Microsoft Word - Artikel Rudi Irawanto terbit1 E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 1 ARTICULATION OF THE JAVANESE ISLAMIC MYTHIC IDEOLOGY IN THE KRUCIL KEDIRI PUPPETS Rudi Irawanto1, A.A. Ngurah Anom Kumbara2, I Nyoman Suarka3, I Ketut Darmana4 1Faculty of Literature, Malang State University, 2,34 Cultural Studies Study Program, Faculty of Arts, Udayana University Email: 1rudi.irawanto@fs.um.ac.id 2anom.kumbara@unud.c.id, 3nyoman_suarka@unud.ac.id, 4ketut_darmana@unud.ac.id Received Date : 16-03-2021 Accepted Date : 07-02-2022 Published Date : 28-02-2022 ABSTRACT The Cipto Manunggal Kebatinan Community is a mystical community that has developed in the Kediri area of East Java, which strengthens its ideological identity through the Krucil puppet art. Krucil is constructed as a performing art from the kebatinan community, which displays the concepts in the kebatinan teachings they profess. The main concepts in kejawen teachings are reconstructed through symbols in the Krucil puppets, so that the core concepts in kejawen teachings have new meanings. This study uses a critical ethnographic approach to dissect the ideological concepts in the wayang Krucil which is used as an ideological representation of the Cipto Manunggal community. The results of this study indicate that there are 3 main aspects in Cipto manunggal's kebatinan teachings that acquire new meanings, Keywords: ideology, Javanese Islam, wayang Krucil INTRODUCTION The existence of the kebatinan community in Indonesia has been going on since before the era before independence. The mystical community is spread across several regions in Indonesia, including several mystical communities in the Kediri Regency area. Kediri Regency is one of the largest centers of kebatinan organizations in Indonesia, in addition to the areas of Madiun, Jakarta, Surakarta and Yogyakarta (Hadiwidjojo, 1983:27). The situation that affects the style of Kediri culture in general, considering that some kebatinan teachings are one of the pillars of the socio-cultural life of the local community. Although the practice of kebatinan is very personal, many spiritual activities are carried out E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 2 communally, involving certain cultural products, including the use of wayang as part of the ideological and ritual system adopted. For some mystical communities, wayang is considered a representation of a metaphysical and ethical system that is able to explain the origin of the universe, so that the existence of wayang as a mystical property is relatively common (Anderson, 2016:14). One of the kebatinan communities in Kediri that uses wayang as a medium of metaphysical and ethical representation is the Cipto Manunggal kebatinan community in Senden village, Kayen Kidul sub-district, Kediri regency. The Cipto Manunggal Mystical Society, is a spiritual community that places the Krucil puppet as the ideological medium for Kejawen teachings. One of the kebatinan communities in Kediri that uses wayang as a medium of metaphysical and ethical representation is the Cipto Manunggal kebatinan community in Senden village, Kayen Kidul sub-district, Kediri regency. The Cipto Manunggal Mystical Society, is a spiritual community that places the Krucil puppet as the ideological medium for Kejawen teachings. One of the kebatinan communities in Kediri that uses wayang as a medium of metaphysical and ethical representation is the Cipto Manunggal kebatinan community in Senden village, Kayen Kidul sub-district, Kediri regency. The Cipto Manunggal Mystical Society, is a spiritual community that places the Krucil puppet as the ideological medium for Kejawen teachings. Senden Village, which is a typical village that is socially and culturally open. The Senden community consists of various beliefs, where the Muslim community lives side by side with the Hindu community, Christian community to believers. Krucil Kediri's wayang art that developed in the village is side by side with Jaranan art which has magical nuances and is identical to the Abangan and Hindu communities, wayang kulit art which is identical to the mythical art of the Priyayi, campursari art which is identical to folk art, and Jemblungan art which is identical with Islamic art belonging to the santri (santri) community. Krucil Kediri's wayang performances have been adjusted to the current socio-cultural situation, both in visual appearance, characterizations and the variety of plays presented. The ideological orientation held by the puppeteers and the puppet crew of Krucil Kediri is channeled into the performance of the performances. Krucil Kediri's wayang art can be seen as one of the cultural capitals that function to defend or fight for a certain ideology. The involvement of the mystical community that supports the existence of the Krucil puppet in several places cannot be ruled out. The puppet actors position Krucil's wayang as the embodiment of their ideology. Wayang Krucil functioned not only as a means of E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 3 entertainment, but also functioned as an ideological medium of the kebatinan community in the Kediri area. The ideological approach is used by the puppeteers, to internalize socio- economic, symbolic and spiritual capital through the arts. The ideological interests of these puppeteers make Krucil's wayang performance different from other puppets. This study wants to analyze the role of the Krucil Kediri wayang as a medium of ideological articulation for kebatinan adherents in the Kediri district of East Java. RESEARCH METHODS This research is a qualitative research with an ethnographic approach and is interdisciplinary. The ethnographic approach was chosen because in the discipline of cultural studies (cultural studies) emphasizes the role of agency (actor). This emphasis on the role of the actor means that in cultural studies, the role of the individual, in his socio-cultural relations and interactions, is not seen as a passive consumer of meaning, but is seen as a producer of meaning. The interpretation process is expected