





































Ecclesial Futures
2025 – Volume 6 – Issue 2

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a r t I c l E

DOI: 10.54195/ef23612

Unity and Diversity among Ghana’s new 
Prophetic Churches: A Comparative Study of 
Vida Bethel Prayer Ministry and Believers 
Worship Centre
Eric Manu

abstract
Neo-prophetism has gained significant visibility in contemporary Ghanaian Christi-
anity. It is a dominant Pentecostal strand, giving birth to several composite ministries in 
the country. Given this multiplicity, it has become challenging to understand the under-
lying complexities of these prophetic churches. The article compares two prominent, 
neo-prophetic churches in Ghana – the Vida Bethel Prayer Ministry (VBPM) and Believers 
Worship Center (BWC) – to identify their unity and diversity. The paper draws on VBPM 
and BWC’s teachings, recorded sermons and members’ experiences. This shows both a 
consensus in the beliefs and practices of the ministries yet also variations in activities 
shaped by selected ministries. The paper highlights how the shared yet diverse charac-
teristics of prophetic churches not only strengthen religion but also provide members 
with varied feelings and experiences regarding their neo-prophetic faith.

Keywords: Prophetism, Unity and diversity, Prophetic church, Pentecostal mission, 
Comparative study, Ghana

1. Introduction
The themes of unity and diversity in Christianity have received considerable schol-
arly attention. Thompson (1963) and Gifford (2015) have highlighted the tendency 
to assume that all aspects of Christianity are already known, an assumption chal-
lenged by numerous studies. For instance, a History of Christian Sects and Denom-
inations observes that the Nestorian Church (or Church of the East) shares the 
Episcopal governance, doctrines and use of the Nicene Creed common to other 
Oriental churches (Evans 2023: 244). This same assumption extends to Pentecostal 
Christianity, prompting Gifford’s 2015 examination of the Pentecostal Christianities 
of Olukoya and Oyedepo in Nigeria – a concern that similarly motivates the present 
study.



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The term “unity” refers to the state of oneness, being whole or joined together, 
whereas “diversity” signifies discord or multiplicity. Although these concepts are 
contrasting, they are not necessarily oppositional. In this article, the phrase “unity 
and diversity” refers to the coexistence of shared elements and distinct differences 
within a group. It describes how different prophetic churches can maintain their 
uniqueness while contributing to a common whole. This duality forms the basis for 
examining how individual expressions contribute to a collective identity without 
undermining their uniqueness. Considering this, speculation about the specific 
nature and influence of contemporary African Prophetic movements is precar-
ious. Studies that engage in such speculation lack a complete understanding of the 
complexities of play. As Gifford argues, “Many simply assume we all know what we 
are dealing with [when talking about Ghanaian and African Pentecostalism], and 
move immediately to speculate on political effects, social roles, statistical trends” 
(Gifford 2015: 115). Considering that such conjectures often misinterpret the beliefs 
of African Pentecostals, we should clarify their actual principles. To achieve this, I 
compare the spirituality, religious teachings and rituals of Ghana’s neo-prophets, 
focusing on Vida Mensah’s Vida Bethel Prayer Ministry (VBPM) and Stephen Adom 
Kyei-Duah’s Believers Worship Center (BWC), to identify their points of unity and 
diversity. This comparison is necessary for understanding that different prophetic 
churches can retain their unique identities while collectively contributing to a unified 
whole – especially in beliefs, doctrinal emphasis and spiritual practices – as a lens for 
understanding the global Pentecostal faith.

The prophetic church is a branch of African Pentecostal Christianity that empha-
sizes the prophetic aspect of neo-Pentecostal theology. It places particular emphasis 
on a ministry grounded in God’s voice and interpreting his message. This distinct 
focus sets it apart from other conventional Pentecostal groups (White & Pondani 
2022; Tsekpoe 2019). In Ghana, this strand of Christianity has existed for over two 
decades. Prophetic churches are recognized for their prophetic healing and deliv-
erance, problem diagnosis, spiritual warfare and guidance, religious products and 
consultations (Kgatle 2023: 2; Manu 2023; Aryeh 2019; Olukoya 2014; Omenyo & 
Atiemo 2006; Goll 2004). Believers use religious products that are accessible during 
church services and consultations to support spiritual warfare and guidance. What 
sets this strand apart, beyond its vitality and media appropriation, is the founders’ 
adoption of the label “prophet” as part of their self-identity.

