





































Ecclesial Futures
2024 – Volume 5 – Issue 1

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Ecclesial Futures – DOI: 10.54195/ef18835

A R T I C L E

DOI: 10.54195/ef18835

Proclaiming and Embodying Peace in Pacifist 
Japan: a Reformed Church Perspective1

Stéphan van der Watt

Abstract
This article assesses a significant Peace Declaration which was recently released by the 
Reformed Church in Japan (RCJ). Through this declaration the RCJ affirms her calling 
and responsibility – as a missional church which is part of a 1% Christian population 
– to proclaim and embody peace in Japan and beyond. The article uses an integrative 
literature review and in-depth theological reflection as its main research techniques. 
The systematic review addresses the question: What is the significance and meaning 
of the RCJ Peace Declaration within the wider field of Peace Studies and in connection 
with the notion of pacifism in Japan and globally? It is argued that theological under-
standings of peacebuilding can indeed constructively promote peace and justice in 
worldwide conflicts. The article further explains how a vast corpus of knowledge and 
practice includes the body of Christ in Japan which, through the RCJ Peace Declara-
tion, represents a pro-active vision of God’s shalom. Public witness is not an add-on to 
the church’s mission. Instead, the Church realizes its missional calling when it publicly 
engages in testifying to true Christian peace by rejecting imperial claims.

Keywords: Peace, Pacifism, Japan, Reformed Church, East Asia, Shalom

Following Japan’s loss in World War II, the nation renounced war in its Constitution 
(Preamble and Article 9). The foundation of post-war Japan has been laid by this paci-
fist stance. Now, however, approaching eight decades after the war, the memories of 
the conflict are fading, and authoritarian tendencies in Japan are intensifying. These 
tendencies include a resurgence of Shintō nationalism since the late Meiji Era (also 

1 This article was partially presented as an academic paper at the Asia conference of the International 
Association of Mission Studies. The conference theme was ‘Global Sustainability and Mission in Scholar-
ship’ and was held from 22 to 24 November 2023 at De La Salle University in Manila, the Philippines.



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known as State Shintō) and efforts to rewrite the country’s laws and constitution 
to officially make it a fully war-capable nation once more (Shimazono and Murphy 
2009).
Globally, the frightening destruction caused by an increasing number of authori-
tarian regimes continues unabated. Current conflicts make it clear that those who 
intentionally make peaceful change impossible make violent change inevitable. The 
destructive battles worldwide serve as a warning against oversimplifying complex 
conflicts between good and evil, as well as against readily taking sides and dividing 
the world into “oppressor and oppressed” or “colonizer and colonized”. Rigid view-
points like these lead to odd conclusions, like the idea that innocent civilians killed 
were somehow deserving of it. What we can however safely conclude is that the 
wounded world we live in is in desperate need of peace.
Reformed theology has often underlined that all governments should be respected 
because the state is God-given and can employ power to combat evil. But many 
governments become corrupted and do not respect religious freedom. As “watch-
keeper” over the state, the church is called to remind state leaders to protect vulner-
able people and promote justice and peace. Is this strategy viable today, and how 
might it apply in current political contexts, for instance in Japan, where Christians 
represent a mere one per cent of the population?
In Reformed thought, the right to resistance was often tied to “just war” ( jus ad bellum) 
principles, greatly derived from the moral roots of Augustine of Hippo’s apologetic 
book City of God. During the Reformation this tradition guided Reformed theolo-
gians between the poles of pacifism and the justification of a “holy war”. Interna-
tional humanitarian law now incorporates some just war ethics. The issue is whether 
international legal terms alone can define justice (Sweeney 2003), because there is 
an evident dearth of virtue-ethical consideration in contemporary just war discourse 
(Vorster 2015). Moreover, how can theological understandings of reconciliation and 
peacebuilding promote peace and justice after conflicts?
In consideration of these questions, this article presents and assesses an impor-
tant Peace Declaration which was recently released by the Reformed Church in Japan 
(RCJ). Through this declaration the RCJ affirms her calling and responsibility – as a 
missional church in a 99% non-Christian population – to proclaim and embody peace 
in Japan and beyond. The primary research methodology employed in this article 
involves, first, an integrative literature review of relevant materials collected on the 
subject matter (Torraco 2016: 62). The interpretation and synthesizing of impor-
tant data follow the examination of pertinent documents. An in-depth process of 
theological reflection eventually results in the identification of core findings and the 
formulation of a conclusion.



