




































Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal 3 (2): 169–178, July 2020 

 
SPECIAL SECTION: New Epistemologies of Water in India  
 

Hydrocultural Histories and Narratives: Insights from 
the Sundarbans 
 

Amrita DasGupta   
 

To put water at the heart of the narrative is to demand that we adopt a more 
flexible conception of space 

Unruly Waters: How Mountain Rivers and Monsoons Have Shaped South Asia’s History 
(Sunil Amrith 2018, 9) 

 
Abstract: This article focuses on water-centric quotidian-actualities by bringing to 
the fore collected oral histories from the field and their relation to the local 

religious literature—Bonbibi’r Johuranama, Raimangal, Manasa Mangal. When asked 

about the water history of the region, the narratives of the locals reflect the desire 
to shift the attention from terrestrial–aquatic tyranny to climatic despotism. To put 
this into perspective, the islanders, at present, are conscious about how climate 
change holistically affects their deltaic ecosystem. The realization does not stop the 
community from engaging in age-old religious practices that have acquired habitual 
existence in the lower Bengal delta. This provides an entry point to a new cultural 
system re-centred on historical imaginations and novel spatialities, which in every 
aspect is exemplary for contemporary policy-makers. 

Keywords: Hydroculture, Water, Culture, Bonbibi, Sunderbans 

 

1. INTRODUCTION 

From cultural and political transitions, modern history has shifted its focus 
to water, owing to the escalation of the irrecoverable existential threats 
induced by climate change (Amrith 2018). The literature on agrarian history 

                                                           
 Independent Researcher, 19/A Devinibash Road, Dum Dum, Kolkata-700074, West 
Bengal, India; amritadasgupta58@gmail.com.  

Copyright © Dasgupta 2020. Released under Creative Commons Attribution-
NonCommercial 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC 4.0) by the author.  

Published by Indian Society for Ecological Economics (INSEE), c/o Institute of Economic 
Growth, University Enclave, North Campus, Delhi 110007.  

ISSN: 2581-6152 (print); 2581-6101 (web). 

DOI: https://doi.org/10.37773/ees.v3i2.232  

https://doi.org/10.37773/ees.v3i2.232


Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [170] 

from the 1970s and 1980s is strewn with studies on irrigation, as harnessing 
water was the main concern for Indian society then (Chaudhuri 1970; 
Stokes 1978; Stone 1979; Bose 1986; Kaiwar 1992). The age-old presence of 
step-wells in Rajasthan, Gujarat, and Delhi, followed by the modern 
construction of dams in South India, bear testimony to the historic 
preoccupation in agriculturally motivated India with finding methods to 
battle water depletion and disappearance. The pursuit and belief in the 
security of water for agricultural purposes in delta regions, supported by the 
idea of India as a repository of the monsoon, propelled people to migrate to 
deltas from the latter half of the twentieth century, particularly in the face 
of accelerating poverty and inequality. However, the growing potential of 
water to shape national history and rural communities was largely neglected 
after the 1990s till the first half of the twenty-first century, as most 
historians shifted their focus to water’s effect on urban culture. It should 
have been otherwise, as India is primarily agriculture-dependent. 

The landscapes of South Asia and the development of its urban centres are 
influenced by water. This is best illustrated in the religious values of the bay 
dwellers. In the Sundarbans, water acts as a social leveller that benefits and 
impairs all its inhabitants equally. Religious practices centred on water in 
different communities, through the divine personification of the same as 
gods (Poseidon, Greek mythology) and goddesses (Ganga, Indian 
mythology), have not only assigned undying importance to the element but 
have also facilitated recent legal developments that have enshrined the 
importance of water. Some recent examples include the National Water 
Framework Bill (2016), which calls for the rejuvenation of river systems 
through local community participation and the inclusion of rainwater 
harvesting in new urban constructions under the Kerala Municipality 
Building Rules, 1999 (amended 2004). 

Evidently, religious practices are influential enough to propel the crafting of 
policies that not only protect these community practices but also draw from 
them to institute water security measures at scale. This paper, drawing on 
empirical insights from the Sundarbans, examines the importance of water 
in sustaining a community and how the local inhabitants religiously revere 
it. 