One such ministry is the Vida Bethel Prayer Ministry, located in Aprade in the 
Ashanti Region of Ghana. Founded in the 1990s by Prophetess Mrs Vida Osei 
Mensah, this ministry offers a valuable case for exploring how individuality and 
collective identity coexist within the broader neo-prophetic movement. A second 
notable ministry is the Believers Worship Center, which traces its beginnings to the 
founder’s missionary work in Ilorin, Kwara State, Nigeria, in 1988. Prophet Kyei-Duah 



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then decided to organize a small group of believers to form the Believers Ministry 
(BM). The prophet relocated to Adansi Obuasi in the Ashanti Region of Ghana, where 
he established the BWC. In 2010, the church was inaugurated in Kumasi Anwomaso, 
where it had its religious services for two years. In March 2012, the church moved 
to its first building at Kenyase-Adwumam, which is currently its headquarters. This 
ministry, like VBPM, presents a distinct expression of neo-prophetism while contrib-
uting to the shared ethos of the movement.

VBPM and BWC are neo-prophetic denominations. Their categorization suggests 
that they should have similar practices, beliefs, roles and effects, which rule out 
variations between them. They have extensive following and inimitable prophetic 
practices that influence both their followers and the Ghanaian Christian commu-
nity. Today, they attract public interest and dominate religious contexts in Ghana. 
With the advent of COVID-19, the influence of VBPM and BWC has expanded widely 
through media production, specifically television, Facebook and YouTube.

While ministries share some elements, they also display peculiar traits and influ-
ences, particularly through their teachings and prophecy. This underscores the need 
to explore the unity and diversity of Christian denominations. Although denomi-
national differences can at times be divisive, they have the potential to enrich the 
church’s mission by encouraging diversity, broadening its reach and promoting 
inter-denominational collaboration.

Given the controversies surrounding gender roles in traditional Christian lead-
ership, the choice between prophetess and prophet-led ministries are important. 
Significant differences exist between females and males in terms of religious and 
social experiences, psychology and biology. Female-led ministries constitute a 
minority of Ghana’s prophetic movements and are generally under-discussed in 
Global Pentecostal scholarship. These reasons make the selection of the VBPM and 
BWC important.

Unlike other Pentecostal groups, Mensah and Kyei-Duah do not like writing 
spiritual messages in books. This is typical of prophetic church leaders in Ghana. 
However, many of their sermons and teachings are recorded and put on social media 
platforms, such as Facebook and YouTube, probably for reachability. Therefore, 
these platforms, among other sources, serve as the basis for the subsequent discus-
sion. Information gathered about the churches commenced in 2020 in the heat of the 
COVID-19 lockdown when I followed them in the media; several visits were made to 
the ministries afterwards.

This study employed a qualitative research approach through the use of a case 
study method. Data was collected from key church leaders and ordinary members 
of VBPM and BWC in Kumasi through face-to-face interviews and participant obser-
vation, conducted between February 2022 and August 2022. Formal verbal consent 
was obtained from research participants to uphold their right to make informed 



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decisions, a clear and practical method of consent in this situation where literacy 
issues made written consent impractical.

The paper outlines the distinctive characteristics, religious services, practices 
and teachings of the VBPM and BWC, providing a basis for exploring the unity and 
diversity between the two ministries.

2. Vida Bethel Prayer Ministry
According to Vida Mensah, VBPM began as a prayer camp to address “spiritual prob-
lems” such as illness, poverty, divorce and spiritual marriages believed to be caused 
by evil spirits. The church was named “Bethel”, meaning “House of God”, to reflect 
God’s miraculous presence at VBPM, drawing inspiration from the biblical city’s 
spiritual significance (cf. Brodsky 1990; Rainey 2006). It upholds orthodox Christian 
beliefs in the Trinity –God the Father as Creator, Jesus as God’s only Son, and the Holy 
Spirit as the source of all spiritual gifts (charisma) sustaining the church.