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The systematic review of applicable literature addresses the basic question: What is 
the significance and meaning of the RCJ Peace Declaration within the wider field of 
Peace Studies and in connection with the notion of pacifism in Japan and worldwide?

Reconsidering the Meaning of Peace Today
How can peace be properly understood? Peace can imply apathy and the acceptance 
of injustice when it is defined narrowly. However, peace is more than the absence 
of war; it also maintains order and justice and promotes the movement toward 
freedom and human flourishing. Norwegian peace studies pioneer Johan Galtung’s 
typology of violence – direct, structural and cultural – helps us comprehend peace 
today (Galtung 1990). According to Galtung (2008: 92–105), direct violence is visible in 
terms of aggressors, victims and harm. But structural violence – caused by socioeco-
nomic and political institutions that inhibit human freedom – is more subtle. Galtung 
also helpfully distinguishes between negative peace (where there exists no direct 
violence) and positive peace (with fair and equitable institutions and structures).
With the laying down of weapons, negative peace is achieved, but positive peace is 
still far off. Importantly, the most economically, politically, or socially marginalized 
members of society are frequently those worst affected by the lack of positive peace. 
Thus, whilst negative peace can simply mean the absence of war, positive peace 
implies concurrent justice. Significantly, Meiji Era Christian and Japanese pacifist 
Kanzō Uchimura (1861–1930) made a similar positive/negative distinction in terms of 
pacifism. He asserted that objection to war is a negative part of pacifism, whilst its 
positive part consists of creating, fostering and maintaining well-being and peace in 
society (Moroi 2012: 378).
Peace studies – also known as “irenology” – have been neglected for centuries and 
only became a discipline in recent decades. Peace studies specialist David Cortright 
(2008: 1–5) notes that the first peace-related academic programmes and institu-
tions appeared after World War II. To better understand the processes that lead to 
a more desirable human condition, peace studies identify and analyse both violent 
and nonviolent behaviours as well as the structural mechanisms attending social 
and other conflicts. Today these concerns have increased importance and require 
serious theological contemplation due to the geopolitical aspect of many ongoing 
global conflicts, in which religion often plays a role.
The nature of war has altered drastically in recent decades, with intrastate wars 
surging while interstate wars have declined. Nations now often fight battles over 
ethnicity, language, religion, or geography, with currently 114 global armed conflicts 
being fought (Geneva Academy 2024). How should we theologically interpret 
( geo) political violent conflicts? Can Reformed theology make a constructive contri-
bution to debates and practices concerning these issues?



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Religion may “justify” aggression and terror but it can also promote peace and recon-
ciliation between adversaries and borders. Religious views influence ethical and 
political discussions over (non-violent) resistance to oppression or protecting inno-
cent people with force. Intrastate violence has increased international humanitarian 
intervention and peacebuilding. The UN and other global and regional institutions 
have institutionalized peacemaking efforts to identify and change war’s root causes 
(Bellamy 2010). This article explores the ways in which the RCJ Peace Declaration can 
support such peacebuilding goals in Japan and beyond.