 

2. WATER IN MANGROVE RELIGIONS AND RITUALS: 
ENMESHED HUMAN–NON-HUMAN REALITIES 

The study focuses on the region’s history after Partition (1947), which 
resulted in the geopolitical remapping of India. New borders dissecting 
rivers, created based on bureaucratic ratiocination of the environment, have 



[171] Amrita DasGupta 

resulted in mismanagement of disasters caused by cyclonic storms, flooding, 
heat stress, and sea-level rise. These incidents have led to a shift in the focus 
of modern history to the evaluation of natural uncertainties in the coastal 
region (Amrith 2018). Subsequently, it becomes imperative that 
policymaking is informed by the reimagining of the philosophy behind the 
cultural, religious, and eco-centric imaginations of water-dependent forest 
inhabitants. Thus, this paper aims to bring to the fore the quotidian realities 
of the Sundarban islanders in relation to the life lived in and around water. 
A study of religious dictates and folklores associated with the people of the 
Bhatir Desh (land of ebb and tides) will facilitate the endeavour. 

For the specific case that this paper makes, it is imperative to mention that 
the gods and goddesses of the Sundarbans are believed to preside over the 
forests, its resources, and the animals of the region. Religious narratives 
include norms associated with divine appeasement through austerity and 
death rituals. The islanders also practise certain religious rituals they believe 
will protect their livelihood. Given the geographical location of the 
Sundarbans, the islanders depend on the forests and rivers for survival. The 
salinity of the water renders the land unfit for cultivation. Thus, they have 
to penetrate the forest to secure wood, wax, and fruits, bearing in mind the 
risk of attacks by wild animals—mostly the tiger. In the river, they may 
encounter crocodiles and snakes. The evolution of a syncretic religion in 
this reserve forest is driven by an all-encompassing fear of life loss related 
to specific animals, which naturally induces the prominence of the worship 
of inferior Bengal goddesses who exclusively have control over the actions 
of these animals. This explains the psychological dependence of the 
islanders on lesser deities—Bonbibi, Dakhin Rai, Kalu Ray, Manasa, and 
Makal Thakur. This paper examines their divine alliance with forest 
animals—tigers, crocodiles, snakes, and fish. Despite belonging to the 
pantheon of inferior gods, the actions people take to seek their blessings 
follow bhodrolok1 Hindu procedures. 

2.1. The mythologies of Bonbibi and water 

Bonbibi, or the tiger goddess, is worshipped by all those who use the forest 
resources of the Sundarbans (Figure 1). Her worship is most widespread in 
the atharo bhatir desh (land of the 18 ebb tides). However, there has been a 
systematic shift towards worshipping Kali (the Hindu female goddess of 

                                                           
1 Pertaining to the Hindu upper/middle class identity, bhodrolok translates to ―gentleman.‖ 
The idea came into existence between 1757 and 1947, along with the rise of British Raj in 
India. It was used to refer to any person who has wealth and polished (mostly English-like) 
manners. This segment of colonized society zealously exhibited their religious practices and 
ultimately normalized it within the public sphere. 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [172] 

Figure 1: Bonbibi 

 

Source: Author, 25 January 2018 

Figure 2: Glimpse of the preparatory stages of fishing in Bakkhali, West Bengal 

 

Source: Author, 26 May 2017 

prowess; the destroyer of evil forces) by prawn seed collectors, as the 
community believes the occupation to be deadly because of its symbolic 
association with the rage of Kali (Jalais 2010). The risks of working in water 
are immense as compared to that of working on land in this region; 
camouflaged and submerged crocodiles can attack without warning. The 
worship of Kali can also be attributed to urban encroachment in the delta. 
Unlike the mohule (those who work in 
the forest), prawn seed collectors are all 
women, who perceive the water as not 
only their source of livelihood but also 
metaphorically as a temple. The 
islanders believe that the attacks on 
land and sea are punishments from the 
resident goddess, Bonbibi, who 
mandates the loss of life of anyone who 
consumes forest resources out of greed. 
Therefore, while wading through the 
river, these women immerse their 
hands in the water and, with devotion, 
evoke the mercy of their benevolent 
mother. They sing no specific chants. 
Their devotion stems from the 
spontaneous desire for a good catch 
and security of life.  

