Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5, 2199-2214 2024 Publisher: Learning Gate DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate * Correspondence: sasansaluna@msumaguindanao.edu.ph Melodies of empowerment: Unearthing ideological themes in Maguindanaon's protest songs through stylistic analysis Saima S. Maulana1*, Marissa N. Parcon1, Leonel P. Untong1, Baisoraya S. Parcon1, Asgar D. Mamidted1, Lydia S. Bawa2 1English Department, College of Education, Mindanao State University-Maguindanao, Maguindanao del Norte, Philippines; sasansaluna@msumaguindanao.edu.ph (S.S.M.) mnparcon@msumaguindanao.edu.ph (M.N.P.) lpuntong@msumaguindanao.edu.ph (P.P.U.) basampiano@msumaguindanao.edu.ph (B.S.P.) admamidted@msumaguindanao.edu.ph (A.D.M.). 2Language Department, College of Arts & Sciences, Mindanao State University-Maguindanao, Maguindanao del Norte, Philippines; lsbawa@msumaguindanao.edu.ph (L.S.B.). Abstract: This qualitative study employing stylistic analysis probed the stylistic architecture of Bangsamoro protest songs concerning semantics levels of language and investigated how this stylistic architecture foregrounds the embedded ideologies of protest songs. Fifty-one protest songs written in the Maguindanaon language served as the research material. The findings of the study showed that semantics devices such as allegory, apostrophe, climax, euphemism, hyperbole, visual imagery, irony, metaphor, personification, satire, simile, symbol, proverb, and idiom were manifested. Additionally, the civil rights movement, peace movement, anti-war movement, and anti-authoritarian movement ideologies were identified as the embedded ideologies foregrounded by the stylistic architectures found in the Bangsamoro protest songs. Therefore, analyzing and reflecting on the message of protest songs helps listeners understand social and political issues. Keywords: Embedded ideologies, Foregrounding, Protest songs, Stylistic architecture. 1. Introduction In Mindanao, the Philippines' most southern region, there has been a Muslim uprising for more than 50 years [1,2]. Tan [2] asserted that the Bangsamoro Muslims of Mindanao have organized separatist movements and engaged in armed conflicts with the Philippine government to assert their cultural identity and gain self-rule. As a manifestation, the Bangsamoro Basic Law (BBL), which granted the Bangsamoro people some degree of freedom and autonomy, has recently been the focus of the Philippine government's efforts. In the research done by Kapahi and Taňada [4] on The Bangsamoro Identity Struggle and the Bangsamoro Basic Law as the Path to Peace, the BBL symbolizes the willingness of all Filipinos, including Christian Filipinos and the Bangsamoro people, to end the conflict in Mindanao and to work together to address the issues and concerns of the Bangsamoro people. To build the Philippine nation and forge a path toward coexisting peacefully and prosperously, the Christian and Bangsamoro communities have come together. Self-determination is inalienable [4]. People can select their political status, economic, social, spiritual, and cultural development. More political power, active participation in government decision- making and administration, equal economic redistribution, and effective measures to protect and safeguard their culture and way of life inside the nation-state may be demanded. Hence, Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) [1] and the Philippine Government acknowledged this right. On June 22, 2001, the MILF and the Philippine government signed the 2001 Tripoli Agreement on Peace in Libya. 2200 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate In the study of Tan [1] on the Internationalization of the Bangsamoro Struggle, he pointed out that the Bangsamoro people's fundamental right to determine their future and political status existed before the agreement. This recognition [6] was international because it was negotiated and signed in a foreign country by foreign dignitaries. Aspirations of the Bangsamoro people for freedom support its right to self-determination. In asserting their right to self-determination, the Bangsamoro people choose to regain their independence. Both the liberation fronts and the civil society movement want the Bangsamoro state and government to return home. Before the Spanish colonialists arrived, the Muslims of Mindanao, Sulu, Tawi-Tawi, Basilan, and Palawan had built states and administrations with diplomatic and trade links to other countries, including China [7]. Well-run states. The Bangsamoro people's well-organized administrative and political system let them endure Western colonial powers' military onslaught for generations while maintaining their political and social identity. Thus, the Spanish colonial power failed for decades to defeat Muslim countries and add their area to its Philippine possessions. Well-organized naval and