Pacifism in the Early Church Era
Though many sacred books also contain arguments in favour of violence, the reli-
gious traditions of Christianity, Islam, Judaism, Buddhism and Hinduism all include 
peace-making fundamentals and activities (Cortright 2008: 183–210). The absolute 
pacifism of the early Christian communities reflected the gospel of Jesus’ unwavering 
dedication to love and non-retaliation to harm. Theologians during the first three 
centuries of the Christian era all agreed that Christians should neither fight in wars 
nor serve in the armed forces. They held that seeking peace was required by their 
theological convictions, drawing on the life and teachings of Jesus (Rae 2014: 29–40).
Quotations promoting pacifism abound in the writings of Tertullian (AD 155–220), 
Clement (AD 150–215) and Origen (AD 185–253), and in the testimonies of martyrs 
like Marcellus (mid third century–AD 298) (Burkholder and Holl 2005: 2; Kreider 2016: 
159–60). Early Christians were against war because of Christ’s commandment to love 
one another and because they thought that soldiers’ oaths to the emperor were 
an act of idolatry. Significantly, Mennonite historian Alan Kreider (2016: 233–34) 
describes one core effect of The Teachings of the Apostles (Didascalia Apostolorum) in 
the early church as creating an “ecosystem of peace”. As a concrete embodiment of 
this ecosystem, the peace greeting formed part of worship services led in Tertullian’s 
and Cyprian’s churches. The Christians carried peace with them as it were, saying 
“Peace to this house”, from home to home. Kreider therefore argues that “The ‘peace’ 
built a sense of transgeographical family. Communities in Egypt received strangers 
from other cities as ‘brothers,’ allowing them to take part in the Lord’s Supper and no 
doubt sharing materially with them when they came ‘in peace’ with the recommen-
dation of another church” (2016: 220).
Peace appears throughout the Didascalia. In the Gospels, Jesus exhorted his disciples 
to follow him in peacemaking, according to the Didascalia ’s authors. They believed 
Jesus’ peaceful path was salvific and that he invited his Church to represent his work 
by living in peaceful relationships and unity of spirit. However, according to Kreider 
(2016: 295–96), today Western Christians live in a post-Enlightenment and post- 
Christendom world where Christianity is often deemed violent, and that “ Christian 



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mission – however loving its professed intentions – is essentially an exercise in impe-
rialism.”
Kreider thus calls for a return to the humble patience of early church pioneer Chris-
tians like Cyprian (AD 210–258), Origen and Tertullian, because after them followed 
Augustine (AD 354–430), whose habitus seemingly lacked patience and peace. Augus-
tine turned a corner in the early fifth century. He used top-down means for Chris-
tian purposes and encouraged rulers to serve God and spread the Christian faith. 
Augustine believed he should abandon the patience-saturated Christian missional 
approach and instead rationalized the notion of just war. Moreover, the conversion 
of Roman Emperor Constantine (AD 272–337) in the early fourth century led to mili-
tary service being fully accepted among Christians. Consequently, core convictions 
concerning Christian peace and absolute pacifism quickly began to waver.

Notions of Pacifism after the Twentieth Century
Many modern theologians in the West have exerted considerable influence on the 
debate about war and peace. Reinhold Niebuhr, an American Reformed ethicist, is 
one of them. According to Niebuhr (2011), the core mistake of pacifism is its rejection 
of the Christian concept of original sin and belief in human perfectibility. Another 
very prominent theologian is Dietrich Bonhoeffer, whose peace ethic and his partici-
pation in the plot to destroy Hitler and National Socialism originated in his Reformed 
theology. Insightfully, Green (2019) links the evolution of his Bonhoeffer’s peace 
principles to a type of conditional pacifism that primarily focused on Christological, 
ecclesial and biblical-dogmatic aspects.
Following World War I, the word “pacifism” came to refer to a previous, more narrow 
tradition of non-resistance, or the religiously motivated refusal to support or take 
part in any kind of warfare. The more popular traditions of pragmatic or condi-
tional pacifism, which rejected war in principle but acknowledged the use of force 
in self-defence or to defend the weak, were different from this absolutist stance. 
Furthermore, Augustine’s just war doctrines were not the same as extreme pacifism. 
Just war theories limited, yet still justified, war (Cortright 2008: 8–10).
Pacifism thus existed as a movement and established idea long before the actual 
word was coined in 1901 (during the 10th Universal Peace Congress in Glasgow). But 
pacifism does not mean social passivity. Political programmes and social reforms 
were all part of it. Pacifism contrasted with quietist religious sects, and after World 
War I the notion of pacifism was scrutinized and debated. Although often overlooked, 
Cortright (2008: 334) believes the distinction between absolute and pragmatic paci-
fism is crucial. Nuclear pacifism absolutely forbids the use of indiscriminate, destruc-
tive weapons. However, pacifism is conditional and pragmatic in other conflict 
dimensions. Conditional pacifism assumes a presumption against armed violence 



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but recognizes that force, restrained by strict ethical criteria, may be necessary for 
self-defence and for the protection of innocent people.
Cortright (2008: 335) concludes that pacifism has been distorted beyond repair and 
may not be worth reconstructing. Peace theory and practice may benefit from using 
peacebuilding and peacemaking instead of the notion of pacifism. Peace may never 
be achieved, and conflict prevention needs proactive human behaviour. Peace-
builders are more practical and probably wiser after the twentieth century’s painful 
experiences. They have learned to not ignore repressed victims’ suffering and plead-
ings or the links between peace, democracy, social justice and human rights. Peace 
activists know that justice and peace are linked and care strongly about those victim-
ised by repressive regimes and armed groups.