The core religious practices of the VBPM include the administration of anointing 
oil and holy water for healing, exorcism and prosperity. Mensah teaches that evil 
spiritual forces directly influence human life. Like other contemporary prophets, the 
prophetess also appears to present a microcosmic view of the world by focusing 
on the familial origin of her followers’ problems. Believers often become aware of 
these harmful influences through deliverance and counselling sessions. Prophecy is 
one of the pillars of the ministry that the founder believes has ensured its survival. 
Individual counselling sessions attract many people to join and participate in the 
ministry.

2.1 Specific characteristics
The VBPM shares several characteristics that set it within and outside the prophetic 
church enclave in Ghana today. VBPM has as its motto: gyedie mu ahoɔden, which 
literally means “strong in faith” (as described by Paul in Romans 4.20 about Abra-
ham’s faith in God). This motto urges a believer to remain strong (faithful to God) 
amid life’s challenges. The church has as its symbol a globe, a cross, and a dove flying 
over a Bible. This logo is explained by the Prophetess as signifying God’s words, the 
salvation of Jesus Christ on the cross, and the power of the Spirit of God for the salva-
tion of the world. A significant feature of the church is its focus on the will of God, 
which the prophetess believes is divinely revealed to her.

Another specific trait of VBPM is its mission. The mission of the church is to change 
the lives of people worldwide. The Church has a vision to ensure that all people hear 
the word of God and gain an understanding of God’s love, promises and salvation. 
The global nature of the mission and vision of the VBPM has ensured that leaders 



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(apostles and pastors) of the Church function as the wheel (the vehicle or primary 
instrument) for God’s love and salvation to the world.

Unlike some prophetic churches, the VBPM does not sell (religious) items such 
as holy water, anointing oil, spiritual cream, spiritual handkerchief, pen and mirror 
to church members. They are acquired during counselling and church services from 
nearby shops. Other members may also bring items from their homes. Aside from 
the items that church members acquire during counselling (spiritual direction), no 
other items are sold to members by the prophetess. This sets VBPM apart from other 
existing prophetic Pentecostal/Charismatic churches that appear to engage in the 
“commercialization of religion” (Shi & Pande 2023; Andrew 2021). The figure below 
illustrates the common items obtained and used by church attendees.

Figure 1 Photo of religious items acquired during counselling by 
members of VBPM.

An additional feature of VBPM is its single-storey accommodation facility located 
on the church premises, 30m from the church. This facility hosts church members 
whom the Prophetess, after counselling, directs to pray at the church for a few days. 
This is to say that church members/clients who lodge in the facility do so according 
to the instructions of the prophetess. Some church members lodged in the facility 
for three days, others for one week, and a few for a month. They lodge in the facility 
without making any payments. While there, morning and evening prayers are organ-
ized for them apart from their private prayers.



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2.2 church services
The church organized three services per week. They hold these religious services on 
Sundays, Tuesdays and Thursdays. In addition to these services, other online events 
aim to spread God’s word and salvation through Jesus to all, regardless of nationality, 
faith or location. The Church transmits a significant proportion of its services on Para-
dise TV, a channel that it owns. Thus, they evangelize church members at home and, 
simultaneously project the church’s presence in the public sphere through electronic 
media. In this category were “Grace Hour” and “Word and Prayer Time”. All church 
services encourage active participation, but in this section, special emphasis is placed 
on the Thursday Counselling and Prayer Service, which is the largest and most signif-
icant among all the religious gatherings at VBPM due to its prophetic nature.

The Thursday service, which is in two parts, begins with a counselling session that 
starts at 6:00 am and usually closes at 11:00 am. However, the session may conclude 
earlier or later depending on the number of church members present. Similar to 
other prophetic churches, counselling is an important feature of VBPM. This attracts 
many people to church. At the church on Thursdays, all persons – young, old, sick, 
healthy, mentally challenged, pregnant and unemployed graduates – are seen 
coming for counselling. The Prophetess sits in a designated room on the left side of 
the altar, listens to the problems of the counsellee, and provides a spiritual direction 
or guidance (akwankyerɛ). Spiritual direction is a neo-Pentecostal religious practice, 
which involves the interpretation and remediation of a spiritual problem by a person 
perceived to have stronger spiritual power.