military forces kept the Bangsamoro state independent. When the US promised Philippine independence, Bangsamoro chiefs strongly opposed joining the Philippine Republic. The inhabitants of the Sulu archipelago petitioned the US president on June 9, 1921, to join the US rather than the Philippines [8]. After the Philippine independence from the US in 1946, the Bangsamoro people maintained their claim to independence. Without their plebiscitary agreement, the annexation of their land was illegitimate and unjust. As a result, Bangsamoro's identity-based conflict centers on self-determination. Bangsamoro claimed independence from the Philippines. Islam and history unify the Bangsamoro tribes [1, 4]. Hostilities began between the Philippine government and the MILF on August 4, 2008, after a temporary restraining order prevented them from signing the Memorandum of Agreement on Ancestral Domain (MOA-AD). Hundreds of citizens have been killed and injured in recent attacks in Maguindanao, Lanao, and North Cotabato, and 500,000 Muslims and Christians have been displaced. Despite the foregoing possibilities and many challenges, the ARMM governance structure remains in existence before the BARMM's formation. The Bangsamoro still demand self-determination [9], 2004). Vitug and Gloria [8] argued that these grievances stem from the disenfranchisement of the people in their ancestral domain as a result of the American period's systematic migration programs from the North (to Mindanao) and those that persisted in the succeeding Filipino government; the lack of development in their areas; the lack of their representation and influence in local and national politics; ongoing discrimination against them; and the continuation of human rights violations. Tan [3] claimed that Moro communities feel neglected by the Philippine government. Thus, these protests occurred and erupted. Protest songs became the avenue to express sentiments of the Moro people. With the above scenarios, Talusan [10] investigated the purpose and roles of Muslim Filipino protest music and how the rebel songs of the Bangsamoro people changed into Moro songs. The lyrics of Moro songs naturalized the terms "Moro" and "Bangsamoro," as well as ideas like unity and Islamic renewal. The Maguindanaon sentiments and aspirations [11], resulted from the mass-based Bangsamoro movement that was effectively captured in the protest songs. Likewise, Alim’s [12] study on Bangsamoro Struggle for Self-Determination expounded that Bangsamoro’s personal experiences are expressed in songs, whereas this makes more political allusions to the inclusive Bangsamoro identity. The ideologies are reflected in the lyrical content of Moro songs, which focus more on the official goals of denouncing Western imperialism, helping to fortify Bangsamoro identity, and stirring feelings of love and melancholy for the homeland. Nonetheless, there are numerous studies [10-16] about protest songs in the Philippines focusing on the purpose, roles, and message of protest songs. The works of Medina [14] analyzed the connection of protest songs to social movements. Quan and Li [15] investigated the sounds and forms of protest songs to critically examine their origins and meanings, but the researchers have not come across a study focusing on ideological themes of protest songs through stylistic analysis. 2201 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate With the abovementioned scenarios, this study aimed to examine the Maguindanaon’s protest songs with respect to semantic level, and how the semantics foreground the ideological themes of Maguindanaon’s protest songs. 2. Review of Literature 2.1. Stylistics Stylistics places a major emphasis on studying the aesthetic aspect of language in its two media: written and oral. Imran et al [17] opined those stylistics look into many types of language stretches including literary texts, speeches, legal texts, news reports, advertisements, jokes, and many more. Linguists [18-20] placed stylistics in a mediated position between linguistics and literary criticism, with the application of linguistic methods and rules to literary texts, which elucidates naming stylistics as linguistic criticism or literary linguistics. Meanwhile, Khan et al. [21] discussed style that is used in referring to the method by which the writer utilizes the means of language, selection of words, order of sentences, and the use of poetic devices. With this, foregrounding is a literary and linguistic technique used to highlight elements of a text or speech that deviate from expected patterns to emphasize and create literary or artistic effects [22]. In this study, it refers to the intentional use of stylistic architecture to highlight and emphasize the meaning and message of language. Several stylistic scholars have commented extensively on the character and uses of foregrounding. These scholars [23-27] discussed that