to find the causes, forms and implications of ideological contestation in the Krucil Kediri puppet. The ethnographic approach was chosen because the main objective of this research is to understand and interpret a particular culture or social group system, in this case the cultural ideology of the Krucil Kediri puppet. This research was conducted in Maron hamlet, Sendhen village, Kayen Kidul sub- district, Kediri regency. The types of data in this study are divided into two categories, namely quantitative data and qualitative data. Quantitative data includes 1) Kediri district monograph data that provides a quantitative description of the population and socio-cultural activities in the research area, 2) Documents in the form of archives, photos and manuscripts on wayang and relevant research on Krucil puppets, 3) histographic data on Krucil puppets in Java Timur, and 4) Krucil puppet artifacts to get a description of the form, function and meaning in Krucil wayang performances. Qualitative data includes data on the socio-cultural situation of the people of Kediri Regency, especially in Kayen Kidul sub-district, Krucil puppet visualization data in Kediri Regency, data on economic activity and data on social activities in the Cipto Manunggal Community. These data are used to understand data on social capital, economic capital, symbolic capital and cultural capital of the actors of the wayang kucil culture, as a basis for analyzing the patterns of contestation that occur. E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 4 Sources of data in the study are grouped into two categories, namely primary data and secondary data. Primary data were obtained from primary sources consisting of the chairman or mursyidThe Cipto Manunggal Society and at the same time the puppet master Krucil Kediri, members of the Cipto Manunggal Society, and the local community. Secondary data sources were obtained from the puppeteers of Krucil puppets, cultural observers in Kediri district and academics who understand Krucil wayang. The primary data of the study also involved several informants related to the existence of the Krucil puppet. Determination of informants in this study is based on the proximity of the informants to the sources of research data. In this study, three data analysis techniques were used. The three data analysis techniques refer to data analysis techniques in ethnographic research, which include domain, taxonomy, and componential analysis. Domain analysis, the result is knowledge at an early level about various domains or conceptual categories in the kebatinan communityThe Cipto Manunggal Community as a support community for Krucil puppets. Conceptual domains in this study include economic domains, social domains, symbolic domains and cultural domains. In the next stage, a more in-depth analysis is carried out, namely taxonomic analysis. In taxonomic analysis, the selected domains are detailed in detail about their internal structure. This researcher not only stops knowing the number of categories/symbols included in the domain, but keeps track of the possible sub-subs that may be covered and presented. At this stage, analysis is carried out by compiling categories or collecting elements that have the same characteristics in one domain. Componential analysis is the stage of finding differences between elements in the domain obtained at the observation stage and or selected interviews. Each component in a domain actually has certain attributes/characteristics associated with it. It is these attributes that distinguish one from the other. At this level, domain analysis is carried out to obtain a general and relatively comprehensive picture of a subject being studied. DISCUSSION 1. Wayang Krucil Kediri as an Expression of Kejawen Mystical Synthesis For the Javanese people, being Muslim and being Javanese at the same time, does not seem to be something that is taboo and is seen as strange. The phenomenon called Riklfs (2012:30). as a hybrid culture, which is a cultural phenomenon that creates a mystical E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 5 synthesis phenomenon. Mystical synthesis is a term to describe the reconciliation of Javanese identity, belief, and style with the principles of Islamic belief. The practice of mystical synthesis is caused by 1) strengthening Islamic identity, 2) obedient implementation of the pillars of Islam and 3) respect for ancestors and supernatural rulers in Java. Ricklefs opinion is based on facts in the field where Javanese people tend to be acculturative and accept several teachings in one fixed format. The process of Islamizing the Javanese people which lasted until the colonial era, This mystical synthesis also produces accurative cultural forms between Islamic and pre-Islamic cultures. The formal unification of Islamic teachings and Javanese beliefs has actually started since the era of Sultan Agung in the 17th century. The Mataram dynasty tried to synthesize Islamic and Javanese culture, for example using a hybrid calendar system that was not completely based on the Old Javanese calendar system, but still adopted the Javanese calendar system hijri calendar (Islam). In its development, the Mataram kingdom tried to build a political culture that was different from its predecessor, the Demak kingdom. The synthesis of Islam and Java became the peaks of acculturative Mataram culture. The Kejawen Islamic Library is one of the products of the synthesis of Islam and Java. Kejawen Islam is a library that contains Javanese traditions with elements of Islamic teachings, especially Sufism teachings. The names that are often used to refer to Kejawen Islamic literature are primbon, wirid and suluk (Simuh, 1988: 3). Kejawen Islam then became a tool of cultural and political legitimacy of the Mataram era, including for the areas under Mataram's rule. The East Java region was one of the areas under the rule of the Mataram kingdom, which also grew into a mystical synthesis area. The culmination of this mystical synthesis is the emergence of figures who are considered great and the birth