Christianity’s Role in Asia and Japan
Christianity’s role in Asia is particularly complex because of its identity and status as 
a minority religious tradition among numerous and dominant ethnic and religious 
groupings. To fairly evaluate Christians’ involvement in both peace and violence 
throughout Asia, Christianity must be analysed with reference to various, unique 
circumstances that are characterized by interrelated and shifting political, social, 
cultural and religious dynamics. From a historical standpoint, these social change 
dynamics in Asia may be traced back to the globalizing currents and practices of 
different periods, i.e. colonial, postcolonial and post-Cold War. More specifically the 
Pacific, Korean and Vietnam Wars need to be taken into consideration (Fernando 
2014: 283–84). This article takes cognizance of these realities, although a detailed 
exploration thereof falls outside its purview.
The difficulties that Asian churches have are (1) how to work towards changing polit-
ical structures and distributing power, and (2) how to cultivate a theology of peace 
amid nationalist strife. In numerous ways, Christians have supported efforts to 
promote peace in Asian ethno-nationalist conflicts. For example, in Japan, certain 
churches have opened small windows for much-needed peace and reconciliation in 
the region by admitting their government committed war crimes during the Pacific 
War and by pleading for forgiveness with the relatives of those killed (Fernando 2014: 
291–92).
During the Pacific War most Japanese churches embraced the regime’s imperi-
alist doctrine under government duress. They may have done this out of fear of 
being hounded by the government as unpatriotic. However, not all churches fully 
succumbed to governmental pressures under the State Shintō powers during World 
War II. A handful of denominations protested and did not join the United Church of 
Christ in Japan (called the Kyōdan), the body which united all the different pre-war 
Protestant denominations under a legal religious “umbrella” of strict bureaucratic 



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and Imperial domination. Several congregations who wanted to re-establish their 
religious autonomy apart from state control in the post-war era came together and 
created the Reformed Church in Japan (RCJ) in April 1946.
Having given brief historical overviews of how peace and pacifism have been viewed 
and of Christianity in Asia and Japan, the discussion now to turns to consider the chal-
lenges that Christianity and the Church face in proclaiming and embodying peace in 
East Asia generally and in Japan in particular.

East Asia and the Quest to Conquer through Strategic 
Partnerships
During the past few years, the East Asian region has seen an increase in the level of 
security cooperation. South Korea, the United States, and Japan recently conducted 
their first joint aerial exercises, which included a nuclear-capable B-52 strategic 
bomber aircraft from the US. The Japanese Defence Ministry planned a record-
breaking budget of ¥7.7 trillion in the last few months, to restructure the Self- Defence 
Forces (SDF) and equip them with an enormous arsenal of weapons and new, joint 
headquarters that will enable Japan to engage in protracted combat on the front 
lines of the Indo-Pacific region ( Johnson 2023).
With the long-standing Japan-ASEAN cooperation, Japan has strengthened its 
private-sector cybersecurity collaboration with several South-East Asian nations and 
is considered a partner of choice in terms of defence and security (Dominguez 2023). 
At present, in Okinawa, on the south-western tip of Japan, military training is being 
performed on a large scale at the US Forces’ Japan bases. In recent months, recruit-
ment advertisements for the Japanese SDF have appeared nationwide in conveni-
ence stores. Levels of alertness among Japanese citizens are significantly on the rise, 
with the looming Taiwan Strait crisis adding to the anxious uncertainty.

Proclaiming Peace in Japan, in Unison with Global 
Christian Faith Communities
Since the experiences of Japanese Christians in the wake of World War II were 
distinct in several ways, it is not sufficient to see Japan’s post-war context as a 
mere addendum to world Christianity. It is important to note that Japan was both a 
defeated aggressor and a devastated victim in World War II. Moreover, the people 
of Japan are the only people in the world who have lived through the horrific expe-
rience of atomic bomb attacks (Van der Watt 2023a). This places a unique responsi-
bility on the body of Christ in Japan to respond. How have churches reacted? In the 
past, several church denominations have responded to the issue of war, for instance 
the Presbyterian Church in Japan released a statement in 1993 ( Jennings 2003).



