and secondary levels is based on ministerial regulations, but changes every year according to the change in the minister of education itself. for the ppdb for the 2020/2021 academic year, the implementation is based on the regulation of the minister of education and culture of the republic of indonesia no. 44 years 2019. principleswhat is regulated in regulation no.44 of 2019 is in article 2 of the regulation which states that the principles of implementing ppdb for the 2020/2021 school year are (1) non-discriminatory; (2) objective; (3) transparent; (4) accountable; and (5) fair.regarding the implementation of ppdb at sma negeri 8 denpasar, mr. drs. i ketut suyastra, m.pd as the principal said the following. the ppdb program at sma negeri 8 denpasar has also been implemented, because it is a package of ministerial policies contained in the policy of independent learning. regarding the implementation of the zoning-based ppdb, there are indeed some parents of prospective students who feel disappointed with the implementation of this policy, especially for parents whose children happen to be not accepted in this school, because the distance from their domicile to the school is not possible according to the laws and regulations. invitation. this is something that is natural, because whatever policy is taken by the government there will be parties who agree and on the other hand there are also those who disagree (pros and cons) (interview, 15 february 2021). departing from the statements of the informants above, it can be understood that as part of community life, the process of implementing education is always related to other aspects of community life. for example, the educational process will be related to economic issues, as well as social, political, religious, and cultural issues. therefore, whatever policies are taken by the government and then implemented by the school, it will certainly have an impact on people's lives, including policies regarding the implementation of ppdb based on zoning. this means that the implementation of the zoning-based ppdb carried out by every school, especially for the sma/smk education level, can certainly invite a public response. the response given by the community can be in the form of a positive response and can also be in the form of a negative response. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 potentials and barriers to the independent practice of learning talking about potential cannot be separated from the problem of strength or energy that has not been used optimally, so that the benefits have not been felt, either by those who have the potential itself or by other parties. departing from these limitations, and if it is related to the process of changing usbn into school exams, there can be explored what potential can be developed by replacing usbn with school exams, especially with regard to the quality of education. based on the regulation of the minister of education and culture no. 43 of 2019 concerning examinations organized by education units and national examinations, it is understood that starting from the 2020/2021 school year usbn is officially abolished and replaced with exams organized by educational units. this policy was taken on the basis of, first, the education system must encourage the growth of teaching and learning practices that grow the reasoning power and character of students as a whole; second, educational units are given the freedom to innovate in creating a learning environment that favors students; and third, the regulation regarding the assessment of learning outcomes by the education unit and the assessment of learning outcomes by the central government has not been able to accommodate the legal needs of the community. withthe issuance of the minister of education and culture no. 43 of 2019, the bsnp (national education standards agency) no longer makes reference questions for usbn because the making of questions and the administration of usbn are left entirely to the school. meanwhile, in the national standard school examination system as has been carried out previously, 75 percent of the questions are made by the provincial education office, through the mgmp, while the remaining 25 percent are made by the bsnp. regarding the plan for implementing this school exam, as a substitute for usbn, the head of sma negeri 3 denpasar, drs. ida bagus sudirga, m.pd.h said the following. dinstead of usbn being a school exam, there is a lot of potential that can be developed in the child himself. because with school exams, especially the types of evaluation tools used, not only in the form of tests, but also in the form of assignments, portfolios, and collaborative projects. with an evaluation tool model like this, several potentials of children can be developed, such as children's abilities in solving problems by using literacy skills, numerical abilities, and from the results of the tasks done by the children, the teacher can see the character of each child. for example, how are children responsible for the tasks given by the teacher, and how the honesty aspect of children in doing these tasks will be seen from the assignments they submit, and many other aspects of children's attitudes and behavior that can be assessed through types of evaluation tools such as it (interview, 15 february 2021). e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 the same thing was conveyed by the head of sma negeri 8 denpasar, mr. drs. i ketut suyastra, m.pd. among his various statements he said the following. yes, that's right, starting the 2020/2021 school year, all schools in indonesia, including sma negeri 8 denpasar, must carry out the mandate of the regulation. therefore, as an implementing unit at the education unit level, we must carry out all these policies according to what is stipulated in them permendikbud no.43 of 2019. indeed, to do something new is not an easy job, but like it or not, it must be carried out, because it has been mandated by the government (interview, 7 march 2021). the statement from the head of sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar, proves that starting the 2020/2021 school year the implementation of the final exam for schools, especially schools at the high school level (read: sma/smk/ma) is no longer held by the education office. province, but by the school in full, both in terms of making exam questions, as well as in the implementation process. as a technical guide for the education unit or school in carrying out the school exam, the school can refer to permendikbud no. 53 of 2015 concerning result assessmentlearning by educators and education units in primary and secondary education. article 1 permendikbud no. 53 of 2015 confirms thatassessment of learning outcomes by educators is the process of collecting information/data about student learning outcomes in terms of attitudes, aspects of knowledge, and aspects of skills that are carried out in a planned and systematic manner which is carried out to monitor processes, learning progress, and improve learning outcomes through assignments and evaluation of results. study. the discourse on replacing the national exam (un) into a minimum competency assessment and character survey was followed up by the minister of education and culture by issuing a circular letter of the minister of education and culture no. 1 of 2021, concerningelimination of national examinations and equality examinations and implementation of school examinations in the emergency period of the spread of covid-19. the important thing contained in the circular letter is regarding the indicators for determining student graduation in the minimum competency assessment and character education survey. the three points referred to are (1) new students can be declared graduated if they have completed the learning program during the covid-19 pandemic as evidenced by report cards every semester; (2) obtaining a minimum good attitude or behavior value; and (3) take an exam conducted by the education unit (school). e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 the form of the exam organized by the school as referred to inpoint 3 of the circular of the minister of education and culture no.1 of 2021 is as follows. first, in the form of a portfolio, namely in the form of evaluation of report cards, attitude, or behavior values, and achievements obtained by previous students (awards, competition results, and so on); second, an evaluation tool in the form of an assignment; third, in the form of evaluation tools in the form of tests, both online and offline by the education unit itself; and fourth, is evaluation in the form of other assessment activities determined by each educational unit.however, in practice its application in schools is certainly inseparable from various obstacles faced, both by teachers, students, and by the school management.with regard to the implementation of the minimum competency assessment and character survey starting from the 2020/2021 school year, one of the teachers at sma negeri 3 denpasar, namely mr. dewa gede alit dwija, s.pd (aged 59 years) said the following. in my opinion, the replacement of the national examination with a minimum competency assessment and character survey is very good for assessing the personality of students. because education includes three domains, such as cognitive, affective, and cognitive domainspsychomotor. to assess the three domains, of course, it is not enough to just use an evaluation tool in the form of a test. however, it must involve several instruments, such as assignments, written works, and so on. because the measurable test technique only concerns the cognitive aspect,while the aspects of students' attitudes and skills are not touched (interview 22 february 2021). based on the informant's statement, it can be understood that many teachers actually want the national examination to be abolished, considering that in practice there are many weaknesses.his. for example, there is a provision that students must pass 100%, this can certainly damage the academic atmosphere, because such a requirement can reduce the attitude of honesty among school members. whereas one of the values of character education as determined by the ministry of education and culture is the aspect of honesty. before carrying out learning in the classroom, the teacher must first make a learning plan called a lesson plan (rpp). according to mulyasa (2006: 184)rpp is a plan that describes learning procedures and management to achieve one or more basic competencies specified in the content standards and described in the syllabus. or in other languages, it can be said that the lesson plans are an operational description of the syllabus of subjects that have been developed as a guide for teachers in carrying out the learning process in the classroom. therefore, it is obligatory for every teacher to make rpp before starting to teach. making rpp based on the 2013 curriculum which is often called k-13 is made up to ten e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 pages, it can even be more, but with independent learning wisdom, teachers only need to make one sheet of rpp. this policy can ease the burden on teachers in the field of learning administration. the policy of implementing this one-sheet rpp, received a positive response from teachers, including teachers at sma negeri 3 denpasar. as said by mr. made mertana (aged 57 years), one of the teachers appointed as informants said as follows. in my opinion, the policy of making 1 sheet of rpp lightens the burden on teachers in the administrative field. because teachers in addition to making teaching preparations (rpp) there are still many administrative tasks that need to be donemust be completed by the teacher related to the duties of a teacher. for example, curriculum administration, personal administration, student administration, school administration, and others. so by making only 1 sheet of rpp, the teacher has the potential to focus more on developing teaching materials, and guiding students in the learning process. in addition, with only 1 lesson plan, the teacher can be more flexible in explaining teaching materials, because they are not too attached to the material written by the teacher in the lesson plan (interview, march 1, 2021). based on the statements of the informants above, it can be understood that in summary the rpp that must be made by the teacher can reduce the burden on the teacher in the field of making learning administration and has the potential for teachers to develop teaching materials flexibly. this also has the potential for teachers to focus on deepening the material that will be taught to their students. for example, teachers are more flexible to provide real examples and teachers can appear to be models for students in front of the class. this is in line with the socialization theory developed by mark baldwin, (in ahmadi 1991: 18) that the process of child personality development is the process of socializing the characteristics of the child itself individually. ppdb is an abbreviation of the acceptance of new students which is carried out at the beginning of each new academic year by each educational institution at every level. for example, at the level of early childhood education, elementary, junior high, high school/vocational school, and other equal education levels. to enter a certain level of education, certain conditions are required, such as for paud education, an age requirement is required, namely a minimum of 5 years or a minimum of 4 years for group a, and 6 years of age or a minimum of 5 years for group b as evidenced by a letter. birth sign(birth certificate). then to enter the elementary school level, there are several requirements, such as, ages 712 years, and a minimum of 6 years on july 1 of the current year, age 7 years must be accepted while age 6 years there are exceptions. to enter the junior high school level, several requirements are needed, namely a maximum age of 15 years on july 1 of the current year, e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 having an elementary school diploma/equivalent education or other document that explains that the child in question has completed elementary school education. then for the sma/smk/other educational levels of equivalent, the requirements include, the maximum age of 21 years on july 1 of the current year, possessing a junior high school diploma or other document stating that the child in question has completed junior high school education. regarding the implementation of the recruitment of new students for the 2019/2020 school year for sma negeri in denpasar city, a zoning-based ppdb has been implemented. the zoning-based ppdb system is a new student admission system based on the zone where each prospective student lives.based on permendikbud number 51/2018, ppdb is regulated through a zoning system. the selection of prospective students is carried out by prioritizing the distance of the nearest prospective participant's residence from the school within the stipulated zoning. in this case, what will be the focus of this research is the potential and obstacles faced by the school related to the implementation of new student admissions with the zoning system. the potential that can be explored from the implementation of zoningbased new student admissions according to the head of sma negeri 3 denpasar, namely drs. ida bagus sudirga, m.pd.h are as follows. actually, the implementation of zoning-based ppdb at sma negeri 3 denpasar can provide equal opportunities to enjoy quality education for children who happen to live close to the school location. this is in accordance with the basic principles of implementing the ppdb, which are non-discriminatory, objective, transparent, accountable, and fair (interview, 5 march 2021). based on the informant's statement, it can be understood that the implementation of zoning-based ppdb can provide equal distribution to every citizen to enjoy quality education. this means that the application of this zoning system is not only applied in the context of recruiting new students, but this system has the potential to also rotate teachers within the zone according to the mandate of the law. this implies that the distribution of teachers is prioritized for each zone and if there are still schools that lack teachers, they will be rotated between the zones concerned. this is in line with the statement of muhadjir effendy (inhttps://hot.liputan6.com/) accessed, march 2, 2021, that"equitable distribution of teachers is prioritized in each of these zones. if it turns out that there are still schools that lack teachers, inter-zone rotations will be carried out. meanwhile, teacher rotation between districts/cities will only be carried out if the distribution of teachers is truly unbalanced and there are no teachers from within the district who available for rotation". e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 conclusion based on the descriptions in the previous chapters, some conclusions can be drawn as follows. first, the form of independent learning practices carried out, both at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar, includes four forms of practice, namely (1) the practice of replacing usbn into school exams, because the usbn implemented so far is judged by many to be only able to measure cognitive aspects. students in the lowest realm; (2) the practice of replacing the national examination with a minimum competency assessment and character survey, because with this assessment model students are able to master the minimum skills in the form of 'literacy' and 'numbering'; (3) the practice of implementing a 1-sheet lesson plan, to this policy there were various responses, especially from teachers and school principals; (4) zoning-based ppdb implementation practices, second,the practice of implementing this free learning policy, especially at sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar, has several potentials. this potential can also be categorized into 4 types, namely (1) the potential for replacing usbn into a school exam, namely the school can optimize the potentials of students, because the most knowledgeable about the condition of students is their own teacher; (2) the potential for replacing the national examination with a minimum competency assessment and character survey can reduce the psychological burden of the examinees, and can measure the overall knowledge, attitudes, and behavior of students; (3) the potential for implementing 1 sheet of lesson plans, namely teachers can be creative in developing learning models by providing examples, even teachers can appear to be models in the learning; (4) the potential for implementing a zoning-based ppdb can provide equal opportunities for every citizen to enjoy quality education. however, with the implementation of independent learning practices, both in sma negeri 3 and sma negeri 8 denpasar, it can provide space for the school management to take manipulative policies. third,the implementation of the independent learning policy has implications, both for students, the learning process in the classroom, as well as for school institutions. the replacement of usbn into a school exam has implications for reducing the psychological burden of students in facing exams, and with a minimum competency assessment model and a character survey, a comprehensive assessment can be carried out. then the implications for the learning process in the classroom teachers can be more flexible in creating and innovating to develop various strategies and learning methods. the implementation of a 1e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 sheet lesson plan can reduce the administrative burden of teachers, but it can also cause some teachers to be reluctant to make new lesson plans. references arikunto, suharsimi. 2002. prosedur peneltian suatu pendekatan praktik. jakarta: pt. rineka cipta. barker, chris. 2004. cultural studies: teori dan praktik. yogyakarta: kreasi. beilharz peter, 2005. teori-teori sosial observasi kritis terhadap para filosof terkemuka. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. bourdieu, p. 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" kebijakan rrp ringkas 1 lembar beserta contohnya". dalam https://www.instastori.com/ diakses 18 pebruari 2021 foucault, michel, 2002. wacana kuasa/pengetahuan (diterjemahkan yudi santoso). yogyakarta: bentang budaya hasbullah jousairi, 2006. social capital menuju keunggulan budaya manusia indonesia. jakarta: mr-united press. kurniasih ( dalam kompas.com/02/02/2020). diakses 26 januari 2020. kompas.com/11-12-2019 diakses tanggal 15 pebruari 2021. mahatma chrysnha, kompas.com (9 juli 2020) https:// kompaspedia.kompas.id/) diakses tanggal 19 pebruari 2021. muhadjir effendi ( dalam https://hot.liputan6.com/ diakses tanggal 2 maret 2020. mulyasa. 2006. manajemen berbasis sekolah konsep, strategi dan implementasi. bandung: pt remaja rosdakarya. nadiem makarim, kompas.com, 14-1-2020 ( https://edukasi.kompas.com/) diakses tanggal 13 maret 2021. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 33-51 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 ratna, i nyoman kutha. 2004. teori, metode, dan teknik penelitian sastra dari strukturalisme hingga postrukturalisme: perspektif wacana naratif. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. ratna, i nyoman kutha. 2010. metodologi penelitian kajian budaya dan ilmu sosial humaniora pada umumnya. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. sanjaya, wina. 2008. strategi pembelajaran, berorientasi standar dan proses pendidikan. jakarta: prenada media group. sarup, madan,2003. postrukturalisme dan posmodernime: sebuah pengantar kritis. yogyakarta: jendela. solopos.com ( dalam https://www.solopos.com/jumat, 12 pebruari 2021) diakses tanggal 15 pebruari 2021. sri minda murni. 2020. " rpp 1 halaman bisakah hadirkan merdeka belajar? bisa, ini caranya..." ( dalam kompas.com (08-03-2020) diakses 8 maret 2021 subkhan, edi.2016. pendidikan kritis, kritik atas praksis neoliberalisasi dan standarisasi pendidikan. yogyakarta: ar-ruzz media. susetyo, benny. 2005. politik pendidikan penguasa. yogyakarta: lkis. yunus. m., firdaus.2007. pendidikan berbasis realitas sosial. paulo freire y.b. mangun wijaya.yogyakarta: logung pustaka microsoft word artikel a.n. anom kumbara terbit5 e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 49-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 the resistance of the pegayaman islamic community against stigma and identity retention strategies in buleleng regency a.a. ngr anom kumbara1, a a sagung kartika dewi2 1faculty of arts, udayana university, 2faculty of economics and business, udayana university email: 1anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 2sagung_kartika@unud.ac.id received date : 06-04-2022 accepted date : 28-04-2022 published date : 31-05-2022 abstract the issue of disharmony and conflict based on differences in culture, religion, history, and ethnicity still often arises in indonesia, including in bali. one of the related phenomena is the stigmatization of the islamic community in pegayaman village which causes various forms of violence, both physical and symbolic. the aims of this study are 1) to understand the reasons underlying the emergence of stigmatization; 2) describe the forms of stigma, and 3) examine strategies for resistance to stigma and maintaining the identity of the pegayaman islamic community in buleleng regency. data was collected using in-depth interviews, observation, document studies, and focus group discussions. data analysis used a critical interpretation approach with the stages of reduction, presentation, drawing conclusions and verification. this study finds that the reasons underlying the stigmatization of the pegayaman islamic community include, (a) historical experience factors, (b) religious ideology, and ethnicity, (c) construction of reality for various interests, and (d), self-reflexivity, 'we'. and 'them'. forms of stigma include, (a) labeling, (b) stereotypes, (c) separation; and (d) discrimination. the resistance and identity defense strategies that have been carried out include (a) direct and open strategies through demonstrations, dialogue with the bureaucracy, politicians, media, and regulation of interfaith marriage restrictions, as well as (b) strategies to improve the quality of life of community members through hard work, status improvement economics, children's education, instilling islamic values from an early age, and building cooperation in social, religious, and economic activities. this strategy is effective in minimizing the stigma of society towards the pegayaman islamic community. keywords : identity, islamic community of pegayaman, resistance, strategy, stigma introduction the articulation of the identity of religious groups is still a serious problem for the indonesian people today. the data shows that the relationship between religious believers in indonesia has not yet fully reached the ideal condition, namely a religious life that is tolerant, harmonious, and peaceful [1]. bali also has its own challenges in building a truly e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 49-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 ideal religious life. although the majority of the population is hindu, in bali there are also other religious groups mingling in an area. historically, the relationship between hindus and other religious communities in bali has been established since the kingdom era, mainly through political, social, and economic processes [2]. one of them is the muslim community who has lived in bali since the time of the buleleng kingdom, known as the pegayamman islamic community, sukasada district, buleleng regency. a number of researchers say that the ancestors of the muslim community in pegayaman were soldiers from outside bali, especially from java and bugis during the reign of ki barak panji sakti [3][4]. they get a prize for inhabiting the area and carrying out the teachings of the islamic religion that had been embraced before. over time, the number of the pegayaman islamic community increased and they still maintained their religious identity. in addition to historical and political factors, namely patronage relations with the buleleng kingdom, the survival of the pegayaman islamic community is also due to their ability to develop adaptation strategies with the majority of the balinese hinduism community [5]. however, the post-independence socio-political dynamics caused the relationship between muslims in pegayaman and hindu’s to begin to crack. the involvement of the pegayaman youth in the crackdown on groups suspected of being pki participants in the 1965 g30s/pki tragedy through the banser movement, and the bali bombings i and ii that carried religious ideologies disrupted the previously established harmonious hindu-muslim relationship [6]. in addition, the involvement of the pegayaman islamic community in several criminal events has begun to be capitalized to build a stigma against their existence. based on this background, this research focuses on three research problems, as follows: (1) why does negative stigmatization appear on the pegayaman islamic community in buleleng regency; (2) what is the form of the construction of stigma against the pegayaman islamic community in buleleng regency; and (3) what is the resistance to stigma and strategies for maintaining the identity of the pegayaman islamic community in buleleng regency? methods and procedures this study aims to reveal the phenomenon of resistance to stigma and strategies for maintaining the identity of the pegayaman islamic community in buleleng regency in relation to hindus. therefore, this research was designed within the framework of a qualitative research methodology with a critical social approach as applied in the culture studies tradition. this approach views that socio-religious phenomena that appear on the surface actually contain various ideologies that operate in social practices [7]. therefore, e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 49-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 this study uses the basis of stigma theory (goffman), identity theory (erikson), and cultural adaptation theory (sanderson) to reveal the various ideologies hidden in the stigmatization of the pegayaman islamic community, as well as resistance and defense of their identity in the midst of society. plural society in buleleng regency. in this study, the researcher was directly involved as the main actor who was supported by other supporting instruments in the form of interview guides and data recording and documenting devices. the data collection procedure was carried out by means of observation, interviews, documentation studies, and focus group discussions (focus group discussin). data analysis was carried out through three stages, namely data reduction, data presentation, and drawing conclusions or verification [8]. the process of data analysis was carried out with a critical interpretive approach. these three stages are carried out simultaneously during the research process taking into account the context so that all data obtained can be accounted for for validity, reliability, and transferability. results and discussion a. the reasons underlying the stigmatization of the islamic community of pegayaman the pegayaman islamic society was an immigrant community when the buleleng kingdom was ruled by ki barak panji sakti. studies on the history of the formation of the pegayaman islamic community conducted by several researchers show that the pegayaman islamic community has served the buleleng kingdom so that they were given a gift by ki barak panji sakti to occupy the village area where they are currently living. this historical fact also marks the formation of a patron and client relationship between the pegayaman islamic community and the buleleng kingdom. the patron-client relationship which was built through the subsistence ethic[9], became the dominant ideology that perpetuated the king's power as a patron because of his ability to provide religious social protection to the people (clients). the change in the political system from work to republican has removed some and even all of the patron's legitimacy, except for symbolic values. the implication is that the pegayaman islamic community no longer gets subsistence protection from patrons, both in terms of economy and religion. the weakening of the patron-client system resulted in the weakening of the economic resources of the pegayaman islamic community because the king did not provide subsistence support. this encourages the emergence of criminal behaviour from some pegayaman villages due to economic pressure. the accumulation of criminal events e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 49-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 by perpetrators from the same area, finally builds the stigma that 'pegayaman is a criminal village'. this stigmatization is driven by the affirmation of cultural identity that positions the pegayaman islamic community as the 'other', through this stigma. closely related to historical experiences that have led to the emergence of stigma against the pegayaman islamic community cannot be separated from the development of ethnic and religious sentiments, especially since the first and second bali bombings. the religious issue brought up by the terrorist group amrozy, et al., in the tragedy has proven to have clouded the harmonious relationship between the balinese (hindu) and islam [10]. the strengthening of religious sentiments and ethnicity after the bali i and ii bombings was marked by the response of the balinese people through the discourse on the permanent bali [11]. the islamic community of pegayaman, which has long been stigmatized or stereotyped as criminals, thieves, robbers, and murderers, is finally considered to be affiliated with terrorists [12]. on the other hand, the pegayaman islamic community also actually has to face the stigmatization of mainstream islamic groups who think they are not yet a true muslim, because they still adopt balinese culture in their religion. this means that the pegayaman islamic community has experienced complex stigmatization in the context of religious ideology and ethnicity. considering that stigmatization is not only constructed by other religious groups, but also from fellow muslims themselves. the stigmatization aimed at the pegayaman islamic community is partly based on natural realities, such as several criminal incidents that have been proven to have been committed by pegayaman villages. these criminal behaviour are perceived by society, and then categorized as moral objects to be analyzed in relation to norms. the results of this analysis are integrated within a person and build a perception that the behaviour’s is contrary to the norms prevailing in society so that it deserves to be stigmatized. the repetition of behaviour’s encourages the emergence of stigma attached to a community, including the stigma of pegayaman as a criminal village. this inherent stigma is also used by other parties to construct a similar reality with various interests. this stigma is reproduced continuously in various criminal events by constructing a criminal discourse associated with pegayaman villages, even though the perpetrators are not pegayaman villages. in other words, the stigmatization of the pegayaman islamic community is maintained through disciplining perceptions in various matters relating to criminality. stigma always presents a dichotomous position between the stigmatized and those who are stigmatized as a condition that is continuously maintained in social discourse and practice. this is closely related to the concept of identity maturity which e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 49-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 requires every individual and/or cultural group to reflect on his or her identity in the midst of society. however, the concept of identity maturity often creates a crisis in self-narration. this crisis is indicated by the narrative of selfhood which is almost always constructed in a 'versus' scheme, negative vs positive, isolation vs integration, bound vs autonomous, fundamental suspicion vs fundamental belief, bound vs autonomous, and so on [13]. failure to fully reflect the self-worth of 'identity' with the dominant culture makes the islamic community of pegayaman still seen as an 'immigrant' community which is distinguished from the