As the counsellee enters the room, he/she drops an offering in a bowl on the right 
side of the seat to which he/she sits. The counsellee’s seat is located directly oppo-
site the Prophetess. The counsellee is welcomed by the Prophetess. As part of the 
greeting (welcome), the Prophetess discloses God’s purpose for the believer’s life in 
the coming days. This is followed by asking about the purpose for which the client 
has come to see the Prophetess. After the narration of the purpose (which is usually 
a spiritual or physical problem), the Prophetess directs the believer on what to do to 
receive a breakthrough using common items such as toffee, oil, water, salt, naphtha-
lene balls, shea butter and lemons. The items were purchased from the church. The 
counsellee receives a chit as proof of payment. The item is given to counsellees close 
to the Thursday service.

The second part of the Thursday service is the healing and deliverance prayer. 
This service reflects the strong prophetic character of the VBPM. This is because it 
showcases the experience of divine power through Prophetess Mrs Vida Mensah 
for a vast number of attendees. As in other services of the church, the sermon is 
an important segment of the Thursday service. It is accompanied by prayer points 
that specifically touch on the spiritual needs and requests of church members. The 
prayer appears to take a significant portion of the entire sermon and church services 



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in general. Owing to intermittent prayer, the sermon lasts for approximately two 
hours. During this time, many prophetic directions are given, and healing and deliv-
erance are believed to be experienced by church members.

Immediately following the sermon is “harvest time”. During this time, church 
members are directed to “sow a seed” for a breakthrough, a practice prevalent in 
many contemporary Ghanaian churches, particularly neo-pentecostal ones. This 
practice, which can trigger spiritual and physical benefits, is encouraged due to its 
connection to believers’ prosperity. Seed sowing amounts range from GH¢50 ($3.13) 
to GH¢300 ($18.75) as of October 2024. The harvest is then followed by a testimony, 
an important segment of the healing and deliverance prayer service. The testimony 
represents thanksgiving and appreciation for God’s work, allowing the power to 
perform more of his grace and giving hope to others awaiting breakthroughs. This 
segment takes a considerable amount of time due to the number of church members 
involved. Thursday service ends with blessings of items brought by church members, 
as instructed by the Prophetess, including food, non-food items, paraphernalia and 
money.

The foregoing highlights VBPM’s prophetic identity, shaped by its spiritual focus 
which is evident in the activities, teachings and practices of the church. These 
elements together underscore how the church significantly embodies the mission of 
God within Ghanaian Pentecostal Christianity.

3. Believers Worship Centre
Now that we have explored VBPM, we turn our attention to Kyei-Duah’s Believers 
Worship Centre. Kyei-Duah describes the BWC as the “Philadelphia movement” (Rev. 
3.7–13), representing holy nationals of the biblical city of Philadelphia in present-day 
Turkey.

The BWC professes belief in the Trinity and, as a prophetic church, highlights 
healing and deliverance through Holy Spirit-inspired miracles. Kyei-Duah’s sermons 
focus on God, Satan, bewitchment, humanity’s link to evil and liberation. His teach-
ings trace God’s origin to three spiritual powerful beings who came together to form 
the Trinity: God the Father, God the Word, and God the Holy Spirit – three divine 
persons in one God. The first being’s power was in wind, the second’s in water, and 
the third’s in fire. Their union caused these elements to merge, producing a great 
explosion known as a thunderstorm. This doctrine diverges markedly from the 
conventional biblical conception of God, giving rise to contentious debates within 
Ghana’s Christian community.

Kyei-Duah teaches that Satan is the source of evil, a thief who steals human 
“glory” to corrupt lives. Those who make pacts with evil for wealth lose their souls 
to him, which are then used for demonic purposes. He adds that witches and other 



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non-Christian spirits continually attack believers’ prosperity. The indicators of being 
bewitched include any hindrance to fulfilling your divine destiny, such as always 
being “almost there” but never arriving (Gifford 2015: 116). In Ghana, witchcraft is a 
deeply rooted belief system due to the community’s ability to provide a public space 
where witchcraft is essentially recognized and, at the same time, effectively dealt 
with using ritual techniques (Gifford 2001: 324). This has both cultural and spiritual 
significance. Kyei-Duah teaches that bewitchment is real and believers must engage 
in prayer, deliverance, and the use of religious items for protection. He emphasizes 
staying “under his care” by displaying his image, which symbolizes spiritual cover-
ing—a practice now common among both BWC members and non-members. Below 
is a commonly used image of the Prophet by his followers:

Figure 2 Image of Prophet Kyei-Duah used by a local food vendor in Kumasi.