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The recently adopted Peace Declaration of the Reformed Church in Japan (RCJ 2023) 
is one example of a church denomination that takes a pro-active, prophetic stance 
in this matter.2 The RCJ, as a small but vibrant church in a 99% non-Christian country, 
is called to be a strong and credible witness to God’s peace and justice, whether the 
Japanese government take due note of its Peace Declaration or not. In an era of great 
relativity, where “anything goes”, the RCJ’s unmistakable evangelistic nature and 
scripturally trustworthy preaching are commendable. Congregations are battling to 
survive in a socio-political context that is hostile, albeit clandestine.
The RCJ’s proclamation of peace should be viewed as a particular faith expression, as 
part of the worldwide Christian faith community. The RCJ proclaims peace in unison 
with many other churches, for instance with the Uniting Reformed Church in South 
Africa which by its Belhar Confession of Faith calls the church blessed because it is 
a peacemaker. Globally, for example, churches are urged by the World Council of 
Churches to walk hand in hand and see their shared existence as a focused walk of 
faith, a religious pilgrimage of justice and peace, “and to join together with others in 
celebrating life and in concrete steps toward transforming injustices and violence” 
(WCC, n.d.; see also Enns and Mosher [eds] 2013).
As a concrete example of this pilgrimage, the WCC also recently initiated its Emerging 
Peacemakers Forum (WCC 2023). At an international meeting for peace held in Berlin 
in September 2023, WCC General Secretary Jerry Pillay aptly contended, “Indeed, it 
takes courage to choose peace as it often implies taking risks, pushing boundaries, 
and daring to be different, to be disliked, to be criticized and even to be condemned. 
In today’s complex world, achieving and maintaining peace is perhaps one of the most 
audacious acts imaginable” (Pillay 2023, emphasis added).
In addition the WCC has recently created various very significant documents. 
Together towards Life is an ecumenical mission affirmation which seeks to further 
God’s mission of justice and peace so that life may flourish. The affirmation argues 
that Christian mission and evangelism involves active struggle and public resistance. 
Missio Dei works for justice, peace, and reconciliation to bring about the fullness of 
life for everyone on earth. It should be countercultural “because mission belongs 
to the God of Life, justice, and peace and not to this false god who brings misery 
and suffering to people and nature” (WCC 2013, par. 108). The church’s evangelism 
cannot be forceful or violent if God’s life represents/is peace. The affirmation duly 
ends with the prayer: “God of Life, lead us into justice and peace!”
In other global Church circles, the World Evangelical Alliance (WEA) – representing 
roughly 600 million Christians in over 140 nations – has also added its voice to the 

2 This declaration can be downloaded from https://tinyurl.com/39yet4rp and although it cannot be 
included here (because of a limited word scope), should be read in full as integral part of this article. 

https://tinyurl.com/39yet4rp


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“New Agenda for Peace” which was launched in July 2023 by the United Nations. 
The WEA strives to actively participate in Christ’s call to peacemaking and the crea-
tion of resilient societies characterized by “positive peace” (Global Peace Index 2022: 
70). Therefore, the WEA’s Peace and Reconciliation Network proactively joined the 
global conversation by submitting their appeal to the UN as follows: “A New Agenda 
for Peace in a globalized and pluralistic age should welcome and include the convic-
tions, learnings, insights, contributions, and corrections of faith communities that 
are forming people who inhabit, labor, and serve within the areas and pillars that 
require crucial attention for the global public good” (Schirrmacher et al. 2023).
It would be fitting to view the RCJ’s Declaration of Peace as a relevant, local expres-
sion of a similar desire to contribute to the global public good, or in biblical terms to 
God’s holistic shalom in this world (see also Lausanne Movement 2010, Cape Town 
Commitment part II.B and part I.5.c on peacebuilding). Shalom is a complicated and 
profound concept that defines peace as the harmonious expression of all human 
ideals. Shalom embodies the conditions and principles required for war prevention, 
such as self-determination, economic well-being, social justice, human rights, and 
dispute resolution through nonviolent means (Schwarzchild 1994: 18).
The beliefs and actions of Christian faith communities aimed at shalom and the 
global public good – like the RCJ, however apparently insignificant the church may 
be in terms of numbers in the Japanese context – indeed have a deeply formative 
potential. This potential can (but should not) be ignored by power-wielding politi-
cians or international leaders (see Van der Watt 2023b: 3–6 on the issue of power 
and the gospel).