original 'bali-hindu' population. this dichotomy is emphasized by the structural performance that does not accommodate the pegayaman customary system as part of the balinese customary system. this positioning encourages the construction of 'originalmigrants' in various cultural discourses, in which the indigenous people tend to maintain their narrative of being the rightful owner of balinese culture. on the other hand, the negative image of 'immigrants' tends to be capitalized for self-positioning so that stigmatization is part of the way to affirm the identities of 'we' and 'them'. b. stigma construction forms against the islamic community of pegayaman stigma is a bad judgment given to individuals and/or groups based on certain signs or attributes. these signs are considered as expressions of impropriety and bad moral status owned by a person and/or group [14]. however, stigmatized individuals and/or groups are not always people who behave badly, but are judged badly by the community and the surrounding environment. according to link and phelan [15], stigma is constructed in label, stereotyping, separation, and discrimination. that is, stigma is not born naturally, but is constructed socio-culturally through the detection, definition, and assessment of actors (agents), as well as dominant society (structure). labelling words, or stereotyping is based on certain signs that are different in society. according to becker [16]. being label depends on the process of detection, definition, and public response to deviant behaviour. the assessment of the primary deviation opens space for the public to understand the reasons behind each individual deviant behaviour, for example the behaviour of stealing due to poverty. however, when cases of theft occur repeatedly involving villages of the same community and cause problems in the community (trouble makers), the reasons behind this behaviour tend to be ignored by the community. therefore, the label as a 'thief' is a response that is definitely given by the community based on an assessment of the repetition of deviant behaviour carried out by pegayaman villages. when compared to other labels, the labelling as a 'thief' is dominantly attached to the pegayaman islamic community based on the e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 49-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 community's assessment of deviant behaviours that are detected and defined in various social realities that repeat from time to time. labelling refers to deviant behaviour in the form of violation of norms 'ever' committed by a person or certain social group. when the stigmatization sees general tendencies in people who are labeled deviant, then the labeling is applied to all people or groups who have these characteristics, whether detected, defined, valued, or not. this mechanism is called a stereotype, which is a framework of thinking or cognitive aspects consisting of knowledge and beliefs about certain social groups and traits. stereotype are beliefs about personal characteristics or attributes that people in a certain social group or category have [17]. the stereotype of 'the village of thieve’s' is a form of stigma attached to the pegayaman islamic community. this stereotype is embedded in the cognitive structure of society and forms a massive assessment of the pegayaman islamic community. this stereotype shows the expansion of individual stigma into public stigma, both those formed by the dominant culture by making legal and moral norms the basis for stereotyping and repetition of behaviours carried out by the pegayaman islamic community. media framing also plays an important role in the formation of these stereotype’s which further worsen the image of the pegayaman islamic community in society. separation is the separation between 'us' (as a party who does not have a stigma) and “them” (as a stigmatized party). stereotyped relations with negative attributes will become a reality, when the stigmatized party continues to maintain its stigma against the other group, while the stigmatized group feels that the stereotype attached to them is true, at least, to a certain extent [18]. this condition widens the social distance between the stigmatized party and the stigmatized party which in the wider social world is marked by the separation between subcultural groups and the dominant culture. people who support the dominant culture who are positioned as parties to the stigmatization have a tendency to judge subordinate groups through prejudice and images that are formed, which are also maintained in the practice of discourse. on the other hand, the subordinate group will try to improve its self-conception through various more autonomous cultural strategies. the two processes simultaneously, actually encourage the separation between the islamic community of pegayaman (stigma) and the stigmatized group. stereotyped relations with negative attributes will become a reality, when the stigmatized party continues to maintain its stigma against the other group, while the stigmatized group feels that the stereotype attached to them is true, at least, to a certain extent [18]. this condition widens the social distance between the stigmatized party and the stigmatized party which in the wider social world is marked by the separation between subcultural e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 49-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 groups and the dominant culture. people who support the dominant culture who are positioned as parties to the stigmatization have a tendency to judge subordinate groups through prejudice and images that are formed, which are also maintained in the practice of discourse. on the other hand, the subordinate group will try to improve its selfconception through various more autonomous cultural strategies. the two processes simultaneously, actually encourage the separation between the islamic community of pegayaman and the stigmatized group. discrimination is the intentional difference in treatment of certain groups or interest groups. in discrimination, a certain group is treated differently from other groups. the distinction can be based on positions of opposition, such as majority and minority. according to fulthoni, et al. [19], the essence of discrimination is the difference in treatment. discrimination refers to unfair and unequal treatment to distinguish a person or group based on categorization or distinctive attributes. discriminatory treatment of the pegayaman islamic community in accessing jobs in balinese-owned companies seems to be related to the built-up stereotype. these stereotypes mark the cracks in the identity of pegayaman villages in their interactions with the wider social environment, such as the world of work. wider discrimination is felt by the pegayaman islamic community in the context of the bureaucracy, especially the lack of village funds they manage, when compared to other villages. although this discrimination is not directly related to the stigma of a 'thief village' that has been attached to them so far, it is at least due to weak political bargaining. either directly or indirectly, the pegayaman islamic community has experienced minorities in various aspects of their lives, especially in their position as an immigrant community, muslim majority, political bargaining, and strengthened by the stigmas attached to them. c. resistance to stigma and identity defense strategies the various forms of stigma received by the pegayaman islamic community encourage them to carry out resistance, as well as strategies to maintain identity. resistance to stigma is carried out to remove the stigma that has already been attached to them. meanwhile, the identity defense strategy is carried out as an effort to maintain cultural and religious values. these two aspects take place simultaneously, resistance is carried out to remove various negative stigma, as well as being a medium for cultural negotiations in the context of maintaining religious and cultural identity. in this regard, resistance to stigma and strategies for maintaining the identity of the pegayaman islamic community are carried out directly and indirectly. e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 49-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 first, a direct and open strategy is carried out against various stigmas attached to them, especially by constructing a positive self-image. one of them is through demonstrations, in particular to prevent criminal reporting that discredits pegayaman village, such as when there are criminals who claim to be from pegayaman, but are not. this resistance is closely related to the stigmatization constructed by outside actors for various interests. resistance to stigma is also carried out through dialogue with bureaucrats and politicians as part of their efforts to clear the name of the pegayaman islamic community from various negative stigmas so far. these dialogues were also conducted to minimize government discrimination in village development. the mass media is also optimized to carry out resistance by displaying a positive image of the pegayaman islamic community as a seasonal community in the midst of the hindu majority who are always able to maintain harmony and tolerance of religious communities. next, direct resistance is also carried out through the creation of customary norms in limiting interfaith marriages that pegayaman village who change religions do not get any rights in the village, even just visiting their own families. second, an indirect strategy that is internal is carried out by improving the quality of life of the pegayaman villages so that they are no longer trapped in criminal behaviour. one of them is by motivating its citizens to always work hard so as to improve the economic status of the family. the pegayaman islamic society also encourages children's education because education is seen as the only way so that the stigma against pegayaman villages can be removed. strengthening the personality aspect to avoid deviant behaviours is also done by instilling islamic values from an early age. it is evident that the majority of pegayaman villages choose to send their children to religious schools or enroll them in islamic boarding schools, both in java and lombok. in its social context, pegayaman villages are also active in building cooperation with the surrounding community, both in social, religious, and economic activities. conclusion this study concludes that the stigmatization of the islamic community in pegayaman arises due to historical experiences, religious ideologies and discourses as well as ethnicity, the construction of reality for various interests, and the reflexivity of the ‘us’ ('kekitaan') vs. 'oneness' self. stigma appears in the form of labelling, stereotyping, segregation, and discrimination. resistance to stigma and identity defend strategies carried out by the pegayaman islamic community are carried out directly and indirectly. this strategy is quite effective because it is gradually able to minimize the stigma of e-journal of cultural studies may 2022 vol. 15, number 2, page 49-58 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 society towards the pegayaman islamic community, while at the same time maintaining its cultural and religious identity. thank-you note thanks are conveyed to the chancellor of udayana university, the dean of the faculty of cultural sciences, udayana university, and the chair of the lppm udayana university for the facilities and funding for this research. in particular, thanks are conveyed to dr. nanang sutrisno, msi and drs. gde budarsa, msi who has helped the author in this research, both for the information, criticism, and suggestions. bibliography [1] ismail, ariffudin. 2010. “refleksi pola kerukunan umat beragama: fenomena keagamaan di jawa tengah, bali, dan kalimantan barat”. jurnal analisa vol. xvii. no. 02, juli – desember, 2010, hal. 175—186. [2] sukiada, i nyoman. 2007. “peranan sejarah lokal dalam membangun multikulturalisme di indonesia”. jurnal ilmiah dharma smerti, edisi april 2007, hal. 20—29. [3] barth, fredrik. 1993. balinese worlds. the university of chicago press. [4] sastrodiwiryo, soegianto. 2011. i gusti anglurah panji sakti, raja buleleng 15991680. denpasar: pustaka bali post [5] budarsa, gede. 2014. “penyerapan unsur-unsur budaya bali pada masyarakat islam di desa pegayaman, kecamatan sukasada, buleleng-bali” (skripsi). denpasar: universitas udayana. [6] andrini, s. 2006. “stereotif masyarakat pegayaman dalam komunikasi antar budaya: sebuah kajian budaya”. (tesis). denpasar: program magister kajian budaya, universitas udayana. [7] lubis, akhyar yusuf. 2006. dekonstruksi epistemologi modern, dari posmodernisme, teori kritis, poskolonialisme hingga cultural studies. jakarta: pustaka indonesia satu. [8] miles, mathiew b. dan michael huberman. 1992. analsis data kualitatif. jakarta: universita indonesia. 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[16] becker, howard s. 1963. outsiders: studies in the sociology of deviance. new york: the freepress. [17] dyer, richard. 1999. “the role of stereotypes”, in paul marris and sue thornham (editors), media studies: a reader, (2nd edition). edinburgh university press. [18] fatmawati. 2015. “stigmatisasi dan diskriminasi pada perempuan bertato”. jurnal equlibrium pendidikan sosiologi, volume iii, no. 1 mei 2015, hal. 1—9. [19] fulthoni, muh. yasin, dkk. 2009. memahami diskriminasi: buku saku kebebasan beragama. jakarta: the indonesia legal resource center (ilrc). microsoft word artikel a.n. suyoga terbit 5 e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 55-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 understanding the ideology of cultural dualism in the car-shape shrine architecture at paluang temple, nusa penida, bali i putu gede suyoga1*, i nyoman suarka2, i ketut ardhana3, dan i wayan suwena4 1interior study program, institute of design and business bali denpasar, 2.3.4.doctoral program of cultural studies, faculty of cultural sciences, udayana university email: 1pgsuyoga@gmail.com,2nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id,3phejepsdrlipi@yahoo.com, 4wsuwena58@yahoo.com received date : 06-06-2022 accepted date : 20-08-2022 published date : 31-08-2022 abstract this study focuses on the ideology of cultural dualism in the vw beetle and jeep jimny as two car-shape shrines at pura paluang nusa penida, bali. these two worship altars are to worship ida ratu gede ngurah sakti and hyang mami or called shiva-durga in the pantheon of the gods of hinduism. the architectural design of the two car-shape shrines are unique and different from most mainstream balinese hinduism. this shows the existence of a collective view that has ideological nuances. this qualitative study with descriptive analysis, obtained data through observation, interviews, library research and documentary techniques. the informants were determined using the purposive and snowball technique. all the data were analyzed in order to draw conclusions. the result of the study shows that the dualism of cultural ideology has inspired the development of worship altars in the form of the car-shape shrine. primarily representing the two poles of culture. east-traditional culture is the most intense-sacred, with the profane on the side of modern-western culture. the mimicry strategy and the hybrid mechanism are very dominant in shaping the ultimate architectural identity. socially, it legitimizes the dominant political power, identity, belief, orientation of the collective action of the people of nusa penida. keywords: ideology of cultural dualism, car-shape shrine, paluang temple nusa penida bali. introduction the architecture of car-shape shrines at paluang temple, karangdawa nusa penida bali is a form of worship architecture that is different from mainstream worship architecture in the bali region, which is generally in the form of a worship altar with traditional balinese architecture. at pura paluang, there are two car-shape shrines, namely the iconic vw beetle and jeep jimny. the two car-shape shrines are dedicated to worshiping ida ratu gede ngurah sakti and hyang mami or called shiva-durga in the pantheon of the gods of hinduism. the two car-shape shrines are dedicated as vehicles e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 55-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 for the two gods to protect, provide safety, bestow prosperity and happiness for the lives of the people of nusa penida and its surroundings. architecturally, it seems that the two poles of cultural power combine in one work of cult architecture. on the one hand, it represents the local tradition of sacred worship architecture, namely as the shrine, and on the other hand, the iconic modern form of the car which represents profane mass culture, namely land transportation. such cultural compromise can only occur if supporters of a cultural product choose a strategy of mimicry or imitation or hybridity mechanisms in order to claim a new work, including architectural works as the identity of a particular ethnic group. mimicry strategies and hybridity mechanisms generally develop in areas that have been colonized by other nations or post-colonial. in other words, this phenomenon can be stated that there has been a cultural compromise with ideological nuances. socially, an ideology can strengthen and stabilize the collective life of society. cultural compromise in an ethnic community cannot be separated from the strong ideology of cultural dualism that develops in the community. how to understand the ideology of cultural dualism in the car-shape shrines architecture at pura paluang nusa penida, bali? this study will elaborate. research method the research method which was used to explore the architecture of car-shape shrines at paluang temple, karangdawa nusa penida, bali was the qualitative research method. the article which was written based on the result of scientific study was designed to be the study in the ideology of cultural dualism which is critically discussed from the perspective of cultural studies. the data were collected through observation, interviews, library research and documentation techniques. the informants were determined using the purposive sampling and snowball technique. the data/ information will be analyzed based on the concept of mimicry and hybrids from homi k. bhabha in the context of postcolonial culture (lubis, 2016: 166). this is also inseparable from the nusa penida area as part of the bali region which was once a colony of dutch colonialism. discussion ideology is a way of life that is constructed from history, tradition, and crossregional social relations. an ideology socially strengthens and stabilizes the collective life of society. the ideological view is thus identical with the collective view of the community which is built from reciprocal relationships. socially, it legitimizes dominant political forces, e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 55-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 57 identities, beliefs, action orientations, and distorts systematic communication within the ideological domain of its society (sumantri, 2001: 264). this is also confirmed by the statement of thomson (2003: 56) which states "...to study ideology is to study the ways in which meaning serves to establish and sustain relations of domination". meaningful activities that produce certain meanings in accordance with the interests of domination are vital in the spread of ideology. the meaning referred to here is the meaning in symbolic forms that are in a social context and circulated in the social world. symbolic forms appear in various speech and actions, nonlinguistic images (images) combined with linguistic elements such as in advertisements and texts produced by individuals and understood by themselves and others as meaningful (takwin, 2003: 125). then, how to understand it in the context of the carshape shrines at pura paluang? pura paluang has two car-shape shrines that resembles the iconic vw beetle and jeep jimny. these two car-shape shrines are to worship ida ratu gede ngurah sakti and hyang mami or called siwa-durga (jro mangku i wayan suar, interview 2019). it seems that the existence of the two car-shape shrines iconic is very strongly based on the ideology of cultural dualism. the ideology of cultural dualism, in this case, is understood as the compromising thinking of agents and related structures in the sign construction process of the car-shape shrine at pura paluang. the two car-shape shrines (iconic vw beetle and jimny) are the result of a compromise of binary opposition components, namely between western and eastern cultures. western culture is represented by the shape of a car as a result of western industrial production and eastern culture is represented by the design of the worship altar in the form of the shrine form composed of pepalihan or architectural parts in the tradition of worship architecture buildings, as well as ornamental decorations as balinese local content. figure 1. car-shaped shrines at paluang temple source: i pg suyoga, 2020 e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 55-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 58 the process of imitating or borrowing the image of a car as the bungan palinggih or main part of a car-shape shrine shows the root of the concept of mimicry in homi k. bhabha’s thought is very strong in its post-colonial cultural context, as can also be understood from the explanation of lubis (2016: 166). although on the one hand it is not known for sure and no historical evidence has been found (manuscript or inscription) since when the car-shape shrine design was made to confirm the traces of its history, however on the other hand the essence of the study of cultural studies is not to trace when a cultural product was originally made, but rather to the structure its meaning in the present, its connection to power (relation of power-knowledge-discourse-truth), and refers to connectivity with the closest historical sources. this is also inseparable from the view of foucault (1971) who posits ideology as the result of power relations that are spread everywhere through the mechanism of discourse. he further asserts that discourse assumes the truth of each truth or regime of truth, so there is no single truth (takwin, 2003: 128; eagleton, 1991). so, to understand the process of mimicry the shape of a car, we can refer to the closest period namely the dutch colonial era. it was the first time that the cars of international health workers passed on nusa penida island on a medical mission that touched the human side of the people of nusa penida during the dutch colonial period. these international red cross officers drove a jeep to be present in remote rural areas on the hills of nusa penida on a humanitarian mission, namely to help treat diseases of the skin, ears, nose, throat, and eyes. several types of these diseases were reported to be the most suffered by the people of nusa penida at that time, due to limited access to clean water for daily living needs. apparently the moment of the international humanitarian mission was like a "helping god" for the suffering and epidemics to the people of nusa penida. this phenomenon is very strongly pervading the inner nature of the people of nusa penida, even internalizing its connection with the “object of purpose” of religious emotion. martono (2016: 126) reveals that the concept of mimicry is used by bhabha to describe the process of imitating or borrowing various cultural elements. this concept of mimicry then gave birth to hybridity which became a trend in postcolonial discourse (imitation of the colonizer’s culture by the colonized nation). postcoloniality, apart from giving birth to hybridity, also creates new forms of resistance and negotiations between actors. hybrid, which describes the merging of two forms, brings out certain characteristics of each form and at the same time negates certain characteristics e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 55-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 59 possessed by both (sutrisno and putranto, 2008). the car-shape shrine as a hybrid architecture in the realm of worship architecture, placing the form of compromise as a space for negotiating cultural identity that was born as cultural diversity and cultural differences, to borrow the terminology of martono (2016: 127) referred to as a product of colonial construction between the colonizers and the colonized nation. based on the thought that is binary opposition, the symbolic sign in the form of architectural design is the most advanced in displaying a dialogue sign of compromise between the image of western culture and the image of balinese culture. in this context, the idea of a car shape is imaged as a modern figure representing the progress of the western world (colonial property), so that it requires a “touch” with a traditional nuance to be accepted as a medium of worship in the traditions of the balinese hindu community (the karangdawa region of nusa penida in particular). in connection with this, the carshape shrines at paluang temple is loaded with ideas from elements of balinese culture, namely from the physical side of the building with traditional architectural elements, as well as the construction of oral stories with mystical or myth nuances. in addition to the process of sacralization which is a religious ideology in the form of belief as well as the collective strength of the people who support the culture. all of this is closely related to efforts to mystify the iconic car as a symbol of the worship of the new model. the shrine architectural work which simultaneously means cultural diversity and cultural differentiation, thus has the ideology of cultural dualism. broadly speaking, the knowledge of the ideology of cultural dualism is quite firmly rooted in the people of nusa penida, even to the idea of changing the supernatural form for the mystical aspirants of kebalian. information in daily gossip among the nusa penida community and in rural bali in general, oral stories related to the ability to change form (creatures or imitations) as one of the manifestations of mastery of the left level of knowledge or pengiwa (balck magic) is the ability to change one’s form become one of the consumer products with modern technology, such as radio (era 1970s), motorcycles (era 1980s) and cars (era 1990s) (ida pandita dukuh celagi dhaksa dharma kirti, interview 14 june 2020). apparently the ability to imitate (mimicry) changes in form to resemble modern objects follows the development of the times. if in the era of agrarian traditions it became public knowledge on sacred nights before certain holy days (mapag kajeng kliwon, sasih kenem, kasanga, or other sacred days) many saw or met supernatural figures common in the world of agriculture or landscaping, such as goats, cows, chickens, dogs, monkeys, a palm tree cut off the top, bade (a tower building for carrying bodies at a death e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 55-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 60 ceremony), sampian mas (a type of gold decoration), munyin gongseng or krincingan (the sound of small bells ringing), and others (ida bhagawan sari putra sogata samyoga, interview 29 june 2020). so, nowadays the imitation supernatural figure also adapts to modern tools, so that someone can meet a radio lying in the bushes and speak to himself with the news that repeats itself, that's all, just about to be picked up suddenly disappears. there is also a story about the figure of a honda win motorbike that became an official vehicle for village heads in nusa penida around the 80s, suddenly there and running on its own. another popular story mentions the existence of a bemo (passenger) car that is often found in the dark village streets, and disappears when fish traders want to ride it, who walk in the early hours to the market or to the port (jro mangku i wayan wahyudi, interview 28 june 2020). the description above in boudieu’s perspective shows the increasing knowledge that represents the habitus, cultural capital, and symbolic capital of the people of nusa penida. the mechanism of compromise dialogue in the depths of the ideology of cultural dualism in the people of nusa penida. some of these folklores show how strong the compromising thinking from both sides of the binary opposition is into a new form of product knowledge. this statement can be expressed in other words, that using the word “compromise” is an attempt to soften or dilute the binary opposition that is confrontational and contradicts the concept of cultural studies thought. in the critical study approach of cultural studies, the dichotomous concept is “delayed”, so that there is no distinction between high culture and low culture, noble culture (mainstream) with low/ local culture including eastern culture with western culture. this compromise can be understood from the cultural dimension which is closely related to the context of social change, either due to cultural innovation, diffusion, or integration. lubis (2016: 154), asserts that cultural innovation is an internal component that creates changes in society. the emergence of new technology for example, can have an effect on change or even foster a new culture (behavior) in society. similarly, through the mechanism of diffusion. disfusion is an external component that is able to drive social change. culture from outside influences the elements of a local culture so that changes occur. cultural change can also be through integration, which is a process of cultural change that is more subtle than diffusion. in integration, there is a unification of cultural elements among social groups that meet each other and give birth to a new culture, namely a hybrid, as is the case with the car-shape shrine. this is reinforced by the e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 55-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 61 statement of martono (2016: 127), that hybridity and mimicry then give birth to cultural diversity and cultural differences. the ideology of cultural dualism through the mechanism of hybridity shows the creation of a new transculture in the nusa penida area. the result of the unification of western culture is in the form of objects resulting from modern technology with eastern culture on the other hand, namely the local architectural culture. this also includes local expertise in the form of inner strength, high-level knowledge skills in the field of literacy, and on the other hand, the adherents also seem to have been overwhelmed with consumptive patterns due to the development of market ideology. conclusion the two of car-shape shrines of a vw beetle and jeep jimny at paluang nusa penida temple, bali are works of hindu worship architecture whose unique designs have different identities from the most persistent architectural designs of mainstream balinese hinduism. the form of the car is dedicated as the imaginary vehicle of ida ratu gede ngurah sakti and hyang mami, in protecting and bestowing prosperity and happiness in life for the people of nusa penida and its surroundings. architecturally, it seems that the two poles of cultural power combine in one work of cult architecture. on the one hand, it represents the local tradition of sacred cult architecture, namely as shrine shape, and on the other hand the modern form with the iconic car represents mass culture which is profane, namely land transportation. such cultural compromises are common in areas of former colonialism. this phenomenon can occur if supporters of a cultural product choose a strategy of mimicry or imitation or hybridity mechanisms in order to claim a new work is theirs, including the worship architectural works as their ethnic identity. the ideology of cultural dualism through mimicry and hybridity strategies then gave birth to cultural diversity and cultural differences. the ideology of cultural dualism through the mechanism of mimicry and hybridity shows the creation of a new transculture in the nusa penida area. the result of the unification of western culture is in the form of objects resulting from modern technology with eastern culture on the other hand, namely the local architectural culture. the two most advanced architectural forms of the car have become a form of architectural work based on the ideology of cultural dualism. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 55-62 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 62 acknowledgement in this opportunity, the writer would like to thank prof. dr. i nyoman suarka, m. hum., as the supervisor, and prof. dr. phil. i ketut ardhana m.a, as co-supervisor i, and dr. i wayan suwena m.hum., as co-supervisor ii for their input and suggestions for the completion of this article. thanks are also expressed to the institute of design and business bali denpasar for the scholarship provided to the writer to join the doctorate program in cultural studies, udayana university. a word of appreciation should also give to the informants (ida pandita dukuh celagi dhaksa dharma kirti, ida bhagawan sari putra sogata samyoga, jro mangku i wayan suar, and jro mangku i wayan wahyudi), and the other names cannot be mentioned one by one for the completion of this article as expected. references eagleton, t. (1991) ideology: an introduction. london: thetford press, ltd. foucault, m. (1977) discipline and punish: the birth of the prison (trans. alan sheridan). london worcester: billing & sons. lubis, a.y. (2016) pemikiran kritis kontemporer: dari teori kritis, culture studies, feminisme, postkolonial hingga multikulturalisme. jakarta: pt rajagrafindo persada. martono, nanang (2016) sosiologi perubahan sosial. perspektif klasik, modern, posmodern, dan poskolonial. jakarta: pt. raja grafindo persada. sumantri, z. (2001) “ideologi dalam pariwara” dalam ida sundari husen dan rahayu hidayat (editor), merentas ranah, bahasa, semiotika dan budaya. yogyakarta: bentang. sutrisno, m. & putranto, h. (ed.) (2008) hermeneutika pascakolonilal: soal identitas. yogayakarta: kanisius. takwin, b. (2003) akar-akar ideologi: pengantar kajian konsep ideologi dari plato hingga bourdieu. yogyakarta: jalasutra. thompson, j.b. (2003) kritik ideologi global (trans. haqqul yagin). yogyakarta: ipcisod microsoft word artikel a.n. rizki terbit 2 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 islamic and cultural acculturation as local wisdom in protecting the environment of merapi mountain areas rizki arumning tyas department of natural science education, faculty of mathematics and science, universitas negeri yogyakarta, jl. colombo no. 1 karangmalang, caturtunggal, depok, sleman, yogyakarta 55281 indonesia email: rizkiarumningtyas@uny.ac.id received date : 08-08-2022 accepted date : 11-10-2022 published date : 30-11-2022 abstract the community around mount merapi with all its local wisdom believes that coexistence with merapi requires norms and ethics. this research is a qualitative descriptive research with a literature review technique. this study aims to explore the concept of the beliefs of the merapi people, the influence of javanese islam on the beliefs of the merapi people, as well as the ethics of living the people around merapi. based on the results of the study, it is known that the concept of belief in the people on the slopes of merapi is syncretism. the influence of islamic teachings on the traditions of the slopes of merapi is the emergence of local people's understanding that combines javanese traditions and islamic teachings. in living, the merapi community believes that with ethics in farming, raising livestock, living, and living, it can create harmony between the people on the slopes of mount merapi and the natural environment. the merapi community continues to revive and preserve various traditions amid the onslaught of modernization currents, such as the wiwitan tradition, dawetan sapi, and becekan. this is one of the efforts to maintain a balance between humans and nature. keywords: islamic and cultural acculturation, local wisdom, protecting environment, merapi mountain areas introduction mount merapi, which is located between the province of central java and the special region of yogyakarta, is considered the most active and most dangerous mountain in indonesia besides mount kelud in east java and mount luwu on sangir island, north sulawesi. mount merapi is included in type a based on historical data from the frequent eruptions of the mountain (kusumadinata, 1979: 182). the eruption of merapi was first recorded by the dutch geological scholar, r. w. van bammelen, who put forward the theory of the move of the hindu mataram kingdom under the rule of wawa from central java to east java due to the eruption of merapi in 1006 which damaged the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 kingdom (kartodirdjo, 1975: 82). since 1006 mount merapi has continued to experience regular eruptions with a range between once every one to seven years and until now it has been recorded to have experienced eruptions up to more than 80 times. it is on this basis that merapi is often referred to as “the never sleeps volcano” which was one of the most active volcanoes during the holocene (sudradjat et al, 2010: 69). nevertheless, the slopes of merapi on the south side that enter the yogyakarta area are inhabited by many people. of course, the people on the slopes of merapi are used to coexisting with disasters. this makes the people on the south side of the slopes of merapi have traditional intelligence in dealing with disasters and their signs. in addition to having traditional intelligence, the people on the slopes of mount merapi, especially those in the south, still adhere to the kejawen belief system. however, in everyday life they still carry out the teachings of the islamic religion. as for ecological wisdom, the community around merapi has a kind of unwritten rule that must be obeyed. violations of all of them are believed to be able to cause havoc, not only for the offender but will be felt by all residents around mount merapi. according to sztompka (2007: 56) tradition is a hereditary policy that has a place in the consciousness, beliefs, norms, and values that we adhere to as well as in objects created in the past. tradition provides useful fragments of historical heritage. tradition is like a set of ideas and materials that people can use in present actions to build a future based on past experiences. tradition provides a blueprint for action. tradition provides them with building blocks that are already ready to shape their world. furthermore, it is also stated that the traditions of the regions, cities, and local communities have the same role, namely binding citizens or their members in certain fields. local wisdom or also known as local knowledge (local knowledge, indigengeneous people) according to jeniarto (2013: 8), broadly speaking, there are two meanings of local wisdom. first, local wisdom is interpreted as ancestral heritage knowledge passed down through tradition. this knowledge is permanent in various eras. second, local wisdom is interpreted as local knowledge which is the result of local intelligence in dealing with life problems. this knowledge is constantly changing according to the environment of the times. this knowledge is contextual within different time and space. dekens (2007: 7) described that a local knowledge system is composed of different knowledge types, practices and beliefs, values, and worldviews. such systems change constantly under the influence of power relations and cross-scale linkages both within and outside the community. local wisdom is a tool of knowledge in a community, both from past generations and from their experiences related to the environment and other methods to e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 solve problems or difficulties faced. local wisdom can be studied through wise words that have been studied for generations and become the guide of life. typical words of wisdom derived from an ethnic group generally make use of one of the main linguistic tools called metaphors. metaphors open up the possibility for any language to develop into a sophisticated one according to the needs of its ethnic group. according to koentjaraningrat (1974: 83), there are three kinds of cultural forms: 1) culture as a complex of ideas, ideas, values, norms, and regulations; 2) culture as a complex of human-patterned behavior activities in society; and 3) objects as human works. the description above shows that local wisdom, tradition, and culture have a close relationship. all three contain elements of thought process (ideas) in the form of values that regulate human behavior in them for good. in this case, value is something that society stands upholds. setiyadi (2013: 296) reveals in relation to 'culture', local wisdom is a part of abstract culture. local wisdom can also be a symbol. the symbols can mean "good", "positive", "not good", or "negative". in indonesia, local wisdom must clearly have positive meaning because 'wisdom' always means 'good or positive'. the results of the long experience of a society are proof that in the community environment (starting from even the most primitive society) there is a source of information (value) for safety for its members. from the various terms of thought and work, perhaps what has recently been discussed more is local wisdom. wikantiyoso (2010: 20) stated that local communities generally have local knowledge and ecological wisdom in predicting and mitigating natural disasters in their area. such local knowledge is usually obtained from rich empirical experience as a result of interacting with its ecosystem. related to this view, ridwan (2007: 28) state that local wisdom is the result of a dialectic process between individuals and their environment. local wisdom is an individual's response to his or her environmental conditions. at the individual level, local wisdom arises as a result of the cognitive work process of the individual as an attempt to establish the choice of values that are considered most appropriate for them. local wisdom is an effort to find common value as a result of relationship patterns (settings) that have been arranged in an environment. this paper explores islamic acculturation and the culture that grows and develops in the scope of the merapi slope community, including the concept of beliefs embraced by the community, the influence of javanese islam on community beliefs, as well as the ethics of community living on the slopes of merapi which aims to protect and preserve the environment. the majority of the people on the slopes of merapi work as farmers, planters, e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 and ranchers. in carrying out this profession, the people of the slopes of merapi believe that there are ethics and norms that must be maintained. in addition, in social living, the people of the slopes of merapi also believe that there is an order that must be maintained, it is intended that the community can still live in harmony with merapi and all the entities in it. method this study is a qualitative descriptive with data sources in the form of literature on local wisdom, traditions, and community perceptions regarding the concept of belief and ethics of community livelihood on the slopes of merapi. the data collection technique in this study uses literature review techniques which are carried out systematically, factually, and accurately regarding existing facts and their relation to the ethics of living on the slopes of merapi. the data sources used are from books and journals, historical records, and interviews. result and discussions the concept of trust from the people in merapi mountain areas the people live on merapi mountain areas have syncretic beliefs, or often known as syncretism (triyoga, 1991: 10). based on the understanding of language, syncretism is a fusion or cohesion. meanwhile, understanding according to terms is the phenomenon of mixing the practices and beliefs of one religion with other religions so as to create new and different traditions (pranowo, 2001: 10). the concept of syncretism is limited to the religious synthesis formed after the initial consolidation of a religion. john l. esposito (2001: 176) calls syncretism a deviation from the core of its parent religion or its normative ideal expression. however, adherents of this syncretic school consider that although syncretism has come out of its basic normative ideas, it still maintains the characteristics of its parent religion. this concept is closely related to the 'normative' religion and the standard of belief adhered to by its adherents when determining the do's and don'ts of the acts. in other words, religion remains a source of people's behavior. the mixture of islamic conceptions and traditions that exist in the slope of merapi community, with reference to the receptio theory, is a form of acceptance of javanese traditions to islamic teachings that are included in the environment of the merapi community. the people of merapi are divided into several groups that are classified based on their character, social structure, and mindset towards islam. the variety of community e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 groups causes each group to have a different color from each other, especially in responding to the problems surrounding syncretism. first, is that the group of students, which is divided into modernists and conservatives, has a character that is a symbol for their group. the modernist group is more focused on textual understanding based on the qur'an and hadith. meanwhile, conservative groups, in addition to understanding textually, also understand contextually. an example of this is when accepting the slametan ritual as one of the acts of worship (pranowo, 2009: 211). second, is the priyayi group, which understands the essence of religion by its meaning of its symbols and follows certain sects (geertz, 1976: 231). third, is the abangan group, more concerned with agrarian rituals such as slametan circle of life (rites of passage) starting from the womb to death or bersih desa which is a symbol of the sturdiness of the peasant community in maintaining the relationship between the small world (jagad cilik) and the big world (jagad gede), or often known as manunggaling kawula gusti (geertz, 1976: 234). the influence of javanese islam on the beliefs of the people in merapi mountain areas in general, the people of yogyakarta refer a lot of their life problems to the admonitions given by the palace, including the people of merapi. the yogyakarta palace or formerly known as the mataram kingdom has a special term, namely the galaktis community, which means that a country is organized as a mandala. in that country there are four place guards, namely ratu kidul, sunan merapi, sunan lawu, and semar. sunan lawu is considered the last king of majapahit. ratu kidul and sunan merapi are ethereal spirit kings whose palaces are on the south coast and the top of mount merapi, the southern and northern parts of the city. semar is a puppet figure who is referred to as the sultan's spiritual guide. they jointly established the boundaries of the country. the sultan's relationship with the guards is contractural, which means that there is a process of giving each other in the form of offerings from the sultan, which will be reciprocated with the sultan getting supernatural powers from them (woodward, 1999: 293). e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 figure 1. the imaginary axis of yogyakarta source: http://www.tribunnews.com yogyakarta is not spared from the existence of an imaginary axis that stretches from the north south direction (mount merapi tugu pal putih yogyakarta palace panggung krapyak south sea) which forms a linear path and connects several physical symbols that have philosophical value meanings. the philosophical concept of this city has been thought out, planned and instilled long before the formation of ngayogyakarta hadiningrat by the first king of the yogyakarta sultanate palace, namely sri sultan hamengku buwono i. basically this imaginary axis has more symbolically meaning than physically. tugu, palace, and panggung krapyak, which are in a straight line, are the axis of the philosophy of yogyakarta palace. it is said to be a philosophical axis because the connecting lines of the monument, palace, and panggung krapyak are real axes in the form of roads. as for the imaginary axis, it is from mount merapi, palace, and the south sea. philosophically, this is divided into two aspects, namely jagat alit and jagat ageng. jagat alit, which describes the process of the beginnings of human life and life with all upright behaviors so that the nature of human life and life is understood, is described with the planology of yogyakarta city as the king's city at that time. the city's planology extends from south to north starting from the panggung krapyak, ending at the tugu pal putih. it emphasizes the reciprocal relationship between the creator and man as his creation (sangkan paraning dumadi). in the course of his life, man is seduced by all sorts of worldly pleasures. the temptation can be in the form of women and treasures depicted in the form of beringharjo markets. the temptation of power is described by the kepatihan complex, all of which are on the right side of the straight road between the palace and the white pal monument, as a symbol of man close to his creator (manunggalaing kawula gusti). jagat ageng, which elaborates on the life and life of the community, in which the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 leader of the society whoever he is always has to make the conscience of the people his first and foremost wife in order to realize the welfare of the people is based on the constancy and belief that only one creator is all-great. jagat ageng is depicted with an imaginary line from parangkusumo in the southern sea –yogyakarta palace – mount merapi. this emphasizes the relationship between humans living in a world where a human must first understand the nature of life so that he is able to achieve perfection in life (manungggaling kawula gusti). mount merapi occupies an important position in javanese mythology, believed to be the center of the kingdom of subtle creatures, as a pangrantunan swarga, in the plot of life's journey depicted with an imaginary axis and a spiritual line of perpetuation connecting the south sea – panggung krapyak –yogyakarta palace – tugu pal putih – mount merapi. this symbol has a meaning about the process of human life from birth to facing the supreme creator.. in this case, there is an interesting phenomenon among the people of the slope of merapi. the phenomenon relates to a charismatic singular figure, namely mbah maridjan. mbah maridjan, a courtier of the yogyakarta palace who has been assigned to the ngarsa dalem of the sultanate of yogyakarta sri sultan hamengkubuwono x as the caretaker of mount merapi since 1982, continued his father, mbah turgo, as the representative of the palace on mount merapi. mbah maridjan was given the title mas panewu and the title suraksohargo which literally means mountaineer, who had the special task of carrying out the labuhan ceremony to the top of merapi. in addition, mbah maridjan as the caretaker is also in charge of performing traditional rituals and ceremonies related to mount merapi. figure 2. mbah maridjan at the labuhan merapi tradition source: https://www.terakota.id/wp-content/uploads/2019/08/51661_620.jpg based on research conducted by fx rudi gunawan (2006: 38) it is explained that mbah maridjan is a loyal and responsible caretaker. his closeness to merapi has opened the eyes of his heart and gave his own money. merapi is considered a living being that must be understood and treated like any other living being. however, because merapi's age is very old and far from our age, it is appropriate for humans to have the highest respect for merapi as a living being. such trusts in fact form their own beliefs among the people of merapi. it can also be said that they believe in the great mystical power and e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 value found in mount merapi. it is also a reflection of the syncretic values that most merapi people have. mbah maridjan is a merapi caretaker who has been loyal for 30 years as the caretaker of merapi. after mbah maridjan died in the 2010 merapi eruption, the consecration activities were continued by the successor caretaker, mbah asih, who is also the son of mbah maridjan. mbah asih was crowned by sri sultan hamengkubuwono x in 2011. the task of the caretaker is as a leader or leader in the rituals surrounding mount merapi, the ritual is aimed at making a balance between the yogyakarta palace and the great power of the ghaib kingdom on mount merapi. in addition, the caretaker gives a very important meaning to the climbers of mount merapi. the caretaker usually notifies what are the taboos when climbing, hiking trails, and rescue routes and informs the surrounding residents if there are activities of mount merapi that are considered dangerous. the existence of the caretaker of mount merapi is very important because the yogyakarta palace was built on two astrals, namely mount merapi and the south sea coast. the thick traditions and customs that exist are shown by the implementation of these various rituals is a strong javanese cultural influence and attached to the life of the people of merapi. javanese people, in particular, the people of merapi adhere to the principle of the javanese philosophy of life, which is an attitude of life that aims to seek the perfection of life through pangawikan (ngelmu) sangkan paraning dumadi and manunggaling kawula gusti. in this case, pakubowono v, gives a mystical message in centini fiber v: 279 whose contents are: aywa lunga yen tan wruha, ingkang pinaranan ing purug, lawan sira aywa nadhah, yen tan wruha rasanipun, ywa nganggo-anggo siraku, yen tan wruh ranning busana, weruha atakon tuhu, bisane tetiron nyata. this quote gives a message to mystics to live the essence of life with caution (endraswara, 2004: 34). ethics of living the people in merapi mountain areas for the people of the southern slopes of merapi, on mount merapi there is a supernatural power that can affect social life. mount merapi has a legend or myth as the palace of ethereal creatures which is communicated for generations by the surrounding community. one of the figures known and loved by the residents is nyai gadung melati who acts as the leader of the ethereal creature merapi and protector of the environment in his area. legends or myths about the existence of volcanoes are not only found in yogyakarta, but also found in many developed countries. as an illustration, some of the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 legends of the mountain include: (1) mount fujiyama in japan with princess kaguya which in japanese means daughter who glows sparkly. (2) mount vesuvius in the campagnia area near the gulf of naples which means "son of ves/zeus" or also known as hercules, st. helens known as the bridge of the gods, (4) mahameru which is considered the abode of the gods and as a means of connecting between the earth (man) and kahyangan. the mountain is considered the pinnacle of spiritual attainment of humanity. the mountain is the abode of spirits and the center of supernatural power. the mountain is the gate of the sky, the highest place of man as a tangible figure, because above it man becomes a spirit. this is shown in the form of pyramids in egypt, mount mahameru in india, to mount fujiyama in japan. in javanese culture, the representation of value is manifested in the form of tumpeng, a serving of rice and produce formed pursing, symbolizing horizontal unity (man and nature) and vertical (man and his creator). this description suggests that mythical figures in this community story are seen as sacred and can be used as a model that provides meaning and value for the behavior of mythical owners in achieving living in harmony with nature and the environment. this manifestation of the close relationship between the community and merapi can be observed from the personification of mount merapi such as merapi the supreme master, eyang merapi, or other terms related to nature such as bopo angkoso ibu bumi. this personification can be interpreted as a form of belief that man and nature are a complete part. the harmony of nature and man in everyday life seems like in a big family. the term merapi the supreme master has also been used as the title of a film presented to visitors at the merapi museum in yogyakarta. various perceptions, views and attitudes of the people around mount merapi regarding mount merapi, are inseparable from myths that are believed for generations. for the surrounding community, they firmly believe that merapi is not a threat to their lives. this closeness of society to nature is also reflected in the ethics of society during interaction with nature. the ethical patterns of the surrounding community towards mount merapi are divided into several ethical patterns of the community in maintaining the balance of the cosmos, such as: ethics in farming before the people on the slopes of merapi planted the fields, together they held a selamatan to ask the god of food named mbok sri (dewi sri), as well as when the harvest was finished, this community also held a wiwit tradition as an expression of gratitude to mbok sri and sang smara bumi. usually they also visit ancestral tombs for successful e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 harvest (triyoga, 1991: 72). wiwitan is one of the traditions carried out by the farming community. wiwitan in indonesian means to start, first (purwadi, 2012: 367). in general, wiwitan is one of the slametan rites in java which was originally used for offerings to dewi sri as a form of community gratitude for the harvest that has been given (endraswara, 2012: 100). wiwitan is a manifestation of gratitude from farmers towards god for being given a bountiful harvest, while also begging for safety and safety from danger. in the implementation of the wiwitan tradition, it begins with preparations, but before making various preparations, first determine the day for the process of implementing the wiwitan tradition. after determining the day, the next stage before the peak of the wiwitan tradition is usually the community do the mojoki tradition (putting janur and dadap leaves spare) in the four corners of the rice field. on the peak day of the implementation of the wiwitan tradition, the community is busy preparing ubo rampe and other equipment for the process of implementing the wiwitan tradition. after that the food is taken to the rice field. arriving at the rice field, the owner of the rice field made a place of offerings. after the offering place is finished, then the ubo rampe is placed and a prayer reading is carried out. when finished, the food was distributed to the participants of the ceremony. after that, do the pennant and finally the cutting of rice. figure 3. wiwitan tradition procession source: http://www.budayajawa.id in an effort to find good agricultural land and free from evil, people will usually ask for the help of a shaman or powerful person. after bringing the means from shamans or powerful people, the landowner then burned the machete stalks to burnt, hollowed out the stalks of hoes, and roasted the corn kernels until they were black scorched. after that the relief machete was used to cut down wooden trees or bamboo groves, and to weed the grass and thickets that grew on prospective farms. then, the soil, which has been freed from the unwanted plant, is fattened with a hoe that has been leached or hollowed out by the stalk. finally, the loose soil was cut off by black scorched corn kernels, the seeds were then taken back and eaten by the landowner. the spreading of corn kernels and their e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 feeding should be repeated up to three times, only then the soil can be cultivated. when merapi’s ash rain falls, which means that many plants die, but this community is still grateful to eyang merapi for the sprinkling of merapi ash which can increase the fertility of their soil. according to the experience and beliefs of the people of merapi, the plant scorched by merapi ash, this was borrowed by eyang merapi for festive purposes at the merapi palace, and will soon be returned excessively in the next harvest harvest (triyoga, 1991: 73). the purpose of this series of actions is to repel the evil gentlemen who inhabit the would-be farmland. after leaving and looking for a new place to live, the land was cultivated into moor. the planting technique used is intercropping, which is planting the main crop of corn, interspersed with distilling plants in the form of tubers, vegetables, and grains. ethics in raising livestock the inauguration of protected forests has resulted in changes in maintenance techniques, from grazing techniques to maintenance techniques in cages, with the risk of livestock owners having to graze every day. on weekdays grazing activities are carried out every morning and evening in the yard as well as in the moor and in the protected forest bordering the village. in the dry season, grazing activities are only carried out in the morning because it is difficult to get green grass. to meet the needs of livestock in that season, during the day the community looks for young grass found in the yard and moor. in that season, they were forced to graze on the upper slopes for about a three to fourhour round trip. grazing activities are carried out in places that are considered unwarkened. however, grazing activities are carried out in groups, for fear of grazing alone in the forest on the famous upper slopes. according to them, the forest of grazing activities in the dry season is inhabited by many annoying softs, in the forest there are often voices of people singing javanese songs, the sound of people shouting for someone's name, and a scary voice. while in the forest they graze close to each other, taking care of each other to avoid softening distractions. they never complained, profanity, shrieked, and imitated the voices heard in the place and inwardly excused themselves to the inhabitants of the forest. lawn seekers are also often encouraged to find themselves by often seeing thickets of grass between sand and rock. this is a mere illusion that if violated by trying to take the grass, it is believed that unwanted things can happen. lawn seekers must be firm and steady and equipped with strong intentions. as for the occurrence of a lava disaster that burns grasslands and reeds, it has its e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 own meaning for them and is considered a gift of eyang merapi. after the grassland is burned by lava, the ash will become natural fertilizer. the meadow will re-green on its own and be as fertile as possible, because the roots do not burn. even sometimes, if the lava does not burn the pastures, they secretly burn the old pastures. this burning is carried out at the end of the dry season in the hope that the fire will not spread to burn unwanted plants. in addition, it is mainly to fertilize pastures and accelerate the growth of young grass when the rainy season arrives. figure 4. procession of dawetan sapi traditions source: http://www.budayajawa.id in addition to grazing activities, there is also a tradition that has developed in the slopes of merapi related to treating the rich king or the livestock. people think that owning a cow is one of the measures of luxury, side by side with other four-legged livestock such as horses, buffaloes, and goats. people consider the rich king to be like a mistress, at any time squeezed by the economic situation they can sell it. therefore farm animals are very privileged in their existence. the community has an ancestral heritage tradition in the form of the dawetan sapi tradition, a tradition of expressing gratitude for the birth of a calf or usually called pedhet on the fifth day. this tradition is carried out in the field where people flock to sit on mats in front of which they are served tumpeng containing corn rice, side dishes, and jadah. in addition, dawet drinks are also served. as soon as local community leaders finished chanting prayers full of hope, the traditional food was then eaten together aka kembul bujono. beside that, a dozen pedhet were specially given a dawet banquet which was accommodated by a bucket. however, nowadays the implementation of the dawetan sapi tradition is quite carried out by the owner of the pedhet who makes the dawet then distributes the dawet to neighbors around the house. with the implementation of this dawetan sapi tradition, the community hopes that the growth of pedhet can be healthy and strong and female pedhet can become a fertile brood. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 ethics in settling for the villagers on the slopes of mount merapi, the land where they live is closely related to the owner and his family. ugly and sinister land affects the state of health, economy, social relations of the people who occupy it; for example, often sickly, quarrelsome, failed harvests, and difficulty finding a mate. on the contrary, good soil, will be freed from the dwelling, bringing good influence to the owner, as always getting good luck, well-being and safety. to find out the good and bad of a piece of land that will be used as a place to live, the surrounding community will dig the soil in the middle of the plot as deep as an arm. the excavation of the soil is then re-covered with the original soil. if when stockpiling, closing the excavated hole, the soil is not in condition then the plot of land that is considered good and free from softening. the land is considered to bring good fortune and safety to the owner and his family. on the other hand, if in re-closing the excavated hole the land is in a state of trouble, it is a sign that the landowner must look for a new piece of land that is free from softening. to find good land, the surrounding community usually asks for the help of a duktm either from within the village or from outside the village. after mutually agreed, on a predetermined day in accordance with the javanese calendar, the shaman came to the plot of land that a person submitted for his residential building. at exactly 12:00 noon, the shaman sat cross-legged facing west in the middle of the plot of land as his mouth read a spell he only knew by himself. after that, he digs up the ground about half a meter deep. the excavated soil was then smelled to find out the smell; if it smells of fragrance, it is a sign that the land is good for the dwelling, but if it smells fishy, he will encourage the owner to look for a new piece of land because the plot of land is not good, because it is inhabited by a detrimental soft. if there is no new plot of land, the shaman is forced to make peace or expel the softener by providing offerings in the form of frankincense, flowers, chickens, and so on depending on the request of the softener, and reading the incantation. the surrounding community in mount merapi has a belief that the direction of a residential building has an influence on the safety and welfare of its owner and his family. on the southern slopes of merapi, residential houses are mostly erected facing south or towards the village road, avoiding the direction of mount merapi and merbabu. the avoidance of the direction of the mountains was intended to obtain safety and well-being for the owner and his family. the residential house facing mount merapi is a "sangar house" because the owner is considered disrespectful, challenging and provides his house as a residence for ethereal creatures who inhabit the merapi palace, as well as e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 houses facing the merbabu direction. actually, when viewed from a scientific point of view, the prohibition of building a residential house facing the direction of mount merapi or preferably facing south or the direction of the shoulder of the road is to facilitate the evacuation process and exchange information about mountain activities at the time of an eruption. this fact is supported by the opinion of tyas (2021: 76) that the people on the slopes of merapi are quite traumatized by the eruption of mount merapi in 2010 ago, this causes excessive fear, however, the positive side is that residents become obedient to government regulations and instructions if there are signs of evacuating immediately. ethics in living residents who live on the banks of the rivers that flow on mount merapi sometimes hear strange sounds at night, such as the clattering of the sound of a passing dating train. it is said that it is a sign that the merapi palace is sending a group in order to celebrate to marry a relative with one of the residents of the south sea palace. it was interpreted as a mystical sign that soon there would be a lava flood that would pass through the river. therefore, the local community still always carries out some traditional ceremonies, such as mountain almsgiving, livestock congratulations, friday kliwon, and and so on. the purpose of organizing the various rescue processions is to pray for salvation and abundance of fortune to god and give alms to the ethereal creatures of the merapi inhabitants so as not to disturb the residents, peaceful, and free from danger so as to create a harmony between humans and the natural environment. society believes that if human behavior is negative, then nature will also be negative, because whatever is planted is what will be reaped. figure 5. procession of becekan tradition source: personal documentation figure 6. procession of becekan tradition source: personal documentation e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 figure 7. becekan tradition in the gendhol river source: personal documentation figure 8. becekan tradition carried out by male source: personal documentation the becekan ceremony, also called dandan kali or memetri kali which means to maintain or improve the river environment, is in the form of a ceremony asking for rain during the dry season which takes place in kepuharjo village, cangkringan district, sleman regency. river water is of great importance for the local population for agricultural purposes. it is said that after the ceremony, it usually rains immediately so that the ground becomes muddy, then it is called splatter. muddy is also defined as an offering of mutton that is cooked with gulai. hamlets that carry out this ceremony include pagerjurang hamlet, kepuh hamlet, and manggong hamlet. the implementation is divided into several stages, namely symmetrizing wells in kepuh hamlet, because in this area only this hamlet has wells and then the becekan ceremony is carried out in the middle of the gendhol river. this is because, in the gendhol river area there are many springs, but due to the eruption of merapi in 2010, many springs in the gendhol river have been lost. this ceremony is intended to pray for rain to god, in addition to begging for the land to be fertile, so that the citizens become healthy, safe, safe, and prosperous. the timing of this traditional ceremony uses pranotomongso, namely on mongso kapat and the day is kliwon friday, if there is no kliwon friday on mongso kapat, it will be postponed on mongso kalimo, because that day is considered sacred. the ceremony was presided over by a modin and was attended by residents from three hamlets. this whole series of events must be carried out and followed by men, offerings are absolutely not allowed to be touched by women, and goats for offerings must be three male goats, one for each hamlet. the procession of slaughtering and processing goats must also be carried out by the men. goats are used as the main ingredient because the beginning of this tradition coincided with the eid al-adha, so that over time this tradition was continued by the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 community and continued to use goats as a staple even though it did not coincide with the eid al-adha holiday. after the procession of processing the offerings is completed, the goats that have been cooked with gulai are placed in a container, namely takir, a base commonly used for food made from leaves then the procession is continued with slack. ubo rampe prepared in addition to processed goats is tumpeng rice with chili and market snacks in the form of jadah, bananas, jenang, and small foods. conclusion based on the discussion above, there are several points that can be taken, including, first, the concept of trust in the people of merapi is syncretism. the construction of islamic teachings in java shows the phenomenon of mixing the practices of several religions and beliefs such as islam, hinduism, and buddhism, thus creating a new tradition, namely javanese islam (kejawen islam). the emergence of javanese islam was motivated by the development of islamic teachings to java, and made the palace the basis for the spread of religion and cultural changes. from it it can be understood that the concept of syncretism is limited to the religious synthesis formed after the initial consolidation of a religion. adherents of syncretic traditions consider that they still maintain the characteristics of their parent religion, although there are some teachings that differ from the pure teachings of islam. second, the influence of islamic teachings on the traditions of merapi is the emergence of local community understanding that combines javanese traditions and islamic teachings, or what is known as javanese islam. then they developed sufism that formed the core of state cults and the theory of kerajawian which had similarities with the kingdoms in bali which were indoctrinated from religions in south asia as a religious model of their own. these doctrines are reinforced by the pattern of relations formed between religious texts, folk religions, social organizations, social discourses, and religions. normative piety was highlighted by javanese society at that time by connecting rituals and shari'ah (islamic law) and forms of behavior as a set of transcendent behaviors. third, in living the people of merapi still believe in the existence of supernatural powers that are considered higher, so that various ceremonies carried out by the community, are actually a form of their efforts to maintain harmony between the residents, mount merapi, and surrounding nature. the people of merapi also still believe that whoever violates the laws of nature, will get punishment from the community or from the higher cosmics who come from the nature. it is with this belief that the harmony between the people of mount merapi and the natural environment can run with full balance. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 refferences dekens, j. 2007. disaster preparedness: a literature review. nepal: international centre for integrated montain development (icimod). endraswara, s. 2012. memayu hayuning buwana. yogyakarta: ampera utama. endraswara, suwardi. 2004. mistik kejawen: sinkretisme, simbolisme dan sufisme dalam budaya spiritual jawa. yogyakarta: narasi. esposito, john l. 2001. ensiklopedi oxford dunia islam modern (terjemahan oleh eva y. n. dkk). bandung: mizan. geertz, clifford. 1976. the religion of java. chicago: the university of chicago press. gunawan, fx rudy. 2006. mbah maridjan: sang presiden gunung merapi. jakarta: gagas media. jeniarto, j. 2013. diskursus local wisdom: sebuah peninjauan persoalan-persoalan. jurnal ultima humaniora vol 1 no 2: 1-14. kartodirdjo, sartono. 1975. sejarah nasional indonesia ii. jakarta: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan. koentjaraningrat. 1984. kebudayaan mentalitas dan pembangunan. jakarta: gramedia. kusumadinata. 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jakarta: pernada media grup. triyoga, lucas sasongko. 1991. manusia jawa dan gunung merapi: persepsi dan sistem kepercayaannya. yogyakarta: gadjah mada university press. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 12-29 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 tyas, rizki arumning., pujianto., dan suyanta. 2021. caring for labuhan merapi tradition, one of the local wisdom-based disaster risk reduction efforts. komunitas: international journal of indonesian society and culture vol 13(1) (2021): 69-77. doi:10.15294/komunitas.v13i1.26335 wikantiyoso, r. 2010. mitigasi bencana di perkotaan: adaptasi atau antisipasi perencanaan dan perancangan kota (potensi kearifan lokal dalam perencanaan dan perancangan kota untuk upaya mitigasi bencana). jurnal kearifan lokal vol 2 no 1: 18-29. woodward, mark r. 1999. islam jawa: kesalehan normatif versus kebatinan. yogyakarta: lkis. microsoft word artikel emmi nutrisia terbit5 e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 74 the indegeneous peoples and development of architecture and interior bali traditional house in muncan customary village, karangasem, bali ni made emmi nutrisia dewi1, i kadek pranajaya2, ni kadek yuni utami3 1,2,3interior design study program, bali institute of design and business, bali, indonesia email: 1emminutriena@std-bali.ac.id, 2pranajaya@std-bali.ac.id, 3uniyutami@std-bali.ac.id received date : 17-11-2021 accepted date : 15-02-2022 published date : 28-02-2022 abstract the existence of indigenous peoples is one of the important things in supporting the sustainability of traditional values, especially those related to the design of residential buildings. the customary village of muncan village, karangasem is one of the traditional villages in bali where the existence of indigenous peoples still exists. this can be seen from the lives of these indigenous peoples in carrying out their daily lives still following the customs and rules contained in the region. seeing the high existence of indigenous peoples in the village, it is necessary to examine the relationship of the existence of indigenous peoples to the development of architecture and interiors in these traditional balinese houses. the purpose of this study was to determine the role of indigenous peoples in preserving traditional balinese houses. this study uses a method with a qualitative approach and a cultural studies perspective. the results of this study indicate that the existence of indigenous peoples in the village of muncan affects the architectural and interior development of their homes. this can be seen from the mindset of the community as well as various activities that contain elements of religion, tradition and belief that are applied to the architectural design of their residences. broadly speaking, the architectural design of the residence still applies the concept of traditional balinese architecture but has developed only in the form of materials and forms following developments according to the latest science and technology. keywords: existence, society, custom,architecture, interiors. introduction indonesia is famous for its cultural diversity and people, which can be seen from the existence of various races/ethnicities, languages, religions/belief systems and so on. bali is one of the ethnic groups in indonesia which is famous for the life of its people who are still bound by customs. balinese people in carrying out their daily lives are guided by customary and religious rules so that they are commonly called indigenous peoples. indigenous peoples e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 75 are groups of people who form an organization by running a local cultural system that is guided by religious values and traditions. in the current era of globalization and modernization, indigenous peoples in bali have an important role in preserving local culture. pakraman muncan village, karangasem is one of the traditional villages in bali whose indigenous people still carry out their socio-cultural and religious life in accordance with local customs. in the development of modern society, the existence of indigenous peoples is something that is rare. however, this is not the case with pakraman muncan village, the indigenous people are still active in maintaining all systems of cultural values inherited by their ancestors. the existence of these indigenous peoples can be seen from the implementation of traditional, socio-cultural and religious activities carried out especially in their respective homes. one of the unique traditions that are still maintained today is the level of community togetherness that is still high in organizing a traditional or religious activity. this can be seen from the activities of the indigenous people who help each other and work together in preparing the ceremony. all the activities of the indigenous people in the village of pakraman muncan affect the development of the architecture and interior of the houses they live in. all the designs contained in the residence are cultural products that are tied to the lives of the indigenous people who occupy them. in their homes, people always provide a certain style and characteristic so that it gives a sign of the existence of socio-cultural life in it. all the designs contained in the residence are cultural products that are tied to the lives of the indigenous people who occupy them. in their homes, people always provide a certain style and characteristic so that it gives a sign of the existence of socio-cultural life in it. all the designs contained in the residence are cultural products that are tied to the lives of the indigenous people who occupy them. in their homes, people always provide a certain style and characteristic so that it gives a sign of the existence of socio-cultural life in it. seeing the high existence of indigenous peoples in the village of pakraman muncan, it is necessary to know in detail how the relationship between the existence of these indigenous peoples and the development of architecture and interiors in the traditional balinese houses. this is very important because later it will be known how the role of indigenous peoples in preserving traditional balinese houses is. therefore, it is hoped that this research will be useful in providing input so that indigenous peoples in various traditional villages in bali can preserve local traditions and culture, especially those related to traditional balinese architecture and interiors. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 76 method this research was conducted using a qualitative approach. this approach was taken according to the needs of research data, namely all data related to the existence of indigenous peoples in the village of pakraman muncan and their relation to the development of architecture and interiors in their traditional balinese residences. the process of data collection and observation is carried out according to the conditions in the field so as to produce some data in the form of ideas, perceptions, beliefs, descriptions of activities and objects. furthermore, it is presented in the form of a description and discussion. in this study also uses the point of view of cultural studies which serves to dismantle all traditional values and beliefs carried out by indigenous peoples in the village of pakraman muncan so that it affects the sustainability of traditional balinese houses. the data obtained in the field were analyzed inductively, namely by describing the data in the field first, then formulating it. results and discussion in the results and discussion section, we will discuss the existence of indigenous peoples on the development of architecture and interiors in traditional balinese houses in the village of pakraman muncan. the discussion consists of the life of indigenous peoples in the village of pakraman muncan, the existence of indigenous peoples in traditional balinese houses in the village of pakraman muncan in order to support the sustainability of the concept of traditional balinese architecture and the development of architecture and interiors in traditional balinese houses in the village of pakraman muncan. 1. conditions and lives of indigenous peoples in muncan customary village the people of muncan pakraman or customary village are people who in their daily lives develop according to customs/traditions and are guided by local customs. the social system in the village of pakraman muncan is a traditional banjar. the village of pakraman muncan consists of 11 traditional banjars, namely banjar abian bangbang, banjar yangapi, banjar susut, banjar gede, banjar geria, banjar pasek, banjar jero kanginan, banjar kawan, banjar pakudansih, banjar benekasa, and banjar gunung biau. indigenous peoples within the scope of the customary banjar group are active in social interactions such as mutual e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 77 assistance among members of the banjar in carrying out traditional activities and religious ceremonies. in addition to the traditional banjar, the community system in the village of pakraman muncan is also a dadia group. this dadia group is a group of relatives who are members of the same scope of the dadia temple. the activities carried out by the dadia members are almost the same as the banjar members but are closer and of a familial nature, such as for example holding religious or traditional ceremonies such as piodalan, weddings and so on. the people of pakraman muncan village have beliefs and embrace hinduism so that they participate in influencing their socio-cultural life. the implementation of all these socio-cultural activities creates interaction between indigenous peoples to help each other or work together both in preparing and during the implementation of the religious or traditional ceremony. these social interactions are formed during the implementation of activities such as piodalan, marriage, death and so on. the activities carried out by the dadia members are almost the same as the banjar members but are closer and of a familial nature, such as for example holding religious or traditional ceremonies such as piodalan, weddings and so on. the people of pakraman muncan village have beliefs and embrace hinduism so that they participate in influencing their socio-cultural life. the implementation of all these sociocultural activities creates interaction between indigenous peoples to help each other or work together both in preparing and during the implementation of the religious or traditional ceremony. these social interactions are formed during the implementation of activities such as piodalan, marriage, death and so on. the activities carried out by the dadia members are almost the same as the banjar members but are closer and of a familial nature, such as for example holding religious or traditional ceremonies such as piodalan, weddings and so on. the people of pakraman muncan village have beliefs and embrace hinduism so that they participate in influencing their socio-cultural life. the implementation of all these socio-cultural activities creates interaction between indigenous peoples to help each other or work together both in preparing and during the implementation of the religious or traditional ceremony. these social interactions are formed during the implementation of activities such as piodalan, marriage, death and so on. wedding and so on. the people of pakraman muncan village have beliefs and embrace hinduism so that they participate in influencing their socio-cultural life. the implementation of all these socio-cultural activities creates interaction between indigenous peoples to help each other or e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 78 work together both in preparing and during the implementation of the religious or traditional ceremony. these social interactions are formed during the implementation of activities such as piodalan, marriage, death and so on. wedding and so on. the people of pakraman muncan village have beliefs and embrace hinduism so that they participate in influencing their sociocultural life. 2. sustainability concept of traditional balinese architecture in muncan customary village a change is a phenomenon that always colors the history of every society and its culture (pitana, 1994: 3). all forms of residential design in the village of pakraman muncan are the product of the adaptation of the indigenous peoples to the development of their culture, economy, environment and local architectural style. in this case, the existence of indigenous peoples in the village of pakraman muncan is the main agent in determining the architectural and interior development of their homes. this can be seen from several forms of the existence of indigenous peoples that are carried out in daily life in the area of their homes such as still maintaining traditions (customs), applying beliefs to the design of their homes, a. tradition (habit) in living their socio-cultural life, the indigenous people in the village of pakraman muncan still maintain the traditions or habits that have been passed down for a long time. some traditions that are still carried out indirectly influence the design of the house. figure 1. the tradition of gotong royong mebat and nguopin figure 1. gotong royong tradition of mebat dan nguopin one of the traditional activities that are still carried out is mebat. mebat is a tradition of indigenous peoples in the form of activities carried out in mutual cooperation in making balinese specialties, namely satay and lawar. this balinese food is usually made to be served e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 79 as offerings or offerings and also as a banquet for guests who come. this mebat activity generally requires a large area such as on the terrace or natah in the yard. in addition to mebat, another mutual cooperation activity is nguopin which is an activity in making ceremonies or offerings. this activity also requires a large space, such as in open bales or terraces. figure 2. gotong royong tradition of megibung and natab biakala other traditional activities that also influence the creation of conservation of traditional values, especially in the design of their homes, are the megibung tradition. megibung is an activity of eating together (a group of 5-8 people) in the same container/place. generally, the megibung tradition is carried out in religious ceremonies such as weddings, deaths and so on. this activity also requires a large space and is generally carried out in bale-bale such as bale gede, bale daja or in the natah yard. the next tradition is carried out at the time of penmpahan galungan or at the time of otonan, namely the natab bikala tradition for men who are teenagers and carried out on natah yards. b. trust indigenous people in the village of pakraman muncan in designing residential houses, especially those related to spatial patterns using the concept of belief that has been used by previous ancestors. all forms of belief that are applied in accordance with the religion that is believed to be hinduism in the form of building philosophy, the relationship between society and the environment, socio-cultural values and the belief that each building in the yard area has a function related to religious activities. some examples of the application of beliefs such as the arrangement of the layout of each building on the yard still believe in the sacred and profane positions and believe in the use of several buildings that are devoted to the e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 80 implementation of religious and traditional ceremonies such as sanggah, bale gede and bale daja. c. organizing traditional and religious activities one form of the existence of indigenous peoples is the holding of traditional and religious ceremonies. in a traditional organization in the form of banjar and dadia, the indigenous people are active in social interaction with each other in helping each other in preparing the religious or traditional ceremony. this proves that indigenous peoples play an indirect role in maintaining the existence of buildings that have traditional values such as sanggah/merajan, bale daja, bale gede, natah and kitchen. for example, the implementation of the god yadnya ceremony in the sanggah/merajan building, the human yadnya ceremony at the bale gede, activities in preparation for religious or traditional ceremonies such as making offerings that require space in the bale daja area, bale dangin and natah in the yard. figure 3. activities of religious and traditional ceremonies in bale gede and natah areas d. deliberation (sankep culture) the existence of indigenous peoples in the village of pakraman muncan is also seen in one family both within the scope of dadia and the family of one natah in conducting deliberation activities or commonly called sangkep. generally, the sangkep activity is carried out as the first step in preparing for traditional or religious ceremonies by conducting negotiations first. this activity is carried out in bale delod or bale daja or open spaces such as terraces. this sangkep culture shows that the indigenous people in the village of pakraman muncan still instill the values of democracy and togetherness. this is also a strong basis for some of the buildings still maintain a large terrace to provide a place for the participants of the sangkep. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 81 figure 4. the culture of sangkep in the bale daja dan bale delod areas 3. development of architecture and interior in residential houses in muncan pakraman village all forms of the existence of indigenous peoples in the village of pakraman muncan indirectly influence the realization of the preservation of traditional balinese architecture in their homes. broadly speaking, the architectural design of residential houses in pakraman muncan village applies the concept of traditional balinese architecture but follows developments according to the latest science and technology. this can be seen from the model shape and building materials as well as a more organized garden arrangement. the concept of traditional balinese architecture can be seen from its architectural characteristics such as the pattern of building layout in the yard that still applies the sanga mandala concept, the structure of the building uses the tri angga concept, the function and layout of the space, the variety of decorations / ornaments in the form of balinese carvings and the building materials still use materials from nature. . one example of the application of the concept of traditional balinese architecture in the picture below is the spatial arrangement according to the sanga mandala concept. the spaces formed are used to meet the needs of indigenous peoples as housing for example bale dangin and bale delod as well as holding religious ceremonies for example merajan, natah, bale gede and bale daja. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 82 figure 5. an example of the spatial arrangement of a traditional balinese house in the village of muncan using the sanga mandala concept figure 6. one of the descriptions of the condition of a traditional balinese house in the village of muncan which maintains the extensive yard indigenous peoples in carrying out all activities related to the implementation of traditions, religious and customary ceremonies and deliberation require extensive spaces. in addition, these designs are also based on beliefs such as the use of materials from bricks or paras which are believed to make the building more tolerant, the function of the building as a forum for religious administration. 1 2 10 3 4 5 5 6 7 8 9 11 description : 1 merajan/ dispute 2 bale gede 3 bale daja 4 bale delod 5 bale dangin 6 natah 7 entrances/angkulangkul 8 tebe/backyard 9 coral watchers 10 bale bengong 11 side door e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 83 figure 7. an example of the division of space in a traditional balinese house in the village of muncan according to the level of sacredness the picture above is a manifestation of the existence of indigenous peoples in regulating the spatial layout pattern in accordance with their beliefs. the layout pattern of the space which is designed based on the level of its sacredness is adjusted to the needs of the occupants in carrying out daily activities and religious ceremonies. generally, the holding of religious ceremonies is carried out in the main area of the mandala and the middle mandala. figure 8. an example of a picture of bale gede in the village of muncan which is used as a place for religious and traditional ceremonies in order to support the sustainability of the application of traditional balinese architecture, both the layout of the building and the existence of buildings that have traditional values, the interior of the building in a special residential building is currently undergoing s main mandala (sacred area) madya mandala (central area) nista mandala (profane area) t b u e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 84 development to suit the needs of its indigenous people. the development of this architecture and interior is based on limited land so that to accommodate the activities of these indigenous peoples, especially those related to customs and religion, the residential buildings need to be rearranged. one example is the need for space which tends to be more than before. in addition, it follows the concept of contemporary housing that maximizes the function of the spaces in it so that it is more practical and easy to access between these spaces. figure 9. example of a residential building plan in muncan village by maximizing the functions of the space in it the floor plan above illustrates that the functions of the space have developed, which used to be just a bedroom and other rooms such as a separate kitchen and bathroom, but are now integrated into one building. for this reason, indigenous peoples maximize the functions of space in their residential buildings by combining various types of space in one building mass such as bedrooms, kitchens, bathrooms, family rooms, living rooms and so on. figure 10. example of a front view of a residential building in the village of muncan bedroom bedroom dining room kitchen wc family room terrace garage warehouse warehouse e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 85 the picture above is an example of a front view of a residential building in pakraman muncan village which still applies the concept of traditional balinese architecture but the use of the spaces inside is more complex. on the outside it still provides a large terrace for holding religious and traditional ceremonies, but inside, the interior has been arranged according to the concept of a contemporary residential building. conclusions and suggestions in this study, it can be concluded that various forms of the existence of indigenous peoples in the village of pakraman muncan affect the architectural and interior development of their houses. this can be seen from the existence of a mindset, activities that contain elements of religion, traditions and beliefs that are applied to the arrangement of spaces and the form of residential buildings. in order to support the preservation of the concept of traditional balinese architecture, there have been changes to the interior of the residential building, especially the spatial arrangement. indigenous peoples have now begun to design how to maintain the existence of spaces for holding religious and traditional ceremonies as well as all activities related to traditions but also to meet the need for spaces for housing. so one of the buildings that is used as a residential building, interior design is carried out by rearranging the spaces so that they can meet their daily needs such as resting, cooking, bathing, working and so on. that way, indigenous peoples can still maintain spaces such as the existence of sanggah, natah, bale gede, bale daja and wide open space (terrace) and their arrangement still applies the concept of sanga mandala. acknowledgement thank you to all residents of muncan pakraman village and all parties who cannot be mentioned one by one in helping and supporting the completion of this research. hopefully the results of this research will be useful for readers, especially the people of pakraman muncan village. it is hoped that through this research the existence of indigenous peoples still exists so that they maintain the values of local cultural traditions and indirectly also support the preservation of traditional balinese architecture in the village of pakraman muncan. e-journal of cultural studies february 2022 vol. 15, number 1, page 74-86 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 86 references acwin, d. (2003). perumahan dan permukiman tradisional bali. jurnal permukiman natah, vol. 1 no. 1 februari 2003 :8 24. amanati, r. (2008). transformasi makna dalam tampilan visual arsitektur theme park. jurnal sains dan teknologi 7 (2), september 2008: 45-53. astra wesnawa, i gede. 2010. penerapan konsep tri hita karana dalam lingkungan permukiman perdesaan (kasus kabupaten badung provinsi bali). jurnal bumi lestari, vol. 10 no. 2 agustus 2010 : 295-301. budiharjo, e (1986) architecture conservation in bali. yogyakarta: gajah mada univerity press. dewi, ni made emmi (2020). representasi arsitektur rumah tinggal orang bali di lingkungan jalan raya sading, desa adat sading, badung, bali. disertasi. denpasar : universitas udayana. gelebet, i nyoman. dkk. (1986). arsitektur tradisional daerah bali. denpasar: departemen pendidikan dan kebudayaan proyek inventarisasi dan dokumentasi kebudayaan daerah. geriya, iw (2007) ‘konsep and strategi revitalisasi kearifan lokal dalam penatan lingkungan hidup daerah bali’, in aagr dalem, iw wardi, iw suarna & iws adnyana (eds), kearifan lokal dalam pengelolaan lingkungan hidup, penerbit universitas udayana, denpasar, pp. 52-60. kusbiantoro, krismanto, dkk. 2011. “peran natah sebagai order spatial hunian masyarakat bali, studi kasus: desa batuan gianyar, bali’. laporan penelitian. bandung : universitas kristen maranatha. pitana, i gede (1994 ). adi wacana : mosaik masyarakat dan kebudayaan bali. denpasar: balai pustaka putra, idgadp. (2015.) ‘the impact of tourism on the transformation of the tradisional balinese house, unpublished phd thesis, melbourne: deakin university australia. sueca, n.p. dkk. 1999. “transformasi ruang publik tradisional pada jalur pusat pertumbuhan, studi kasus lingkungan sepanjang jalan supratman denpasar”. laporan penelitian. denpasar : universitas udayana. sueca, n.p. 2007. “kontinyuitas dan perubahan fisik arsitektur rumah tinggal tradisional di desa adat kesiman denpasar bali”. laporan penelitian. denpasar : universitas udayana. stephany, shandra. 2009. 