of menumental books, such as the book of Centini. Mystical synthesis will culminate in the characterization of certain individuals as symbols of cultural identity or symbols of erucokro (queen of justice) in the messianic movement. The event that also gave birth to Prince Diponegoro, who at that time was considered a figure of the queen of justice (Carey, 2019:82). In a different position, Sunan Kalijaga took on the role of a Kejawen Islamic figure. Sunan Kalijaga then became a kind of role model for adherents of the Kejawen Islamic movement or other kebathinan movements in Java. E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 6 This mystical synthesis practice will at a certain point lead to the strengthening of a new cultural identity, which will gradually shift the original identity. This concern was expressed in Mangkunegara's fourth Wedatama fiber. Mangkunegara IV's concern about the political revival of Islamic identity is quite reasonable considering that some Muslim figures began to stay away from the noble teachings of Java in the early 19th century. The number of pilgrims experienced a significant increase in the first half of the 19th century. The predicate of Hajj became a marker of new social status in society in that era, shifted the role of traditional priyayi who were oriented to the palace. Several Islamic figures who had just returned from Mecca began to adopt a different da'wah model from the era of the Wali Songo era. These preachers can be called a reformer group (tajdid) and are starting to stay away from the teachings of Sufism as taught by the initial wave of Islam's arrival in the archipelago (Azra, 2013: 312). In Java also began to develop tarekat movements which began to distance themselves from the teachings of Javanese Mystics. KH Ahmad Rifai, the founder of the Tarekat, Rifaiah in the Kalisasak area of Tegal, is an example of a cleric who forbids all forms of Javanese art, including wayang art, which is considered heretical. The wave of Islamism at the beginning of the 19th century was felt to be quite disturbing for some Javanese kebatinan communities the founder of the Tarekat, Rifaiah in the Kalisasak area of Tegal, as an example of the ulama who banned all forms of Javanese art, including wayang art, which were considered heretical. The wave of Islamism at the beginning of the 19th century was felt to be quite disturbing for some Javanese kebatinan communities. the founder of the Tarekat, Rifaiah in the Kalisasak area of Tegal, as an example of the ulama who banned all forms of Javanese art, including wayang art, which were considered heretical. The wave of Islamism at the beginning of the 19th century was felt to be quite disturbing for some Javanese kebatinan communities. On the one hand, the mystical synthesis process carried out since the Mataram era did not change the priyayi's perception of elite art and their position in society. The distance between folk art and elite art is always created, starting from the way of dress, the model of the house to the art objects that are collected. The priyanyi were actually individuals appointed by the kingdom as rulers of a certain area, although in practice the priyayi did not always have inheritable positions. These priyayi acted and behaved as feudal aristocrats, regardless of their position in the state structure (Kartodirdjo, 1993:6). This phenomenon was deliberately created to take social distance with the underprivileged. The little people in E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 7 Javanese terminology can consist of farmers or traders. Javanese society was initially divided into 3 groups, namely kings (princes), nobles and peasants before the Dutch feudalization era (Muchtarom, 1988:3). This social stratification changed with the decline of feudalism and the arrival of the Japanese in Java. Each social strata ultimately creates symbols of their respective cultures. The social distance between art belonging to the priyayi and the Wong cilik and art belonging to the priyanyi and the santri became increasingly prominent in the early 19th century. The Dutch East Indies government began to appoint new priyayi in its territory, namely the foreign and pasisir areas as regents or wedanas. These priyayi received a fixed salary from the colonial government. A phenomenon that opens up opportunities for the birth of new foreign or pasisir nobility, or priyayi who are not of noble descent. These foreign aristocrats then positioned themselves as royalty of the palace, both in terms of dress and taste in the arts. This effort was actually a movement for the defeodalization of the Javanese aristocracy in foreign and coastal areas by the colonial side, because these areas were indeed under Dutch control. The birth of these foreign and coastal aristocrats, including in the East Java region further strengthens the local identity that is different from the Mataram area. The colonial government gave power to the gubernatorial regents (appointed by the Dutch) to develop their respective identities. The Regent of Pasisir is as if he were his own kingdom, with all the customs and symbols of each (Kartodirdjo, 1993:14). East Java is a coastal area and a foreign area of Mataram (Kartodirdjo, 1993:11). Mataram itself divides its territory into 4 cultural zones, namely the Kutanegara area, the Great Country area, the foreign area and the coastal area. The foreign and coastal areas are areas that are outside the great state (core area) which are only ruled by a regent, which is socioculturally considered inferior to the territory of the great state. The regents in foreign and coastal areas have a lower social position than the bekel, as rulers of the great state. It is this historical background that creates a wider cultural distance between the territory of the core country and foreign countries. The rulers of foreign and coastal countries, covertly began to carry out resistance, both in the political realm, social and cultural. The political resistance of the coastal priyayi was in the case of Senopati's expansion to the north of