foregrounding invokes the analogy of a figure seen against a background and goes on to say that anyone who wishes to investigate the significance and value of a work of art must concentrate on the element of interest and surprise, rather than on the automatic pattern. The principle of foregrounding is a fundamental assumption in this study. What it is and how it is used is predicated on how the study treats the lyrics of the protest songs it intends to investigate. Therefore, foregrounding according to Simpson [24] and Shen [28] generally assumes that poetic language deviates from norms defining ordinary language use (e.g., at the phonological, grammatical, semantic, or pragmatic levels) and that this deviation interferes with cognitive principles and processes that enable communication. There are several linguistic quirks related to foregrounding that can be found in the literature. The key textual meanings are typically foregrounded on various textual levels and using a variety of foregrounding techniques [29]. According to Arnold's theory [22] on foregrounding, every textual component including how they are arranged is deliberate and contributes to the comprehension of the author's message. These textual meanings are highlighted using a variety of foregrounding techniques at different textual levels. Meanwhile, Uzoamaka and Jayeoba [30] discovered that foregrounding was utilized at a variety of linguistic levels, including graphological, phonological, lexical, syntactic, and semantic levels. Furthermore, Jeffries and McIntyre [26] categorized these linguistic levels into five: phonology, graphology, morphology, syntax, and semantics. This study focused on identifying the stylistics in protest songs at the semantic level of language structures. 2.2. Protest Songs and Ideological Dimensions Embedded in Protest Songs The studies on styles and ideologies embedded in the protest songs cannot be overlooked, as Rydell and Bienvenu [31] stressed that protest songs are an effective tool for raising awareness and encouraging public action concerning current issues. Aronson and Box [32] expressed that analyzing the linguistic choices and impact of protest songs can provide an insightful window into aspects of a country's values, and minority and indigenous people's viewpoints on dominant mainstream opinion or government policy. Therefore, Quirk Cort [33] and Àkànmú [34] believed that examining the styles and effects of the protest songs can ease and help listeners decipher their meaning. With the social value of protest songs, people of Mindanao in the Philippines, specifically in the Bangsamoro region express their sentiments in these protest songs. This can be traced on the study of Talusan [10]. 2202 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate The present study also examined the embedded ideologies embedded in the protest songs. Thus, the book of Street [35] Music and Politics claims that protest songs are a form of political expression that expresses a variety of ideologies. According to him, political ideologies like those opposed to war, peace, globalization, capitalism, civil rights, feminism, environment, authoritarianism, and discrimination can all be expressed through protest songs. These ideologies use a variety of themes to convey their message, including solidarity, equality, justice, and freedom. They frequently have roots in specific historical, social, and cultural settings. Hence, the set of beliefs in political or social movements, or particular worldviews or agendas that can be found in the Bangsamoro protest songs were investigated. 3. Research Methodology 3.1. Research Design This study employed a qualitative approach utilizing the stylistic analysis to identify the stylistic architectures found in the Bangsamoro protest songs. Qualitative research is a method that aims to produce narrative or textual descriptions of the phenomena under study [36-37]. Therefore, to shed light on the problems presented in this study, researchers employed stylistic analysis as it is characteristically qualitative and interpretive allowing the researchers, to make rich and deep scrutiny of how information is presented. Significantly, the semantic level of stylistic analysis (Sharma, 2019) was considered in this study. The semantic devices that foreground the embedded ideologies of the Bangsamoro protest songs were also examined in this study. 3.2. Profile of the Research Materials Table 1 presents the profile of the research materials which depicts that all of them have met the selection criteria as identified. These are different types of Bangsamoro protest songs taken from the Bangsamoro Library and Archives. There are twenty-six total protest songs under cultural protest songs and twenty-five under political protest songs. The total number of corpora used in this study is fifty-one. The protest songs used in this study are written in the Maguindanaon language and originally composed by the Bangsamoro people specifically, Maguindanaon from the Bangsamoro region. These composers are prominent Moro singers and composers. 