Gender equations become important 
here. Although women are allowed to 
be the occupational partners of their 
husbands, these same women are denied access to fishing boats once they 
are widowed. The same thing happens with the prawn seed collectors; once 
widowed, they are restricted from entering their occupational temple, in an  



[173] Amrita DasGupta 

Figure 3: Bidyadhari, the performative sphere of 
Ganga worship adjoining the Ganga temple in 
Ashrom Ferry ghat 

 

Source: Author, 28 August 2018 

androcentric ostracization based on Hindu laws. The water, though not a 
part of the rituals except for being housed in the mangalghat (a ritual urn) to 
assure the wellness of worshippers, assumes layers of meanings in the daily 
lives of islanders (Figure 2). 

2.2. Representing the realms of forests and water through empirical 
information 

At the Ashrom ferry ghat (Gosaba), from where the boats leave for Bali 
Island, there stands a temple of Mother Ganga. Locals2 recounted the need 
to rebuild the temple just after Cyclone Aila (2009), when the land was 
engulfed by the sea, embankments were broken, and habitats were ruined 
by the rising sea level. No amount of blowing of conch shells could calm 
the anarchic sea. The main purohit (priest) of the temple mentioned the need 
to provide alms to the water goddess occasionally, to keep her calm. The 
women of Gosaba are often seen setting lamps and fruit afloat on banana 
leaves at the ferry ghats (Figure 3). Here, we often find the families of 
fishers engrossed in prayers, pleading to the mother to be compassionate to 
their breadwinners in the open delta. Thus, the inherent fright of the 
animal-fearing community of the river compels scrutiny of the mythical tri-
party relationship between Ganga, Parvati, and Manasa (Hindu female 
goddesses), as described in the Manasa Mangal Kavya.3 

Manasa, the snake 
goddess, was not allowed 
to enter heaven; the 
Manasa Mangal recounts 
her promotion to a 
greater goddess from 
being a folk deity. On 
achieving greatness, she 
performed a myriad of 
miracles in several places, 
including the 
Sundarbans. Parvati 
always hated Manasa, as 
she believed that her 
husband was sexually 
interested in Manasa. On 

                                                           
2 Based on interview in Dulki Sunderbans on 25 January 2018. 
3 The oldest of all, Mangal Kavyas recounts the initiation and spread of the snake goddess’ 
worship in Bengal by the conversion of a devotee of Lord Shiva into a devotee of Manasa, 
the snake goddess. 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [174] 

the contrary, Manasa was like a daughter to Parvati’s husband. Ganga tried 
her best to make Parvati understand the father–daughter relation that 
Mahadev and Manasa shared, but to her dismay, nothing helped. This 
familial discontentment compelled Ganga to take pity on Manasa and 
support her through the struggle. Therefore, the islanders worship the 
snake goddess to avoid snakebites, and, in the process, they also please 
Mother Ganga. 

Specific death rituals were performed for those who died from snakebites in 
the region, to maintain the social order of the Sundarbans (obscure). The 
dead body of the snakebite victim was supposed to be set afloat on a 
bamboo raft, and the widow was to accompany her dead husband. During 
the journey, the widow was expected to chant the glory of the snake 
goddess and Ganga so that the river remains calm and the widow 
successfully reaches her destination. Mythologically, the destination was 
heaven and the journey was undertaken by behula—a woman determined to 
please Mahadev in order to restore her husband’s life. Here, the water is 
personified as the goddess; when angry, she can devastate all that is around 
her but, when satisfied, is the best ally. 

