







































Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal 6(2): 59-81, July 2023 

RESEARCH PAPER 

Exploring the “Green”: A Review of Environment and 
Ecology as Embedded in the Historical Literature of 
Pre-Colonial Assam 

Anurag Borah* 

Abstract: “Green history” in general refers to environmental history that traces the 
development of human–nature relationships and patterns of natural resource 
extraction and mobilization in our past. Needless to say, a concern for the “green” 
is becoming a fast-developing field of enquiry given the growing incidence of 
environmental hazards across the world. However, comparatively, in India, 
environmental history is yet to make much headway. That is why David Arnold and 
Ramchandra Guha, the pioneers of environmental history in India, have remarked 
that environmental history in India, and South Asia in general, is under-developed 
as a discipline. Assam, situated in the north-eastern part of India, has always been 
known for its rich flora and fauna and diverse biodiversity hot spots. This region 
shows a great diversity of climate, topography, and geology, which explains the rich 
biological diversity of this part of the country. But, interestingly enough, very few 
studies have been undertaken to examine the environmental history of Assam, and 
most of them are on the colonial period. This paper aims to review particular 
references to the ecology and environment of pre-colonial Assam that are 
embedded in the available historical literature. 

Keywords: Green History, Environmental History, Ecology, Kamarupa, Ahom 
Kingdom, Buranji, Pre-Colonial Assam 

 

1. INTRODUCTION 

Till at least a few years ago, when talking about the environmental history 
of India, the pre-colonial period was used only as a standard or reference 
point to understand how things changed or stayed the same in the 
nineteenth century and afterwards. The notion of a “static” pre-colonial 
India is often still dominant in the historiography of environmental history. 

 
* Assistant Professor, Rangia College, Department. of History, Kamrup, Assam, India. PIN 

781354. its_me_anurag@yahoo.com. 

Copyright © Borah 2023. Released under Creative Commons Attribution © 

NonCommercial 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC 4.0) by the author.  

Published by Indian Society for Ecological Economics (INSEE), c/o Institute of  Economic 
Growth, University Enclave, North Campus, Delhi 110007.  

ISSN: 2581–6152 (print); 2581–6101 (web).  

DOI: https://doi.org/10.37773/ees.v6i2.722  

mailto:its_me_anurag@yahoo.com
https://doi.org/10.37773/ees.v6i2.722


Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [60] 

 

In the case of Assam, the region’s environmental history is relatively 
unknown, particularly during the pre-colonial period. One of the reasons 
for this void is the lack of written records, as most of them date only from 
the thirteenth century onwards, from the advent of the Ahoms. Another 
reason is the lack of attention given to the natural environment in historical 
records. Records from the Ahom period primarily focus on political and 
social events—such as wars and dynastic changes—rather than on the 
natural environment. This is not unique to pre-colonial Assam and is a 
common issue in many historical records from around the world. In recent 
years, scholars like Rajib Handique and Arupjyoti Saikia have increasingly 
turned their attention to the environmental history of Assam, but their 
studies primarily focus on the colonial period. In British Forest Policy in 
Assam, Handique (2004) attempts to analyse the British forest policy from 
1864 to 1947 AD in the context of Assam, while in Forests and Ecological 
History of Assam, 1826–2000, Saikia (2011) comprehensively describes the 
changes in Assam’s forests and ecology from the beginning of the 
nineteenth century to the end of the twentieth century. However, in the 
recently published The Unquiet River: A Biography of the Brahmaputra, Saikia 
(2019) throws some light on the dependence of the Ahoms on the 
Brahmaputra and its tributaries for farming, irrigation, military defence 
mechanisms, etc. While there is still much to learn, there are ways to 
reconstruct the environmental history of pre-colonial Assam. We observe a 
similar notion in the colonial perception of an “a-historical” India. Romila 
Thapar, in her erudite essay, “Society and Historical Consciousness: the 
Itihasa–Purana Tradition” states that we can use two terms to express 
historical consciousness of a time: “embedded history” (in which historical 
consciousness has to be prized out),and its opposite, “externalized history” 
(Thapar 1986). The same phenomenon can be seen in the case of the 
environmental history of Assam as well. As E. H. Carr states, “The facts 
speak only when the historian calls on them: it is he who decides to which 
facts to give the door, and in what order or context” (Carr 2018, 11). 
Literary sources on Assam’s history never considered the environmental 
aspects of the green world to be significant enough to incorporate them 
within their corpus, and the instances are therefore more-or-less embedded 
in nature and hence deserve close scrutiny. 

2. METHODS 

The methodology adopted for this study is both descriptive and historical–
analytical in nature. This study has been conducted as an empirical research, 
in the form of content analysis, using qualitative data. The sources of data 
include both primary as well as secondary sources available in the form of 



[61] Borah 

books, lectures, articles, seminars, etc. The major primary texts that have 
been consulted include the Kalika Purana, Deodhai Asam Buranji, Purani Asam 
Buranji, Asam Buranji, Satsari Asam Buranji, Tungkhungia Buranji,  Baharistan-i-
Ghaibi, Hasti Vidyarnava, Fathiya-i-Ibriyya, and the Katha Guru Carit. The 
study focuses on the early and medieval periods of Assam’s history and 
therefore concentrates on the period from the fourth to the nineteenth 
centuries AD. Due care has been taken to make the interpretations rational 
and scientific.  

3. RESULTS AND DISCUSSION 

Religious texts can provide valuable insights into the environmental history 
of a region by offering information on the beliefs and practices of the 
people who lived in that particular region. Many religions have teachings 
and rituals that are closely tied to the natural environment, and religious 
texts often contain references to plants, animals, and natural phenomena 
that are important to the people who practise that religion. By analysing 
these texts, historians can gain insights into the beliefs, practices, and 
attitudes of the people who lived in the region, and they can use this 
information to develop a deeper understanding of the complex relationship 
between human societies and the natural environment. The Kalika Purana, 
one of the 18 minor Puranas in the Shaktism branch of Hinduism, and 
written in the early Kamarupa region of Assam, is centred on the 
supremacy of the Goddess in her regional manifestation as Devi Kamakhya. 
Though the Kalika Purana is devoted mainly to the religious history of early 
Assam, we find different places, tirthas (pilgrimage spots), rivers, rivulets, 
hills, hillocks, lakes, ponds, groves, and forests that are sacred to various 
gods and goddesses. With respect to topographical descriptions, the Kalika 
Purana looks mature enough, because it tries to conceptualize geography not 
only in terms of terrain names, but also in terms of cosmology and climate. 
A section of the Kalika Purana, Chapters 78–80, is especially devoted to 
extolling the geography of Kamarupa and the various places within it. In 
Chapter 55, under the title “Offering Sacrifice to the Goddess”, the Kalika 
Purana mentions different plants and animals. Describing the entry of 
Naraka into the city of Pragjyotispura, it states: 

Then the city of Pragjyotisa being inhabited by the delightful and energetic 
people, full of herds of cattle, horses and elephants started shining again in 
splendour and became free from the impediments and calamities, and 
looked like Amaravati, the favourite city of Indra. (Shastri 1994) 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [62] 

 

