







































Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal 5 (2): 107-117, July 2022 

INSIGHTS FROM THE FIELD 

Agroecological Impacts of Urban Demand for Fresh 
Vegetables: Preliminary Insights from Exploratory 
Surveys in Bengaluru 

Seema Purushothaman, Vidya Puttur Sadashiva, Dhanush K M  
 

1. BENGALURU AS A MARKET FOR FRESH PRODUCE  

A historical trading hub in South India during the reign of the Madras 
Presidency and the princely state of Mysore, Bengaluru continued to grow 
into a metropolitan city in independent India. State-driven industrialization 
during the 1960s and 70s made it a popular destination for diverse 
socioeconomic classes. The establishment and growth of the information 
and communication and biotechnology industries from the early 1990s 
onwards extended its popularity further (Nair 2005).  

The middle-income classes—important constituents of these urbanization 
waves—drove the demand for a year-round supply of various fresh farm 
produces, aided by salubrious weather that had made Bengaluru well known 
for vineyards. This convergence of the demand and supply of fresh farm 
produce triggered investment in private and public horticultural initiatives 
in and around Bengaluru (Ravi et al. 1995), including research institutions. 
The emergence of corporate players and international supply chains 

 
 Professor, School of Development, Azim Premji University, Survey No 66, Burugunte 
Village, Bikkanahalli Main Road, Sarjapura, Bangalore – 562125; 
seema.purushothaman@apu.edu.in.  

 Research Fellow, School of Development, Azim Premji University, Survey No 66, 
Burugunte Village, Bikkanahalli Main Road, Sarjapura, Bangalore – 562125; 
vidya.s15@apu.edu.in.  

 Research Fellow, School of Development, Azim Premji University, Survey No 66, 
Burugunte Village, Bikkanahalli Main Road, Sarjapura, Bangalore – 562125; 
dhanush.km@apu.edu.in.  

Copyright © Purushothaman, Sadashiva and K.M. 2022. Released under Creative Commons 

Attribution © NonCommercial 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC 4.0) by the author.  

Published by Indian Society for Ecological Economics (INSEE), c/o Institute of  Economic 
Growth, University Enclave, North Campus, Delhi 110007.  

ISSN: 2581–6152 (print); 2581–6101 (web).  

DOI: TBA 

mailto:seema.purushothaman@apu.edu.in
mailto:vidya.s15@apu.edu.in
mailto:dhanush.km@apu.edu.in


 Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [108] 

 

augmented the diversity of choices, price ranges, and buying ambience for 
fruit and vegetable commerce in Bengaluru (Ramachandra and Rani 2013; 
Vishnu and Kumar 2019).  

Bengaluru’s appetite for fresh farm produce is reflected in the existence of 
old and well-known markets, such as KR market, established in the early 
twentieth century; the Agricultural Produces Marketing Committee yards 
dedicated to fresh produce, such as Yeshwantpur and Singena Agrahara; 
weekly farmers’ markets across the city, and Raithara Santhe in Yelahanka. 
In these markets, fresh produce—except for fruits like oranges and 
apples—is supplied mainly by farming communities in the city peripheries 
within the state of Karnataka—such as Anekal, Magadi, Hoskote, and 
Doddballapura taluks—and the neighbouring states of Tamil Nadu, Kerala, 
and Andhra Pradesh. In response to the increasing demand for farm 
produce, intensive production techniques, such as polyhouse vertical 
farming, hydroponics, and polymer farming are emerging in the peripheries 
of this metropolis.   

Different modes of urbanization and expansion around the city of 
Bengaluru are known to have differential impacts on the agroecology of its 
peripheries (Patil et al. 2018; Purushothaman and Patil 2019). The increasing 
clamour for processed food and a boom in food joints (Karanth 2017) have 
obvious links to the dynamism in the city’s food system. Just as the quantity 
and diversity of the agricultural produce consumed by Bengaluru have made 
the city a horticultural hub, the agricultural land around it has started to 
shrink. Studies reveal the repercussions of cities usurping farmlands and 
polluting water bodies on the lives and livelihoods of peri-urban small 
farmers (Purushothaman et al. 2021a, Purushothaman et al. 2021c). Even the 
demand for ornamental plants for urban landscaping is known to impact 
peri-urban production systems (Jaganmohan et al. 2012; Purushothaman et 
al. 2021b). 