3.3. Data Analysis Analysis of this was based on Miles and Huberman’s [38] framework for qualitative data analysis as cited in Creswell [39]. Only the original copies of the protest songs were subjected to analysis, these were translated into English to facilitate the presentation of data. Furthermore, each protest song was coded based on the type of protest song. The first letter of the type of protest song was used to come up with the code. For example, CPS1 stands for cultural protest song 1, PPS27 stands for political protest song 27, and so forth. There was also a corresponding number attached to the letter code. It referred to the order of the corpora used in this study. After the coding, each of the corpora was subjected to close reading and stylistic analysis by observing wide margins on both sides of each copy and with enough spaces in between sentences for coding and memoing purposes. To answer research question number one, the framework of Sharma [40] in identifying phonological and morphological devices was utilized. More so, to analyze research question number two, the political ideologies framework in the book of Street [35] Music and Politics was utilized. Meanwhile, after thorough analyses of the data, findings were presented in tabular form with narratives to provide a clear and insightful discussion of the findings. Moreover, the analyses were subjected to validation by peers and then by experts in the field of applied linguistics. 2203 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate 4. Results and Discussion 4.1. Semantic Devices Found in the Protest Songs The results of this study show that analyzing this level contributed to the discernment of meanings of words, phrases, and sentences employed in the corpora. More so, it has been found that the analyzed Bangsamoro protests songs employed allegory, apostrophe, climax, euphemism, hyperbole, visual imagery, irony, metaphor, personification, satire, simile, symbol, proverbs, and idioms. To which according to Verma and Srinivasan [41] semantics level of language suggests that even ordinary words can convey extraordinary meaning or that words can be used to convey deeper meanings that are different from their original meanings. Therefore, Mae, et al [42] claimed that the use of semantic devices in songs can create multiple meanings and interpretations for the listener. According to them, semantic choices made by the songwriter can establish mood, create imagery, and evoke emotions associated with specific words. Table 1. The semantic devices found in the protest songs. Specific type Frequency of occurrence Allegory 12 Apostrophe 10 Climax 15 Euphemism 6 Hyperbole 20 Visual imagery 15 Irony 15 Metaphor 31 Personification 26 Satire 4 Simile 10 Symbol 30 Proverb 22 Idiom 4 The results have shown that allegory device was found and employed in the 12 analyzed corpora. As some protest songwriters employed this device to convey political messages and emotions. Also, the results have revealed that some of the protest songwriters employed this device to convey political messages and emotions by citing symbolic representations that can be interpreted to reveal the hidden meaning of a moral or political issue. This result aligned with the study of Siagian, Sinaga, & Pane [43] which states that the use of allegory enables artists to express their ideas in a way that is less explicit and more open to interpretation. Thus, allegory in protest songs is a powerful means of conveying moral and political messages and emotions. Some of these symbolic representations utilized by the protest songwriters were the following: Su kasurgan nin a kadenan Tatap kabu su kadadayan. (The paradise of God is the house of tranquillity.) [PPS32] Su kapiya nu ginawa na malu tanu tadtakan di tanu gasigulu su baninindeg ku inged. (The sweetness of life must be lessened 2204 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate because we do not know what will happen to our leaders, who fight for us.) [PPS46] In addition, the result of the study showed that apostrophe was found at the semantics level and seen in 10 protest songs analyzed. Further, some protest songwriters employed this device to express a strong emotion or idea by addressing a missing or fictitious person, or an abstract quality. Therefore, an apostrophe is used in literature and poetry when the speaker addresses a person, object, or abstract idea who is not present or cannot respond [44]. Apostrophes can be used in protest songs to express anger or frustration towards a specific person or group or to draw attention to an issue or injustice. Some of the manifestations that apostrophe was employed were through the use of these sample lines from