Table 1: Identification of Current Geographical Locations from the Data of the 
Kalika Purana 

Geographical 
Location in 
Kalika Purana 

In reference 
to 
Deity/Perso
n 

Chapter of 
Kalika Purana 

Present 
Name 

Present 
Locatio
n 

“Kamarupa” - Chapters 78–80 Kamrup Kamrup 

“Tattvasaila” Sri Surya Chapters 78–80 Sri Surya 
Pahar 

Goalpar
a 

“Manikuta” Hayagriva Chapters 78–80 Hayagriva-
Madhava 

Kamrup 

“Asvakranta” - Chapters 78–80 Asvakrant
a Devalaya 

Kamrup 

“Manikuta” Manikarna Chapters 78–80 Manikarne
swara 
Temple 

Kamrup  

“Matsyadhvaj
a” 

Madana Chapters 78–80 Madan-
Kamdev 

Kamrup  

West of 
“Nilakuta” 

Pandunath Chapters 78–80 Pandunath 
Devalaya 

Kamrup  

“Nilakuta” - Chapters 78–80 Nilachal Kamrup  

East of 
“Nilakuta” 

Ugratara Chapters 78–80 Ugratara 
Temple 

Kamrup  

“Urvasikunda
” 

- Chapters 78–80 Urvasi 
Island 

Kamrup  

“Citracala” Worship of 
nine planets 

Chapters 78–80 Navagraha 
of 
Citracala 

Kamrup  

“Sandhyacala” Sage Vasistha Chapters 78–80 Vasisthasr
ama on 
Sandhyaca
la 

Kamrup  



[63] Borah 

Source: Kalika Purana (Shastri 1994) 

The Kalika Purana recommends worshipping the Goddess by offering 
various forest products such as gourds, coconuts, dates, breadfruit, grapes, 
mangoes, bael fruits, citrons, water chestnuts, betelnuts, roots, rose apples, 
Indian persimmons, dairy products, sugar lumps, various varieties of honey, 
parched grains, rice, fruits, sugarcane, white sugar, gooseberries, and 
oranges. In the Kalika Purana, animals were generally treated as mere 
offerings to the deity, which was a major feature of the Saktism and 
Tantrism that prevailed in early Assam (Shastri 1994). It was believed that 
by offering sacrifices of tortoises, alligators, he-goats, boar, buffalo, lizards, 
deer, yak, spotted antelope, hares, lions, and other animals, a devotee could 
achieve liberation, and, specifically, a king could defeat enemy kings. The 
prime flowers used as offerings to deities included kadamba (Neolamarckia 
cadamba), jati (Jasminum grandiflorum), mallika (Jasminum sambac), maloti 
(Aganosma calycina), kamala (Nelumbo nucifera), tulasi (Ocimum sanctum), utpala 
(Nymphaea stellata), and bakula (Mimusops elengi). 

The enormous territory of early Kamarupa previously abounded with 
forests, hills, and rivers. The Kalika Purana states that of these, more than 50 
different hills and rivers (most of which were regarded sacred) seemed to 
have been situated in the region of Assam. Rivers and mountains were 
treated as holy manifestations, and their names were inspired by 
Brahmanical Hinduism, while the physical environment was viewed with 
religious fervour. The Kalika Purana deified the rivers and mountains and 
promoted them as places of pilgrimage (tirthas), thus forging a relationship 
between pilgrims and nature. Consequently, it played a seminal role in 
drawing people’s attention to the natural environment as well as instilling in 
them a wholesome respect for it. Moreover, it also can be assumed that the 
Purana writers bestowed sanctity upon them with the aim of promoting 
conservation of these natural resources (Nath 2009). Some geographical 
locations mentioned in the Kalika Purana that can be identified with 
present-day sites are described in Table 1.  

The Kalika Purana text can also be seen from the perspective of 
ecofeminism. The Kalika Purana revolves around the magnificence and 
worship of the Goddess Kamakhya, who is referred to as a manifestation of 
the all-encompassing Goddess Mahamaya. The Goddess is portrayed as the 
supreme deity in various portions of the book. The Devi is regarded as the 
cause of the universe, without which creation is impossible. It is one of the 
few Upapuranas that claim the Goddess as the Supreme Being, as opposed 
to the male gods Brahma, Vishnu, and Siva. Kamakhya’s special powers are 
love, attraction, and sexual fulfilment. According to ecofeminism, the 
female body is believed to be the site where life can emerge, just as forests 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [64] 

 

provide a habitat for a diverse range of plants and wildlife. Both forests and 
women’s wombs provide space for life to emerge, grow, and develop. 
Forests offer enough nutrients for flora and fauna to stay alive and thrive, 
while a woman’s womb provides a safe haven for the advent of life. Nature 
is the womb: a place and space where life begins, is born, and develops. In 
the same vein, the Kalika Purana states: 

sā śaktiḥ sṛṣṭirupā ca sarveṣāṁ khyātirīśvarī/ 

kṣamā kṣamāvatāṁ nityaṁ karuṇā sā dayāvatām// 
(Shastri 1994, 140) 

(Transl.: The Goddess is the creative energy behind everything and is 
recognized as knowable. She is forgiveness for those who possess it, and 

kindness for those who are merciful.) 
 

Ecofeminists believe that nature and women are producers of life as they 
give life to all creatures. According to Vandana Shiva, women's effort in 
generating food and life is a truly productive relationship with nature, since 
throughout human history, they did more than just gather and consume 
what grew there; they also created conditions for things to thrive (Shiva 
2016). Hugh Urban claims that Kamakhya can be seen as a “matrix of 
power”, since she is both the generative mother of the universe (Sanskrit 
matr, matrka, which is etymologically related to Latin mater, matrix), and the 
life force (power) that permeates all of its constituent elements (Urban 
2011). The divine force of the Goddess, known as Sakti, infuses the 
cosmos, society, and the human form alike, and it is the source of all finite 
existence. Sakti is the power of birth and death and production and 
destruction. She manifests herself in all the universes, helps them, and will 
eventually incorporate them back into herself (Woodroffe 2014). Echoing 
this notion of ecofeminism, the Kalika Purana declares: 

utpannamaṅkaraṁ bījād yathāpo meghasambhavāḥ/ 
prarohayati sā jantūstathotpannān prarohayet//(Shastri 1994, 153) 

(Transl.: The cloud’s rainwater helps the sprouts that sprung from the seeds 
to grow in the same way that she causes the creatures to mature once they 

are born.) 
 