Changing demands in the fresh produce market require farmers located in 
the market catchment of cities to produce certain commodities, as most 
fresh produce is typically sourced from adjacent agricultural areas. Farmers 
in the neighbourhood choose their crops, varieties, inputs, and agronomic 
practices in response to these demand signals. This nexus between 
Bengaluru’s food economy and consumer culture, the farming patterns in 
its peripheries, and the small family farms feeding the city (for a 
characterization of family farms, see Purushothaman 2019) needs detailed 
exploration. Bengaluru is projected to add 11.9 million more people and 
251 villages to the metropolitan area by 2030 (BDA 2017), further 
reinforcing this need.  



[109] Seema Purushothaman, Vidya Puttur Sadashiva and Dhanush K M 

 
 

 

This essay is an account of the initial insights from the first round of 
primary surveys conducted between September and December 2021 to 
understand how urban consumers’ demand for perishable agricultural 
produce is changing in Bengaluru, and how such changes may impact peri-
urban areas. These surveys will help us design the next phase, which will 
focus on the impact on the peri-urban agroecology and livelihoods. 
  

2. DATA ON RETAIL BUYING AND SELLING OF FRESH 
PRODUCE  

The city’s consumers of vegetables and fruits include resident households, 
its considerable floating population, food processing firms, and 
mushrooming food joints of various kinds. Its retail market space for fresh 
produce consists of supermarket chains, small traders, co-operatives, online 
stores, street vendors, and pushcart hawkers. 

We designed the field survey for this study to focus on fresh vegetables 
supplied from peri-urban areas, covering Bengaluru’s rural district and the 
rural parts of Bengaluru district. This focus, along with the eventual 
objective of connecting urban consumers and producers for informed 
interactions in the next phase, made it necessary to choose marketing 
spaces that facilitate the identification of peri-urban producers and urban 
consumers.  

Observations during our exploratory visits to various retail sellers of 
vegetables indicated the following:  a) different types of retailers cater to 
different income groups located in different parts of the city; and b) there 
are two broad categories of fresh produce sold—vegetables that are 
common ingredients in the local cuisine and high-value exotic produce.  

Based on these observations, we categorized retail stores in the city into 
premium stores, mid-range stores, and affordable markets, according to 
their customer base. We shortlisted two retail chains catering to each of the 
three categories of consumers—low, middle, and high income—for 
customer surveys. We targeted select stores of retail supermarket chains, 
online retailers, and unorganized sellers.   

Sales data on fresh produce in organized retail stores are managed centrally 
in their respective corporate head offices. The store managers of these retail 
chains either refused to entertain us or directed us to their corporate offices 
in Bengaluru or Mumbai. This made data on the urban food–agriculture 
nexus mostly inaccessible. Wherever sales data was accessible, it was not 



 Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [110] 

 

organized or digitized. Only the state-wide co-operative chain, HOPCOMS 
(Horticultural Producers’ Cooperative Processing and Marketing Society), 
was open to sharing sales data on fresh produce. Thus, our strategy in the 
current phase was to seek informed consent from customers coming out of 
stores after buying fresh produce so that we could interview them using a 
short survey. Thus, we conducted brief interviews with 34 willing customers 
outside six stores of retail chains catering to three income categories.  

Next, we interviewed unorganized sellers, like street vendors and cart 
pullers, in nine neighbourhoods spread over three localities, catering to 
households from various income categories. In this very widespread 
retailing segment, bookkeeping was non-existent. The third step in data 
collection was an online survey circulated among our personal networks in 
Bengaluru. This yielded 43 responses from the three income categories. 
Thus, altogether, there was a purposive sample of 86 consumer responses 
to analyse. We summarize specific conclusions from the surveys conducted 
among the retailers and consumers in the next two sections. 