East Java to stem the power of coastal Islam, as well as the conflict between Prince Pekik and Prince Sedo Krapyak regarding the seizure of the northern coast of Java. It was realized by Mataram that the coastal area had begun to build its own identity that was different from the E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 8 Mataram kingdom, so that it needed to be limited in its space of movement. The politics of attacking coastal areas by Sultan Agung was also understood as Mataram's effort to restore the profession of coastal communities to become farmers like the Mataram kingdom in the interior. and the conflict between Prince Pekik and Prince Sedo Krapyak over the seizure of the northern coast of Java. It was realized by Mataram that the coastal area had begun to build its own identity that was different from the Mataram kingdom, so that it needed to be limited in its space of movement. The politics of attacking coastal areas by Sultan Agung was also understood as Mataram's effort to restore the profession of coastal communities to being farmers again like the Mataram kingdom in the interior and the conflict between Prince Pekik and Prince Sedo Krapyak over the seizure of the northern coast of Java. It was realized by Mataram that the coastal area had begun to build its own identity that was different from the Mataram kingdom, so that it needed to be limited in its space of movement. The politics of attacking coastal areas by Sultan Agung was also understood as Mataram's effort to restore the profession of coastal communities to become farmers like the Mataram kingdom in the interior. The conflict between Mataram and its territories in the East Java region continued to an ideological level. The coastal area is considered a more conservative area with stricter Islamic teachings than the interior area. The coastal rulers also tried to develop a more collaborative form of culture than the acculturative inland areas. This process is what produces a different type of art in the interior. The Kediri area, although geographically located in the interior and received dominant influence from Mataram, has developed in a more open and acculturative culture. Kediri grew as an inland area with a maritime situation. Kediri's role in political dynamics in Java lasted until the Mataram period. Kediri was involved in a conflict with the Mataram palace during the Trunojoyo rebellion in the early 17th century, which led to the fall of this area into the hands of Amangkurat II troops and the VOC (Riklefs, 1981:83). The incident that more or less changed the ideological position of the Kediri area, became an area that was viewed more carefully by the Mataram kingdom. In the era after the Giyanti agreement, the Kediri area was included in the Surakarta Palace area. Kediri, like other hinterland areas, eventually developed a pattern of acculturative culture which became the foundation for the fertile synthesis of mystical culture in this region. The quantity of the community of believers is one indication of the flourishing of acculturative life in Kediri. E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 9 In subsequent developments, Kediri culture grew in the tension of the Putihan and Abangan communities. The case of the Krucil Kediri puppet illustrates this phenomenon. Wayang Krucil Kediri is a product that grows in two different cultural environments. Wayang Krucil etan kali, grew up in Mataraman culture. Mataraman is a term to describe the strong influence of the Mataram kingdom in this area. The principle that according to Foucault is called the power net. Foucault sees the power model as widespread in human relations. These forces are found in various aspects of human relations, for example, relations between humans and other humans as well as human relations with their environment and situations, and others (Bertens, 2000:302). The phenomenon that encourages the practice of hegemony. 2. Dynamics of Symbols of Javanese Islamic Teachings in Wayang Krucil Kediri Javanese society is a society that glorifies the use of symbols in their social relations. These symbols become part of the cultural system which is reflected in their ritual activities. The same phenomenon was found in the village of Senden, as the locus of the Krucil puppet in Kediri et al., the cultural symbolism is described in the existence of the Krucil puppet. Wayang Krucil Kediri became a new symbol. The symbols in Kejawen teachings shifted from symbols in wayang kulit to figures in wayang Krucil. 2.1 Symbols in the Teachings of Manunggaling Kawulo Gusti The main teaching of the Cipto Manunggal Community is the concept of manunggaling kawulo Gusti. This concept presupposes a direct relationship between man and God. The concept of manunggaling kawulo Gusti is described in the form of dungo and mantram which implies the unification of the essence of God with his servant. Manunggaling kawulo Gusti or Wahdatul Wujud is a makrifat teaching that puts forward competitive activities. This stage of makrifat was first introduced by Al Hallaj, a Persian Sufi in the 15th and 16th centuries. The teachings of Al Hallaj or Hussein bin Mansyur al Hallaj in Java were introduced by Sheikh Siti Jenar and the Walis with various methods. Manunggaling kawulo Gustior Wahdatul Wujud is described as the stage of the loss of the hijab (barrier veil) between kawulo and gusti. The process of losing the hijab between Kawulo and Gusti in the world of Sufism, especially from Al Harawi, is called the mortal phase. Fana' is a phase of self-negation when one unites with Allah. Individual boundaries E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 10 are lost. The view of Al Harawi represents most of the makrifat teachings which eliminate the essence of the self when worship takes place. At the level of makrifat all entities are the will of God. The teachings of Manunggaling kawulo Gusti in the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban kebatinan movement, received room for elaboration in the pasinaon forum. Mursyid describes the concept of Manunggaling kawulo