Apart from religious texts like the Kalika Purana, other sources such as the 
Ahom chronicles, hagiographies, and inscriptions from early and medieval 
Assam offer some unique insights into the different natural components of 
the region such as the rivers, forests, and wildlife. Rivers have been a vital 
source of water, food, and transportation for humans and wildlife alike in 
almost every civilization. They have also been instrumental in the 



[65] Borah 

development of human societies, providing a means of communication and 
trade. The Brahmaputra in Assam is a massive river that has influenced the 
region in numerous ways. According to the Gauhati copperplate inscription 
of Indrapala, it was named Lauhitya because its waters were reddened by 
the thick blood shed by the axe of Parasurama (Shastri 1994). We also find 
several references regarding the rivers of this region in the Buranji literature. 
The Ahoms were experts in hydraulic engineering and could build intricate 
networks of dams and embankments to regulate river flow and stop 
flooding. The rivers of Assam not only guaranteed a consistent supply of 
water of a quality that was suitable for rice cultivation, but the annual 
flooding also guaranteed the deposition of silt in the soil, which further 
enhanced the conditions needed for wet rice farming. When the Varman 
dynasty first came into being, water management was in its infancy (Lahiri 
1984). References to field ridges (ksetra ali) and bunds (vrhad ali) over fields 
can be found as far back as in the eleventh-century copperplate grants from 
the western part of the valley. References to ships and boats are crucial 
when discussing the environmental history of a region, especially in areas 
that are heavily reliant on waterways for transportation, commerce, and 
military activities. In Assam, where multiple rivers dominate the landscape, 
the Ahoms’ high regard for the naval department facilitated the 
development of a highly effective military apparatus. The rivers would serve 
as a means for conducting offensive and defensive operations for the state. 
The Ahoms realized this and gave their naval department considerable 
attention (Saikia 2019). Most of the Ahom chronicles acknowledge the 
existence of khels (work groups) dedicated specifically to boat construction 
and related industries. The Deodhai Buranji mentions the assignment of high-
ranking Phukan officers to oversee these spheres of activity—these officers 
included Pani Phukan, the admiral in charge of the Lower Assam flotilla; 
Naoboicha Phukan, in charge of the boatmen; Naoshalia Phukan, in charge 
of the boat builders and dockyards; and Choladhara Phukan, who oversaw 
the country’s commercial and foreign affairs, and maintained tight ties with 
maritime issues (Bhuyan 1962).  

The rivers also had a tremendous impact on the transition and 
transformation of the medieval polity. The famous battle of Saraighat (1671 
AD) between the Ahoms and the Mughals was fought on the Brahmaputra, 
and on many occasions, the Ahom army used their excellent knowledge of 
the river and its floodplains to chase off the Mughal army (Saikia 2019). The 
Ahom kings, after losing battles against the Mughals, created an artificial 
flood in their kingdom by funnelling the nearby rivers on to the land, which 
ultimately sent the enemies back home. These descriptions are available in 
different Ahom chronicles, including the Saraighat Yuddhar Katha, Ram 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [66] 

 

Simhar Yuddhar Katha, Purani AsamBuranji, and Deodhai Asam Buranji. 

Water bodies like ponds, tanks, and lakes are important sources of water for 
human populations and wildlife, and they have been used for various 
purposes throughout history. There are many terms used in the inscriptions 
of early Assam to describe ponds, tanks, and lakes. For example, the 
Nidhanpur grant alludes to a pond called Vyavaharikhasoka pusakarni and the 
Nowgaon plate refers to Sewaparyaddha pond (Sharma 1978). The Sualkuci 
grant and the Guakuci grant mentions Diyambara jola and Strotasi jola or 
pond, respectively (Ghosh 2014). The Ahom kings also built several 
massive ponds for the welfare of nearby subjects in different corners of the 
kingdom. These ponds were well-maintained, and a layer of rah or para 
(mercury) was often laid on the bed of the ponds once the digging was 
completed. In addition to serving as a source of drinking water and to soak 
the kothiya (paddy shoots), these ponds were also intensely used for farming 
fish, Nao Khel (boat races), and other activities. When the pond was filled 
with spring water, several gold- and silver-decorated fish and turtles would 
be released into it, as the Ahoms believed this would keep the water clean 
(Goswami 2020). The names of the ponds inferred from the Buranji 
literature are presented in Table 2, some of which can still be found in 
present Assam. When the pond was established, a subway would be built 
along the main road, and trees such as aobar, ahot (peepal or strangler fig), 
joree, and bar (banyan tree) would be planted on both sides. People believed 
that the various gods living in these trees were responsible for the well-
being of the state and the longevity of the king. Special rituals would be also 
organized, in which mangalacharan (invocation) would be chanted by a 
Mohan-Deodhai pundit (a priest) near the tree’s foot and roots (Goswami 
2020).  

Inscriptions from early Assam suggest that the term “prayogvida” or medical 
men may have referred to physicians who used medicinal and herbal plants 
collected from the forest to treat diseases (Nowgaon plate of Balavarma) 
(Sharma 1978). According to Harjaravarma (Tezpur inscription), boats and 
ships were common in the western part of Assam. The fragmented Nagarjai 
Khanikargaon stone inscription, which dates back to the early fifth century, 
mentions a vatta or banyan tree. Sarkara mula, a tuberous root of a class of 
creepers, is mentioned in the Sualkuchi grant of Ratnapala; archaeobotanists 
have identified it as a type of yam (Sharma 1978). In early Assam, the state 
promoted the donation of land to Brahmans (Agrahara settlements), which 
resulted in the expansion of large agrarian tracts. This trend continued 
under the medieval Ahom kingdom in a more systematic and crystallized 
form through the Paik system. The majority of the Ahom chronicles talk 



[67] Borah 

about the Paik system and its management, but one has to minutely analyse 
these texts to understand its profound impact on the contemporary 
environment and ecology of the region.  

Table 2: Names of Some Ponds Constructed by the Ahom Kings 

Name of the 
Pond 

Patron King Name of the Buranji, Page Nos. 

Kartowa Pukhuri Suhungmung Purani Asam Buranji (ed. H. 
Goswami),pg49 

Gorgaonor Pukhuri Gargaya Raja Assam Buranji (ed. SK Bhuyan), pg 25 

Nahor Pukhuri Khura Raja Asam Buranji (ed. Tamuli Puhkan), 
pg 24 

Mechlow Pukhuri Khura Raja Asam Buranji (ed. Tamuli Puhkan), 
pg 24 

Mechagarh Pukhuri Pratap Simha Assam Buranji (ed. SK Bhuyan), pg 51 

Rupahi Pukhuri Pratap Simha Assam Buranji (ed. SK Bhuyan), pg 56 

Rohdoi Pukhuri Gadadhar Simha Asam Buranji (ed. Sadaramin), pg 60 

Jaysagar Pukhuri Rudra Simha Asam Buranji (ed. Sadaramin), pg 60 

Sibsagar Pukhuri Siva Simha Asam Buranji (ed. Sadaramin), pg 60 

Moglow Pukhuri Rajeshwar Simha Asam Buranji (ed. Sadaramin), pg 75 

Rudrasagar Pukhuri Lakshmi Simha Asam Buranji (ed. Sadaramin), pg 75 

Gauriballav Pukhuri Lakshmi Simha Asam Buranji (ed. Sadaramin), pg 75 

Bishnusagar Pukhuri Chandrakanta Simha Asam Buranji (ed. Sadaramin), pg 79 

Source: Ahom Buranjis mentioned within the table 

The density of the forests of the region can be gauged using references 
from the Ahom chronicles. During the advent of the Ahoms in the 
thirteenth century, the forest cover in the Brahmaputra valley was 
enormous. Buranji literature, such as the Deodhai Asam Buranji, maintains 
that Sukafa, the founder of Ahom kingdom in Assam, travelled through the 
Patkai mountain range where various Naga tribes lived, and that the road 
that crossed Patkai into the plains was flanked with towering forests so 
dense that even narrow beams of sunlight were blocked (Bhuyan 1962). It 
took six consecutive months for Momai Tamuli Barbarua, minister and 
commander-in-chief under the Ahom ruler Pratap Simha, to clear the 
bamboo forests and reeds and to establish the Choki barracks at the mouth 
of the Kapili River (Baruah 1995). It was for its agar wood and elephants 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [68] 