Revisiting Japan’s Constitution, in particular Article 9
Demilitarization, democratic principles and the redistribution of power and wealth 
were all impacted by the post-war (US-led) Allied occupation (1945–52), which also 
cleared the path for Japan to experience unparalleled economic prosperity. However, 
the US military leaders’ intention – led by US General Douglas MacArthur’s Chief of 
the Government Section at GHQ, General Courtney Whitney – with the new constitu-
tion introduced during the occupation had another double-edged irony: the consti-
tutional gift of peace and democracy was, as Douglas Lummis (1982: 43) contends,

not merely a good idea supported by reason, it [was] also a command supported 
by the most terrifying power in the history of the world, the power of the atomic 
bomb. The Pacific War and the Occupation of course played a tremendous role in 
shaping the post-war historical stance of both nations, but the lesson each drew 
from the experience was different. What the Japanese people learned was hatred 
of war, contempt for militarism, love of democracy and awe for technology. To the 



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Americans, on the other hand, the Occupation gave the opportunity to experience 
the sweetness of absolute power, and to convince themselves that the atomic bomb, 
if in U.S. hands, is a democratic force.

How this historical issue can or should be interpreted remains very contentious and 
exceeds the limits of this short article. However, the issue that is indeed relevant 
here is the fact that, notwithstanding Article 9’s clear ban on war, Japan maintains 
a capable modern military force. Although the pacifist constitution was enforced 
by the US in 1946 and “made the emperor and the Japanese people into instant 
pacifists” (Kimijima 2009: 170), its ban on the upkeep of armed forces was rapidly 
being circumvented. To keep American military supremacy in the Western Pacific 
and restrain communism during the Cold War period, US policymakers looked to 
Japan as a possible strategic ally. The Japan–US Security Treaty was signed after the 
Korean War broke out in June 1950 and gave – and still gives today – the US extensive 
authority over Japanese foreign policy (Cortright 2008: 120). Considering the above, 
a complex conundrum remains: How much of Japan’s development vis-à-vis pacifism 
was self-determined and how much was because of US influence?
Over the past three decades, since the dissolution of the Soviet Union, there has 
been a great deal of political discussion regarding changing Article 9 and other provi-
sions of the constitution. The leading Liberal Democratic Party (LDP) drafted consti-
tutional amendment plans in 2005 that included the removal of Article 9, which 
states unequivocally that the “Japanese people forever renounce war as a sovereign 
right of the nation and the threat or use of force as means of settling international 
disputes” ( Japan 1946).
In 2012, the LDP published a comprehensive draft constitution with numerous modi-
fications, including a rewrite of Article 9. Two years later, the constitution was inter-
preted to include “collective self-defence”, and more recently, in 2022, Japan updated 
three important security documents, giving the country extra “counterstrike capa-
bilities”. Scholars and opponents have branded Japan’s expanding military as a “de 
facto denial of Article 9” because of these amendments (Harrison et al. 2023: 1–2). In 
addition, the conservative government is attempting to restore loyalty to the state 
utilizing the emperor and Shintōist symbols. For example, the current government 
actions harken back to 1890–1945, when all Japanese school children were systemat-
ically indoctrinated into Japan’s nationalist ethos by the regular, solemn recitation of 
the Imperial Rescript on Education (Hastings 2003: 113; see also Hardacre 1989 and 
Ion 2003).
The post-war Japanese anti-militarist stance has no (explicit) theological roots, in 
contrast to many notions of pacifism in the West. The Japanese pacifism is borne 
from the existential impact of war. A significant portion of the Japanese population 
has responded to the country’s ongoing militarization with great fear and discontent. 



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In the early decades following World War II, many peace movements made progress 
in providing a strong opposition against the revision of Article 9.3 After the war, 
each time the Constitution’s pacifism was tested the Japanese people reaffirmed it, 
adopted it and survived the crisis (Kimijima 2009: 173). Mari Yamamoto (2004) there-
fore rightly contends that Japan is unique among nations in the size and breadth of 
its grassroots peace movements.
However, as Sakamoto (1982) argues, after the 1960s the fragmented nature of such 
initiatives made it impossible to create a consolidated, effective peace movement. 
Moreover, “The absence of a national catalyst like the church and the general depo-
liticization of national labor unions which used to take political leadership in popular 
movements have created an additional difficulty in identifying national actors for a 
unified peace movement” (1982: 4).