Gusti as the phase of the loss of the hijab between the will of man and the will of God, as is the case with the loss of color in the Krucil puppet. Kelir is a performance space that separates the position of the puppeteer and the audience. In the shadow puppet show, the white color becomes the dividing space between the dalang and the audience. The shadow puppet audience in the past was in front of the dalang behind the screen. At the Krucil puppet performance, there is no screen. The room for the screen is left with holes, so that the audience can see the puppeteer from the front of the screen. The concept of a non-screen puppet performance is interpreted as a process of losing the Shari'a and entering the realm of makrifat, as is the concept of Manunggaling kawulo Gusti. The area of makrifat is the highest position of faith in Islam which can only be passed through the tarekat or the Sufi way. For the spiritual community of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban, the makrifat phase is the highest phase in the attainment of faith that needs to be expressed in cultural activities. Wayang Krucil becomes the legitimacy of the faith that is realized. The screen with holes or without screen becomes a visible symbol of faith. The position of the mastermind and the position of the host can be connected spiritually through the perforated screen. These makrifat symbols become cultural capital for the spiritual movement of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban to maintain its beliefs. Wayang Krucil is the third generation of wayang which is considered to replace the position of the Purwo shadow puppet which is full of elements of Hinduism. Puppet purwo is assessed as the shari'a phase, wayang madya (middle) as the essence phase and wayang wusana (third) as the makrifat phase. 2.2 Symbol of the Teaching of Sangkan Paran Wayang Krucil has a different storyline from wayang kulit purwa. The main Krucil puppet stories are the Panji chronicle and the Majapahit chronicle. The story of Panji has a different plot from the story of the wayang kulit purwo which is derived from the Mahabharata or the Ramayana. The banner story is rooted in local Javanese culture, with the background E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 11 of the Kediri kingdom era (Kieven, 2018:1). The Panji story or the Panji Cycle even though it develops in many versions, but has the same pattern. The Panji story has three characteristics, namely birth, life and death. The story of Panji for the spiritual movement of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban also symbolizes the concept of sangkan paran. The concept of Sangkan paran or Sangkan paraning dumadi leads to the return of oneself to God, so that each individual understands the purpose of the life he is living. In wayang kulit purwo, the teachings of sangkan paran are represented through the concept of Hastabrata in the story of Wahyu Makutorama (Soesilo, 2004:79). The teaching of sangkan paraning dumadi is based on the concept of play. The play is a path that must be taken as a consequence of past actions that have an impact in the future. Actions in the past are not always related to personal activities, but also relate to ancestral activities in the past which are considered to have consequences in today's life. The teachings are represented in several slametan activities or rituals of respect for ancestors, because seeing the existence of a phenomenon today has a correlation with events in the past. The phrase lakone must be ngene or the story must be like this, as a justification for the social conditions that are being experienced. An attitude that shows submission and obedience to God's will. This principle is referred to as the concept of following nature or melulakuning nature. In general, Javanese people believe that someone who understands Sangkan paraning dumadi will understand his essence. This concept can be found in the story of Dewa Ruci in the wayang kulit story, about the discovery of the identity of the figure of Bima. Dewa Ruci's fiber is a reflection of the teachings of Panthesime in Javanese Suluk literature, both according to the Ittihadiyah School and the embodied school of thought (Kasdi, 2005:43). The teachings of Sangkan paraning dumadi in the Kejawen literature are found in several books including the key book Swarga Mifthul Djanati written by Bratakesawa in 1952 (Kholis, 2019), Hidayat Jati's wirid fiber written by R. Ng. Ronggowarsito in 1862 until the fiber of Jatimurti published in the 1980s, in addition to the books in the mainstream, the Cipto Manunggal Society in Senden used the reference of the Java Library of Serat Pituduh awewaton Agami Islam, which is the main book of sangkan paran teachings in this community. The Javanese Pustaka Serat Pituduh awewaton Agami Islam is a collection of Sangkan Paran teachings which were rewritten by the mursyid of the Cipto Manunggal mysticism community, based on a story from Grandmother Cipto Moer, who is believed to be E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 12 the bearer of the Cipto Manunggal society's mystical teachings. In the book, it is stated that Serat Pituduh is a guide obtained from Kanjeng Sunan Kalijaga. The book is only 30 pages, which is only read in the month of Sura or the month of Muharram who is believed to be the bearer of the Cipto Manunggal community's mystic teachings. In the book, it is stated that Serat Pituduh is a guide obtained from Kanjeng Sunan Kalijaga. The book is only 30 pages, which is only read in the month of Sura or the month of Muharram For the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban kebatinan movement, the Sangkan paraning dumadi concept can be simplified as a story of the origin of the self, which begins with the meeting of male elements with female elements. The concept of Sangkan paraning dumadi can be broken down into 3 stages, namely the stages of birth, journey and death, which is said to be related to the teachings in the Hidayat Jati wirid book, by Ronggowarsito which divides 3 realms of isoteric