 

that the Ahom state experienced repeated Mughal invasions through the 
seventeenth century. It was difficult to fight battles in the Brahmaputra 
basin due to the presence of dense trees and the lack of large open spaces. 
Sihabuddin Talish, a foreign traveller who accompanied Mir Jumla on his 
expedition to the Ahom kingdom in the seventeenth century, has provided 
a vivid description of the obstacles the Mughal army encountered as it 
entered Assam. Mir Jumla, the supreme commander of the invading armies, 
personally supervised the battle against nature, as soldiers dedicated 
themselves to chopping the impenetrable trees (Nath 2019). Talish noted 
that the trees of the valley were quite large, thick, and strong: 

From Kaliabar to Gargaon, houses and orchards full of fruit trees stretch in 
an unbroken line, and on both sides of the road, shady bamboo groves raise 
their heads to the sky. Many varieties of sweet-scented and garden flowers 
bloom here and from the rear of the bamboo groves up to the foot of the 
hills there are cultivated fields and garden. (Sarkar 1915, 185) 

The Ahoms exploited the forest resources in a systematic and planned 
manner. This notion goes, however, against the opinions of Madhav Gadgil, 
Ramchandra Guha, and Vandana Shiva, who claim that there was minimal 
intervention by the pre-colonial state (Gadgil and Guha 1993; Shiva 2016). 
These scholars blame the British for their interventionist stance in 
attempting to manage and control natural resources, not for conservation 
purposes, but also to increase tax revenue. However, it may be misleading 
to assign interventionism solely to colonial and post-colonial 
authorities. The Ahoms were skilled in exploiting the natural resources of 
the region, which helped them develop a prosperous and culturally rich 
state that lasted for several centuries. 

In the Ahom state, many khels (organised working groups under the Ahom 
administration) were involved in various facets of forest management and 
utilization. Forest organization encompassed, among other things, the 
construction of forest paths and wooden pillars; the supply of timber, 
wood, and bamboo; the collection of thatch and other natural products for 
royal use; and the use of forest products for commercial and architectural 
purposes. The Ahom Buranjis mention different kinds of such khels—which 
shows that a targeted approach was taken by the Ahom state in extracting 
natural resources. It is interesting to note that Sumit Guha strongly contests 
the notions of Gadgil and Guha (1993) and Shiva (2016) on the prudent use 
of natural resources by traditional societies in his research on the Khandesh 
region, which was controlled by the Marathas (Guha 2002). Mayank Kumar 
offers a similar analysis regarding Rajasthan (Kumar 2005). Pre-colonial 
literature on Assam also paints a similar picture of this region. The 



[69] Borah 

management and appropriation of natural resources was a high priority for 
the medieval Ahom state, as it sought to ensure stable and consistent 
revenue. Table 3 uses the Buranji literature to identify the khels engaged in 
targeted and specific extraction of forest products during Ahom rule. 

Table 3: Resource Extraction by the Ahoms via Specific Khels  

NameofKhel Purpose 

Charaimaria khel Bird shooters 

Pahumaria khel Deer hunters 

Pakhimaria khel Feather hunters 

Baghamaria khel Tiger hunters 

Khari-jogania khel Firewood suppliers 

Kharicha-jogania khel Suppliers of fermented bamboos 

Kher-jogania khel Thatch suppliers 

Takaupat-joganiar khel Suppliers of takau or fan palm leaves 

Bah-jogania khel Bamboo suppliers 

Kukurchungi khel Game preservers for dogs 

Pahuchungi khel Game preservers for deer 

Hatichungi khel Game preservers for elephants 

Namchungi khel Lower valley game preservers 

Charaichungi khel Game preservers for birds 

Chunibasa khel Makers of forest road 

Khutakatia khel Makers of wooden pillar 

Kharikatia khel Woodcutters 

Kathkatia khel Timber cutters 

Habichowa khel Forest preservers 

Source: Ahom Buranjis (G.C. Barua 1930; G. Barua 1972; Tamuli-Phukan 1906; 
Sadaramin 1930; Boruah 1992; Bhuyan 1962; H. Goswami 1922; Bhuyan 1969, 
1964) 

The Ahom chronicles describe several extraction methods for the region’s 
unique natural resources. During the reign of the Ahoms, the sands of 
numerous rivers held gold dust, and the woods were home to tusker 
elephants (Goswami 2010). Hence, the ivory carving and gold washing 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [70] 

 

industries characterized the pre-colonial economy of Assam. The Ahom 
chronicles of the nineteenth century provide quantitative estimates of the 
metals obtained from eastern Assam (Bhuyan 1969). Gold was the most 
valuable metal available. Historically, an entire community of gold-washers, 
called the Sonowals, washed gold from the sands, suggesting that the 
operation was commercially viable. According to the Ahom chronicles, 
every man earned one tolah(1 tolah=11.7 grams)of gold every year, which 
was paid to the king (Goswami 2010). According to Wade (1805), a sizeable 
amount of gold was discovered in nearly all the northern rivers. He 
reported that substantial quantities of gold were discovered in the sands of 
the Brahmaputra, Subansiri, Dikrong, and Borgang rivers. The gold found 
in meandering streams with the strongest currents was deemed the best 
(Wade 1805). 

The Ahoms were adept at cultivating silk, too, and utilized it to create 
exquisite textiles that were greatly coveted. The climate was conducive to 
the production of muga, endi, and pat silk, which constituted a cottage 
industry. The Ahom chronicles demonstrate how the muga thread was 
traditionally harvested from cocoons or shells (Bhuyan 1969). The grubs in 
the cocoons or shells containing the muga thread had to be destroyed by 
exposure to the sun or to fire before the thread can be extracted. In the 
subsequent step, they were boiled in an alkaline solution before the floss 
was removed and soaked in the water. Silk could only be extracted from 
cocoons by a team of two people: one to extract the silk, and another to 
reel it. The first person gathers silk threads from anywhere between 7 and 
20 cocoons, then passes them to the reeler, who rolls them on their own 
thigh using the palm of the right hand and the underside of their right 
forearm. The reeler uses their left hand to operate the bhangori(a reeling 
device) next to him. The central axle of the bhangori is pivotal to its 
operation. With this method, about half a seer’s  (1 seer = 933.10 gram)worth 
of thread can be reeled off the axle at a time (Basu 1970). 