3.1 Specific characteristics
This section examines six specific characteristics of BWC – its motto, mission, vision, 
dress style, offertory practice and religious products – highlighted for their signifi-
cance among many other features.

The Believers Worship Center has as its motto “justice, mercy, honesty”. According 
to the tenets of the Believers Worship Center, the church is the final manifesta-
tion of God’s church/kingdom through his Prophet, Stephen Adom Kyei-Duah. The 
church has as its emblem a globe, Bible and dove with green leaves in the beak. 
The mission of the church is to empower believers to take complete control of their 
lives through direct worship and communication with the Lord Jesus Christ. This 



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mission has ensured that the church supervises both the spiritual and physical lives 
of its members aiming to make them worthy of being children of God and promoting 
self-dependence. According to Kyei-Duah, the church has a priority to eliminate its 
members’ over-dependence on religious leaders for solutions to problems that have 
impoverished many Christians through extortion as they seek deliverance. Related 
to the mission is the vision of attaining “true worship of God, which is in truth and 
in spirit with a mind absolutely free of association of life occurrences to witches and 
supernatural beings, and losing focus of God is eliminated from people’s mind”. This 
purpose significantly sets BWC apart from other churches.

Another trait that sets members of the BWC from their prophetic counterparts is 
their dress codes. The Church’s foundation on piety and love of God has ensured that 
members put on dresses that befit a child of God. The church prohibits wearing inde-
cent clothes (short and transparent) that instigate lust and sexual immorality among 
attendees. Women within BWC are not exposed to hair. They cover their heads as 
prescribed by Apostle Paul in 1 Corinthians 11.2–16. Again, they do not wear makeup 
or artificial and polished nails. As a model for church members, the prophet is often 
depicted wearing a long robe and a tallit (prayer shawl), which he typically covers 
his head with. Men ware not expected to wear female clothing. They adopt a dress 
code that goes far beyond worldly pleasure. The purpose is to portray Jesus Christ, 
their leader and mentor. In addition, brothers (pastors) wear white robes, similar to 
a cassock. They remain pure and dedicated to the church’s course. This has become 
paradigmatic for some young prophets and prophetic churches, contributing to 
BWC’s success in Ghana.

Beyond the believers’ mode of dressing, a notable aspect of the Church is that the 
offertory is discretionary. Members give to God based on what he has done. Offering 
boxes are placed at different places on the church premises, where members will-
ingly deposit their offerings. This happens after church service. Unlike the VBPM and 
several others, the BWC does not designate a specific day for counselling sessions for 
its members; instead, this is conducted privately.

The final distinguishing feature is the church’s range of religious products. 
Whereas religious items in Mensah’s ministry are typically self-sourced and organic, 
a distinguishing characteristic of BWC is its widely recognized, distinctive, processed, 
well-packaged and church-branded religious items. The church sells these religious 
items, including “Grace Water”, “Grace Soap”, “Grace Oil”, “Grace Powder”, “Grace 
Cream”, “Second Chance (yesu mogya – Blood of Jesus),” and “Grace Sobolo”. The yesu 
mogya (Blood of Jesus) is a mixture of natural herbs in a transparent plastic sachet 
that is to be applied to the body or taken after mixing it with water or food. This 
indicates that the content of the yesu mogya is not the actual blood of Jesus but a 
representation of it. The Prophet explained that all items work based on faith and 
righteousness. The prices of these items range from GH¢10 to GH¢30 ($0.63 –$1.88).



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Figure 3 Photo of religious items purchased by members of BWC.

The above items were purchased by the church members of the BWC. These reli-
gious items are used for spiritual and physical purposes. For instance, “Grace 
Sobolo”, which is typically sold during and after a church service, is used for healing 
purposes. Many people purchase it due to testimonies of healing from diseases such 
as diabetes, stroke, hepatitis and cancer. The “Grace Soap”, “Grace Powder” and 
“Grace Cream” are used during and after bathing for cleansing and spiritual protec-
tion. Moreover, the “Grace water” is used for blessing.