Peace Studies and the Notion of Pacifism in Japan
Peace studies in post-World War II Japan has largely focused on the issue of pacifism. 
Very often leaders from the Meiji Era onwards, many of them Christians or social 
activists – like Kanzō Uchimura and Toyohiko Kagawa (see Tao 2019) – are referred 
to as pioneering figures. Much fewer attempts have been made to give a compre-
hensive description of the intellectual history of the development of the notion of 
peace in Japan. Robert Kisala’s book Prophets of Peace is a welcome exception to 
the rule. Kisala (1999: 16–19) aptly emphasizes the often-ignored fact that Japanese 
intellectual history, stemming from Confucian inner morality (or so-called “philos-
ophy of the heart”) and the pervasive focus on stability and order, predates the Meiji 
Era (1868–1912) discourse on pacifism. Until this Meiji period Japan has only been 
involved in conflicts with very few external combatants, but after the turn of the 
twentieth century pacifist and just war notions entered Japanese discourses, mainly 
via prominent Christian leaders.
Today Japanese people view peace as a moral and political commitment tied to 
human rights, democracy and economic well-being. Heiwa Shugi（平和主義 – Japa-
nese for ‘peace’ and ‘-ism’ – is the usual phrase for peace campaigning. Many people 
confuse absolute and conditional pacifism because of the term’s ambiguity. Heiwa 
Shugi has no English equivalent, although the Glasgow definition of pacifism was 

3 Anti-Vietnam War protests, including nuclear armaments docking in Japan, also took place during these 
years. How much protests were against such “de facto” military acceptance of US initiatives or against 
an alleged revision of Article 9 needs delineation. However, such delineation exceeds the scope of this 
article.



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meant to reflect the Japanese term’s principled yet pragmatic peace commitment 
(Yamamoto 2004: 10).

The Reformed Church of Japan’s Prophetic, Proactive 
Response
Japan has a conflicted past concerning its relationship with Christianity. In previous 
eras Christians have suffered considerably when professing their faith. Although 
Japan’s postwar pacifist constitution includes religious freedom, the challenge 
remains: how do Christians take up the responsibilities that accompany this freedom 
today? Christians in Japan (from all denominational backgrounds) are called – as else-
where – to proclaim and embody peace. Many realists typically write peacemakers 
off as hopeless romantics or, worse, paralysed prophets of doom who refuse to face 
reality. Yet, Jesus said that peacemakers are to be blessed as children of God (Mt. 5.9), 
clearly indicating God’s will for peace and his blessing upon those who make peace 
instead of war (Rae 2014: 32).
Church confessions are typical of Protestant (especially Reformed) churches. The 
RCJ Synod initiated its Peace Declaration, in a sense, as a reaction to the (above-men-
tioned) Japanese government’s proposed change of its Constitution’s Article 9. The 
Peace Declaration, however, not only prophetically speaks to and critiques crucial 
decisions made during times of war, but it also directs the Church in the actions 
that are needed in times outside of war. The question “How should we then live, 
now?” constantly needs to be answered. As the body of Christ in Japan, the RCJ is 
determined by Christ-centred biblical theology that teaches them to focus on deeper 
spiritual realities with their eyes wide open to the indescribable suffering in this 
world.
The RCJ Peace Declaration can serve as a shared foundation of thinking about a 
complex variety of issues from the perspective of peace. For instance, in people’s 
daily lives, where structural violence – based on social injustice and intolerance, 
including poverty, discrimination, human rights violations and environmental 
destruction – undermine the right to live in peace and is increasingly prevalent, this 
declaration can edify the next generation of peacemakers. There are already some 
projects planned which will be executed in the next few years, to embody the decla-
ration practically.