During the Ahom era, lime (a mineral) was extensively extracted from 
limestone. Limestone was utilized in the construction of maidams or royal 
tombs, as well as in ramparts, bridges, temples, and burial sites. Because the 
limestone in medieval Assam was of the highest grade, buildings fashioned 
of it stand till today. According to the Ahom chronicles, people searched 
for limestone in the hills during the dry season, brought it down the slopes, 
and collected it at a location called Chunchali, where it was burnt to 
generate lime. Chunchali (which is close to contemporary Guwahati) and 
Chunpura(which is close to contemporary Sivasagar) were the two locations 
where limestone was burnt to create lime. Limestone was discovered in 



[71] Borah 

Nambar, Deopani, and Hariyahjan under the Ahoms (Gohain 1999). 
Mercury, or rah in Assamese, is another element that appears frequently in 
the region’s written records. The Ahoms used unique methods to extract 
juice from the leaves of the bael tree (Aegle marmelos) to make para or rah. 
The para or rah ensured that the Ahom monarchs’ tanks were always 
brimming with fresh and pure water (Borboruah 1997). Throughout their 
rule, the Ahom monarchs dug several tanks whose water is still potable. 
Rahdhala Pathar  (Rah means mercury, dhala means pour, and pathar means 
field) still exists in the Golaghat district, where rah or mercury was once 
generated. 

Sihabuddin Talish depicts the process used by the people of medieval Assam 
to make a kind of alkali solution called khar or kharani (Sarkar 1915). 
According to Talish, after cutting the bananas to pieces, they dried them in 
the sun and burnt them at first. After that, they put the ashes on a piece of 
fine linen above a pot and gradually sprinkled water on the cloth. They used 
the extremely brackish and bitter drippings as a substitute for salt. He also 
noted that such a practice has not been seen anywhere else in the whole of 
India. While the Ahoms faced periodic Muslim invasions, the Ahom rulers 
mandated that every Assamese family supply the royal armoury by 
providing a set quantity of saltpetre (gunpowder), a naturally occurring 
mineral, wrapped in takau pat or fan palm leaves (Handique 2005). 
According to the Buranji literature, the populace produced saltpetre from 
cow urine and delivered it to the state’s arsenal through an officer named 
Kharghoria Phukan (Handique 2005). According to Tavernier, the 
Assamese were the first to discover the gun and gunpowder (Tavernier 
1889), and the Fathiyah-i-Ibriyah states that the Assamese employed various 
types of gunpowder (Sarkar 1915). During the time of the Ahoms, massive 
cowsheds were created, and cows (especially those black in colour) were 
held there for six months. Their urine was collected, dried, and used to 
create saltpetre through the use of a white-coloured fungus that grew on it. 
The cows would then be released, and the cowsheds closed for several 
months (Borboruah 1997). 

The Buranji literature of medieval Assam details the extreme diversity of the 
region’s economic goods. The Ahoms engaged in trade with neighbouring 
kingdoms and regions, utilizing the Brahmaputra River and trading routes 
to transport agricultural goods, forest products, metals, and minerals. 
Cotton, Indian madder (mujistha), fir trees (agar), gold, musk, ponies, 
mustard seed, tobacco, betelnut, lac, endi and muga silk, elephant tusks, and 
rhino horns were among the items exported to Bengal (Bhuyan 1962). 
Natural products formed the basis of trade between the Ahom state and 
neighbouring tribes. In addition to Bengal and Tibet, the Tungkhungia 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [72] 

 

Buranji indicates that the Ahoms engaged in trade with the Dafla, Mishmi, 
Miri, Naga, and Garo regions. They exchanged items such as ginger, 
pepper, copper, cotton, musk, cow tails, bison, and horses (Bhuyan 1964). 
The Ahoms also devised a taxation system for the many natural products 
within their territory. Products like elephant ivory, lac, and timber (such as 
aloes and agarwood) generated significant revenue for the royal treasury. 
According to Prof. M. Neog’s Prāchya-śāsanāvalī, medieval inscriptions reveal 
a systematic pattern of natural resource extraction by the Ahoms (see Table 
4), as evidenced by the various taxes documented (Neog 1974). 

Table 4: Some Taxes Found in the Medieval Inscriptions 

Name of the 
Tax  

Purpose of Taxation 

Beth The responsibility of catching wild elephants, buffaloes, etc. 

Jalkar Tax for fishing in rivers, lakes, etc. 

Yavaksāra The responsibility of supplying nitre for the preparation of 
gun-power 

Dāna Sales tax; tax for ferrying over rivers, etc. 

Ghāt Tax on ferry crossings 

Phāt Customs duty, imposed on marketplaces, especially on the 
banks of a river or lake (called pāniphāt) 

Source: Prāchya-śāsanāvalī (Neog 1974) 

Humans have co-existed with beasts and birds—some hostile and others 
hospitable—since the beginning of creation. There are numerous proverbs 
or maxims available in the Buranji literature that put together different 
names of animals, birds, plants, herbs, etc. For example, Ghora Konwar, on 
seeing a flash flood-like situation, insisted that Lachit Barphukan attack the 
Mughals. However, Barphukan declined, saying “Kesha borolok jukale ga 
sariboloi taan (It is deadly to play with a young wasp).” Actually, Barphukan 
believed in tactical attacks rather than a straightforward aggressive entry 
into Mughal territory, and therefore was reluctant to engage with the 
conscious and powerful Mughal force without proper planning (Bhuyan 
1969). The Ahom king, Pratap Simha, on ordering the assassination of 
Bhandari Gohain’s entire family, reportedly said “Tita gasar aagu tita, guriu tita 
(If the stem of a plant is bitter, so is the root).” There are many similar 
examples that are available in the Buranji literature: 

(a) “Enduror mukhat kāhāni hastidāt goje?” 



[73] Borah 

(Does a rat ever produce the elephant’s tusk?) 
(b) “Endur gātot jodi hasti sumāba pare tehe tāk dhoribo pāre” 
(A rat can be caught only if the size of the rat hole is big enough that an elephant 
can enter it.) 
(c) “Khorāi parbat bogaise, bobā catur hoise, pacā kātharo gajāli āhise” 
(A lame person starts climbing mountains, a mute person speaks volubly, and 
rotten wood begins to sprout.) 

(d) “Piṭhi dile hasti parbatako nedekhi” 
(An elephant can even block the sight of a huge mountain.) 
(e) “Pahu khedā kukure khuj jodi pāle, si pahu nāpāi māne ereneki?” 
(If a hunting dog tracks a deer, then it does not leave off the hunt till successful.) 