understanding, namely: Bait-al-makmur, Bait-al-muharram and Bait-al-mukaddas. Isoteric concept by using the analogy of the limbs. Bait-al-makmur is located on the head, Bait-al-muharram is located on the chest and Bait-al-mukaddas is located on the genitals. The concept of manunggaling kawulo gusti is in the bait-al-makmur lies in the mind. The story of Panji, which is the main story in the wayang Krucil story, is seen as representing the origin of life and the purpose of life itself. Panji's journey to find the goddess Sekartaji is interpreted as a sanepan or a symbol of the journey of wisdom, so that Panji's story is interpreted as a spiritual story of Javanese knights. Panji's journey for the kebatinan movementCipto Manunggal Associationis a real example of the journey of wisdom. The banner represents the male element or the father element, while Dewi Sekartaji symbolizes the mother element or the female element. The meeting of father and mother produces identity. DraftSangkan paraning dumadistarting from the initial phase, namely the meeting with the Essence of God, such as the meeting between Raden Panji Asmorobangun and Dewi Sejartaji. This phase is referred to as the attainment stage at the levelBait-al-makmur. Bait-al-makmur is the phase where rahsa (rasa) and the state of teak reside. The state (kahanan) of teak, is a term to describe the state or nature of something that is true. Teak is a term to indicate existing existence. There is in terms of essence and in terms of nature. The explanation of kahanan teak is explained in the fiber Jatimurti book. Fiber Jatimurti is one of the books that is discussed regularly in the pasinaon meeting every month in the Cipto E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 13 Manunggal community devotional movement. The fiber explains the meaning of kahanan teak (Joyoboyo: 1980:19). Teakis a condition of true being that is united with the essence of God, so that Ada is the essence of divinity. The birth or meeting of Raden Panji and Dewi Sekartaji is seen as the union of rahsa (taste) through lust. In Hidayat Jati's wirid fiber, it is said from rahsa that the state of teak or the essential one is born. The meeting of Raden Panji and Dewi Sekarataji became the embodiment of the origin of life due to lust that created rahsa. The second phase of the makrifat journey is passed at Bait-al-muharram. Bait-al-muharram on wirid fiber is drawn located on Adam's chest. This phase is shown at the farewell stage between Raden Panji and Dewi Sekartaji at the Krucil puppet performance. Bait-al-muharram is the birthplace of pain and the origin of wishful thinking. The middle region is marked by the birth of conflicts in the Panji story cycle. In some Panji stories, conflicts are marked by Raden Panji's separation from Dewi Sekartaji. This phase can be found in the stories of Panji Semirang, Panji Jayakesuma as well as in the story of Panji Angraeni (Panji Reni) which is often performed in the story of the Malang mask puppet. The last level in the makrifat phase is the achievement at the levelBait-al- mukaddas.Bait-al-mukaddas is a place of purification, the last place to reach the stage of makrifat. In Panji's story, this stage is seen as a meeting room for Raden Panji and Dewi Sekartaji after going through conflict or separation. The concept in the realm of Bait-al- mukaddas symbolizes the center from the meeting of men and women to the birth of a new human being. In a wider context it is interpreted as a phase of becoming a new person. The Krucil puppet performance is interpreted as the implementation of the stages in the makrifat teachings. The concept of makrifat which contains Sufi teachings is expressed in stages of performance, so thatCipto Manunggal Associationgain spiritual legitimacy by performing wayang performances. 2.3 Symbol of Three Elements The spiritual movement of the Cipto Manunggal Community believes that all elements in nature have supporting elements, including plants, animals and even inanimate objects, namely spirits, urip and wadag. Elements are constituent substances in the structure. A term used to describe an element whose existence describes the origin of something. The term E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 14 element used by the Cipto Manunggal Association takes the definition from Hidayat Jati's wirid fiber which was rewritten in the Fiber Pituduh Awewaton Agami Islam. Plants are living things that only have life force (urip) and wadag. When plants (wood) are used as puppet materials, the life force (urip) persists in other forms. Puppet craftsmen only maintain that vitality. The principle that boils down to the belief that the life force (urip) can be maintained or resurrected in another form. The Krucil puppet performance is seen as an activity to maintain life (urip) in inanimate objects, so that every wayang will be respected as a living creature. Each Krucil puppet figure is seen as a form (wadag) that has the power of life (urip), and sometimes there are several spirits who are believed to have entered it intentionally. The spirits that enter the body of the Krucil puppet are considered as representations of certain figures who have a relationship with supernatural powers. The concept of spirit in Kejawen's view, is the essence of the nature of God (god). This concept sees the essence of God as one with the spirit, which is called the spirit of ilapi, an element that will not be separated from God (Drewes, 2002:36). The environment outside of humans is an area that must be respected, considered to have their own guardians and owners. The guardian of the supernatural realm is called danyang. For the perpetrators of the kebatinan movement, respect for danyang is a representation of respect for ancestors. Danyang is considered a figure who occupies one house, one area to objects, including the Krucil puppet and the accompanying gamelan. The concept of spirit, urip and wadag elements in the mystic terminology of the Cipto Manunggal Society places the position of every essence, both living and inanimate objects, as elements