Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal 6(2): 1-6, July 2023 

EDITORIAL 

Reflecting on the Past and Welcoming the Future 

Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt* and Pranab Mukhopadhyay 

Ecology, Economy and Society (EES) began its humble but hopeful journey 

with its inaugural issue in April 2018. The founding editors were renowned 

professors Jayanta Bandopadhyay, Kamal Bawa, and Kanchan Chopra, each 

of them a doyen in their domain. They brought their years of experience of 

building the Indian Society for Ecological Economics (INSEE) to an aspiring 

journal that aimed “to highlight and provide examples of…diverse 

approaches to the study the links between ecology, economy, and society” 

(Chopra 2018, page 3). As it happens in the journey of every institution, the 

founding editors have now handed over the baton to a team comprising 

Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt, Jagdish Krishnaswamy, and Pranab Mukhopadhyay. 

These editors represent the next generation of INSEE members.  

The group of founding associate editors has also undergone a transition. 

Vikram Dayal, Rohan D’Souza, Harini Nagendra, Rucha Ghate, Jagdish 

Krishnaswamy, and Pranab Mukhopadhyay have now completed their terms 

as associate editors. A new set of colleagues have joined the team—Nandan 

Nawn, Joyashree Roy, and Rumi Shammin. Some members of the editorial 

team—Suresh Babu, Julien-Francois Gerber, Haripriya Gundimeda, Veena 

Srinivasan, and Sudha Vasan—continue as associate editors, with Asmita 

Kabra providing stability as the managing editor. Overall, there has been a 

seamless integration of new colleagues into the journal’s editorial collective. 

We start by expressing our gratitude to the founding editors and welcoming 

the colleagues who have now joined us.   

 
* Professor, Crawford School of Public Policy, ANU College of Asia and the Pacific, and The 

Australian National University, Australia. kuntala.lahiri-dutt@anu.edu.au  

 Professor in Economics, Goa Business School, Goa University, India. pm@unigoa.ac.in.   

Copyright © Lahiri-Dutt and Mukhopadhyay 2023. Released under Creative Commons 

Attribution © NonCommercial 4.0 International licence (CC BY-NC 4.0) by the authors.  

Published by Indian Society for Ecological Economics (INSEE), c/o Institute of Economic 
Growth, University Enclave, North Campus, Delhi 110007.  

ISSN: 2581–6152 (print); 2581–6101 (web).  

DOI: https://doi.org/10.37773/ees.v6i2.1138  

mailto:kuntala.lahiri-dutt@anu.edu.au
mailto:pm@unigoa.ac.in
https://doi.org/10.37773/ees.v6i2.1138


 Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [2] 
 

The editorial team and the advisory board continue to have significant 

diversity in knowledge domains as well as geographies, age, and gender. This 

is expected of a multi-disciplinary journal like EES. As a result, the journal 

has moved from strength to strength over the years. In 2018, the journal was 

on the UGC-CARE list in India, and it started getting indexed in Scopus by 

2021. In 2021, EES also got listed on the Directory of Open Access Journals 

(DOAJ) and was accepted into the Free Journal Network in 2022. Even 

though there are concerns about the use of index measures to judge the 

quality of a research journal, some benchmarks are helpful for self-reflection. 

The Scimago website1  places EES in the third quartile. Considering EES is 

a young, independent journal, this gives us a warm glow feeling.  

The high quality of research published in EES is being noticed globally, and 

citations per document have been slowly but steadily rising. For example, so 

far, the “most downloaded” articles are Magotra et al (2020), Bindra et al 

(2020) and Bhattacharya (2020). The “most cited” articles are Kabra (2019), 

Fanari (2019) and Chopra & Das (2019). International collaborations stand 

at nearly one-third, indicating that the journal caters to an international 

audience. 

The location of EES in the Global South, and the fact that it is an 

independent open-access journal brings multiple challenges. Some of these 

are financial and administrative, and others are academic. EES asks for no 

author publication charges (APC). This is possible only because of the 

unwavering support of INSEE. Additionally, EES has received some 

financial support from the Indian Council for Social Science Research 

(ICSSR), Foundation for Ecological Security, the Ashoka Trust for Research 

in Ecology and the Environment and independent donors.  

The inaugural issue of 2018 carried an editorial, one research paper, two 

commentaries, two reports, two thematic essays, three book reviews, and two 

notes from the field. In addition, it had seven pieces in the conversation 

section. The journal has grown significantly since then. The current issue 

carries four research papers, four book reviews, one thematic essay, and one 

insight from the field. Since its first issue, EES has carried special sections 

which specifically focussed on rehabilitating degraded ecosystems, the 

commons, new epistemologies of water in India, and ecological distribution 

conflicts in India. In this issue, the theme explored is political ecology; it has 

 
1 https://www.scimagojr.com/journalsearch.php?q=21101049095&tip=sid&clean=0  

https://www.scimagojr.com/journalsearch.php?q=21101049095&tip=sid&clean=0


[3] Lahiri-Dutt and Mukhopadhyay 

 

been edited by Kuntala Lahiri-Dutt, Sudha Vasan, and Asmita Kabra. It 

offers six research papers, one commentary, and one insight from the field.  

The increasing number of submissions and their quality give us hope that 

EES is providing researchers a much-needed space for interdisciplinary 

conversations. Its popularity is also indicative of the scholars’ desire to 

explore the challenges that growing economies pose to the environment and 

society. 

The current issue brings together a specially curated collection from the 

domain of political ecology. However, we at EES are yet to have an accurate 

balance in terms of the biophysical and social sciences in the conceptual 

framing and evidence analysed. Consequently, the interpretation of ecology 

can vary. This is not uncommon, and other emerging interdisciplinary fields 

also reflect such partiality to one or other areas. For instance, political ecology 

is clearly more inclined towards the politics of resources and the 

environment, as humans co-constitute these elements. This inclination is 

evident in the papers in this issue that use a conceptual framing of political 

ecology.   