'transformasi tatanan ruang dan bentuk pada interior tongkonan di tana toraja sulawesi selatan', dimensi interior, vol. 7, no.1. hal: 2839. microsoft word artikel a.n. nurul terbit 3 e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 study on fashion design students' difficulties in the 2018 exhibition and fashion design and demonstration courses at the state university of malang nurul aini1, endang prahasuti2, nur ziyan3 123universitas negeri malang email: 1nurul.aini.ft@um.ac.id, 2endang.prahastuti.ft@um.ac.id, 3nziyan10@gmail.com received date : 16-06-2022 accepted date : 17-07-2022 published date : 31-08-2022 abstract fashion has become a part of modern society. fashion designers show today's fashion works through activities such as exhibitions. the bachelor of fashion education and diploma of fashion design, faculty of industrial technology, state university of malang, hosted a show as a part of the exhibition and fashion design and demonstration courses. students who participated reported problems at certain stages of the exhibition process. this study aimed to analyze these difficulties using a quantitative approach descriptively. questionnaires were used for the data collection process with 58 samples. the results suggested that the main problem lay in production design and inspiration. students' design challenges were material choices, storyboard creation, design principles application, and ideas generation. during the fashion production phase, a difficulty occurred during the sewing process and creating an action plan. the main organizational problem for students was cooperation with internal committees at the organizational stage. keywords: exhibition, difficulty, fashion creation, demonstration. introduction to date, fashion has become a part of modern society's lifestyle affecting many people's lives, and it has developed into a big industry. the rapid growth of fashion styles creates trends tailored to people's tastes. creativity is essential for creating fashion trends to form a trend incorporated into fashion work. fashion works that have been realized are displayed in fashion exhibitions. fashion exhibitions are a way to publicize various today's fashion trends. they are carried out by fashion designers to showcase their work, displayed or exhibited, and must involve many parties who support the event to run successfully. one of the many institutions conducting fashion exhibition activities is the industrial technology department (study program) of the bachelor of fashion education and e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 diploma of fashion design at the state university of malang in exhibition and fashion design and demonstration courses. these courses aim to plan a fashion exhibition event (fashion display), determine the theme, select a collection of finished products from the practicum following the sub-theme, collaborate with sponsors, arrange exhibition locations, create original fashion design images and work on it, and organize the event. the exhibition course and the fashion design and demonstration course are a series of preparation and implementation processes for a fashion exhibition, starting with the idea of creating a concept and ending with an exhibition or a show. this course has three stages: fashion design, production, and organization (citizen trend fashion 2020, 2019), and each step has a series of activities. students had faced difficulties in fashion design in the 2017 exhibition course and the fashion design and exhibition course (azizah, 2018). this did not rule out the possibility of difficulties during the fashion and organizational production stage (widuri, 2013). thus, the researchers continued the research through the bachelor of fashion design education, class of 2015, and diploma fashion design, class of 2016, who took the 2018 exhibition course and the fashion design and demonstration course. based on the above background, the researchers analyzed students' difficulties in exhibition courses and titled the research "study on fashion design students' difficulties in the 2018 exhibition and fashion and demonstration courses at the state university of malang". research method this study was conducted using a quantitative descriptive research method on all bachelor of fashion design education, class of 2015, and diploma fashion design, class of 2016, who took the 2018 exhibition and fashion design and demonstration courses. the total population were 58 people, consisting of 40 bachelor students 18 diploma students. samples were taken using a non-probability sampling technique of saturated sampling (sugiyono, 2017), in which all members of the population were sampled. this study collected the data using a likert scale of 1–4 (1=strongly disagree, 2=disagree, 3=agree, and 4=strongly agree) questionnaires set based on three stages in the fashion design and demonstration course: fashion design, fashion production, and organization. the questionnaires were then tested using validity and reliability tests and obtained a validated questionnaire with 65 statements. data analysis was done in percentage descriptive statistics for data interpretation. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 the results were obtained based on the recapitulation of the obtained questionnaire results. the number of statement items in this questionnaire is 65 statement items. figure 1 shows the details of each stage. figure 1. stages detail in the 2018 fashion and demonstration course difficulty at the sub-variable of fashion design during the inspiration search, 58.6% of students found storyboard creation difficult, followed by 50% finding idea search difficult. meanwhile, 48.25% of students stated that idea mapping was difficult, and 39.65% argued that mood boards were challenging to make. overall, 58.6% of students struggled in the finding inspiration stage. in the illustration section, 55.2% of students found it challenging to apply the design principles. however, only 39.6% of students had difficulties in using design elements. 48.25% of students still experienced difficulties in making design illustrations. according to the students, the most challenging part during the production design was the material selection with 75.9%. then, 46.6% of students found technical drawing difficult. overall, 62% of students were troubled during the production designs. therefore, 56.9% of students have difficulty in this stage. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 difficulty at the sub-variable fashion production a total of 53.4% of students stated that they had difficulty making an action plan. based on the analysis, only 17.2% of students experienced problems making basic patterns, with 31% having problems with pattern drafting. overall, only 24.2% of students experienced difficulties in pattern making. based on the analysis, 19% of students found it challenging to do the cutting process. furthermore, a total of 55.2% of students were troubled to do the sewing process. and 20.7% of students found the finishing process difficult. it can be concluded that 60.3% of students did not experience difficulties. difficulties at the sub-variable organizational a total of 22.4% of students experienced problems understanding the job description due to the lack of ability of each individual. in the section of committee's action plan, only 32.7% experienced difficulties. furthermore, 37.9% of students had difficulty budgeting, especially realizing the planned budget. most students, or 70.7%, tended to determine the schedule of events and guest stars who would be invited easily, while 29.3% had because they were less confident. overall, 60.4% of students found it difficult to cooperate with the committee. and last, 34.4% of students experienced problems in cooperating with other parties. it can be concluded that 46.5% of students experienced difficulties at the organizational stage. difficulties in general the fashion design stage had the most significant difficulty sub-variable with 56.9% experiencing challenges, followed by the organizational sub-variable with 43.1% students and fashion production sub-variable with 39.6% students. overall, 53,4% of fashion design students' state university of malang have difficulty in the implementation of exhibition and fashion and demonstration courses in 2018. discussion the discussion was based on the difficulties at each stage: (1) fashion designing, (2) fashion production, and (3) organization. figure 2 shows the most significant difficulty for students from each stage. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 figure 2. difficulties faced by students at each stage in the 2018 fashion design and demonstration course difficulty at the fashion design stage based on the results, it showed that students experienced difficulty finding ideas, especially tracing ideas directly to build the desired design concept, followed by students' problems in uniting ideas and design concepts in a sentence to be conveyed clearly, or storyboard making. according to aini (2020), a storyboard is sketches illustrating a sequence of stories as a guide. however, some students were considered capable of brainstorming/mapping ideas and making mood boards. at the stage of finding inspiration, most of the students did not master the skills and exploration to be inspired based on the concept. according to cınar (2017), inspiration is vital in the fashion design process because a search for it influences a designer's quality. in the illustration section, the percentages show that students were still troubled to apply the principles of fashion design following the concept. verdita's (2016) stated that the lack of knowledge and skills in applying design principles makes the results look less attractive. overall, almost all students still experienced difficulties in making design illustrations. thus, most students could not complete the stage while some mastered it. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 an appropriate fashion design illustration must contain elements and principles to realize a design with the desired concept. making fashion illustrations is a skill that fashion design students must master, but not all students can apply it. it can be concluded that almost some students still did not understand the theory of design elements and principles and use them. based on the data recapitulation at the production design, many students had more difficulty selecting materials than technical drawings. according to astuti (2013), the cause of the obstacles in selecting primary or complementary materials is the lack of knowledge about textiles and fashion decoration. an overview of the design is separated into several sections in the production design, including accessories and material samples. most students are still troubled during the production designs. this is contrary to nurliana et al. (2021) that the production design must be described clearly and in detail to make it easier to explain the parts of the design. it is necessary to have a complete, precise, and complete production design drawing accompanied by supporting information to achieve perfection in the production process. this opinion shows that the problem was caused by a lack of knowledge and information about textile materials and supporting materials and describing the accessories that followed the concept and problems. in fashion design stage, it was assumed that they still find it challenging to explore and develop creativity to realize fashion designs following the concepts. this is contrary to yuliati (2007) statement that making fashion designs requires a source of inspiration and imagination to increase creativity in the manufacturing process. difficulty at the fashion production stage in the section on making an action plan, most of the students had difficulty making an action plan. details of clothing production activities using an action plan act as a benchmark for designers in completing the process. students found it more challenging to achieve the determined targets and realize the plans, even though they made action plans themselves as strategies and directions (chalid, 2019). this relates to their ability to make reasonable action plans and measure their capabilities as designers. based on the results, a small percentage of students are having difficulties in making basic patterns and pattern drafting. it shows that most students mastered the stage in line with ernawati et al. (2008), in which pattern making is critical because the clothes significantly affect the wearer's satisfaction. overall, most students mastered the pattern formula and its application to the design model and pattern drafting analysis. the respondent's skills were also adequate in understanding the techniques related to the e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 pattern-making process. as ruhidawati (2016) stated, making the correct fashion pattern will produce comfortable and suitable clothes for the body. however, some students still struggled in making basic patterns and pattern drafting because they did not understand the basic pattern construction and analysis. based on the analysis of the cutting process, almost all students tended to have no difficulty understanding the fiber direction and placing the patterns, and students also did not find the cutting process difficult. the cutting process is a process that most students do not have difficulty with. according to ernawati et al. (2008), cutting materials affect clothing manufacture; if something goes wrong, it will result in time and cost losses. most students were troubled to do the sewing process. applying specific techniques such as couture sewing and tailoring methods, applying sewing techniques with aesthetic value, stitch resistance, and sewing comfort were some of the things with a high level of difficulty. according to kodrat & sutanti (2020), the sewing process takes quite a long time due to the high level of difficulty and accuracy. the problems respondents face in the sewing process depend on the individual ability to produce their clothing. at the stage of the finishing process, the most obvious was ironing and finishing the decorations or accessories that complement the clothes. however, this process was one of the lowest levels of the other processes, proving that most students could complete it. according to budgeti & umami (2021), finishing is the final stage of clothing to optimize the results of excellent and neat clothes to wear. the finishing process includes cleaning threads and scraps, checking unconnected seams, and applying decorative accessories on the clothes to make them look perfect. it can be concluded that most students could perform the stages of fashion production properly and follow the procedure. prahastuti et al. (2020) addressed that a fashion product can be considered comfortable if the clothing is made proportionally to suit the user. the fashion production stage embodies the designs created by students, and every step must be done carefully with the proper techniques to produce perfect clothes. difficulties at the organizational stage based on the analysis, respondents tended to have less difficulty understanding their duties and carrying out their responsibilities in their respective job descriptions. most students showed a relatively clear understanding of organizational activities. they did not find it difficult to carry out their work and personal responsibilities, as kamal & widodo e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 31 (2018) stated that job descriptions are needed for the committee to carry out their duties following their respective job descriptions. job descriptions are made so that the prepared plans run well and smoothly. respondents also tended to do well in building and understanding the committee's action plan. however, a small number still had a problem understanding and carrying out tasks. the respondent’s knowledge of the committee's action plan was influenced by teamwork and a shared understanding of the planning by the committee as a whole. the opinion of pratolo & bintoro (2003) stated that an action plan must be made in detail both in setting goals and performance targets. some students had difficulty budgeting. this difficulty could be sourced from their ability to prepare budgets and personal financial capabilities. however, most students can plan budgets and manage budgets accordingly. usman & haryadi (2017) argued that good fund planning produces good fund flows for future activities and funds. a small percentage of students had difficulty in planning event schedules and guest stars carefully and thoroughly. according to rindengan et al. (2018), scheduling allocates time to carry out activities to get optimal results. the right decisions were needed to run smoothly to schedule the events and guest stars. in addition, inviting guest stars is to attract attention and entertain the guests who are present since, according to soesatyo & rumambi (2013), artists or celebrities play a role in attracting attention and awareness general public. besides, inviting guest stars is also one marketing strategy to attract visitors to the event. based on the results, most of the students found it difficult to cooperate with the committee. cooperation with the committee has greater difficulty than indicators in the organizational section. the difficulties were seen from the non-conducive process of committee meetings, communication problems between committees, low committee motivation, and internal committee problems. the situation is contrary to hamiruddin et al. (2019), in which cooperation among committee members can generate performance of collaboration and communication between individuals and groups. most students could not establish cooperation, especially in communication, because they were not open and afraid to express opinions. according to setiyanti (2012), collaboration requires mutual trust, openness, motivation to work, and communication between members. in running an event, partnership with the committee is essential to run smoothly and successfully. some students have experienced problems in cooperating with other parties. most found parties to collaborate in exhibition activities, establish collaborations, and ensure that the partnership ran smoothly. this is in line with surminah (2013), with the opinion e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 32 that collaborating parties must contribute to or mutually benefit the other party. however, some students were troubled in cooperating with other parties, and some were hard to look for other parties or sponsors and establish good relationships with other parties in the exhibition. evelina (2011) argued that in creating an excellent cooperative relationship, communication on both sides is expected to run smoothly to meet all needs. cooperation with other parties in this activity establishes relationships with sponsors and parties who provide facilities and infrastructure to support this activity. overall, this proves that most had carried out administrative activities well and could make a successful exhibition as stated by kuswarno (2001) that the relatively stable relationship between members of the organization makes the organization run effectively in achieving its goals. however, some students could not carry out overall organizational activities because they became committee and implementers who ran the grand show while also playing designers. difficulties in general the fashion design stage had the most significant difficulty, followed by organizational sub-variable, and fashion production sub-variable. the more substantial problem with the fashion design stage was that most students were not prepared and mastered the design concept that will be realized and displayed in the event's highlight or the grand show. students were required to prepare five designs/looks for ready-to-wear clothing that followed the predetermined theme. students should also produce clothes that match the designs made to the details, such as complements or accessories. students also carried out organizational activities of event organizers or committees that required time, energy, and costs. conclusion this research aimed to describe the difficulties experienced by students in implementing the 2018 exhibition course and fashion design and demonstration course. this research succeeded in answering the problem formulation at the beginning with the following details: (1) the main difficulties during the fashion design stage were finding inspiration with 58,6% and the production designs with 62%. in more detail, in the process of fashion design stage, the difficulties experienced by students are sorted according to the level of difficulty percentage, on the finding inspiration indicator in finding idea sub-indicator with a total of 50% and the storyboard creation sub-indicator with a total of 58.6%. then, on the indicator of making design illustration in sub-indicator of the applying design principles with e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 33 a total of 55.2%. and finally, on the indicator production design in selecting material subindicator with a total of 75.9%, (2) the main difficulties during the fashion production stage were the making of an action plan indicator with 53,4% and sewing process indicator with 55,2%, (3) the main difficulty during the organizational stage were internal committee cooperation with 60,4%. the results indicated that, in general, students had various difficulties in each stage of the implementation of the courses. this research has described the difficulties in whichever part students experience in the implementation process. suggestions this study was carried out using a quantitative descriptive research method on all bachelor of fashion design education, class of 2015, and diploma fashion design, class of 2016, who took the 2018 exhibition and fashion design and demonstration courses and only sought the general problems and difficulties faced students in implementing the subject. however, this study did not explore the causes and factors that influence them in more detail. based on the conclusions, several things are suggested: (1) during fashion design, students should further develop their skills in exploring and mastering the concept of design ideas and pay attention to techniques in applying design principles in making design illustrations. in addition, students must also increase their knowledge of various kinds of textile materials and adapt them to the design concept that will be realized. (2) during the fashion production stage, students are expected to improve their performance in pursuing the targets that have been made in the fashion production action plan. students are also expected to enhance their ability to apply various sewing techniques to produce neat clothes without defects. (3) during the organizational stage, students should play a more significant role in building communication relationships, the creativity of each member, motivation in work and mutual trust to create a close cooperative relationship. for students who would like to take the courses, this research can be used as a reference to understand the problems they may face. this research can be used as a benchmark and preparation before carrying out the course. for lecturers and institutions, these difficulties can be solved to improve the lecturers and institutions' performances as the people in charge of the event. this research can reference what factors can be improved in future exhibitions. e-journal of cultural studies august 2022 vol. 15, number 3, page 24-35 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 34 references anggarani, r. k., & umami, m. z. 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(2007). peningkatan kreativitas seni dalam desain busana. seni dan pendidikan seni, 5(2), 173–184. https://doi.org/https://doi.org/10.21831/imaji. v5i1.6681 microsoft word artikel a.n. purbanegara terbit 4 e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 42 deconstruction of patriarchic cultural discussion in traditional village leadership ida bagus ketut purbanegara1, i nyoman dhana2, aa gde bagus udayana3 1master degree programme of cultural studies, udayana university, 2cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university, 3denpasar indonesian art institute email : 1purbanegara@gmail.com, 2nyoman_dhana@ymail.com, 3udayana73@gmail.com received date : 02-06-2022 accepted date : 24-10-2022 published date : 30-11-2022 abstract this research starts from the existence of a gap between reality (dassein) and idealism (dassolen) that so far the position of the traditional village chief has always been occupied by men, not a single woman has held this position, even though ideally women can also become traditional village chiefs because there is no prohibition for women to do so. the theories used in the theoretical basis for this research are deconstruction theory, intersectionality theory, and subaltern theory. the research method used is a qualitative research method, with observation and interview techniques used in data collection. data analysis was carried out deconstructively. the results of the study indicate that the strong dominance of the masculine in the leadership of the buduk traditional village is based on or motivated by three main things: (1) various political ideologies that support patriarchal culture, (2) the interest to maintain the power of men, (3) the practice of giving meaning to women. women and men in the context of traditional villages which show various meanings. these various meanings essentially indicate efforts to legitimize men's power and women's subordination, accompanied by co-optation and manipulation efforts to realize the legitimacy of men's power and women's subordination in traditional village life. keywords: traditional village, leadership, patriarchal culture, discourse, deconstruction introduction this research was conducted based on observations which showed that women never had the opportunity to sit in the leadership of a traditional balinese social institution known as desa adat. so far, the men who sit in the leadership of the traditional village are men and there are not a single woman in it. this actually happened even though women often played a very important role in various activities of the indigenous village community. therefore, this research is entitled "deconstruction of patriarchal cultural discourse in traditional village leadership: a case study in buduk village, mengwi district, badung regency, bali". the thought behind this title is that the answer to the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 problem formulation studied in this study will be positioned as patriarchal cultural discourse. observing the facts as described above, it appears that this research problem is interesting and important to study through in-depth field research. the research problem in question can be described as the gap between ideality (dassolen) and reality (dassein) in reality described above. the gap in this case can be seen by highlighting the facts described above from various perspectives. seen from the perspective of existing and applicable laws and religions in indonesia, the position of men and women is equal or the same. this alignment or similarity of their positions should (ideally) be accompanied by their parallels and or similarities in various areas of social life, including the realm of leadership. of course, such necessity refers to democratic values which are the principle of social life. based on this, women should also be given the opportunity to become leaders of traditional villages, especially women who are willing and able to play an important role in carrying out the main tasks and functions of traditional villages. in fact, all this time, the men who sat in the leadership of the traditional village were men and there were not a single woman in it. in addition, what is also important to study in this case are the criteria used in selecting and assigning someone to be the leader or staff of the traditional village management. this is important to study considering that there are certain thoughts that underlie or become the background for the determination of men as leaders of the traditional village. such thinking is possible to encourage the emergence of discourses or discourses on certain criteria that are deliberately constructed and raised so that only men have the opportunity to become leaders of traditional villages, and women do not have the opportunity to do so. this is important to study because these criteria can be seen as a discourse that does not escape the interests of the parties concerned, in which social, political, economic, and other interests allow it to be known and understood and criticized through deconstructive research. if this is achieved, the results can be expected to be useful for developing traditional village management that is more oriented to the interests of the village institution, not oriented to the interests of individuals or certain individuals and groups. one thing that is also important to study in this regard is the things that are actually included or summarized but are less visible or highlighted (implications) in the traditional village organizational system under the leadership of men so far. it is important to study this to gain a deeper understanding of the various sides of the traditional village in the context of masculine leadership. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 methodology the case study method was chosen in order to answer the formulation of the research problem because as (zixia & yin, 2020) said, that as one of several research methods in the social sciences, the case study is a more suitable strategy if the main question of a research relates to " how” or “why”. in addition, case study research includes three types, namely explanatory, exploratory, and descriptive types. based on the ideas described above, this research design uses a qualitative research approach with an emphasis on extracting, explaining, and describing knowledge in a holistic and interpretive way on matters relating to the formulation of this research problem. this knowledge, apart from being qualitative in nature, is also quantitative in nature, namely in the form of numbers, but is highlighted from a socio-cultural point of view. based on observations in badung regency, especially the buduk traditional village located in mengwi district, badung regency with the dynamics and pluralism of the people there, the reason for determining buduk village as the research location is because this location is still too strong with a homogeneous thinking base on quality and the ability of women who will be portrayed as leaders in the area. the type of data in this study is qualitative data in the form of words or sentences as information. the qualitative type in research is an effort to capture the quality of the object of study in the form of a narrative as a form of the researcher's interpretation of each existing phenomenon and is related to the main object of research. sources of data explored in this study include primary data sources and secondary data sources. primary data sources in the form of data obtained from the first source as a result of interviews and direct observations in the field. in addition, this thesis study is related to (rahmawati, n.d.) in the journal of cultural studies on "balinese women in gender struggle (study of culture, tradition and hinduism)". (abdullah, n.d.) in his work “sex, gender and power reproduction”, states that basically women's domestic roles which revolve around the family area have become a prison for women themselves to appear in the public sphere with various roles. (suryani, n.d.), in her work entitled "perempuan bali kini", mentions several things that cause women to be unable to appear as leaders, although what she mentions revolves around the manager level, the description she gives at least revolves around the perspective of common to women in terms of inhibiting factors in leadership. to support this research, the technique used in determining the informants is purposive, namely by determining the subjects or informants based on certain criteria and goals. in accordance with the purposive technique, the researcher chose the subject as the unit of analysis, namely the informant who understood and understood the duties and e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 responsibilities as a leader in this case the bendesa adat. in the form of traditional leaders, village leaders, service representatives and other supporting elements. results and discussion the political ideology behind the discourse of masculine leadership in this case, the notion of ideology is seen as appropriate for the purposes of this study. in connection with this, (barker, 2014) states that "at present, the concept of ideology is most suitable to be understood as ideas that bind and become the basis of justification". so ideology in this case is seen as an idea; while the idea according to the (kbbi, 1982) is "a design that is arranged in the mind; idea; ambition". given that ideology is stored in one's mind or mind, then of course ideology is invisible. therefore, efforts to find out the ideology behind the leadership discourse of traditional villages, especially the buduk traditional village in this study were carried out by observing information from informants whose information was positioned as discourse. a. gender political ideology gender political ideology in this case is defined as an idea that is constructed (built) by making the gender of the participants of the village board election meeting as the basis for justifying the election of a male figure to become the leader of the traditional village. the political ideology of gender in this sense can be seen from the information presented by ida bagus rai puja watra (48 years old) in an interview on may 8, 2020, as follows. "that is binding and has been mutually agreed upon, therefore the criteria then emerges that it is a man accidentally. at the time of the election, no one suggested. the criteria there are automatic even though they are chosen and without being selected with a different pattern, therefore, i think the results will be the same because i believe that all men are. and there are no women in the election.” in essence, this information confirms that the election of a male figure as a leader, namely the customary village head in the buduk traditional village, is seen as a logical reality according to the local community. the logic of this is based on the community's agreement, that the election of the traditional village head is carried out through a meeting attended by only men. in that meeting, indeed, no one proposed a female figure as a candidate for the village head. it is said so because in the awig-awig of the buduk traditional village (buduk, n.d.) it is stated that "sane kabawos krama of the buduk traditional village inggih punika kulawarga sane magama hindu....". this means that the so-called members of the buduk traditional village are hindu families. so in this case it is the family, not the individual male or female individual who is positioned as a member e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 unit of the traditional village. as is known, the family usually consists of a man (husband) and a woman (wife). if the mandate of the customary village awig-awig provisions is implemented consistently, husband and wife should be given the status of being members (krama) of the traditional village. based on this status, the wife/woman should also be given the right and obligation to participate in carrying out traditional village activities, including the activity of choosing traditional village leaders. b. the political ideology of imaginary excellence the term political ideology of imaginary superiority is used here in order to show the existence of information that confirms that the dominance of masculine leadership in the buduk traditional village is because the local community has its own impression or image. the impression is that men are superior figures compared to women, so that men are more suitable to lead traditional villages. in detail, the information is as follows. "...there has never been a woman as a village officer for the buduk traditional village. first, in the election process, the involvement of village manners is that most men are involved in the election process. second, there is still an impression, especially the manners of the buduk traditional village, so that the figure that comes out is never a woman but a man, because of that, i think they wouldn’t choose if it’s a women, it's okay. ..... the image of the manners in the traditional buduk village is that choosing women is more troublesome, more practical it is men, even though the results are not optimal” (gde oka, interview, 7 july 2020). in essence, this information excerpt confirms that the people of the buduk traditional village chose men as village leaders, apart from the fact that only men chose the leaders, but also because they imagined or had the impression that if women were chosen as leaders, the situation would be negative. will be "messed up". in this context, women do not have social support to become traditional village leaders, because society views women as unsuitable and therefore do not need to be supported to become leaders. even though it is only an impression that people with abilities are seen as weak, it turns out that this impression is used as the basis for not supporting women to become traditional village leaders. though an impression is not necessarily true or not necessarily in accordance with reality. indeed, there has never been any evidence of whether or not there are women who are capable of carrying out their duties as traditional village leaders. with the accumulation of capital owned by women which is much smaller than the accumulation of capital owned by men, women should not be given the opportunity to become rulers or become leaders of traditional villages. theoretically, this is in accordance with what was written by (fauzi fashri, 2014), as follows. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 “of all the existing forms of capital, economic capital and cultural capital have great power to determine the hierarchical level in society. the principle of hierarchy and differentiation of society depends on the amount of capital accumulated and the structure of the capital itself. those who control the four capitals in large numbers will gain great power and occupy the highest hierarchical position (dominant class)". if this theoretical view is referred to in looking at the position of women, it appears that women's capital ownership is generally smaller than that of men's accumulated capital. c. usual political ideology the meaning of the term customary political ideology in this case is a belief that something that is commonly applied among the community is reasonable to be applied continuously. in the context of leadership in the buduk traditional village, this ideology applies that men are the leaders of the traditional village which has been a custom since time immemorial. this can be seen by looking at the excerpts of information which in this study are positioned as discourse, namely as follows. "... no woman dares to be a pengayah... i was born in buduk. i have never seen or heard of any suggestion from parisada that women may become customary village chiefs or kelian adat,... if it is customary, it may be their right. a woman can become a candidate for the village head, it can be an adat kelian.... the work is equal to that of a male in terms of village work, the female is more dominant.... if it is a woman who takes the job as a bendesa or kelihan, who takes on the housework? this information excerpt contains various statements which in essence emphasize that it is customary for men to be leaders of traditional villages, while women are not usually the leaders of traditional villages. this can be seen from the statement in the information excerpt above, that "the women didn’t have the confidence to be a leader". actually, the term pengayah in the (kamus bahasa bali, 2009) is called pangayah which means people who work (without wages). so the statement in balinese means that there are no women who work as officers (without wages) or become administrators in traditional villages the bali provincial regulations regarding pakraman villages/traditional villages, both passed in 2001 and 2019, do not contain a prohibition on women becoming traditional village leaders. article 7 paragraph 2 of the (regional regulation of the province of bali, n.d.) number 3 of 2001 concerning pakraman village regulates the prajuru of pakraman village. this article states the following. "prajuru of the pakraman village are selected and/or determined by the krama of the pakraman village according to the rules set out in the awig-awig of each pakraman village". e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 meanwhile, there is now a (bali provincial regulation number 4, n.d.) concerning traditional villages in bali, but the election of the latest traditional village leader in buduk village has taken place before this regional regulation is issued. so, it seems that the contents of the regulation number 3/2001 are more relevant to be referred to in this research. in this regard, as previously stated, the awig-awig of the buduk traditional village emphasized that in principle those who chose the traditional village officers were the residents of the traditional village (krama desa adat buduk). in the law of the buduk traditional village, there is also no prohibition for women to become traditional leaders or village leaders. d. the political ideology of division of tasks one version of the information obtained in this study is information which, when reflected, shows the existence of an ideology that also underlies the strong dominance of the masculine in leadership in the buduk traditional village, namely the "ideology of division of tasks". this division of labor ideology emphasizes the importance of maintaining the existing division of labor in society. in this case, it is not women but men who are seen as the duty holders to become traditional village leaders. in other words, that there is a division of labor between men and women that has been determined and deemed appropriate by the community so that it needs to be maintained or maintained. if the division of tasks is changed by placing women as traditional village heads, it is believed that it will bring negative consequences for women. excerpts of information reflecting this are as follows. "paid bangkung now it actually destroys the image of the woman herself. because if she is considered a woman who is annoying, for example, she herself is a slander. it will automatically lower the status of the woman when she exceeds the function or structure compared to men. but when he can function as a substitute for the boy, well that will show his ability to guess that pole first. the second, maybe because it is associated with traditional villages because a lot of the work is related to men, especially if for the custom, for example, there will be a connection with all kinds of which cannot be handled by women. even though the role of the woman herself is not inferior, it can actually be said to be balanced, but the role of men seems to be irreplaceable. there are certain things that cannot be replaced, but the most principled thing is what i think the woman herself really doesn't want to do. appear in front in this case because it will lower the status and degree. that is if it is considered to overstep the men. the pole thought that it could be reconnected later” (kt puji, interview on 7 july 2020). this information excerpt shows that the informant refers to the term in balinese, namely the term "paid bangkung". this term, in the balinese-indonesian dictionary compiled (anom, 2009), is positioned as a term that has a figurative meaning, namely "a e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 man who also lives in his wife's house, for some reason. so it can be said that in a figurative sense the term places men in a subordinate position under the position of women. in such a situation, according to the excerpt of the information above, the connotation of women actually deteriorates, because in such a situation the image of women is damaged. the interests behind the discourse of traditional village leadership a. maintaining profit behind the patrilineal kinship system the term profit here is used in the sense of social advantage, namely the benefits obtained based on the social status of men in the patrilineal kinship system, a kinship system that places men as "insiders" of the patrilineal kin group. in such a position, men traditionally have greater rights than women. the traditional rights of men then face challenges in the development of social stratification in the modern era which is no longer based on the principle of heredity in the context of the kinship system as stated above, but based on achievement. therefore, men should defend their right to remain in power, both in the family and in society. "... that is binding and has been mutually agreed upon, therefore the criteria then emerges that it is a man accidentally. at the time of the election, no one suggested a women. the criteria there are automatic even though they are chosen and without being selected with a different pattern, i think the results will be the same because i believe that all men are. and there are no women in the election” (interview with ida bagus rai pujawatra, 7 july 2020). the point of this discourse is that the participants of the meeting in the election of the traditional village chief in buduk are all men. therefore, men are also chosen as traditional village leaders. therefore, no one has suggested that a woman should be chosen as the leader of the traditional village. b. keeping power the interest in maintaining profits through efforts to develop discourse as described above is basically driven by the desire to perpetuate the power of men. the power of men in the family and in society is strived to remain lasting, so the men who have been in power have never fought for women to be equally in power. used to dominate women. this is done by echoing the discourse that men are suitable to be leaders as stated by gde oka in an interview on july 7, 2020, as follows. “i emphasize here that the first female leader will not come out if she is in the direct election process by the people, she is involved in the election of a male. the two images of the manners in the buduk traditional village are that if choosing a woman is more difficult, it is more practical that it is a man, even though the results are not e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 optimal. that is the impression of society that we are still changing to change their mindset, their mindset towards the realization that men and women are the same.” c. maintaining position in order for men's power to last forever, of course, the social position that gives men the right to power must be maintained. for this reason, a discourse emerged as stated by a customary leader in buduk village as follows. "well, if the government is certain the rights and obligations of women are the same. but in the there are no customary rules, women's rights can be candidates for village councillors, and they can be kelian adat. " (sengguan custom). it seems that the interest of men to remain in power over women has received legitimacy from the community members, not only male citizens but also female citizens. this can be seen from the information from female informants who seem to support the interests of men to remain in power in traditional village life. the information is as follows. "the opinion of the pole that previously women became traditional village chiefs is like what was said earlier, meaning that it was very complicated sometimes at home that morning in terms of cooking, the time was running out, the time was a bit complicated for that especially where were you going to denpasar in the morning. that shows the complexity of women, especially when they go out because of work. for example, the absence pole at 7 o'clock is already so bad. until you leave the kitchen to take time off” (interview with mrs. yoga, 7 july 2020). it is true that this statement or information excerpt does not mention that men's power must be maintained, but it is clearly stated that women's work at home alone has been overwhelmed, let alone coupled with other tasks, including duties as traditional village leaders. thus, women are considered less suitable to be used as traditional village leaders, and only men are suitable, as has been so far. the information excerpts below also seem to support such interests, namely as follows. "...the reason is that there is no will from women. even though they can afford it, they don't want to, ... in buduk so far there has been no character that we have seen more than the character of a man, both in the house and outside” (interview with ib rai pujawatra, 7 july 2020). considering that a discourse does not describe reality as it really is (takwin, 2003), based on this it can be assumed that the discourse contained in this information passage is not entirely true, especially the statement that "... in buduk so far there have not been any figures that we have seen. more than the character of a man both in the guerrilla and out there ". it means that the male figures in buduk village cannot be matched by the female figures. the practice of meaning behind the discourse of traditional village leadership e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 the practice of meaning in this case is intended as an activity to give meaning based on an understanding of an object. the practice of interpreting an object, of course, results in the meaning of the object being interpreted. an object will be meaningful if it is interpreted, otherwise it will be meaningless if it is not interpreted. an object is always open to be interpreted by everyone in their own way. as said earlier, a meaning exists in various ways, including in the reasons for an action. in this regard, the developing discourse related to male/masculine leadership in the buduk traditional village is positioned as a practice of meaning to certain objects, including the meaning of women and men. a. men as figures who have the right to be traditional village heads in connection with this, an informant, i gede oka in an interview on july 7, 2020, emphasized that “... man figure is still outstanding in ida bagus until now. it means that ida bagus' criteria has stuck to the community better than others". because it is interpreted as a figure who is better than other people, men from the brahmin clan are also interpreted as figures who have the right to become traditional village leaders. such meaning seems to be contested with other meanings, as follows. "well, if the government is certain the rights and obligations of women are the same. but in the there are no customary rules, women's rights can be candidates for village councillors, and they can be kelian adat. " (sengguan custom). this excerpt of information in the form of text or discourse clearly emphasizes that women are interpreted as figures who do not have the right to become traditional village leaders. of course, this means that it is men who have the right to become customary village chiefs, so that women are not elected to be customary village chiefs. women are interpreted as not having the right to become customary village chiefs because the ability of women is interpreted as insufficient ability to handle the duties of customary village chiefs. b. legitimacy of women as unsuitable figures to become traditional village heads: a legitimacy because women are interpreted as figures who are not suitable to be traditional village heads, the members of the community concerned do not agree to elect or make women as traditional village heads. if in such a situation women are forced to become traditional village heads, there is a high chance that the community members who do not agree will protest, so that the situation will become chaotic. excerpts of information showing the practice of such use are as follows. "well, if the government is certain the rights and obligations of women are the e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 same. but in the there are no customary rules, women's rights can be candidates for village councillors, and they can be kelian adat. " (sengguan custom). information that confirms that women can experience menstruation and thus be in a polluted condition (leteh) can also be seen as a meaning practice that results in the meaning of women as potentially polluted figures. c. women as duties in domestic: a co-optation women are interpreted as figures who work in the domestic space, while men work in the public sphere. whereas in reality, there are not a few women who work in public spaces and/or in domestic spaces but also in public spaces. on the other hand, there are men who work in domestic spaces as well as in public spaces. this means that thinking that separates the tasks of women and men based on binary oppositional thinking generates an impulse (cooptation) to interpret women and men in binary opposition so as to produce the meaning of women as mentioned above which looks ambiguous and does not match the meaning of women and men. reality. one of the excerpts of information that shows the practice of ambiguous meaning and does not match the reality is as follows. "... of course a woman may become a traditional village chief, but here it's the same as taking care of household work itself, it's still complicated, let alone doing activities outside the home". the point is domestic” (diah's interview on 7 july 2020). this excerpt of information shows that it is as if women have been imprinted with their duties in the domestic space or in their household, and if given a task in the public sphere, it will make women have dual tasks, namely in the domestic space and in the public space so that it can become complicated due to work overload. in terms of reasoning, this discourse seems to reflect illogical thinking. it is said that because adas is very much a woman who works in the public sphere but do not leave their duties in the domestic sphere. d. subordination as the ethics of women: an act of manipulation the term subordination here is defined as a "subordinate position", thus becoming a lower position compared to other positions. based on this understanding, the title of this subsection is intended to state that women will be ethical if they occupy a lower position than the position occupied by men. on the other hand, it would be unethical if women subordinate men. it seems that this also happened among the buduk village community in the context of discussions about masculine leadership in the buduk traditional village. this can be seen from the excerpts of information provided by the informants which appear to be manipulative in nature regarding the reasons for the absence of women as e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 traditional village heads, which are as follows. “…..saying that the cause was indeed the non-existent will of the women. even though they can afford it, they don't want to..." (interview with ida bagus rai pujawatra on july 7, 2020). the meaning of this text is that women do not have the will or desire to become traditional village leaders. it was further emphasized that, although women have the ability to become traditional village leaders, they do not want to. criteria for law version of buduk traditional village 1. the buduk traditional village is led by kelihan traditional village. it is this customary view which is usually also called the bendesa adat. 2. banjar adat is led by kelihan adat. klihan adat is usually also called klihan banjar. 3. the claims of traditional villages come from indigenous villagers, at least know the ins and outs of customary/religious procedures, and know common sense (panglokika), and are determined based on elections by villagers, every 5 years, the day after nyepi day (geni shooting). this provision seems to use several things as criteria in the selection of traditional village heads. first, status as a resident (krama) of a traditional village. second, the knowledge that a person has about customs and religion. third, have common sense. fourth, elected by indigenous villagers. a. criteria version of the committee for selecting bendesa adat with regard to the criteria for the selection committee version of the traditional village village chief, there are three kinds of data sources in the form of documents, namely: 1) a statement of willingness to become a candidate for the buduk indigenous bendesa; 2) minutes of the proposed candidate for the buduk indigenous bendesa; 3) a statement of loyalty and respect for the awig-awig of the buduk traditional village. in full, the contents of the statement of willingness to become a candidate for the buduk indigenous bendesa are as follows. implications of masculine leadership in buduk traditional village statements regarding various things put forward by each informant in this case are positioned as facts as well as discourse or text or discourse. considering what was stated by takwin (2003: 128), that discourse or discourse does not describe reality or reality as e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 it is, then the facts studied in this study are not the same as the understanding of the facts contained in the kbbi as stated above, namely reality or reality. . in connection with the understanding of the term fact, (lubis, n.d.), asserts as follows. radical hermeneutics (deconstruction) does not aim to find the objective meaning or the meaning intended by the author, but instead uncovers and uncovers various assumptions hidden in the text or discourse. the goal is to reveal the untruth of facts, weaknesses of logic, inconsistencies in the arguments that are compiled, and show the subjectivity, interests, and ideologies contained in the arguments. underlining the phrase 'discovering untruth facts' in the quote above, it can be said that a fact does not mean the truth. the preservation of various ideologies supporting patriarchal ideology in terms of the ideology behind the dominance of masculine leadership in the buduk traditional village, it appears that these various ideologies are supporters of the patriarchal ideology. the political ideology of gender, the ideology of imaginary superiority and others as described above is based on the idea that men are indeed more suited to be traditional village leaders than women. this means that the patriarchal ideology is very strong in the minds of the people of the buduk traditional village. the strength of the patriarchal ideology is because the community members have ideological thoughts that are truly patriarchal, so that men are always considered to be superior in many ways compared to women. a. the legitimacy of women's subordination given the strong dominance of masculine leadership in traditional villages, it can be understood that the subordination of women is absolute. from time immemorial until now women have always occupied a lower position under the position of men, even though many parties have the recognition that the role of women is very large and important in completing tasks related to traditional villages. not only men, but women also have the idea that women have no rights, and thus are not fit to be traditional village leaders. even when woman is forced to become traditional village chiefs, it is feared that it could lead to a chaotic situation. in such circumstances, it is feared that women will experience a decline in status in community life. b. the occurrence of illogical logic justification judging from the criteria used in the selection of the traditional village leader in the buduk traditional village, it appears that all the ideological reasons that favor men in the context of traditional village leadership contain an effort to justify this privilege. the effort to justify it seems to reflect the logic as if it is true that only men have the right and are e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 suitable to be traditional village leaders. if the various reasons behind his justification are examined more closely, it will be seen that the logic reflected in the discourse of his justification is an illogical logic, because it cannot be accepted by common sense. for example, there are statements that women have no right and are not suitable to be traditional village chiefs, besides that there are statements that men are more practical if they are made customary village chiefs, while if women are elected as customary village heads, it will be a hassle. c. difficulties in realizing gender equality and justice with the various ideologies that strongly support the patriarchal ideology in the leadership of the buduk traditional village, it is difficult to imagine being able to realize gender equality and justice in the buduk traditional village. this is due to the existence of thinking centered on men, everything is oriented to men. meanwhile, women are always positioned as subordinated as described above. there are facts that seem strange in the context of leadership in the buduk traditional village. the fact that is meant in this case is that even if there are women who have sufficient ability to become traditional village heads, in fact no one supports them to become customary village chiefs. even if there are women who are considered capable of becoming traditional village chiefs, these women do not want to nominate themselves as candidates for customary village chiefs. this seems strange because many people are competing for position, in fact here they don't even want to compete, and women are more willing to remain subordinated to men. this actually happened even though there was no prohibition for women to become traditional village chiefs. references 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(n.d.). sex, gender and power reproduction. 2001. anom. (2009). balinese-indonesian dictionary. bali provincial regulation number 4. (n.d.). bali provincial regulation number 4. 2019. barker. (2014). the act of perceiving, understanding, experiencing, and responding to the emotional state and ideas of another person. buduk, a.-a. d. a. (n.d.). awig-awig desa adat buduk. 2019. fauzi fashri. (2014). pierre bourdieu. kamus bahasa bali. (2009). kamus bahasa bali. kbbi. (1982). kamus besar bahasa indonesia. e-journal of cultural studies nov 2022 vol. 15, number 4, page 42-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 56 lubis. (n.d.). potret media sosial dan perempuan. 2014. rahmawati. (n.d.). balinese women in gender struggle (study of culture, tradition and hinduism). 2016. regional regulation of the province of bali. (n.d.). regional regulation of the province of bali number 3. 2001. suryani. 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(2020). 李自夏 1 ，冉印 2* (1. d, 2019–2020. microsoft word artikel a.n. agung adi terbit 4 e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 43 the controversy over sampradaya and the dynamics of hindu institution: contestation of hindu elites in palangka raya city agung adi1, i made suastra2, ida bagus gde yudha triguna3, ida bagus gde pujaastawa4 1iahn palangka raya-central kalimantan, 3indonesian hindu university, 2,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1agungadigen@gmail.com, 2made_suastra@unud.ac.id, 3ajiktriguna@yahoo.com, 4guspuja@gmail.com received date : 18-12-2022 accepted date : 17-01-2023 published date : 28-02-2023 abstract this article is intended to analyze the controversy over sampradaya and the dynamics of hindu institutions in general and ‘the indonesia administrative council of hindu dharma’ parisada hindu dharma indonesia (phdi) in particular in palangka raya city. the existence of sampradaya, as a transnational organization, has triggered an internal contestation among the hindu elites. being a qualitative study, this current study applies the approach of cultural studies, and emphasizes the different ways of interpreting one phenomenon. the data were obtained from the informants purposively chosen; therefore, they are categorized as the primary data source. the secondary data were obtained from the online and offline books available in the library, documents, articles and research results. the data were analyzed interactively in which milles and huberman were referred to. the data analysis includes the data reduction, the data presentation, the conclusion withdrawal or the data verification and interpretation. the results and discussion show that the controversy and contestation more dominantly result from the impact of globalization indicated by the dialectic process of affecting each other between the particularity referring to the symbols of the bali hindu identity, as one of the hindu identities in indonesia which is obliged to be maintained, and the universality, as the hindu identity referring to the indian culture, whose followers have spread all over the world. keywords: sampradaya, phdi, elite, bali hindu introduction according to himansu bhusan sarkar, hinduism in indonesia has spread and developed through two phases. the first phase is indicated by the exodus of the indian people to different regions of south east asia, including malaysia, sumatera, kalimantan (borneo), celebes (sulawesi), java and bali. the second phase is indicated by the india’s impact on indonesia concentrated in java and bali; however, the india’s impact on indonesia is still maintained in bali (kumar, 2001). e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 44 in the modern era when the globalization impact increases, the spread and development of the hindu religion can be clearly seen. widya (2015) states that this indicates the third phase of the spread of hindu religion by the balinese people who have participated in the transmigration program and who are recruited as the members of the armed forces of the republic of indonesia and the members of the police of the republic of indonesia, government civil servants and the employees of the big companies spreading in almost every part of the indonesian archipelago. the balinese people who live in bali and outside bali maintain their religion, that is, the hindu religion, and the balinese tradition. according to the balinese people, the hindu symbols do not only theologically refer to the hindu religion but they also refer to their religion-based culture (aziz, 2006). therefore, the relationship between the hindu religion and the balinese culture are two phenomena in one reality (geriya, 2009). the fast modernization and globalization have caused the balinese people to undergo theological disorientation with various variables (widnya, 2015:116). such a disorientation is indicated by the appearance of the militant sampradaya1groups, which then affect the bali hindus and java hindus. the sampradaya groups, as the transnational organizations, which have most dominantly developed in indonesia are hare krishna (hk) and sai baba/say study group (ssg). since the reformation era, the domination of the two groups of sampradaya and their hegemony have caused them to collide with the hindus who faithfully defend their ethnic identities in their religious practices, especially the balinese ethnic group. the vigorous proselytization of the bali (nusantara) hindu followers carried out by the sampradaya group members and their different comments that the bali hindu practices are incorrect has caused them to collide (budiasa, 2015; mcdonald, 2017; widana, 2021). this issue has led to the prolonged polemic and finally to the repeal of the protection of hare krisna. although the central phdi had repealed the protection of hk, many balinese people did not feel satisfied. the reason was that the protection of the ssg group had not been repealed yet. the consequence was that it was demanded that the central phdi be purified. however, the elites2 of the central phdi considered that the decision it issued 1 sampradaya is a transnational doctrine of knowledge”. it is a religious and spiritual sect which appears from the hindu tradition and is socialized through the oral practice and upanayana (initiation). widana, https://www.balipost.com. epistemologically, the word ‘sampradaya’ is derived from the verb ‘samprada’, meaning ‘giving, rewarding, submitting, bestowing; transmitting through tradition, and bequeathing. putra, www.hindu-indonesia-com. 2 the word ‘elites’ refer to a small group that has power or has influence over another and is assumed to be superior. the assumption is that there will always be a division between the ruling party and the controlled party and even the society or institution known as democratic. as having power, the elites contribute to the decisions issued. the sources of power they obtain may be in the forms of position, status of wealth, belief, religion, friendship, education and skill. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 45 included the decision of repealing the protection of the ssg group. such a request was not from the external party only but it was also from the internal party, causing the contestation among the elites of the hindu organization in general and the elites of phdi themselves in particular. the contestation was getting more serious after the communication forum of phdi from every part of indonesia held mahasaba luar biasa (mlb) (extraordinary meeting) electing a new board; marsekal tni (purn) ida bagus putu dunia, chief of the staff of the indonesian air force in the era of president susilo bambang yudhoyono, as the chairman, and komang priambada as the daily staff in charge. then this version is better known as phdi mlb pura samuan tiga. the response of the central phdi to what had been done by the elites involved in the mlb was that the activities of the phdi of the regions where those elites came from, one of which was the phdi of central kalimantan province, were frozen. this article analyzes the contestation of the hindu elites in palangka raya city as the response to the controversy over sampradaya and the dynamics of the hindu institution, that is, the phdi of central kalimantan province after its activities were frozen. in the other dimension, the hindu elites in palangka raya city are not homogenous; their ethnical backgrounds are different; some belong to the balinese ethnical group, some belong to the dayak ethnical group, and the others belong to the javanese ethnical group. it is this that has sharpened the different views on sampradaya and the dynamics of phdi leading to the contestation of the hindu elites. this article analyzes the contestation of the hindu elites in palangka raya city as the response to the controversy over sampradaya and the dynamics of the hindu institution, that is, the phdi of central kalimantan province after its activities were frozen. in the other dimension, the hindu elites in palangka raya city are not homogenous; their ethnical backgrounds are different; some belong to the balinese ethnical group, some belong to the dayak ethnical group, and the others belong to the javanese ethnical group. it is this that has sharpened the different views on sampradaya and the dynamics of phdi leading to the contestation of the hindu elites. method this current study applies the qualitative method focusing on the approach of cultural studies, and emphasizes the aspect of contestation needed to respond to an abercrombie, hill and turner 2010 page 178. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 46 incident. the qualitative data obtained from the primary and secondary data sources are used. the primary data sources were directly obtained from the field and informants, and the secondary data sources were obtained from the books available in the library, the articles containing the online and offline results of research, sites or websites related to the topic of discussion. the informants were purposively selected based on the criteria already determined. the data were collected through observation, in-depth interview, and documentation. the key subject in the data collection was the researcher itself supported with an interview guide containing the basic questions which were then developed in the dialogues with the informants. the other supporting tools were a camera, hand phone, stationary or a notebook. the data were interactively analyzed, and the analysis included the data reduction, the data presentation, the conclusion withdrawal or verification or interpretation (miles and huberman, 1992). results and discussion the controversy over sampradaya in palangka raya city it is predicted that the sampradaya groups, especially the hk group, came to palangka raya city in 1995; however, when ssg came to palangka raya was not exactly known; it was predicted that it had come to palangka raya city before hk came. hk was firstly introduced by darmayasa, a member of the society of krishna consciousness (iskcon). his first disciple was i wayan arnatha. the ssg or sai baba was firstly introduced by tjok rama, an official of the high court of central kalimantan (kejaksaan tinggi kalimantan tengah). the hk disciples, who were elites, were sent to the ashram located in bogor, as the center where the hk disciples are educated and discplined3. in the beginning the existence of the hk and ssg, the sampradaya groups, did not lead to any problem. however, the dynamics of the conflict between some of the balinese people and their organizations and the two sampradaya groups also affected the situation in central kalimantan. the response of the bali hindu elites to the spread of proselytization4 and the initiation of the bali hindu through the social media, whatsapp and facebooks is as follows: “…menawi niki sekadi baptis ring kristen nggih. mantap…yen sami semeton bali 3 the information was obtained from oka swastika, a bali hindu elite, who was interviewed on 6 may 2021. 4 basically, proselytization is a specific term used by the church, which is then defined as the attempt made by the evangelists to preach what is taught by jesus to those who are not christians. now the term is used as the umbrella for embracing the attempts which are made to convert others to christianity, islam and the other religions. among the existing religions in the world, those who most dominantly have the doctrine of proselytization are samawi, judaism, christianity, and islam. the proselytization applied by the rival religions frequently leads to conflicts. kholish and rohmah, 2019 page 55. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 47 sekadi niki, telas dresta tetamian leluhur baline. merajan sepi, sewireh batara guru nyabrang rahina rauh saking dura negara (it is possibly similar to the baptism in christianity, yeah, …it’s great …if all the balinese people are proselytized, then the balinese tradition inherited by the ancestors will be extinct. nobody will come to the family temple (merajan) as lord guru will get eliminated as a consequence of the existence of another (god) coming from another country5. the spread of the activities performed by the hk group through the social media cannot be separated from the impact of globalization featured by appadurai with the spread of ethnoscape, financescape, mediascpe, and ideoscape (barker, 2004: 121; ritzer, 2008). the term scape shows that processes take place smoothly, irregularly, and changeably, leading to the growth of heterogeneity instead of homogeneity (ritzer, 2008; djaya, 2012:125). two of the five scapes, that is, media and ideologies caused the hindu elites to give different meanings; hence, the controversy over the existence of sampradaya in palangka raya city could not be avoided. the activities performed by the hk group was assessed to be so dominant by the bali hindu elites that the points of conflict, antagonism, and contradictions became diverse. the conservative bali hindu elites in palangka raya city did their best to avoid the impact of the activities performed by the sampradaya by advocating the hindu teaching based on the bali hindu dresta6. although the problem was not as serious as that in bali, basically, that was not a problem for the bali hindus in palangka raya, the only certain circles of society that frequently contrasted the sampradaya groups and the balinese dresta. this reality constituted a dialectic process in which particularity and universality affected one another (parekh, 2008:171). the aspect of particularity has something to do with the specific culture that can be found in a particular local area, or this is also referred to as authenticity as what is referred to by the bali hindus, for example, the specific symbols referring to or representing the bali ethnic culture. universality is the collectively claimed value; it is universal in nature as what is understood by the sampradaya groups that the hinduism they claim follows its original source in india. this fact has also led to what is idiomatically referred to as the dilemma of simalakama. what is meant is that, on the one hand, the identity of hindus cannot be 5 the information was obtained from oka swastika, a bali hindu elite, whom was interviewed on 6 may 2021. 6 the balinese people’s point of view-based tradition regulating manners, the relations of community members when they socialize within the scope of several areas with specific similarities. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 48 separated from the search for the root of self-significance, group significance and cultural significance that are obliged to be maintained and conserved; on the other hand, the search for the root of self-significance, group significance and cultural significance that are obliged to be maintained and conserved is frequently faced with (vis a vis) the diversity of the hindu society itself; it is this that has become the root of controversies and even conflicts. the wider impact of globalization indicated by the increased interactions, identity claims and frictions leading to the tensions and clashes among cultural identities is the second assumption (huntington, ed. 2005:5-9; unesco, 2011:2). the bali hindus whom were met state that the situation in bali and that outside bali should also be taken into consideration if the only goal was to support the spirit of the bali hindu dresta primordial. on the one hand, the majority of the bali hindus in palangka raya city are the second generation, or even the third generation who only know hinduism with its different forms and variants, better known as plurality. on the other hand, the existence of sampradaya has never been a problem for the kaharingan and java hindus. they are only familiar with the term ‘hinduism’ which emphasizes pluralism. the controversy will only lead to the separation of the hindus. according to suryanto, who is a hindu elite and a follower of the hk group, the java elites do not see and think about their specific identity as sampradaya; according to them, the identity of being hindus and javanese are important.7 the bali hindu elites are different from the java hindu ones in that the latter are more open to the membership of the sampradaya groups. most of them adjust themselves when entertained by the hindu families with the sampradaya background. the openness of the java hindu elites cannot be separated from their world view guided by the attempts that are made to create harmonization, and the philosophy of “tantularism”, which has become the habitus8 of the java hindu elites (endraswara, 2014:2016). conceptually, there are many reasons that motivate one to join the sampradaya groups; first, as the supplement of balance. in indonesia hinduism is centered on three basic frameworks; they are tattwa (philosophy), susila (morality) and upacara (ritual), whose daily practices are dominantly influenced by rituals; therefore, the existence of the sampradaya groups which progressively refer to the idea of the universal religion adopted 7 the information was obtained from handoko, head of java hindu ‘paguyuban’ in palangka raya city, whom were interviewed on 2 may 2021. 8 habitus, according to bourdieu, refers to a system of disposition that is durable and lasts long and functions as the generative basis (mahar, et., 2009:13). therefore, as far as the jackson’s view is concerned (2009:139-140), habitus is understood as the machine of cultural action, which is developed to understand the cultural sources of the subjectivity of the social actors. it is the “mental or cognitive structures” when concerned with the social world. therefore, habitus tends to function as the structuring structure, meaning that it becomes the principle used to create and regulate practices and ideas that “can be regulated” and “regular” without being faithful to the regulation itself (riawanti, 2017:31). e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 49 from weda is regarded as the supplement of balance and, at the same time, as strengthening and completing the indonesia hindu religious practices; second, the modernization of the ritual practices using great offerings (banten) before. however, the fact shows that the rituals using great offerings (banten) are getting stronger in the modern era, meaning that the hindu religion changes from the royal religion into the mass religion that gives more specific space and time for the resistance against the great rituals to grow and develop. this condition has led to the appearance of the universal religious ideas adhered to by the sampradaya groups; third, the pluralism in hinduism itself (widnya, 2015:118-120). in spite of the reason of pluralism in hinduism, many followers of the sampradaya groups consider that the bali hindu tradition is not in accordance with what is taught in weda. even some of them ignore the ancestral worship. essentially, it is this that those who faithfully carry out the bali hindu tradition regard as a problem. on the other hand, the appearance of the attitude of being tolerant towards the sampradaya groups in palangka raya city results from the attempt that is made to establish the basis of hindus regardless of their ethnical backgrounds. in addition, most of them still actively go to the temple to pray. however, the reality shows that the sampradaya group members frequently reduce such a situation resulting from the controversy among them. in addition, the stereotype of the bali hindu conservative elites who always narrate “if the sampradaya groups were allowed to develop, the traditions inherited by the bali hindus would gradually become lost, and possibly become extinct. as a result, such traditions can only be reminisced about through videos or youtobe as the films of the balinese people’s life in the era of 1920s9. this view of the bali hindu elites shows their negative response to the sampradaya groups. the negative issue results from the different religious practices. the religious practices performed by the sampradaya groups are dominated by the rites of agnihotra10, bhajan11 or kirtanam and the ones performed by the bali hindus are dominated by the rituals using offerings (banten). apart from that, half of their theological understanding is different from that of the sampradaya groups. the response develops into the resistance against the sampradaya groups. the escalation of the resistance also takes place in the other parts of indonesia with different forms, for example, terror, exclusion, and being not 9 the information was obtained from i made sadiana, head of the phdi palangka raya, whom was interviewed on 7 may 2021. 10 the holy sacrifice offered to dewa agni (lord fire). 11 worship of istadewata by singing a spiritual song of the indian version. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 50 allowed to get along with the sampradaya groups. based on the fact mentioned above and referring to what is stated by gilles kepel (in huntington, 1996: 149), the controversy taking place in the 20th century can be stated as the global religious awakening that has also been responsible for the problems pertaining to the religious identity differences. based on the fact mentioned above and referring to what is stated by gilles kepel (in huntington, 1996: 149), the controversy taking place in the 20th century can be stated as the global religious awakening that has also been responsible for the problems pertaining to the religious identity differences. the adherents of christianity, islam, jewish, hinduism and buddhism have also undergone new waves of commitment, relevance and religious practices. each has fundamentalist groups that wish to purify different doctrines and institutions and to reform their personal and behavioral attitudes in relation to the religious teachings with specific identities. the dynamics of the phdi of central kalimantan province after the board of phdi mlb pura samuan tiga was formed, and the phdi of central kalimantan province was suspended as a consequence of the involvement of its head, nyoman suyadnya, in the mlb held at samuan tiga temple, the debate between the provincial phdi elites and the regency phdi ones was getting heated. the accumulation of the debate could be observed from the whatsapp group discussion held by the phdi of central kalimantan province on 8th october 2021, when head of the phdi east waringin city (kotim), gede sukadana, raised a question related to the suspension mentioned above. the answer given by nyoman sudiana was “do the activities in each region, do not get affected by the suspended central phdi, thank you”. the response to this instruction given by gede sukadana was that “we’re prepared to do that; we’re always prepared to do everything voluntarily (ngayah)12 for our people without any tendency.” in the beginning, several phdi elites in the regency level regarded that there was nothing wrong with the attitude of head of the provincial phdi to support the mlb held at pura samuan tiga. however, in the discussion group held on 25 october 2021 through whatsapp, head of the kotim phdi criticized the result of the mlb held at pura samuan tiga. he stated that it was too early for the phdi established through mlb to hold mahasabaha (extraordinary meeting) which sparked the suspicion of the hindu society. in addition, the 12 doing something for nothing by someone or a group of people. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 51 legality of the mlb was still a question mark. the internal debate among the elites of the phdi of central kalimantan province in the discussion group through whatsapp showed the feeling of disappointment at the decision made by nyoman sudyana to support the mlb, causing the hindu society to be socially sorted. apart from that, the legality of the mlb held by the phdi was still a question mark to the hindu elites in the regency level. the other problem that was debated was that the suspension of the provincial phdi causing the phdi elites in the regency levels to be divided into two groups; they were the group supporting the phdi established through the mlb, including the phdi of barito utara regency (barut), the phdi of kota waringing barat (kobar), the phdi of barito timur (bartim), the phdi of lamandau, the phdi of palangka raya, and the phdi of murung raya, and the group that did not support the phdi established through the mlb, including the phdi of kapuas regency, the phdi of pulang pisau, the phdi of barito selatan (barsel), the phdi of katingan, the phdi of kotawaringin timur (kotim) and the phdi of sukamara. the polarization between the two groups was getting sharper when the central phdi held the mahasaba (extraordinary meeting) appointing mayjen (purn) wisnu bawa tenaya (wbt) the chairman for the second time for the service period of 2021-2026. the appointment of wbt the chairman for the second time and the fact that the phdi of central kalimantan province still strongly supported the phdi established through the mlb held at samuan tiga temple caused the elites of the phdi in the regency level to be getting worried, as could be more clearly seen in the action done by head of the phdi of kapuas regency for which he sent a letter to wbt to propose for the formation of the committee of lokasabha luar biasa (an extraordinary meeting at the local level) number 46.a/phdi-kps/xi/2021 dated 6th december 2021 informing that he supported the suspension of the phdi of central kalimantan province. the names proposed for the core committee of the lokasaba were i wayan suata as chairman, gaya d. laman as vice chairman, i wayan suasta as secretary, budi purnomo as vice secretary, wayan pait as treasurer, oka swastika as steering committee (sc), and walter s. penyang as organizing committee (oc). apart from the letter sent by head of the phdi of kapuas regency, a letter was also sent by paguyuban masyarakat bali (pmb) headed by i nyoman kira wirawan. its secretary was ida bagus mas gunawan. the letter dated 22 november 2021 number: 11/pmb-kalteng/xi/2021 was sent to wbt, head of the central phdi. the letter was written to support the suspension of the board of the phdi of central kalimantan province and the formation of the lokasabha committee. in addition, the letter was also written to e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 52 emphasize that the participation of head of the phdi of central kalimantan province in the mlb held at samuan tiga temple was not aspirated and proposed by the hindu society in central kalimantan but it was only aspirated by the desire of a few elites wishing to take power by force. as the response to the commotion and the debates among the hindu elites in palangka raya city, attempts were continuously made to “reconcile” with the phdi elites participating in the mlb held by the phdi headed by wbt to support the appointment of wbt the legitimate chairman of the phdi; however, the attempts which were made to reconcile failed. as a result, a letter dated 21st january2022 number: 07/kep/ph phdi pusat/2022 concerning the committee formed to hold the eighth lokasabha for the phdi of central kalimantan province from 5th to 6th february 2022 was issued. the issuance of the letter allowed the phdi of central kalimantan province to be changed based on the mechanism of the organizational regulation, and head of the phdi mlb who was opposed to the phdi headed by wbt. nyoman sudyana, who supported the phdi mlb, also intended to hold a lokasabha before the one mentioned above. to this end, he issued a letter to invite the hindu elites to participate in the lokasabha held from 28 to 30 january at swiss bell hotel danum. the number of the letter was 03/pan-lokasabha viii/kalteng/2022. this means that the lokasabha proposed by nyoman sudyana was held before the time when the one proposed by phdi headed by wbt was held. however, the former was only attended by two delegates from the phdi of provincial/regency level; they were from palangka raya city and bartim regency. the delegates from barito utara, kotawaringin barat, lamandau and munung raya, who stated that they would certainly come to be present at the lokasabha did not appear until the lokasabha was closed for different reasons, starting from being sick to being on the way. the absence of the delegates from the regencies mentioned above caused oka swastika, a bali hindu elite, to be infuriated enough. the reason was that the four phdis had stated that they would be present at the lokasabha, indicated by the forms and pictures that had already been sent before it was held as planned. the absence of the phdi elites from those regencies was regarded as being intentionally planned as can be seen in the comments given through whatsapp by the phdi of central kalimantan as follows: “let’s pray together that hyang widhi (the almighty god) will cure the regency delegates who cannot be present at the lokasabha or their family members who are sick. aum svaha”. “it is hoped that, those who are said to have been on the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 53 way to palangka raya since yesterday but have not arrived yet, are safe during the trip and can return to and know their respective houses. aum svaha”. “it is hoped that the elites of the phdi in the regency level who have sent their impressive pictures and names will become photo models with impressive names without any hate speech as uploaded by edi mulyadi, a senior journalist”. it cannot be denied that oka swastika expressed his annoyance using the satire “it’s hoped that you’re safe and can know your respective homes”. this satire can be differently interpreted; however, as far as the current context is concerned, the figurative expression “being safe” means not being lost or not being influenced by another group, especially by the group supporting the phdi headed by wbt, and the figurative expression “returning to respective homes” means “returning to the self-identity and tradition by supporting the phdi mlb held at samuan tiga temple with the theme “purifying the phdi from the influence of the foreign sampradaya”. the other satire or figurative expression “impressive photos and names” which is addressed to the participants from the other regencies who cancelled their presence, is connected with the hate speech uttered by edi mulyadi, the suspected spreading the opinion that kalimantan is an island where the evil spirits discard their children. that is assumed to be hoax or stupidity which is intended to spread discrimination and hatred. this refers to what is stated by bourdieu, who states that the spoken or written language cannot be separated from the situation where it is used. therefore, the above satires and even “sarcasm” used by the hindu elites after the lokasabha mentioned above was held show the domination of someone with authority. he may be either a leader or an elder with different predicates or as part of the phdi administrators who wants to perpetuate his domination (mahar, 2009; jackson, 2009; fashri, 2014). although several elites of the phdi in the regency level sent as the delegates of the lokasabha were not present, it successfully elected walter s. penyang as the organizing committee (oc) and i made sadyana as the secretary. walter s. penyang was a member of the sabda walaka of the central phdi headed by wbt. he was the organizing committee of the lokasabha held in central kalimantan based the decree issued by the phdi headed by wbt. he was also an elite of the golkar party and the active head of mb-ahk. i made sadyana was the active head of the phdi of palangka raya city. the election of walter s. penyang as the organizing committee led to another debate as, based on the statutes of phdi, an elite of any political party may not be elected as one of its elites. in addition, he is also a member of the sabha walaka of the phdi e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 54 headed by wbt, meaning that he did not fulfill the criteria of being elected as an elite based on the statutes either. according to the elites supporting the phdi mlb, walter s. penyang may also be recommended or elected as head of phdi through the lokasabha which would be held by the phdi headed by wbt. this was the best alternative to avoid dualism that was feared to occur in the board of the phdi of central kalimantan13 14. based on the debates mentioned above, the internal contestation among the phdi elites seemed to result from the attempt to dominate one another individually and collectively based on their positions and the symbolic capitals they had as the sentences uttered through whatsapp. even the sociocultural capital was also needed in order to be the winner. many people also assumed that the economic capital was also needed; however, this could not be proved yet. on the other hand, the reality showed that the efforts of consolidation made by the phdi headed by wbt were frequently challenged by the two groups indicated by the fact that efforts are still made to maintain the conflict spreading the issue of sampradaya as the theme of news assumed to come from those supporting the phdi headed by wbt. the news is spread through the whatsapp group of what is locally referred to as témpék or suka-duka. the bad impact of this practice is that it can sharpen differences and stigmatization, and castrate the identity of others who are also the bali hindus. the human space that the hindu concepts contain is getting reduced. the worse consequence is that the internal solidarity of the bali hindus becomes obstructed and this can also affect the kaharingan hindus or java hindus. conclusion based on the results of the study, the conclusions that can be withdrawn are as follows; the bali hindu elites regard the existence of the sampradaya groups as a threat, but the java and kaharingan hindus do not. the globalization dimension indicated by the development of media and the spread of the sampradaya ideology, which is transnational in nature, has also been responsible for the different perceptions and has caused the differences to be getting sharper. as a consequence, the bali hindus feel that their local identity is getting marginalized. therefore, they or the nusantara hindus show their “resistance” and refusal using specific narrations. on the other hand, several hindu elites 13 the information was obtained from ida pedanda putu kiniten (ibp adnyana), whom was interviewed via telephone on 2nd february 2022. 14 the information was obtained from i made sadiana, the secretary elected through the lokasabha held by the phdi mlb of central kalimantan province and head of phdi of palangka raya city, whom were interviewed via telephone on 4th february 2022. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 43-56 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 55 can accept the sampradaya groups in palangka raya city as they still go to the temple to pray; even several individuals and their family members still worship their ancestors. the dynamics of phdi cannot be separated from the element of the purification movement of phdi resulting from the impact of the sampradaya groups, especially ssg, which, although not legally or formally recognized (de facto), it is still protected by the central phdi, causing contestation even polarization to take place in the hindu society in palangka raya city. recommendation it is recommended that one component should not dominate and underestimate another to avoid opposite polarization. if, in fact, the structure cannot avoid one from dominating another, it is suggested then that superordination should not domain subordination. the conflict management model “safety -valve” can be applied to minimize the impact of polarization leading to this type of conflict (triguna, 2011a:13). coser (in poloma, 1992: 108) defines it as the specific mechanism used to prevent groups from being involved in any social conflict. it leaves an outburst of hospitality channeled without destroying the whole structure, and it helps clean the messy group. the “safety valve” can be imaginatively applied by sharing power, unifying goals, and being willing to give in. in addition, it can also be applied through negotiation, compromise, reconciliation and “style of avoiding”. this can also be created if the dialogical culture is developed, meaning that all the social groups under the hindu religion should specifically be prepared to hold dialogues to discuss about their cultures, traditions and knowledge, and the differences among them. apart from that, the results of the dialogues should be put into practice as well. references abercrombie, nicholas; 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(tjetjep rohendi rohidi). jakarta: ui-press. parekh, bhikhu. 2008. rethinking multikulturalisme: keberagaman budaya dan teori politik. yogyakarta: kanisius dan impulse. poloma, margaret. m. 2004. sosiologi kontemporer. jakarta: pt. raja grafindo perkasa. riawanti, selly. 2017. teori tentang praktik: saduran outline of a theory of practice karya pierre bourdieu. bandung: ultimus. ritzer, george. 2008. teori sosiologi: dari sosiologi klasik sampai perkembangan terakhir postmodern. yogyakarta: pustaka pelajar. surat phdi pusat nomor: 374/phdi pusat/vii/2021 tanggal 30 juli 2021 perihal pencabutan pengayoman hare krishna (hk). triguna, ibg. yudha. 2011a. mengapa bali unik. jakarta: pustaka jurnal keluarga. triguna, ibg. yudha. 2011b. strategi hindu. jakarta: pustaka jurnal keluarga widnya, i ketut. 