(f) “Ji siṁha haba śṛgālar agyāye hastik nahi mare” 
(One who is destined to become a lion never kills an elephant obeying the order of 
a fox.) 
(g) “Uttam janak vākya gajadanta tulya, situ gajadanta neki kono kāle phire?” 
(The words of a noble man are like the elephant’s tusks, which never retract.) 
Source: Ahom Buranjis (Bhuyan 1962; Goswami 1922; Bhuyan 1969, 1964) 
 

Besides the general descriptions of elephants in Baharistan-i-Ghaibi, medieval 
Assamese writer Sukumar Barkaith’s Hasti Vidyarnava described in detail 
148 types of ivory, as well as 17 types of female elephants with their 
characteristics, training methods, and more (Bagchi 2008). Due to the 
abundance of wild elephants in Assam, elephant trapping as a profession 
increased, and elephantry consequently became an essential component of 
the Ahom military (Guha 1982). During medieval times, the Ahom Empire 
relied heavily on elephants to transport large goods. To this end, a 
department was created to collect and train elephants for both household 
and military usage (Bhuyan 1964). Throughout the medieval period, 
Assam’s elephants, tusks, and ivory products were highly prized by 

outsiders. In 1808, Assam traded ivory products worth ₹6,500 with other 
countries over the checkpoint at Hadira Choki (Hamilton 1963). According 
to the copperplate inscription of Devottara to Devahari-brahman of Srihati 
sattra, Saka 1660, Tarun Duvara Barphukan granted puras (1 pura= 2.5 acre) 
of faringati (comparatively high land used for dry crops) land in Sonari 
village under Chayania pargana (a group of villages) to one Devahari-brahman, 
a resident of the sattra (institutional centres associated with Neo-Vaishnavite 
tradition of Assam), for his knowledge of the ailments and treatments of 
elephants, on the orders of King Siva Simha (Neog 1974). The rock 
inscription of Saka 1570 (discovered in situ at Phatasil Duar in Guwahati) 
states that during the reign of Susenpha (alias Pratap Simha), Barphukan 
(the son of Barbarua) captured a vast quantity of elephants, horses, and 
weapons after defeating the Mughal army (Neog 1974). 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [74] 

 

The Ahoms were proficient hunters, and the region’s abundant animal 
populations provided them with a steady food supply. Hunting also aided 
the Ahoms in developing their military skills, which was crucial to their 
growth and consolidation of power. In addition, the most important games 
and sports of the Ahoms were elephant fighting and falcon fighting. 
Elephant fights were held in the area in front of Rong Ghar, the royal 
sports pavilion; while falcon fights were held at several convenient 
locations. On 24 November 1755, a French agent named Jean-Baptiste 
Chevalier entered Assam near Goalpara and spent two months travelling up 
the Brahmaputra to Garhgaon. This was the former capital of the Ahom 
empire, located 13 kilometres east of Sivasagar, where King Rajeshwar 
Singh was the Ahom ruler (reigned 1751–1769). During his stay at the 
court, Chevalier wrote about a hunting party the king had organized: 

I was invited to the king’s hunting party, a show unimaginable in Europe 
and something that deserves curiosity… The troops make an enclosure 
around the area with fences made of the stakes brought by them. Outside 
the fence, a large scaffold like a giant watchtower is built for the king and 
his invitees to watch the show from a vantage point. After the arrival of 
these dignitaries, some men step inside the fence and set fire from all sides 
to the long dry straws, within which the trapped animals are hiding. The 
rising flames excite the animals which, in their rage and fury, try to escape 
from every side. As they throw themselves on the fence trying to break it, 
their dreadful howling and roaring fill the air. But instead of freedom, it is 
the spears held by the people positioned outside the fence that pierce their 
bodies. Firing guns and darting arrows thrown by the amused king and his 
retinue spare no animal that passes back and forth below their scaffold. At 
last the hunt is over in a day as the flames eat up all the ferocious animals; 
thousands of wild buffaloes and elephants, quantities of tigers and 
rhinoceros are destroyed in an instant. It is a superb horror to see and to 
hear. (Caroline Dutta-Baruah 2008, 29 ) 

In medieval Assam, social concern for the environment manifested itself in 
various forms. The attitude towards nature is distinctly apparent in the 
teachings of Sankaradeva, the instigator of the Bhakti movement in 
medieval Assam. Sankaradeva believed that all living things, including plants 
and animals, had intrinsic value and should be honoured. He advocated 
non-violence and urged individuals to avoid harming or killing animals. In 
other words, Sankaradeva’s philosophy implied a spiritual connection to the 
natural world and was based on the belief that nature might inspire 
individuals to live a decent and ethical life. Sankaradeva's philosophy 
attributed everything to God, and he believed that recognizing God's 



[75] Borah 

presence in every living thing could have a wonderful effect on civilization 
and its ecology, and help stop anthropocentric actions responsible for 
ecological devastation. In his religious worldview, God was inseparable 
from both Man and Nature. This view—of nature being a manifestation of 
God—is evident from Sankaradeva’s literature:  

tumi paśu pakṣī surā nara taru trna 

ajnānata muḏhasabe dekhe bhinna bhinna (Neog 1980, 84) 
(Transl.: God lives within the animals, birds and the plants,  

but, due to ignorance, fools perceive these as different) 
In the kirtana, Sankaradeva writes: 

kukkura sṛgāla gardavaro ātmān rama 

jāniyā savāko paḍi karibā praṇāma (Neog 1980, 138) 
(Transl.: The dog, the fox and donkeys too have God within them, and, 

realizing this, we should respect all the creations) 
 

Sankaradeva remodelled his drama Harmohana (from the Bhagabat Purana) by 
incorporating different plants from his locality, which demonstrates his 
familiarity with the bioregion. In the text, trees are revered and regarded as 
if they contain God. According to Sankaradeva’s Urekha Barnan, 
circumambulating the Bata Briksha tree bestows divine happiness and can 
lead to moksha or spiritual enlightenment. It should be noted that during 
the medieval era, hunting was common, and hence animals and birds were 
vulnerable to human greed. However, Sankaradeva was uncomfortable with 
this utilitarian approach and sought refuge in the divine. He believed that 
animals were divine components of the natural world and condemned 
cruelty to them in the strongest terms. Through his concept of spiritual 
ecology, Sankaradeva attempted to conquer the guilt associated with 
exploiting animals for human gain. When Sankaradeva discovered a deer 
stuck in a hunter’s net, he chose to save the deer’s life by freeing it from the 
net (Neog 1986). His ideology is characterized by a non-violent approach to 
all natural species. Sankaradeva’s warning against oppression in Nimi-Nava-
Siddha Samvada states that one who overpowers others for the sake of one’s 
own body goes to hell after death. 

Carit puthis or the hagiographies of medieval Assam are some of the first 
scriptures that make up the amazing legacy of the Bhakti movement 
initiated by Sankaradeva in Assam. These books are enormous and were 
written over the course of decades, so they contain the characteristics of the 
social, economic, and cultural life of Assamese society in the sixteenth to 
eighteenth centuries. One of these, the Katha Guru Carit is a biography of 25 
Vaishnavite saints—including Sankaradeva, Madhavadeva, and their most 
important disciples. These texts also record various aspects of the 
contemporary physical environment and different instances of animal 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [76] 

 

hunting, elephant catching, and water resource utilization, providing a 
comprehensive picture of the nature–human relationship at that time. We 
can get a detailed understanding of the contemporary plants and animals of 
medieval Assam from the descriptions of the Carit puthis. These texts 
provide a list of several plants in the region such as banyan trees, jam and 
wood apple, bamboo, mango, fig, betel nut, jackfruit, blackberry, silk, 
cotton, plum, and areca nut trees. Regarding fruits and vegetables, it is 
written in the hagiographies: 

ām jām leteku konṭhāl nārikal, 
madhuphal dālimba bela āru je triphal. 