 

3. VEGETABLE RETAILING IN BENGALURU  

Premium stores selling vegetables and catering to high-income households 
were located in the core of the city. HOPCOMS and large supermarkets 
belonged to the mid-range retail segment, though the latter also catered to 
low-income groups. Accessible and affordable by all, the smaller 
supermarkets, neighbourhood stores, and street vendors were absent in the 
centre of the city. Both high- and middle-income customers relied partially 
but regularly on online purchases, especially after July 2020. This was a 
Covid-induced shift, with most retailers entering the electronic market 
space. Before the COVID-19 pandemic, fewer options existed for the 
online purchase of vegetables, especially for low- and middle-income 
groups. 

All organized retail chains procure vegetables through their collection 
centres (CC) located in peri-urban farming areas. Farmers and CCs enter 
buy-back contracts that enforce pre- and post-harvest conditions. Such 
grading and packaging standards deter many small farmers from entering 
into these contracts or make them reliant on middlemen even after doing 
so. Small retailers either directly procure produce from farmers or farmers’ 
collectives, or they get supplies from wholesale markets. Most street 
hawkers get their supplies from wholesale markets, except for a few whom 
we met in the outskirts of the city, who were directly connecting with 
farmers and consumers in the second half of 2020, during the lockdown of 
markets and transport.  



[111] Seema Purushothaman, Vidya Puttur Sadashiva and Dhanush K M 

 
 

 

Some online marketplaces announce their catchment areas for vegetable 
procurement, including farmers’ collectives. These are generally self-
declared sources of “safe/chemical-free/sustainable/organic” vegetables 
and fruits. Only a few hawkers, small stores, and some online suppliers 
verify the source of the vegetables they sell and the agronomic practices 
followed in their cultivation.  

 

4. TRANSITION IN FRESH PRODUCE DEMAND AMONG 
BANGALOREANS 

Accurately estimating the quantities demanded by the city was infeasible 
due to the data issues we mentioned earlier. The data from HOPCOMS 
show that nearly 9,150 tonnes of fresh vegetables were sold in the city in 
2020–21 through its 280 outlets, some mobile stores, and its recently 
launched online marketing platform. The sale of exotic produce by 
HOPCOMS has been steadily increasing, from around 18 tonnes in 2014–
15 to 40 tonnes in 2020–21.  

The increasing demand for fresh produce in Bengaluru has been attributed 
to the increasing population, incomes, and the changing consumption 
patterns of its rich and middle-income citizenry (Surie and Sami 2017). 
Food consumption is also influenced by exposure to various cuisines, food-
related advertisements, the composition of households, and the cultural and 
ecological features of a region and its long-term resident communities.  

Customers visiting premium stores in Bengaluru look for exotic produce 
for gourmet cooking. Their food preferences are driven by global exposure, 
a penchant for appealing colours and freshness, and safety and nutritional 
concerns. The most commonly bought premium vegetables are broccoli, 
lettuce, cherry tomatoes, and coloured bell peppers. These vegetables, 
popular among widely travelled Bangaloreans, are now spearheading a 
notable trend in the culinary culture of the city.   

Consumers in the middle-income bracket mostly bought vegetables that 
matched their culturally embedded diet patterns. Within the middle-income 
households that have been keeping their food traditions alive, we also 
observed young professionals who enjoy exotic vegetables. But they kept a 
close watch on price trends in various retail chains. We found that their 
established food habits, especially those around fresh produce, were 
embedded in the agroecological features of their surroundings.  

 



 Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [112] 

 

Figure 1: Increasing Shelf Space Occupied by Exotic Veggies in Supermarkets 
Located in High-income Localities 

 

Source: Authors  

The literature shows how the local food culture was built over time based 
on the agroecological features of the city’s surroundings. For instance, 
Seshadri et al. (2018) discuss how both the established local food tradition, 
and the cropping systems around Bengaluru, integrated finger millet 
(Eleusine coracana) as a staple grain and legumes like pigeon peas (Cajanus 
cajan) and Dolichos beans (Dolichos lablab) as sources of protein (Varshney, 
2020). Studies show that even while consumption pattern transitions are 
driven mainly by middle-class preferences, the notion of culture, freshness, 
and traditional food is important to a large section of the city’s population 
(Ganguly 2017; Sahakian et al. 2018). 

Nutrition is emerging as a new consideration in addition to these slowly 
changing food preferences of middle-class urbanites. Respondents 
mentioned how their buying of kiwi fruit and ginger increased with the 
spread of dengue fever and Covid respectively in the city (Yousefian et al. 
2021; Shrinivasa 2015; Ashni 2021).   