These religious items have an enormous impact on the people who purchase 
them. These effects are often seen during testimonies given by persons who have 
used any of these religious items. All the items in Figure 3 are recommended by the 
leaders of the church for whatever needs are brought by church members. However, 
a church member can decide whether to buy any of them.

3.2 church services
The Believers Worship Center offers a range of church services and activities. On 
Sundays, the most crowded Anointing and Breakthrough Service is at 10:00 am; the 
Healing, Deliverance and Prayer Service is held on Wednesdays; and the Second 
Chance and Prayer Service is on Fridays. There is also a special healing and deliver-
ance service on the last Wednesday to Friday of each month. Most of the church’s reli-
gious activities are transmitted through Second Chance Television (SCTV) and radio 
which the BWC owns. On BWC’s media platforms are two important services, the 
Sunday Live Service and and the Prayer Hour. These services are broadcast (some-
times live) on Second Chance TV, YouTube, and Facebook. The Wednesday service is 
emphasized in this section of the paper due to its significance among BWC’s religious 
services and its notable standing within the Ghanaian prophetic community.



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The Wednesday service is a prayer, healing, and deliverance service in a church 
that begins with prayers and worship led by a brother. Believers bring religious items, 
which are not intended to cure diseases or spiritual problems alone but to assist 
in praying for success and protection. The service lasts approximately 30 minutes, 
followed by a period of songs of praise that lasts 15–25 minutes.

The most extended session of the Wednesday service is the sermons, where the 
Prophet raises prayer points to remind believers of regular prophecies. The sermon 
then transitions into a healing and deliverance service, where the Prophet remains on 
his altar to cast out demons and illnesses. Kyei-Duah, an eighth-generation prophet 
with a close relationship with God, often refers to heaven as his home of origin and 
uses extra-biblical accounts to explain known passages.

The prophecy in the BWC mandates that church members purchase specific reli-
gious products for daily life protection and spiritual accomplishments. At times, the 
Prophet instructs believers to smear or spray themselves with a purchased religious 
item for renewal and deliverance from spiritual bondages. Ushers pass through 
the congregation with these tems. The session concludes with a prayer led by the 
Prophet, followed by congregants reciting the Lord’s Prayer, and the service comes 
to a close. Moreover, members are taught to give offerings based on what God has 
done for them, much as in Sunday services.

This discussion of the BWC highlights its engagement in diverse religious teach-
ings and practices that embody the contextual expression of God’s mission within 
the Ghanaian prophetic movement. Its prophetic character, among other aspects 
as observed above, reflects the contextual adaptation of God’s mission within the 
Ghanaian prophetic landscape.

4. Unity and Variation in Ghana’s Prophetic Churches
In the foregoing discussions, we have seen how events in both Mensah and Kyei- 
Duah’s ministries reveal several traits characteristic of neo-prophetism. This section 
attempts to compare the principles of these ministries, drawing attention to their 
unity and diversity. The comparison here centres on the ministries’ beliefs in the 
doctrine of the Trinity, the existence of Satan and demonic entities, and their prac-
tices of prophecy, healing, deliverance and the use of media.

In the previous discussions, we observed how both ministries hold that God is the 
unity of three persons. They believe and teach that God the Father is the creator of 
the universe and all humanity possesses power over all things, and that he saves the 
world through his son, whom the Virgin Mary conceived, died, rose on the third day 
and offered salvation through him alone. The doctrine of the Trinity not only serves 
as a central Christian affirmation of God in the VBPM and BWC. Instead, its posi-
tion echoes Udnes’ (2023: 65) argument that there may be a meaningful connection 



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between the doctrine of the Trinity and present-day Pentecostal ecclesial practices. 
A critical engagement with the doctrine of the Trinity presents current Pentecostals 
with an opportunity to shift their attention momentarily from traditional spokes-
persons, suggesting that an understanding of the Trinity as both ontologically and 
functionally relational in VBPM and BWC supports the promotion of cohesion among 
congregants.