ālu kocu mūlā ādā kerelā beṇgan, 
mug māh barkala nan bastugan. (Lekharu 2002, 169) 

(Transl.: Mangoes, java plum, Burmese grapes, jackfruit, coconut, papaya, 
pomegranate, stone apple, Indian gooseberries, potatoes, taro, radish, ginger, bitter 

gourd, brinjal, lentils, black gram etc. are available there.) 
 

The hagiographies include mention of a number of animals, birds, and 
aquatic creatures. Of the domestic animals, the cow is mentioned most 
frequently. Killing of cows was prohibited in medieval Assam as the cow 
was considered a sacred animal in society. Cow products, such as milk, 
curd, and even cow dung, were sold for daily earnings. It is written in the 
Bangayagiri’s Sri Sri Harideva Carit that Rampala and Haripala of Puri-khetra 
provided milk to Harideva: “Haripala Ramapala baidya duyujan, Banijya koriya 
pasa barshe bahu dhan” (Transl: “Haripala and Ramapala, two merchants earn 
a lot from different trading activities”) (Giri 1931, 189). On the sale of cow 
dung, the Carit states: “Gubara bikai Puwala bikai, Bismai bhoiluha dekhi” 
(Transl: “It is surprising to see selling of cow-dung along with precious 
gemstones like red coral”) (Dwija 2014, 156). If someone mistakenly 
committed the sin, then they had to carry a pagha (a rope used for hobbling 
the cattle) and beg in the nearby villages for atonement. In this connection, 
the Katha Guru Carit says:  

goruti māilu: 
ote puti thoisu jagarhe lāgil: 

dandu lobo: 
           jā lar mār tur ista-mitrat koi māti āngoi ki buddhi dio sudhgoiyu (Neog 1986, 247). 

(Transl.: A cow was killed and buried and therefore the required punishment would 
be given. You are advised to go fast and consult with family and friends about it.) 

 

The Carits mention serpents among reptiles and small creatures and insects 
such as scorpions, mice, and frogs. In addition, snake charming is described 
as a profession, as seen in the quote “Sarpa nasuwai situ fure deshe deshe” 
(Transl: “He wanders in different countries by performing snake 



[77] Borah 

charming”) (Thakur 2001). Furthermore, horses were used as a mode of 
transportation, as indicated by the phrase “Ghurat chariya korila gaman jahara 
parama nam” (Transl: “He thus departed riding on the horse”). The Carit 
Puthis contain references to the meat of different animals and birds, such as 
duck, goat, and deer. In one instance, Madhavadeva is seen mentioning the 
meat of deer, stating “Harinar mangsho aji bhujan koribe” (Transl: “Today, we 
will eat the meat of a deer”) (Thakur 1989). The Carit Puthis depicts a scene 
where a group of Vaishnavite saints, after finishing a meal at Barpeta, state 
“Khasitu adhik swad maas sukumal” (Transl: “The mutton was delicious while 
the fish was also delicate”. Additionally, honey is described as being 
extracted and commonly used for medicinal purposes, as evinced by the 
quote “Tumasobe mou bhujan karilahak: amiw mautoria ghusa koru” (Transl: You 
have partaken the honey, now let us recite the holy scripture which is also 
as sweet as honey) (Neog 1986). Fish are mentioned on numerous 
occasions and appear to be a common article of food. We encounter 
various types of fish, including sal, sol, singi, chenga, barali, balichanda, darikona, 
rou, chital, kuhi, katol, and others, among the aquatic creatures in the Carit 
Puthis, some of which are unspecified (Lekharu 2002). The Carit Puthis 
mention: 

dugdha dadhi ghṛta dilā jahā sāwolok, 
                               ār rou māch dilanta mogur dālik (Thakur 1989, 262) 

(Transl.: Milk, curd and ghee are served with joha rice, and rohu fish is prepared 
with the lentil soup.) 

 

Colonial ethnographical works also provide some insight into the ecological 
set-up that existed prior to the advent of colonization in this region. The 
British authorities compiled information on the history, regimes, goods, 
people, and the kingship of Assam. The first British officer to gather data 
about Assam was Captain Welsh, who worked alongside John Peter Wade. 
They wrote about Assam’s geographical conditions and explained that 
Assam was divided into different regions by the Brahmaputra. RB 
Pemberton, a British surveyor, formed certain conceptions about the 
people, geography, mineral resources, and commercial and trade activities 
of the region through his observations and investigations (Pemberton 
1966). John Butler’s Travels in Assam also provides some idea of the existing 
ecological set-up in the region. Further, Christian missionary William 
Robinson’s book, A Descriptive Account of Assam, covers a wide range of 
topics, including Assam’s climate, geology, geography, and history from the 
beginning to the early days of British occupation of the region (Robinson 
1841). Mrs. Brown’s Bhugolar Biwaran (geographical information) is another 
similar work. 



Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [78] 

 

4. CONCLUSION 

Humans were born in the cradle of nature. Human civilization cannot exist 
without its surrounding environment, consisting of plants, animals, and 
birds. In human life, these elements have always played a vital role, and 
Assamese society was no exception to this. The role played by the physical 
geography and the plant and animal kingdom in early and medieval Assam 
is embedded in the region’s historical literature. However, a critical analysis 
of the physical environment, the living resources (such as the flora and 
fauna), and the different natural resources utilized by the state provides an 
eloquent picture of the contemporary geographical and ecological aspects 
of Assam in the given period. It reflects the pragmatic approach taken by 
early societies towards the environment, seeking solutions in religious 
beliefs and everyday ritual observances. The Kalika Purana deified the rivers 
and mountains and promoted them as places of pilgrimage (tirthas), drawing 
people’s attention to the green world. Similarly, the references contained in 
Buranji literature and hagiographies reflect, to a great extent, the psyche of 
the people who were reasonably aware of the different sources of nature 
and environment. Hence, while the existing historical literature of pre-
colonial Assam may be inimical in nature, a closer scrutiny of it would 
significantly compliment one’s journey back to the greener world. 

Ethics Statement: I hereby confirm that this study complies with 
requirements of ethical approvals from the institutional ethics committee 
for the conduct of this research.  

Data Availability Statement: The data used to support this research is 
available in a repository and the hyperlinks and persistent identifiers (e.g. 
DOI or accession number) are stated in the paper. 

Conflict of Interest Statement: No potential conflict of interest was 
reported by the author. 

REFERENCES 

Bagchi, Anita. 2008.“Paintings as Source of Science in the Past: Understanding 
Indian Elephants.”Karatoya 2 (March): 24–35 

Barua, Golap Chandra. 1930. Ahom Buranji. Calcutta: Authority of Assam 
Administration. 

Barua, Gunabhiram. 1972. Assam Buranji. Guwahati: Asam Prakashan Parishard. 

Baruah, Swarna Lata. 1995. A Comprehensive History of Assam. New Delhi: 
Munshiram Manoharlal Publishers. 

Basu, Nirmal Kumar. 1970. Assam in the Ahom Age. Calcutta: Sanskrit Pustak 
Bhandar. 



[79] Borah 

Bhuyan, Surya Kumar, ed. 1960. Assam Buranji. Gauhati: Department of Historical 
and Antiquarian Studies, Assam. 