that must be respected according to their respective roles. This respect becomes a mechanism to control every activity to be carried out. Wayang Krucil is seen as a wadag that has a spirit, so it needs to be treated as a respect for objects that have a spirit. This concept of spirit means divine power, supernatural or supernatural power. For the Javanese people, all objects that are considered to have a spirit will be wrapped in something, like the warongko concept on a Keris. The function of the wrapper is to control the supernatural power of the object so as not to disturb the balance of its environment. This process is carried out on all objects that are considered to have supernatural powers, because they have a spirit and body. Cosmological understanding associated with the principle of causality or cause and effect. The understanding of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban always relates something to something else so that one phenomenon E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 15 will be seen as having a correlation with another phenomenon. The existence of a spirit or supernatural power in objects has a correlation with the origin and way of treating the object. Wooden puppets are created from special wood, The material for Krucil puppets in Kediri is Mentaos or Bentawas wood (Wrightia javanica A.DC) although there are some who use hibiscus wood and candlenut wood, but not too much. Mentaos wood is a type of woody plant that is often found in Java, which Rafles once noted as a good and durable wood. The puppeteers of the Krucil puppets believe that the choice of Mentaos wood as the material for the puppets can be attributed to the use of the name Pedestal Mentaos, as the location for the founding of the Islamic Mataram kingdom. The name Alas Mentaos is taken from the Mentaos wood plant in the forest. Mentaos wood is technically easier to carve and has good durability. Mentaos is a tree-habitual plant. This plant can reach a height of up to 35 meters with a diameter of up to 50 cm. The bark is gray brown to brownish yellow, slightly grooved. Single leaf oval with a tapered leaf tip. The leaves have fine hairs on the surface and slightly rough on the underside of the leaves. Flowers are yellowish white or pink to dark red, present in the form of panicles at the ends of twigs. The fruit is oval in shape with a hard fruit skin and has a cleavage in the middle. The fruit is brown in color, will break when old and the seeds will be scattered. The choice of wood in the Krucil puppet is associated with the concept of the existence of spirits in plants or objects.The wood material in the Krucil puppet is interpreted as a form of dhikr Ya hayyu ya qoyyum bi rahmatika astaghiits, wa ash-lihlii sya'nii kullahu wa laa takilnii ilaa nafsii thorfata 'ainin Abadan. Ya hayyu ya qoyyum means the one who is almighty and independent. The dhikr sentence is commonly said in the morning and evening by Muslims. The sentence Ya hayyu ya qoyyum is also a wirid practice that is read in a certain amount. The word Ya hayyu ya qoyyum is considered capable of giving life force to the puppet. Yes hayyu is interpreted as living wood. Some puppeteers of Krucil's puppets also use the toponymous approach of the word ya hayyu as a logical explanation of the use of wood in Krucil's puppets. The word wood is considered a derivation of the word ya hayyu. Yes, hayyu is translated into wood. The concept of ya hayyu is translated as the command of dhikr through wayang. Some Krucil puppet makers in the past would always make dhikr while carving puppets. The dhikr that is commonly said is dhikr Ya hayyu ya qoyyum. The Krucil puppet craftsmen believe that by doing dhikr, the puppeteer will be able to bring the puppets to life on stage. E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 16 The use of wood as a spiritual material in Java also cannot be separated from the concept of kalpa wreksa, in Hindu religious belief kalpa wreksa or also called the tree of life (Kasdi, 2002:102). The concept of the tree of life is related to the concept of the world in the Javanese view, which divides the world into three levels, the underworld, the upper world and the middle world. The tree of life is a tree that bridges the world above and the middle world. The existence of the tree of life is also associated with the existence of Lord Brahma, which symbolizes life, wealth and prosperity. The concept of the tree of life is then represented in the form of gunungan or kayon in wayang performances. Kayon means something related to wood. The kayon in the Krucil puppet is in the form of a series of peacock feathers, The process of making wayang puppets and the selection of materials based on Islamic symbols were communicated repeatedly by the mursyid and members of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban kebatinan movement. They want to show that the art of Wayang Krucil does not represent Hindu art or pre-Islamic art, but Javanese art with Javanese symbols of Islam. Wayang Krucil is one of the cultural expressions of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban kebatinan movement. The cultural path becomes a symbolic capital for the community to show its existence. The symbols of Islam are not only in the selection of wayang materials, the performance process to the stories presented, but also elaborated in the concept of the stage setting. 