Furthermore, teachings on the presence of Satan or evil/demonic entities reflect 
both the VBPM and BWC’s awareness of cosmic battles in which believers are contin-
ually involved. The sermons of the founders of both ministries not only highlight how 
demonic entities such as witches/wizards, marine agents, and other non-Christian 
spirits such as family deities can seize believers’ destinies and livelihoods, but also 
offer their followers strategies to break free from these forces. Methods such as the 
use of religious items, deliverances, prayers, and spiritual guidance were employed 
within the ministries. From the teachings, we see the way neo-prophetics interpret 
victory and freedom in God in terms of the subversion of evil and suffering in the 
hope of transforming believers’ destinies (Quayesi-Amakye 2015: 64). The concept 
of evil and liberation in neo-prophetism is not new to followers and founders of 
Ghanaian new prophetic churches, since it originates from (Akan) primal cosmology, 
which stresses the spiritual roots of problems.

Related to the awareness of cosmic battles, the themes of prophecy, healing, and 
deliverance feature regularly in both Mensah and Kyei-Duah’s ministries. They cover 
a sizeable portion of the ministries’ religious services. The churches share teachings 
on combating evil entities by employing rituals, such as deliverance and prayer, to 
guide followers toward spiritual liberation. To reiterate, in VBPM and BWC, prophecy 
plays a crucial role in the liberation, sustenance and overall physical and spiritual 
protection of attendees. That the prophetess and prophet are regarded as the ones 
who foretell the future, acting as a bridge between attendees and the divine realm 
is widely recognized. Prophecies in both ministries mandate that church members 
purchase specific religious products.

Further, the purchase of religious items is a common practice in Ghana’s prophe-
tism often tied to seeking miraculous solutions (cf. Omenyo & Atiemo 2006; Baëta 
1962: 3). However, there is a distinction in the religious products purchased by 
members of the ministries. While the products in BWC are church-branded and sold 
exclusively by the church, VBPM often instructs its members to obtain the items 
from external sources, and they are not branded. The main aim of the items in the 
ministries was protection and well-being. Breaking free from the shackles of satanic 
entities and familial spirits, therefore, necessitated the acquisition of different reli-
gious products. Despite this distinction, the religious products illustrate the pente-
costal message and facilitate the mission of the church which centres on evangelism, 
fellowship, discipleship and community service as expressions of God’s mission that 



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extends beyond the church to all areas of life (Manu 2025, 107; Aarde 2016: 285; 
Niemandt 2015; Bassham 1980: 57). According to Niemandt (2015: 2–3), the missional 
nature of the church provides an important clue to the relationship between a 
missional church and society.

It also emerged that the media is a powerful tool utilized by prophetic churches 
for their religious services and activities. Different religious services and activities 
are broadcast on modern and traditional media platforms owned by the ministries: 
Second-chance television and Paradise television stations. A significant feature of 
neo-Prophetism in Ghana is the use of media, often described in addition to other 
factors as a reason behind the popularity of many churches today (Manu, Sarfo & Antwi 
2023; Ibrahim 2023; Asamoah-Gyadu 2015). Both traditional and social media plat-
forms feature numerous advertisements by these prophets, inviting people to attend 
their programs and church services (Quayesi-Amakye 2013). The challenge, however, 
is that in seeking public recognition, some prophets actively pursue strategies to 
maintain a constant personal presence in the public eye. Meanwhile, this pursuit of 
self-visibility often comes at the expense of God’s mission, which is intended to chal-
lenge society with the truth. This may underscore the need to reorient the prophetic 
church leader toward the missio Dei through a renewed missional imagination.

Despite the above, one of the interesting aspects of the use of contemporary 
media by BWC and VBPM is that its impact extends far beyond the confines of Pente-
costal Christianity. A key observation is that the missions of VBPM and BWC align 
in their efforts to transform followers through the media. Both ministries actively 
utilise media to expand their influence, employing television and social platforms to 
popularize prophetic Christianity. Thus, the use of the platforms to broadcast reli-
gious activities has become a major tool in the rise and popularity of VBPM and BWC. 
Today, Ghana’s prophetic mission has become a familiar aspect of Christian culture 
that permeates non-Christian homes, mainly due to the influence of the media (de 
Witte 2018; de Witte 2012; Asamoah-Gyadu 2005). The increasing mediation that 
has occurred in Ghana’s prophetic arena has played a significant missional role by 
serving as a vital tool in expanding God’s kingdom and fulfilling the church’s mission. 
In the wake of this growth, it is also inappropriate to overlook contentions that 
ensue during mass mediation forms in the Ghanaian neo-prophetic religious scene. 
These paradoxical dynamics have shaped Ghana’s neo-Pentecostal Christianity and 
the practice of mass mediation, which play a central role in designing the religious 
public sphere (Benyah 2018; Meyer 2005: 294; Hackett 1998). A crucial insight is that 
prophetic church-media relations support the church’s primary mission as outlined 
in the Great Commission. Through media engagement, these churches similarly 
extend their reach and reinforce their spiritual influence.