———.1962. Deodhai Assam Buranji. Gauhati: Department of Historical and 
Antiquarian Studies, Assam.———. 1964. Tungkhungia Buranji. Gauhati: 
Department of History and Antiquarian Studies, Assam. 

———. 1969. Satsari Assam Buranji. Gauhati: Gauhati University. 

Borboruah, Hiteswar. 1997. Ahomar Din. Guwahati: Assam Publication Board. 

Boruah, Bhim Kanta. 1992. Changrung Phukanar Buranji Dibrugarh: Assamese 
Department, Dibrugarh University. 

Dutta-Baruah, Caroline and Jean Deloche, ed. 2008. Adventures of Jean-Baptiste 
Chevalier in Eastern India (1752–1765). Guwahati: Lawyer’s Book Stall. 

Carr, Edward Hallett. 2018. What Is history? London: Penguin Classics. 

Dwija, Bhushan. 2014. Sankar Carit. Edited by Sanjib Kr. Borkakati. Guwahati: 
Bani Mandir. 

Gadgil, Madhav, and Ramachandra Guha. 1993. This Fissured Land: An Ecological 
History of India. Berkley: University of California Press. 

Ghosh, Suchandra. 2014. “Understanding Boundary Representations in the 
Copper-Plate Charters of Early Kāmarūpa.”Indian Historical Review 41 (2): 207–222. 
https://doi.org/10.1177/0376983614544568.  

Giri, Bangaya. 1931. Mahapurush Sri Sri Harideva Carit. Barpeta: Bahari Satra. 

Gohain, Uma Nath. 1999. Assam Under the Ahoms. Guwahati: Spectrum 
Publications. 

Goswami, Hemchandra. 1922. Purani Asam Buranji. Guwahati:Lawyer's Book Stall. 

Goswami, Nandita. 2020. “The Systems of Digging Ponds by the Ahoms, the 
Greater Tai Tribe in the North-East India." International Journal of Management 11 
(09): 657–662. 

Goswami, Surendra Kumar. 2010. Asomor Rajnaitik Aaru Arthanaitik Buranji. 
Guwahati: Asom Prakashan Parishad. 

Guha, Amalendu. 1982. “The Medieval Economy of Assam." In The Cambridge 
Economic History of lndia Vol.1, edited by Tapan Raychaudhuri and Irfan Habib, 480-
485. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press. 
doi:10.1017/CHOL9780521226929.029.   

Guha, Sumit. 2002. “Claims on the Commons: Political Power and Natural 
Resources in Pre-colonial India." The Indian Economic and Social History Review 39 (2–
3): 181-196. https://doi.org/10.1177/001946460203900204. 

Hamilton, Francis. 1963. An Account of Assam. Guwahati: Department of Historical 
and Antiquarian Studies, Assam. 

Handique, Bhuban Chandra. 2005. Purani Asomar Silpa. Sivasagar: M/S Printworks. 

Handique, Rajib. 2004. British Forest Policy in Assam. New Delhi: Concept Publishing 
Company 

Kumar, Mayank. 2005. “Claims on Natural Resources: Exploring the Role of 

https://doi.org/10.1177/0376983614544568


Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [80] 

 

Political Power in Pre-colonial Rajasthan, India.”Conservation and Society 3 (1): 134–
149. 

Lahiri, Nayanjot. 1984. “The Pre-Ahom Roots of Medieval Assam.”Social Scientist 
12 (6): 60–69. https://doi.org/10.2307/3517004  

Lekharu, Upendra Chandra. 1987. Katha-Guru-Carit. Guwahati: Dutta Barua & 
Company. 

Nath, Pratyay. 2019. Climate of Conquest: War, Environment, and Empire in Mughal 
North India. Delhi: Oxford University Press. 
https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199495559.001.0001. 

Nath, Vijay. 2009. The Purāṇic World: Environment, Gender, Ritual, and Myth. New 
Delhi: Manohar Publishers & Distributors. 

Neog, Maheshwar. 1974. Prachya-Sasanavali.Guwahati: Publication Board, Assam. 

———. 1980. Early History of the Vaiṣṇava Faith and Movement in Assam: Śaṅkaradeva 
and His Times. New Delhi: Motilal Banarsidass. 

Neog, Maheswar, ed. 1986. Guru-Carit-Katha. Guwahati: Guwahati University. 

Pemberton, Robert Boileau. 1966. Report on the Eastern Frontier of British India. 
Guwahati: Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, Assam. 

Robinson, William. 1841. A Descriptive Account of Assam: With a Sketch of the Local 
Geography and a Concise History of Tea-Plant of Assam. Calcutta: Ostell and Lepage, 
British Library. 

Sadaramin, Harakanta Barua. 1930. Asam Buranji. Edited by S.K.Bhuyan. Guwahati: 
Department of Historical and Antiquarian Studies, Assam. 

Saikia, Arupjyoti. 2019. The Unquiet River: A Biography of the Brahmaputra. Delhi: 
Oxford University Press. https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199468119.001.0001  

———. 2011. Forests and Ecological History of Assam, 1826–2000. Delhi: Oxford 
University Press. 

Sarkar, Jadunath. 1915. "Assam and the Ahoms in 1660 A.D." Journal of Bihar and 
Orissa Research Society I, no. II: 179-195. 

Sharma, M.M. 1978. Inscriptions of Ancient Assam. Gauhati: Department of 
Publication, Gauhati University. 

Shastri, Biswanarayan. 1994. Kalika Purana. Delhi: Nag Publishers. 

Shiva, Vandana. 2016. Staying Alive: Women, Ecology, and Development. Berkley: North 
Atlantic Books. 

Tamuli-Phukan, Kashinath. 1906. Assam Buranji. Calcutta: Authority of Assam 
Administration. 

Tavernier, J.B. 1889. Travels in India. Translated by V. Ball. London, New York: 
Macmillan and co. 

Thakur, Daityari. 1989. Mahapurush Sri Sankardeva aru Sri Madhavdevar Jiban Carit. 
Edited by Hali Narayan Dutta Barua. Guwahati: Dutta Barua Publishing Pvt. Ltd. 

Thakur, Ramcaran. 2001. Guru Carit. Edited by Hari Narayan Dutta Barua. 

https://doi.org/10.2307/3517004
https://doi.org/10.1093/oso/9780199468119.001.0001


[81] Borah 

Guwahati: Dutta Barua Publishing Pvt. Ltd. 

Thapar, Romila. 1986. “Social and Historical Consciousness: The Itihāsa-Purāṇa 
Tradition.” In Situating Indian History: For Sarvepalli Gopal, edited by Sabyasachi 
Bhattacharya and Romila Thapar, 353–383. Delhi: Oxford University Press 

Urban, Hugh B. 2011. “The Womb of Tantra: Goddesses, Tribals, and Kings in 
Assam.” The Journal of Hindu Studies 4 (3): 231–247. 
https://doi.org/10.1093/jhs/hir034.  

Wade, John Peter. 1805. A geographical sketch of Assam. Calcutta: Asiatic Annual 
Register, East India Company. 

Woodroffe, John. 2014. Principles of Tantra: Part I and II. New Delhi: Motilal 
Banarsidass. 

https://doi.org/10.1093/jhs/hir034