2.4 The Symbol of the Order's Movement The teachings of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban kebatinan movement in their interaction process show the same approach patterns as the tarekat approach. The spiritual movement of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban emphasizes the strong cultural relationship between students and teachers or mursyids. Teachers make their cultural and spiritual understanding as a symbolic capital to show their existence. Tarekat was originally one of the methods in achieving the spiritual level of a Muslim to reach the stage of purification of the soul. In later eras, tarekat became religious institutions that had strong socio-emotional ties. In the institutionalization of the tarekat, the process of teacher-student interaction, the interaction between students or members of the tarekat, and the norms or rules of religious life that underlie the pattern of friendship between them. Organizationally, The tarekat is an organization based on obedience or extraordinary obedience, which is institutionalized E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 17 between the students or members of the tarekat, or fanaticism towards the tarekat teacher or mursyid. Tarekat can be referred to as a Sufistic school which reflects a product of technical mystical thought and doctrine to provide a certain spiritual method. The spiritual movement of the Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban in turn also offers certain technical mystical doctrines to reach the level of perfection in understanding divinity. The spiritual method commonly used by this kebatinan movement is the use of the sinamar strategy (metaphor) to understand the essence of divinity. The character of the use of this sinamar strategy is one of the modes of da'wah of the guardians carried out at the beginning of the arrival of Islam on the island of Java. The first generation guardians were educated in a Javanese environment and had no direct relationship with the Middle East (Muchtarom, 1988:23). The principle of da'wah was later adopted by the poets of the Mataram palace in teaching the essence of divinity, through wirid books. Wirid books are books that teach makrifat knowledge about the nature of life so that humans are wise towards the perfection of sangkan paran or the glory of the state of identity (Simuh, 2019:276). The wirid books are a kind of life guide to prepare for death which are conveyed in a disguised manner, so that the use of metaphors is common, for example to determine the level of makrifat using a concept called sinamar ing warno or disguised in colors. This cinnamar principle is used to read the signs in the Krucil Kediri puppet story. Wayang Krucil Kediri is seen not only as a performance of cultural products, but also as a cultural symbol that displays bright concepts, so that it requires interpretation and interpretation. For example, to determine the level of makrifat using a concept called sinamar ing warno or disguised in colors. This cinnamar principle is used to read the signs in the Krucil Kediri puppet story. Wayang Krucil Kediri is seen not only as a performance of cultural products, but also as a cultural symbol that displays bright concepts, so that it requires interpretation and interpretation. The cinnamar strategy in Kejawen teachings is commonly used to avoid conflicts that may arise. The position of the mursyid of the Cipto Manunggal hermitage is fully realized, so that the use of the tarekat movement model is seen as more appropriate. The tarekat movement in addition to using the sinamar strategy also believes in the law of certainty (pinesthi) to maintain an order as is believed by the Javanese people in general. Pinesthi law believes that all existence must pass a predetermined path, and life is an inevitable project E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 18 in which each individual must submit and obey fate, goals and desires that have been set (Mulder, 1996:25). The story in wayang Krucil is a human story in a wantah context, which is not related to the story of divinity as the story in wayang kulit. The story of the journey of life described in the wayang Krucil is seen as a process of undergoing the pinesthi law, so that the tarekat approach with maktifat teachings is seen as more appropriate to translate the pinesthi laws. In Pinesthi law, events do not occur by chance, but manifest themselves because of coordination with the unseen (Mulder, 1996:27). It is in this context that the calculation of the good and the bad can be done, so that preventive measures can be taken. CONCLUSION The existence of the Krucil puppet in Kediri cannot be separated from the existence of the Cipto Manunggal community as a mystical community. This association builds its cultural identity based on Kejawen concepts and uses these teachings as a moral basis for daily activities. The Cipto Manunggal Paguyuban takes a position as a mystical community that rejects the stigma of being part of those who believe in beliefs, because they feel that their activities, including the Krucil puppet show, are an effort to preserve culture. Wayang Krucil functions as an ideological medium, which acts as a reinterpretation of mystical teachings. Wayang Krucil Kediri is a reinterpretation medium for the concept of manunggaling kawulo Gusti, the concept of sangkan paran, the concept of three elements and the form of the tarekat movement. The teaching of manunggaling kawulo gusti, as the basis of the teaching, is seen as kejawen which is represented in the form of a non-screen performance on the Krucil puppet stage. The teachings of sangkan paran, are teachings that understand the essence of the origin and purpose of life. The story of the panji, as the story of the meeting of men and women in the story in the wayang Krucil, is seen as a symbol of the teachings of sangkan paran. The concept of the three elements is the concept of a life system in Javanese Islamic teachings, which consists of spirit, urip and wadag. The concept of the three elements is used to explain the essence of using wood in wayang, as a representation of living or living essences. The Cipto Manunggal Society as a spiritual community uses the tarekat approach in its teaching system. E-Journal of Cultural Studies February 2022 Vol. 15, Number 1, Page 1-19 DOAJ Indexed (Since 14 Sep 2015) ISSN 2338-2449 https://ojs.unud.ac.id/index.php/ecs/ 19 REFERENCES Anderson, Benedict R. (2016). Mitologi dan Toleransi Orang Jawa. Yogyakarta: Matabangsa. Azzra, Azyumardi. 2018. Jaringan Ulama Timur Tengah dan Kepulauan Nusantara Abad XVII dan XVIII Akar Pembaharuan Islam Indonesia. Depok: Prenadia Group. Bertens. (2001). 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