2015. peradaban yang membunuh roh. denpasar: sari kahyangan indonesia. microsoft word artikel a.n. gede wisnu terbit 2 e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 the struggle of ideology in the spirituality of balinese society in the middle age: a critical discourse analysis i wayan gede wisnu1, i wayan cika2, a.a ngurah anom kumbara3, ni made wiasti4 1faculty of languages and arts ganesha university of education indonesia, , 2,3,4cultural studies study program, faculty of arts, udayana university email: 1gede.wisnu@undisha.ac.id, 2wayan_cika@unud.ac.id, 3anom_kumbara@unud.ac.id, 4made_wiasti@unud.ac.id received date : 11-05-2022 accepted date : 11-12-2022 published date : 28-02-2023 abstract this paper is a description of the ideological struggle in the spirituality of balinese society in the middle bali period which was articulated through discourse as a discursive. the choice of such a topic departs from a perception of the typology of balinese society which is assumed to have spiritual stability, but instead experiences ideological struggles in this realm as indicated by the phenomenon of the middle bali period. the phenomenon of spirituality is elaborated as a problem which includes the form and the implications of ideological struggles in the spirituality of the balinese people of the middle bali period. the explanation of the variables in this paper uses critical discourse theory which refers to foucault's view. the results of the study reveal that the forms of the spirituality of balinese society in the middle bali period include strengtheningteachings of shiva and strengthening the shiva-buddhist concept. meanwhile, the implications of the struggle include appreciation of the authority of shiva sidhanta's teachings and degradation of cognition of "shiva bhujangga" teachings. keywords: the struggle of ideology, spirituality, balinese society, and the middle bali period introduction the typology of balinese society and culture reflects an identity to a series of activities in the realm of spirituality. this is synergistic with titib's view (2005:3) which suggests that the existence of spirituality is one of the essential components in the sociocultural dynamics of balinese society. this view is in line with a number of predicates towards bali, such as the island of a thousand temples, the island of the gods, to the island of heaven. such a predicate is identified empirically through the existence of temples which are spread in large numbers throughout the area on the island of bali. this condition is supported by a series of spiritual practices that take place all the time, both e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 routinely and incidentally. the orientation of the implementation of spiritual practice in balinese society indicates an achievement of harmony in the benefits of spirituality. this is identified through the productive acquisition of spiritual vitality and collective spiritual solidarity. in this case, the acquisition of a spiritual vitality productively relates to the usefulness of the spirituality aspect that has been felt in the functional realm of life. meanwhile, the acquisition of a spiritual solidarity collectively relates to the usefulness of a series of aspects in a number of areas of communal life. such conditions have strengthened confidence in the realm of spirituality. the achievement of harmony in the spirituality of the balinese people is a reflection of the acquisition of stability in the organization of collective spirituality. this can be observed through the inheritance of tri murthi's ideology as an identity in the spirituality of society and is believed to be the foundation for the implementation of religiosity from the ancient balinese period to the present (ardana, 1989:10). in this case, tri murthi's ideology is the genealogy of the three heavens which was inherited in the form of pura desa as worship of lord brahma, pura puseh as worship of lord vishnu, and pura dalem as worship of lord shiva. the existence of kahyangan tiga is identified and legitimized as a marker of spirituality in every pakraman village in bali. sustainability of spirituality in balinese society indicates a dynamic in the collective religious order. this is identified through the implementation of community spirituality in the realm of kinship and community. in this case, the dynamics of spirituality in the realm of kinship are constructed through strengthening the spirituality of soroh as reflected in the increased intensity of worship in a number of kawitan and padharman temples. meanwhile, the dynamics of spirituality in the community realm are constructed through the development of spiritual groups as reflected in the increase in the quantity of personal spiritual practice in a number of communities, both traditional and formal communities. such conditions reflect the strengthening of the atmosphere of plurality in the sustainability of community spirituality. the plurality that is constructed along with the dynamics of the spirituality of the society has accumulated in an ideological struggle. this means that the ideology which is the identity of the continuity of the spiritual plurality has experienced a struggle along with the sustainability of the spirituality of the community. in general, the ideological struggle shows the existence of hindu spirituality, the transition of traditional spirituality, to the orientation of global spirituality. in this case, the existence of hindu spirituality relates to the inheritance, strengthening, and development of hindu religious teachings. meanwhile, e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 the transition of traditional spirituality relates to the exclusion and marginalization of a number of aspects of traditional spirituality. in line with that, the orientation of global spirituality is related to the tendency towards a number of ideologies that developed in the era of globalization. historical records show that the ideological struggle in the spirituality of balinese people has been going on from the ancient balinese period, continuing in the middle bali period, to developing in the modern balinese period. with regard to this record, the ideological struggle in the spirituality of society in the old balinese period tends to be related to internalization of hindu religiosity. this continued as a conservation of hindu religiosity in the middle bali period and developed as a reconstruction of hindu cognition in the modern balinese period. such conditions were followed by the development of islam since the middle bali period, christianity in the modern bali period, and contemporary spirituality in the global era. the phenomenon of ideological struggle is something that is interesting to observe along with the establishment of spirituality in balinese society. this paper is oriented to a critical analysis of the ideological struggle in the spirituality of society in the middle bali period as a continuation of a similar analysis of the ideological struggle in the spirituality of society in the old bali period. this is based on a consideration that the middle bali period was a significant period in the maintenance and inheritance of the traditional religious order of society. in this case, the continuation of a series of authenticity of the religious order of society is indicated as a continuation of the spirituality of the middle bali period. meanwhile, methodology the ideological struggle in the spirituality of balinese society as in the middle bali period is an academic discourse which is interpreted through a critical paradigm. in this regard, a typology of critical discourse analysis is used which refers to foucault's view. in this case, foucault (2012: 47-131) argues about the existence of power and knowledge along with the formation of discourse as a discursive through construction in the form of a discursive structure as a pattern of events and discursive action as a textual social practice. such discourse formulations identify the existence of a series of texts as constructed through a discourse as a set of knowledge that reflects a number of powers symbolically with an ideological orientation to discipline. critical discourse analysis of the discourse on ideological struggles in the spirituality of the people of the middle bali period is oriented towards understanding a e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 number of narratives about spirituality from that period as discursive knowledge. in this case, the understanding of a series of knowledge about the ideological struggle is correlated with the existence of a number of powers from spiritual authority to textually constructed political authority. such an understanding is directed at a reconstruction of the comprehensive meaning of socio-cultural phenomena which are collectively actualized and articulated cognitively related to the discourse of ideological struggle in the spirituality of the people of the middle bali period. results and discussion an overview of the dynamics of spirituality of middle balinese society the middle bali period was a time when bali was under the auspices of the majapahit kingdom afterthe collapse of the reign of the last ancient balinese king (raja be predecessor) through the expansion of patih gajah mada.in this regard, balinese people have entered the middle bali period in the xiv to xviii centuries ad (parimartha et al, 2013: 261-345). after the collapse of the government of the ancient balinese king, the balinese people were then led by a king who was imported from majapahit (sri kresna kepakisan) with the center of government in samprangan. along with the development of politics and power, a new government center was formed in gelgel (xv century) until it moved to klungkung (xvii century). balinese civilization inmiddle bali periodindicated to have achieved brilliance as identified through the ongoing practice of spirituality to this day. in this case, the implementation of community spirituality at that time was reflected through narratives about (1) strengthening the teachings of shiva sidhanta and (2) strengthening the shiva-buddhist concept. the two narratives project a dynamic in the implementation of community spirituality in the middle bali period. strengthening the teachings of shiva sidhanta the spiritual aspect of society in the middle bali period experienced an enrichment along with the revitalization of the cognitivity of shiva sidhanta's teachings in the religious order of society. in this case, the strengthening of the vitality of the teachings is indicated during the reign of the gelgel kingdom to klungkung.the figure who played an important role in structuring and developing the spirituality of shiva sidhanta's teachings at that time was a hindu clergyman from java who came to the reign of king dalem waturenggong (gelgel), namely danghyang nirartha. this spiritualist figure is always glorified along with the inheritance and development of spirituality in the religious order of society to this day. the middle bali period is an important period in the development of balinese e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 civilization because it has ushered in a golden age (parimartha et al, 2013: 261-345). this has been actualized during the gelgel kingdom and is significantly correlated with the development of spirituality since that time. in this case, religious issues and beliefs are indicated to have thickened and strengthened under the auspices of hindu tradition and culture inherited from the ancient balinese period (parimartha et al, 2013: 329). the presence of danghyang nirartha in the middle bali period played a role in strengthening the teachings of shiva sidhanta as a spiritual purification oriented to the oneness of god. the inheritance of a temple in the form of padmasana through a number of temples collectively to kinship is the correlation of strengthening the teachings of shiva sidhanta as actualized in the middle bali period. in this case, the supreme presence is seen as worship of the oneness of god in a transcendent manner, so that it is positioned higher than a number of other supreme beings who are conceptualized as worship of god's manifestations in the form of gods, bhatara, and the like. this is accompanied by a glorification of the position and spiritual role of danghyang nirartha in the religious order of society as it is actualized through the implementation of temple religiosity. figure 1. brahmin (padanda) shiva is doing worship source: kaskus.co.id. acceptance of the supreme vitality of padmasana and the spiritual authority of padanda shiva as (figure 1) above is an indication of the continuation of a strengthening of the teachings of shiva sidhanta which was elaborated in the middle bali period. this is sustainable in line with the dynamics of community spirituality which has been actualized in the realm of formal institutions. in this case, a number of aspects of community spirituality have been internalized in a series of formal institutional spiritual activities, both in government and private institutions. such dynamics are in line with the spiritual authority of padanda siwa which is legitimized through the parisadha hindu dharma indonesia (phdi), so that aspects of shiva sidhanta's teachings tend to be a reference for the implementation of formal institutional spiritual activities. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 strengthening the shiva-buddhist concept the presence of danghyang astapaka to bali also played a role in strengthening the religious order in the middle bali period through maturation of aspects of buddhist teachings as has been inherited from the ancient balinese period (parimartha et al, 2013: 328-329). together with danghyang nirartha, he became an important figure in strengthening the concept of "shiva-budha" as the foundation in the order of religious spirituality in bali at that time. the two figures are believed to have produced a number of superior spiritual ideas and works as well as being a guide in the implementation of hindu religious religiosity in bali to date, such as the inheritance of the eka dasa rudra ritual at besakih temple. in this case, danghyang astapaka did not develop teachings like danghyang nirartha because he had settled and built a center for the development of buddhist teachings in an area now known as budakeling village in karangasem regency. however, the significance of the teachings that have been developed has been significantly appreciated in the religiosity of the balinese people, such as being literate through "babad sidhakarya" and expressed through the performing arts "topeng sidhakarya". the strengthening of the concept of "shiva-buddha" in the spirituality of society in the middle bali period was actualized through the synergy between the teachings of shiva sidhanta from danghyang nirartha with buddhist teachings from danghyang astapaka. this relates to the cognitive aspect as well as the religiosity aspect of the two teachings. in this case, the synergism of the cognitive aspects of the two teachings is conceptualized through a number of philosophical texts, such as the text "speaking of shiva-budha tatwa" and is expressed through a number of literary texts, such as the text "kakawin nila candra". meanwhile, the synergism of the religiosity aspect of the two teachings is conceptualized through the worship of akasa-pertiwi as worship of the "upper realm" and "lower realm" and is expressed through the implementation of rituals of purification and purification. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 20 figure 2. the yoni phallus and stupa at pegulingan temple, tampaksiring, gianyar regency source: buddhazine.com). the inheritance of a buddhist worship in a number of temples such as (picture 2) above and the glorification of the position of padanda bodha is an indication of the continuation of the strengthening of the concept of "shiva-budha" which was elaborated in the middle bali period. such conditions are continuous as the popularity of padanda shiva is getting stronger in the religious order of society. this is related to the spiritual connectivity between padanda shiva and padanda bodha which is always correlated in the implementation of community religiosity, especially in large-scale and communal rituals. in this case, the spiritual solidarity between the two priestly realms reflects a spiritual synergy ideologically through the concept of “shiva-buddha”. discourse on the struggle of ideology in the spirituality of medieval balinese society the dynamics of balinese spirituality midas reflected throughnarrative about strengthening the teachings of shiva sidhanta and strengthening the concept of shivabuddhain the previous description also indicates an ideological struggle along with the sustainability of the implementation of community religiosity. this is identified through an intersection in an effortstrengthening the teachings of shiva sidhanta and strengthening e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 21 the shiva-buddhist concept. in this case,strengthening the teachings of shiva sidhantatend to experience intersections with the continuity of a series of typologies of shiva's teachings in the religious order of society. meanwhile, strengthening the shivabuddhist concepttend to experience a tangent to the sustainability of a similar concept that has been inherited from the old balinese period. in this regard, the following description will present a description of (1) the form and (2) the implications of ideological struggle in the spirituality of the balinese masa community.mid. forms of ideological struggle in the spirituality of medieval balinese society the discourse of ideological struggle in the implementation of the spirituality of the balinese masa community middiscursively constructed as (a) the struggle instrengtheningthe teachings of shiva and (b) the struggle instrengthening the shivabuddhist concept. the two textual constructions are discursive structures as patterns or maps of meaning which have been historically literate and have been elaborated populist until now. this is correlated with the actualized discursive action as a textual series of events as identified through the following description. (a) struggle instrengthening shiva teachings strengtheningthe teachings of shiva sidhanta carried out by danghyang nirartha during the middle bali period tend to be appreciated in the spiritual cognition of the community to this day. this is related to the arrangement for the sustainability of the spirituality of the ancient balinese period and the strengthening of the sustainability of the spirituality of the middle bali period (parimartha et al, 2013: 328-331). such arrangement and strengthening of spirituality is believed to be a form of resilience in the face of the spread of islam to bali following the collapse of the majapahit kingdom. this effort is related to the existence of a number of dang kahyangan temples as a legacy of danghyang nirartha which is dominantly located in the coastal area of bali. in this case, the existence of the temple is assumed to be a medium for strengthening the spirituality of coastal communities which is predicted to be the entrance for the spread of islam to bali. the persistence of hindu spirituality in the religious order of society to date has strengthened beliefs about a series of appreciations and assumptions about the spiritual role of danghyang nirartha. strengtheningshiva sidhanta's teachings which were perceived as enlightenment in the religious order of society during the middle bali period also experienced ideological struggles. this is related to the continuity of a typology of worship of shiva from the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 22 ancient balinese period in the religious order of society as known as the teaching of "shiva bhujangga". in this case, the teachings of shiva have bequeathed a series of collective shiva worship media in the form of kahyangan tiga with the tri lingga concept as identified in denpasar, which includes the existence of (1) pura dalem tungkub (kahyangan sakti or kahyangan desa) as a worship of bhatari uma, (2) pura dalem pauman (kahyangan batur or kahyangan puseh) as a worship of bhatara guru, and (3) pura dalem gunung agung (kahyangan suci or kahyangan dalem) as a worship of bhatari giri putri. the three temples house a number of temples as pramanca and prasanak in an anthropomorphic shiva worship system with the use of statues (pratima) along with a series of magical rituals (pangilen-ilen or paican-ican) as inherited by tradition. the typology of shiva sidhanta's teachings which tend to be transcendent (nirguna brahman) with an orientation to worshiping the oneness of god through media in the form of the most padmasana is a potential for the struggle of the teachings against the teachings of "shiva bhujangga". it is related with establish ment the most padmasana in a number of temples in strengthening the teachings of shiva sidhanta, which actually disturb the most serious structurality in a series of temples carrying the inheritance of the teachings of "shiva bhujangga" as identified through the three heavens. in this case, the presencethe most padmasana has reconstructed a theological meaning of position the mostas a medium of worshiping god (ida sang hyang widhi wasa), whilethe most anotheronly for the manifestation of god (gods or bhatara). such meaning is slowly actualized in an appreciation of existence the most padmasana as a medium integral and universal worship of god. meanwhile, the existence of a series of ultimates that have been inherited in a temple tends to be understood as a medium for worshiping aspects of god partially and locally. the acceptance of dang hyang nirartha to his descendants, as is commonly known as the shiva brahman in performing rituals at a number of temples, has continued to this day, further strengthening the vitality and functionality of the temples the most the padmasana. in this case, the orientation of the worship of the people brahmin shiva tend to focus on functionality the most padmasana as the main worship medium for the implementation of a temple ritual. this has slowly dimmed an authenticity of the meaning of the most advanced series that have been constructed, integrated, and traditionally inherited in the structure of a temple. in line with things that, the significance of the statues along with the magical rituals that are correlated to the most. this also dims in the order to the implementation of the religiosity of the temple. such conditions have caused a e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 23 distortion in the spiritual cognition of the community regarding the correlation between a series of the medium of worship is like traditionally inherited from the existence of the teachings of "shiva bhujangga". figure 3. the pagoda padmasana at dalem suargan temple source:private collection. the most persistent establishment of padmasana in a number of temples inherited from the teachings of "shiva bhujangga" as (picture 3) above is an indication of the struggle in strengthening shiva's teachings. this is reflected through a degradation of the understanding of the authenticity of the meaning of the traditional set of the most persistent as it comes the most padmasana in the structure of the temple. in this case, the existence of the supreme padmasana tends to be understood as the worship of god (ida sang hyang widhi wasa), while the other supreme as the worship of god's manifestations (gods or bhatara). such an understanding has gradually strengthened the acceptance of aspects of shiva sidanta's teachings to the spiritual authority of padanda shiva in performing rituals. meanwhile, the significance of teachings of "shiva bhujangga" tends to fade with the degradation of the understanding of the most advanced set as it has been handed down by tradition. this condition is in line with a disconnection of connectivity to the spiritual authority of the bhujangga community as the main heir of teachings of "shiva bhujangga". (b) struggle instrengthening shiva-buddhist concept strengthening the concept of "shiva-buddha" such as performed by danghyang e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 24 nirartha together with danghyang astapaka during the middle bali period is appreciated in the spiritual activities of the community to this day. this is indicated through a series of glorification of the position of the brahmins (padanda) shiva and bodha in the implementation of religious rituals to the study of the teachings of "shiva-buddha" in the development of scientific cognition. in this case, the glorification of padanda shiva and padanda bodha is reflected through the placement of the two priests' qualifications as main priests in the implementation of religious rituals, especially those of large strata. meanwhile, the study of the teachings of "shiva-buddha" is reflected through a series of deepening of the cognition of these teachings, both in the realm of academics and practitioners. strengthening the concept of "shiva-buddha" which was perceived as enlightenment in the religious order of society during the middle bali period also experienced ideological struggles. this is related to the continuity of a similar concept which is actualized from the teachings of "shiva bhujangga" in the religious order of society as a legacy of the ancient balinese period. in this case, the teachings of shiva have passed down the concept of shiva linga and shiva-budha (shiva pabhodian) as one dimensional entity related to the worship of shiva. the concept of shiva linga is predicted as the spiritual expressivity of empu kuturan which refers to worship of the sacred dimension of lord shiva. meanwhile, the shiva-buddhist concept is predicted to be the spiritual expressivity of empu baradah which refers to the worship of the supernatural dimension of lord shiva. the shiva-buddhist concept as a legacy of the teachings of "shiva bhujangga" which reflects a typology of shiva worship with an orientation to the aspect of power (sakti) tends to express a different essence to the concept "shiva-buddha" as a construction of danghyang nirartha is with danghyang astapaka. in this case, the shiva-buddhist concept developed by empu baradah is a dimension of shiva's teachings, while the "shiva-buddha" developed by danghyang nirartha with danghyang astapaka is a combination of shiva's teachings with buddhist teachings. along with the glorification of the spiritual position of danghyang nirartha and danghyang astapaka in the middle bali period, the concept of “shiva-buddha” (pabhodian shiva) experience strengthening popularity a teachings in the spiritual cognition of society. meanwhile, the popularity of the concept of shiva-buddha (empu baradah) tends to decline along with the marginalization of priest bhujangga as heir to the teachings of "shiva bhujangga". such conditions indicate a degradation of the shiva-buddhist concept. the narrative of a degradation of the shiva-buddhist concept as a legacy of the e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 25 teachings of "shiva bhujangga" is reflected through a series of phenomena indicated as marginalization of cognitivity, symbolism, to the activities of kawisesan teachings as commonly known as pangiwa teachings in the spirituality of balinese traditions. in this case, the marginalization of the cognitiveness of the pangiwa teachings is identified in a stereotype about the existence of these teachings as a typology of "left" teachings as commonly called "black magic" with a negative and cognitive orientation related to people's religious literacy. with regard to that, marginalization of the symbolism of the pangiwa teachings is identified in a stereotype about the existence of a number of worship media from these teachings as a sensitive and counterproductive heritage of spirituality related to the religious orientation of the community. at the same time, the marginalization of pangiwa teaching activities is identified in a stereotype about the existence of a number of religious practice activities as destructive and contradictory spiritual communities related to the religious actualization of the community. such conditions have dimmed the authenticity of the meaning of the shiva-buddhist concept and its correlation to the shiva linga concept as part of the "shiva bhujangga" teaching. marginalization of pangiwa teaching activities is identified in a stereotype about the existence of a number of teaching activities as destructive and contradictory spiritual communities related to the actualization of religious communities. such conditions have dimmed the authenticity of the meaning of the shiva-buddhist concept and its correlation to the shiva linga concept as part of the "shiva bhujangga" teaching. marginalization of pangiwa teaching activities is identified in a stereotype about the existence of a number of teaching activities as destructive and contradictory spiritual communities related to the actualization of religious communities. such conditions have dimmed the authenticity of the meaning of the shiva-buddhist concept and its correlation to the shiva linga concept as part of the "shiva bhujangga" teaching. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 26 figure 4. the most mrajapati at dalem tungkub temple (kahyangan sakti) source: private collection the worship of the symbolism of the pangiwa teachings as (figure 4) above has created a stereotype on the religious orientation of the community. in addition to being constructed through a spooky typology, the symbolism tends to be in the pura dalem which is correlated with setra (graves, cremations). this has expressed a frightening impression in the understanding of people's spirituality, so that the existence of cognitivity to pangiwa teaching activities tends to be shunned by the community. such conditions are in line with a disconnection in the spiritual connectivity of the community to the spiritual authority of the bhujangga communityas the main heir of "shiva bhujangga" teachings. implications of ideological struggle in the spirituality of medieval balinese society the discourse of ideological struggle in the implementation of the spirituality of the balinese masa community middiscursively implicated as (a) appreciation of the authority of shiva sidhanta's teachings and (b) degradation of cognitive "shiva bhujangga" teachings. the two textual constructions are discursive structures as a pattern or map of meaning that refers to the form of ideological struggle in the spirituality of the balinese people.midas previously described. this is correlated with the actualized discursive action as a textual series of events as identified through the following description. a. appreciation of shiva sidhanta's teaching authority the implications of ideological struggles in the spirituality of the balinese e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 27 people midas an appreciation of the authority of shiva sidhanta's teachings related to the strengthening of shiva's teachings by danghyang nirartha as previously described. in this case, the strengthening of the teachings of shiva which is reflected as the teachings of shiva sidhanta has generated an appreciation along with the inheritance and continuity of the religious order of the balinese people to this day. this teaching is actualized through the implementation of rituals collectively with the main worship medium in the form of the palinggih padmasana and coordinated under the spiritual authority of padanda shiva. such conditions are indicated by the general pattern in the order to the implementation of rituals in society which tends to be correlated with the spiritual authority of padanda shiva and a number of aspects of shiva sidhanta's teachings. spiritual connectivity between padanda shiva and padanda boda is as actualized through the concept of“shiva-buddha” is an integral partof appreciation for the authority of shiva sidhanta's teachings in the balinese periodmid. in this case, glorification of padanda shiva as an icon of shiva sidhanta's teachings is in line with glorification of padanda bodha as an icon of buddhist teachings that is integrated through the concept of“shiva-buddha”. under these conditions, the legitimacy of the authority of shiva sidhanta's teachings in the order and implementation of community religiosity is in line with the appreciation of the concept of"shiva-buddha" as spiritual synergism between shiva with padanda bodha. figure 5. the padmasana at penataran agung besakih temple source:www.balipuspanews.com) inheritancemost high padmasana (padma tiga) at penataran agung besakih temple as (figure 5) above has reconstructed a meaningfulness to the authority of shiva sidhanta's teachings in the religious order of balinese society. in this case, the ultimate existence is perceived as the main medium for actualization collective teachings of shiva e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 28 sidhanta by dang hyang nirartha in the middle bali period until the shiva brahmins in the next period as continuing to the present day. this is related to the position of besakih temple as the main medium of worship for kings and the public as it is duplicated and reflected to this day. such conditions have placed besakih temple as an icon of the typology of the order and implementation of balinese rituals. b. degradation of cognitive teachings of "shiva bhujangga" the implications of ideological struggles in the spirituality of the balinese people midas a cognitive degradation of the teachings of "shiva bhujangga" is related to a decrease in the vitality of the teachings as previously described. in this case, the understanding of the cognition of the teachings of "shiva bhujangga" tends to dim along with the glorification and institutionalization of the teachings of shiva sidhanta. this is indicated by a disconnection of the community's spiritual cognitivity towards the existence of the teachings of "shiva bhujangga" in the religious order as it has been inherited to this day. such a condition is identified in the understanding of the inheritance of the temple as kahyangan tiga in the tri linga concept which is almost eliminated from the spiritual cognition of the community. likewise with a number of worship media inherited in a number of archaeological sites, the understanding that tends to dim towards the authenticity of meaning in a series of temples as the actualization of the cognitivity of the teachings of "shiva bhujangga" correlates to the meaning of the concept of worship integrated in the religious order of the temple. this is related to the existence of the concept of shiva linga and shiva-buddha (shiva pabhodian) as a dimension of shiva worship as described previously. in this case, the two concepts of worshiping shiva are actualized through ritual practices and spiritual practice under the authority of a temple constructed from the teachings of "shiva bhujangga". the dimmed meaning of the inheritance of the two shiva worship concepts is identified through stereotypes about the teachings of pangiwa as in the previous description. the teaching which has been perceived as a typology of "left" teachings and is commonly referred to as "black magic" with a "negative" orientation is essentially a form of worshiping shiva in the shiva pabhodian concept in the context of glorification and obtaining supernatural powers from lord shiva. in such an understanding, the teachings of pangiwa are normative, constructive, and productive in the treasures of the "siva bhujangga" teaching. e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 29 figure 6. bhujangga temple at penataran sarasidi temple, pakraman saraseda village, tampaksiring district, gianyar regency source: archaeological center documentation, 2019 inheritance the most bhujangga at penataran temple sarasidi like (figure 6) above has reconstructed a meaning of existencethe teachings of "shiva bhujangga" which is integrated in the traces of ancient balinese civilization. in this case, the teachings of "shiva bhujangga" can be perceived as a cognitive and spiritual identity that has been constructed from the past and has been inherited to the present. however, the meaning of these teachings tends to dim in people's understanding of spirituality. this is in line with a degradation of the cognitiveness of the teachings of "shiwa bhujangga" related to the discourse of ideological struggle in the spirituality of the people of the middle bali period. conclusion a description of the discourse of ideological struggle in the spirituality of the balinese in the balinese periodmididentified that the balinese people, who are represented as having closeness, harmony, and stability in the realm of spirituality, have actually experienced an ideological struggle in spirituality since ancient bali. this is indicated by the depiction of the dynamics of the spirituality of balinese people from the old balinese period which was sustainable during the middle bali period. the discourse of the ideological struggle can be observed through a series of forms and discursive implications. in this case, the forms of the ideological struggle include (1) strengthening teachings of shiva and (2) strengthening the shiva-buddhist concept. meanwhile, the implications of the struggle include (1) appreciation of the authority of shiva sidhanta's teachings and (2) degradation of cognition of "shiva bhujangga" teachings. this is a reflection of the power of spiritual authorities and political authorities in the balinese e-journal of cultural studies february 2023 vol. 16, number 1, page 14-32 doaj indexed (since 14 sep 2015) issn 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 30 periodmid. references bagus, i. g. n. 1981. “kebudayaan bali”. dalam manusia dan kebudayaan indonesia. editor: koentjaraningrat. jakarta: jambatan. bakta, i made, dkk. 2015. meniti kehidupan: berguru dari pengalaman & riwayat leluhur pande di bali. denpasar: udayana university press. barker, chris. 2005. cultural studies teori dan praktik. penterjemah: tim kunci cultural studies center. yogyakarta: bentang. cavallaro, david. 2004. critical and cultural theory. penterjemah: laily rahmawati. yogyakarta: 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