According to the scriptures, Bhagiratha brought River Ganga to earth from 
the heavens. On ascending to the throne of the Sagara Dynasty, he became 
aware of the miseries of his forefathers, who burned in the fires of hell. To 
repent for the mistakes of his ancestors, Bhagiratha left his kingly 
responsibilities to embrace a life of austerity in the mountains. On the 
advice of his guru, Trithala, he aimed to satisfy Ganga through his penance. 
Ganga, as the myth proceeds, is capable of washing away the mortal sins of 
humans, and only she could offer salvation to Bhagiratha’s forefathers from 
the curse of saint Kapila. It required the purgation of the soul by an 
offering of water by the son to his forefathers—ritualistically, this is called 
tarpana—and niravapanjali or the ceremonious immersion of the ashes in the 
holy water after cremation. The tradition still continues in Hindu death rites 
(sraddha), where water plays an important role; it cleanses the soul of 
impurities and prepares it for birth after the successful completion of pind 
daan (offering of food and water to dead forefathers). The Sundarbans, as a 
part of the larger Bengali culture, adheres to these age-old death rituals. 
Concurrently, the pilgrimage to Sagar Island during Makar Sankranti4 is 
important. The island is situated on the continental shelf of the Bay of 
Bengal; it is a place for Hindu pilgrimage. Every year, on the day of Makar 

                                                           
4 Makar Sankranti celebrates the transition of the sun (Hindu god, Surya) into Capricorn 
(Makara). Hindus rejoice on this day to mark the beginning of longer days and the end of the 
month of the winter solstice. 



[175] Amrita DasGupta 

Figure 4: Bonbibi with Dukhey in her lap 

 

Source: Author (25 January 2018) 

Figure 5: Dakhin Rai 

 

Source: Author (25 January 2018) 

Sankranti (in the middle of January), thousands of pilgrims gather to enjoy a 
holy dip in the confluence of the Ganga, Brahmaputra, and Meghna, 
followed by a trip to the adjoining Kapil Muni Temple. Although this is a 
festival for the sun god, Surya Dev (sun god) accepts no offerings and 
prayers until the people take a dip in the sangam (where the river meets the 
sea) to cleanse themselves of mortal evils. 

Local scriptures, such as Bonbibi’r Johuranama (The Miracles of Bonbibi) and 
the Raimangal, shed light on the distribution of forest resources. After 
saving Dukhey from the monstrous Dakhin Rai, Bonbibi commanded that 
forest resources should be distributed equally among the animals and 
humans in the presence of Barkhan Gazi5 (Figures 4 and 5). The shape-
shifting tiger Dakhin Rai protects forest produce like honey and wood from 
human consumption, but there is no reference to the riverine commons, 
which testifies to how the scripture refers to forest resources as land 
resources. This leaves the readers wondering how water resources are to be 
shared and whose refuge is to be sought when dealing with resources from 
the water. Nevertheless, the islanders pray to Kalu Ray and Makal Thakur 

                                                           
5 Bonbibi’r Johuranama (The Miracles of Bonbibi) tells the tale of the birth of Bonbibi and her 
brother Shah Jongoli and their winning over of the Sundarbans. They were sent to the 
Sundarbans by Allah to save its people from the villainous tiger, Dakshin Rai, who could 
take human form. He would take the lives of the people who came searching for wood, 
food, wax, or honey in the Sundarbans. Dukhey was given as sacrifice to Dakhin Rai in lieu 
of the resources garnered by his uncle from Rai’s forests. Dukhey, scared by his fate, sought 
the security of the forest goddess. Bonbibi waged a war against Rai and ultimately won. 
Barkhan Gazi, a resident of the forest (now remembered as a pious saint), requested Bonbibi 
to spare Rai’s life and establish order in the forest. She did as she was requested by equally 
dividing the forest resources among the animals and forest dwellers. 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [176] 

to resolve issues relating to crocodiles and varieties of fish—the most 
significant non-human inhabitants of the sea. Raimangal aptly underscores 
that forest resources are mainly considered inland resources. Dakhin Rai 
hankers to protect his resources and demands human sacrifices in exchange 
for wax and honey taken from his forest:  

Yabat na daya more narabali puja (So long as human sacrifice is not offered to me) 

Nahi diba mon-modhu- dekhaiba moja (I will not give you wax or honey; I will have 
fun) 

Jodi tumi narabali puja para dita (If you are successful in offering me a human 
sacrifice) 

Sat dinga mom diba tomar dalite (I will give you seven boatloads of wax)6(Das et al. 
1980, 86). 