Conclusion
What is the significance and meaning of the RCJ Peace Declaration within the wider 
field of Peace Studies as well as in connection with the notion of pacifism in Asia and 
worldwide (as explicated in this article)? As we face complex issues and try to make 



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sense of continuing global conflicts, what can we learn from this Peace Declaration 
in our varied (church) contexts today?
The Peace Declaration is aimed at a wider audience than just Japan. There are several 
reasons why it is important for those outside the RCJ and outside Japan to engage 
with the Peace Declaration’s content. First, such a conversation can edify all partic-
ipants who engage in peacemaking. Christian faith takes shape and grows deeper 
and wider across political, cultural and linguistic boundaries. The Church of Jesus 
Christ is both universal and local in nature. Christians need to be reminded regularly 
of the greater reality of God’s work around the world.
Second, the theme of peace itself must be continually exposed to renewed explo-
ration and discussion among Christians (and others) in general. In times of war, our 
longing for peace should grow stronger. Other items on our socio-political agenda 
could hardly be more urgent to consider now. A changing post-Covid world order 
forces us to pay fresh attention to the urgent realization of peace and justice, as 
emanated by the Triune God of the Bible.
Thirdly, the RCJ’s Declaration of Peace offers a unique perspective of (Reformed) 
Christians in Japan, the only nation in the world that lived through the indelible 
devastation of atomic bombs. Reformed Christians in Japan have something to share 
that should be taken to heart by other members of the body of Christ across the 
globe. After all, despite our radical differences, there is but “one body and one Spirit, 
just as you were called to one hope …” (Eph. 4.4)
We can benefit from a renewed reflection on the issue of peace, as we continue to 
heed Christ’s call to become peacemakers in our own time and place. In this way, we 
participate in the ongoing, transformative history of the body of Christ in connection 
with biblical shalom. By critically reclaiming our history and constructing our future 
identities from the ground up, we are constantly and constructively reforming: 
ecclesia reformata, semper reformanda (the church reformed, always reforming).
The Early Church participated in public witness by overturning the status quo. 
Speaking truth to power as a public witness is the Christian practice of presenting 
critiques and alternatives to reform our societies, based on the vision of God’s 
Kingdom. Public witness is not an add-on to the church’s mission. Instead, the church 
realizes its missional calling when it publicly engages in testifying to true Christian 
peace by rejecting imperial claims.
The corpus of knowledge and practice around peacemaking has grown because of 
the simultaneous contributions of religious leaders, philosophers, moral reformers 
and many others for the sake of a safer, less violent society. This article has explained 
how this corpus of knowledge and practice includes the body of Christ in Japan. The 
RCJ, as a minority group in Japan, deeply identifies with the predicament and convic-
tions of the Early Church. Therefore, it is important to note that the RCJ Peace Decla-
ration embodies and declares God’s shalom, not from a position of power, but from 



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the margins of society and from below. The Peace Declaration indeed gives a vivid 
Christian raison d’étre for realistic peacemaking efforts.
Finally, the RCJ’s Peace Declaration itself (under its second heading called “War, 
Peace, and the State”) speaks to the core of its pro-active peace vision:

What God is ultimately trying to teach us through the biblical accounts of war in the 
ancient world is the truth that “all who draw the sword will die by the sword” (Mt 26:52), 
so that his people will trust in him as their Lord rather than in force of arms. So-called 
“just wars” or “lawful wars” in Christian history were also originally condoned as a last 
resort to deter war and maintain justice and peace, let alone the claim of “holy wars” 
to actively promote war in the name of God, which is a fundamental error. Therefore, 
the Lord’s Church should not justify war as a means of settling disputes, much less 
affirm contemporary wars that use weapons of mass destruction.
We call for the defense of all human life – created in the image of God – to be the path 
to peace, without being deceived by national politicians and the mass media, who 
create enemies and try to replace peace issues with military security issues. Therefore, 
we actively cooperate in all non-military work to avert war and create peace among 
nations, and in particular, as the Church in the only country to have experienced the 
devastation caused by nuclear weapons, we demand the abolition of all weapons of 
mass destruction, including nuclear weapons. (RCJ 2023)

About the Author
Stéphan Van der Watt is a Research Fellow of Stellenbosch University Faculty of 
Theology. He is also a full-time lecturer of Mission Studies and Pastoral Theology 
and Care at Kobe Reformed Theological Seminary, where he teaches in Japanese. 
This position, as well as his work as ordained co-operating missionary, generates 
ample opportunities to study relevant practical theological issues in intercultural 
ways. Contact: jsvdwatt@gmail.com

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