For low-income families (defined as those above the poverty line with one 
family member working in a salaried, informal-sector job), the price of fresh 
produce was the determining factor. This constituency does not seem too 
particular about food cultures or nutritional benefits. Over time, as retail 
chains started selling at cheaper rates, they moved from vegetable-cart 
pullers to large supermarkets. When it comes to cooked food, many low-
income families are increasingly relying on mobile street food sellers.  

 



[113] Seema Purushothaman, Vidya Puttur Sadashiva and Dhanush K M 

 
 

 

 

Figure 2: Wayside Vegetable Stalls in a Middle-income Locality 

 

         Source: Authors 

Overall, Bengaluru’s established preference for fresh produce is being 
reinforced in certain ways—for instance, its demand for leafy vegetables is 
persistent throughout the year (Prabha et al. 2009). Meanwhile, Bengaluru is 
also charting new trends in other ways—for example, the rising demand for 
exotic and organic vegetables (Nandi et al. 2017). We found consumers who 
sought information on the origins and quality (in terms of food safety and 
nutritional value) of these vegetables only in the markets that claimed to sell 
safe, sustainably produced vegetables.  

 



 Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [114] 

 

5. EMERGING IMPLICATIONS FOR STUDYING THE CITY’S 
IMPACT ON PERI-URBAN AGROECOLOGY AND 
LIVELIHOODS  

The broad conclusions emerging from the findings of our surveys are as 
follows: a) retail vegetable markets cater differentially to the distinct 
demand patterns of different consumer groups; b) the distinctions between 
the demand patterns of consumer groups are gradually blurring; c) the 
nature and quantum of fresh produce demanded by the city as a whole are 
changing, though the change in the nature of the demand seems to be 
comparatively slower; and d) quantifying the change in the demand for 
fresh produce is fraught with the data-related challenges we mentioned in 
Section 2.  

One overarching observation is that producers and consumers of perishable 
commodities transacting in various markets in the city, though not too 
distant from each other, rarely interact. Both consumers and producers of 
fresh produce are impacted by changes in input costs, quality of produce, 
and international trade (for instance, the export of high-value vegetables 
like gherkins and rose onions), among other factors such as weather 
parameters. Responses to these changes generate mutually impacting 
influences among and between consumers and producers (Thasnimol et al. 
2016).  

A notable rise in the demand for fresh, exotic, high-value produce implies 
corresponding changes in peri-urban farming patterns. Exotic vegetables 
are capital- and input-intensive crops that require shade houses with drip 
irrigation, temperature control mechanisms, and the application of 
chemicals (Rao and Sasanka 2015; Udayakumar 2020). From a profit-
maximizing perspective, these may sound reasonable if one has to capture 
the sunshine markets offered by a neoliberal city. However, resource-
constrained agrarian communities in the peri-urban landscapes around 
Bengaluru find it tough to enter and sustain their livelihoods in this high-
value, low-volume market. Such risk-taking, like diversifying into exotic 
produce in the absence of a secure livelihood, may also impact the 
nutritional security of farm families producing their own vegetables and 
fruits.  

Farming exclusively for commerce makes agrarian skilling through 
experimental and social learning redundant in peri-urban areas 
(Purushothaman et al. 2021c), as farming is entirely market driven at both 
ends – the input and output side. The exotic crops demanded by the city of 
Bengaluru will be the forte of corporate entities that can invest in modern 
technologies and infrastructure, hire full-time migrant labour, and connect 



[115] Seema Purushothaman, Vidya Puttur Sadashiva and Dhanush K M 

 
 

 

to elite consumers. Along with winter vegetables, perennial fruit crops, and 
tropical flowers, vegetables commonly used in the cuisines of communities 
long residing in the Western Ghats region—of which Bengaluru is part—
may offer better support to peri-urban agrarian livelihoods.  

ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS      

This research is funded by the Department of Biotechnology, Government 
of India (DBT), under the Indo-German Collaborative Research Center. 
We thank the retailers, consumers, and collection centres of fresh fruits and 
vegetables in Bengaluru for their participation in our fieldwork. We deeply 
appreciate the support we received from HOPCOMS, Lalbagh.   

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