Water and sand are integral to the belief system relating to animal exorcism 
in the area. Animal exorcism is facilitated by fakirs (tiger-charmers). 
Woodcutters, honey gatherers, and wax collectors are advised not to enter 
the forest without their fakirs. The fakir is believed to have the power to 
disperse tigers and to prevent life-threatening attacks. Faith in the fakir is so 
strong that he is believed to have command over crocodiles, control over 
the level of seawater, and the power to prevent animal attacks even when 
the attackers are close to the mouth of the river. No work commences in 
the forest until the fakir has recited his charms and incantations and 
performed the ceremonial act of drawing lines with mud (a mixture of water 
and sand) for the dispersal of all dangerous animals. When the woodcutters 
start their work, the fakirs sit on anchored boats and chant; there is the 
imminent possibility of the occurrence of a fluvial catastrophe if the chant 
fails: 

In the name of my brothers Hingli, Bingli and Mangala, and the horses of 
Ghazi Saheb, also in the name of Barkat (God). O mother Kameswari, thou art 
uppermost in my mind. I have put Azrael, the rider, on the backs of the tigers 
and tigresses of this jungle. Go eastward, thou of colour of fire; go eastward or 
westward, go to the right-about, I command thee, and feed thyself by killing 
deer and pig. If this my charm fails, may the top-knot of Mahadeva fall at the 
feet of Kali. (O’Malley 1908, 62–63) 

In the Sundarbans, there are two types of boat rituals that use water. These 
rituals can be broadly classified as business-centric and women-centric 
(Naskar 2017). To secure the expansion of the family business and the 
health of their husbands at sea, the women of the islands perform the rites 
of bhora bhashan. For this, 17 types of leaves tied together by a red thread 
and 17 types of fruits are offered to the river goddess. The day after the 

                                                           
6 English translation by the author. 



[177] Amrita DasGupta 

worship, all these items are submerged in the river as a token of thanks for 
the blessings of the goddess. The same ritual is repeated every Tuesday, 
which is evident from its name, joy mongolbar (mongol is the Bengali word for 
Tuesday). 

The women-centric boat rituals are elaborate. The river water becomes the 
foundation of the boat-temple. As the idol of Sashti is enshrined within the 
boat, the vessel itself becomes a temple. This simply means that the women 
of the household turn the boats of their husbands into temples by placing 
the idol of Goddess Sashti in them. They perform rites to invoke her 
benevolence and seek divine empowerment in an attempt to safeguard the 
lives of their husbands at sea. It is necessary to understand that a riverine 
community includes water in every survival strategy—these are 
occupational and god-fearing observances. 

 

3. HYDROCULTURAL REALITIES DEFINING EVERYDAY 
LIVES: CONCLUSIONS 

Given the dangers surrounding the inhabitants of the Sundarbans, their 
psychological serenity is ensured by their faith in dedicated ritualistic 
practices. Hence, water is not only salient because of its importance for 
their occupational identity, but it is also crucial to their geographic and 
personal identities. The people not only share a fear-based relationship with 
the environment but also nurture a friendly attitude towards it. Their ideas 
of submission to nature and of seeking its benevolence are rooted in their 
fear of dying. The sources of danger constitute a recurrent theme in 
religious texts and quotidian practices. Water has the same ritualistic 
importance in all religions practised in the region, as it is the absolver of sin. 
Owing to this preconceived idea of how water can dissolve one’s sins, the 
islanders equate it to a means of forgiveness, in addition to depending on it 
for survival. Water assumes the omnipotent position of the gods and 
goddesses of the Sundarbans, manifesting the strong syncretism prevalent 
in the region. 

 

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 

I am particularly grateful for the advice provided by Dr. Jenia Mukherjee 
during the funded summer school at Chilika (2018) conducted by the 
University of Waterloo, Canada, in collaboration with the Rekhi Centre of 
Excellence for the Science of Happiness, Indian Institute of Technology, 
Kharagpur. Her assistance in keeping the progress of the paper on schedule 
is much appreciated. 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [178] 

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