The field of political ecology emerged in the 1980s as a new analytical tool to 

explain within a singular framework both environmental and distributional 

issues. It drew upon the broader field of political economy to argue that 

environmental degradation does not affect everyone in society in the same 

way. While development interventions initiate environmental change, those 

who are economically, socially, and politically more powerful are able to 

extract a larger share of the benefits, whereas an unfair burden of the costs 

are borne by those who are less powerful.  

As a methodology, political ecology not only heralded a disjuncture from the 

Benthamite utilitarianism of the greater common good, but also shifted 

scholarly dialogues on nature–society relationships to class-based analyses 

within other social hierarchies. Political ecology also asks questions about 

justice, autonomy, and agency. Scale is integral to these analyses, and the 

papers in the special section show how the methodology can be deployed at 

multiple scales, yet recognizes the specificity of contexts and places, and most 

importantly, puts politics at the heart of our thinking about ecological 

questions.  

A little bit of self-questioning is necessary here. Over the years, political 

ecology has turned into a much more heterogeneous field than it was when 

originally conceptualized. This transformation—or maturity of the 



 Ecology, Economy and Society–the INSEE Journal [4] 
 

methodology—was enabled by significant research that adopted post-

structuralist, social constructivist, and new materialist approaches.  

To use an example, let us briefly see how the underground—the part of the 

Earth that is below our feet—has been considered by political ecologists. 

Using a new materialist approach, Kaika and Swyngedouw (2000) show how 

an extensive water infrastructure under urban centres remains hidden, 

opaque, invisible, underground, locked into pipes and conduits, and act as 

passages that render how societies fetishize commodities (such as water). 

Others such as Bebbington and Bury (2013) explain the underground 

through the Cartesian view of space as either empty (to be put to use by 

society) or a container of things (or stuff, resources for extraction). Melo 

Zurita (2021) disagrees, and argues that before humans started constructing 

infrastructure projects, underground spaces were—and still are—an essential 

part of cosmologies. Indeed, the underground was not only sometimes 

crucial to survival, it was also a space of refuge, providing vital ingredients to 

sustain life. Deploying a feminist political ecology perspective, Lahiri-Dutt 

(2022) maintains that the underground is neither a purely natural (container 

of resources) nor a mental construct, and can be seen as being constantly 

redefined and co-constituted as a humanized, and even a gendered, place. 

Wider debates in political ecology reveal the productive tensions in the field. 

Knudsen (2023) suggests that although political ecology has posed critiques 

of modernist views of science, broken binaries to draw attention to multiple 

realities, and distributed agency to the subalterns, the time has come to move 

away from studying events and interactions, and to create a new ontology 

that can illuminate the kinds of unseen mechanisms and trends that can 

illuminate the world as stratified, from a critical realist perspective. This slight 

shift away from new materialism, Knudsen believes, will bring political 

economy back into political ecology. However, the challenges of discussing 

the ontology of environmental problems that are embedded in human 

experience and discourse remain. Forsyth (2023) adds a slightly different 

angle to this invitation by arguing that political ecology asks not only what is 

ecologically real but also how, and with what politics, ideas of reality are made 

and used. He suggests that the task now is to examine how ideas of ecological 

realities are created, how (and why) some persist while others dissipate, and 

the inclusion or exclusion of different perspectives in social research.  

Strands of these debates, we hope, can be detected in almost all the papers 

published in the special section of this issue, irrespective of whether they are 

part of the special section. For example, “Who Accesses Solar PV? Energy 



[5] Lahiri-Dutt and Mukhopadhyay 

 

Justice and Climate Justice in a Local Government Rooftop Solar 

Programme” assesses how the Darebin City Council of Melbourne, Australia, 

addresses the issue of energy justice through The Solar Saver programme that 

enables seniors, low-income residents, and tenants to install solar PV in their 

homes at no upfront cost. These urban residents are at risk of energy poverty 

and disproportionate climate impacts throughout the world. Therefore, the 

study has great value for replication in other contexts. The research paper, 

“Exploring the ‘Green’”, uses a historical lens to review the environment and 

ecology of pre-colonial Assam, while another research paper debates 

questions of private property rights and forest conservation outcomes using 

empirical evidence from West Bengal. In the special section, articles range in 

topics including extractivism in Turkey and East India; the environmental 

crisis in the Brahmaputra Valley, Assam; the complexities of rural drinking 

water policies and their implementation realities in southern Bihar; and how 

discourses of toxicity are contested by various stakeholders in the Yamuna 

floodplains in the Delhi metropolis. The critical lens of race analysis is added 

to the global consideration of political ecology by Mukul Kumar, in his article 

dissecting who creates, and who suffers as a result of, industrial disasters. 

Adding further richness to this issue is Simon Batterbury’s and Denisse 

Rodriguez’ commentary titled “Emancipatory Political Ecology Pedagogy in 

and out of the Classroom”. It deals with how political ecology pedagogy can 

be taken outside of the classroom, and it is of great relevance to a global 

audience of researchers. 

Finally, this issue features four book reviews and two insights from the field. 

The first one analyses how conservation and urbanization, despite conflicts, 

are taking place in Bannerghatta National Park in Bengaluru. The second one 

analyses gender-based, contextual preferences in arranging marriages in 

Brahmaputra chars in Assam. Together, these articles showcase the journal’s 

growing ability to deliver on its stated mandate of methodological pluralism 

and inter-disciplinary research. 

Conflict of Interest Statement: No potential conflict of interest was 
reported by the authors. 

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