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5. Conclusion
This article has examined the unity and diversity among one of Africa’s strands of 
Pentecostal Christianity: prophetic churches. It has discussed the beliefs, teachings, 
practices, and organizational structures of the Vida Bethel Prayer Ministry and the 
Believers Worship Centre, highlighting the unity and diversity between them.

The paper’s exploration of unity and diversity holds significance not only for 
Ghana but also for global Pentecostal Christianity. Within Ghanaian Pentecostalism, 
such comparisons help illuminate the unique characteristics of each prophetic 
church by highlighting both their oneness and differences. This leads to a deeper 
understanding of the faith, reveals emerging trends, encourages engagement with 
diverse Pentecostal perspectives, and fosters coexistence. Similarly, comparing the 
prophetic churches in the global Pentecostal context helps appreciate the diver-
sity of tradition, worship style, doctrines and governance. Given that the Christian 
Church, unified by the core belief in Jesus Christ and deeply divided along denomi-
national lines (cf. Youvan 2024: 1), comparing VBPM and BWC is essential for global 
theological insight, encouraging growth, and understanding how the gospel is lived 
out across contexts.

Notably, the study demonstrates that grouping VBPM and BWC under the cate-
gory of prophetic highlights a sense of oneness. At the same time, a key contribution 
of the research lies in its exploration of gender leadership within Ghana’s prophetic 
Christianity, where female-led ministries remain relatively few. While traditionally 
male-dominated, contemporary prophetic churches are witnessing women’s emer-
gence as pastors and prophetesses, often pioneering new ministries and engaging in 
community service. Nevertheless, challenges remain in attaining full gender equality 
within church structures. This gender disparity highlights an important yet often 
overlooked dimension of prophetic Christianity that this paper has examined.

Beyond gender disparity, their internal organizational structures also reveal 
important oneness. Both churches operate within hierarchical frameworks led by 
their founders, with BWC additionally incorporating roles such as secretaries and 
treasurers. While prophetic churches share core elements, they also exhibit notable 
diversity in practice and organizational structure, challenging the assumption of 
uniformity within the movement. Diversity also exists in members varied experi-
ences and expressions of a shared core belief. This supports the view that distinct 
Ghanaian prophetic churches preserve their unique identities while simultaneously 
contributing to the broader Pentecostal movement. This reflects the view that, within 
major religions, different denominations function in a complementary relationship 
(Kalin 2011: 473).



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Note
“Sobolo” is the name of a local juice made from dried hibiscus plant.

Acknowledgements
The author extends gratitude to the leaders and ordinary members of the VBPM 
and BWC for their responses to this work. My sincerest gratitude goes to Rev. Fr. 
Prof. John K. Opoku, Prof. Victor Selorm Gedzi, and Rev. Fr. Prof. Emmanuel Kojo 
Ennin Antwi, who supervised my PhD thesis, from which this article was developed. 
I extend my heartfelt gratitude to Rev. Dr. Michael F. Wandusim of the Centre for 
Religion and Modernity, Universität Münster, for his valuable feedback on this study.

About the Author
Eric Manu is a lecturer in the Department of Religion and Human Development at the 
Kwame Nkrumah University of Science and Technology (KNUST), Ghana. He holds a 
PhD in Religious Studies, with his doctoral research examining the impact of Ghana’s 
neo-prophetic Christianity. His scholarly interests include the history, mission, and 
future of Pentecostal Christianity; the influence of Pentecostalism on individuals and 
communities; and the intersections of African Pentecostalism and development. His 
recent work explores neo-Pentecostal approaches to healthcare and poverty reduc-
tion in Ghana. ORCID: 0009-0001-0935-2868. Contact: emanu.cass@knust.edu.gh

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