corpora: O kadnan kuna ampun ako bu. (Oh God, please forgive us.) [CPS12] O mataya, tayan ko na. (Oh my darling, my love.) [CPS21] In the protest songs analyzed it was found that climax was seen and determined in the 15 corpora as some protest songwriters utilized this device in emphasizing the song's main message and creating a strong emotional impact on the listener by repeating some lines in the corpora. This result is aligned with the study of Rosenberg [45] who claimed that climax is a literary device used in protest songs to create tension and emphasize a central idea or message. Bgradually building up to a climax, the song creates a sense of tension that is released powerfully and memorably, leaving a lasting impression on the listener [46]. To give an illustration, some of the found climax in the corpora which manifest the use of this device were the repetition of the lines: Ka ilay nu paman o di tanu mamagayun-ayun na masigambol tanu kanu inged a Bangsamoro. Mapasang inya timpu ah gambebetad Tatap sakitanu bun eh pambubunwa. (Oh Bangsamoro, if we are not united we become divided in our homeland. Our situation is difficult Fighting is common today.) [PPS28] Babay mama salekanu Pakikineg kanu Basi siya den ba mabuwat Su suwara nu taw a manawt. (Both man and woman, my brother and sisters listen to me because this is the time the voice of the masses will be heard.) [PPS33] Results have shown that the use of euphemism as a semantics device was seen in 6 protest songs analyzed and some of the protest songwriters used this device to express contentious subjects in a more palatable manner while maintaining the strength of the message. The findings are in support to the findings of Sharma [40] who asserted that euphemism is the practice of using a phrase or words that do not offend in place of one that is considered to be disagreeable or embarrassing. The use of this device in the corpora was illustrated by the words that were used to lessen the impact of potentially hurtful, offensive, and sensitive words or phrases while still getting the point across to the audience or listener 2205 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate such as order instead of war, the situation of masses instead of hardships and struggles faced by the people, and tolerable instead of unbearable situation. Di ku lagen di tikan Su gatala nu madakel. (Seeing the suffering and the situation of the masses.) [CPS24] Uged na di bangandamen su gatala. Su di nilan bamikiren su karasay Sabap kanu paninindeg ku dalepa. (But this situation is tolerable for us We do not care the suffering for the sake of our homeland.) [PPS39] Results also have shown that hyperbole was employed and was found in the 20 protest songs analyzed. The result of this study also manifested that protest songwriters used this device to highlight the urgency and significance of the message being delivered and to elicit a powerful emotional response from the audience through the found overstated or exaggerated statements. In support of the results of this study, DeCook [47] pointed out that exaggeration was employed to heighten the sense of urgency and convince the audience to act. The use of this device can be reflected by the overstated or exaggerated statements found in the corpora: Ka iniling sa binatang su mga guru ulama, taman ku manga ustadz na labi den su manga wata. (They were slaughtered like animals The Muslim scholars and children were brutally killed.) [PPS37] Ngibuwan dan na lugo namangigis. Madakel-dakel dan su nasahid. (Thousands of people have been sacrificed and were many killed.) [PPS39] Moreover, the results of the study have shown visual imagery was utilized and seen in the 15 protest songs analyzed. It was also found that some of the protest songwriters utilized this device to convey the reality of a social or political issue through the employed visual imageries and descriptive language to give a sensory experience and to paint vivid pictures in the minds of listeners. The result of this study conforms with the study of Way [48] who asserted that the impact of the message being conveyed can be increased by the use of visual imagery in protest songs, which can elicit strong feelings and vivid mental images in the listener. This is also evident in the study of Werbner et al [48], they emphasized that visual imagery is important in protest songs because it helps to create a vivid mental image in the listener's mind and elicit an emotional response. The following descriptive language was found and used in the corpora to give a sensory experience to the listeners on the effect of war: Maylay su manga babay, ah da mangkanjung ah rasay. (As we see the women faces of sorrow are reflected.) [PPS34] 2206 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate Sakami a manganguda na apya andaw dan kagabyan. Apya andaw dan kagabyan kaw ligid o manga pawas. Manga ligid oh pawas a pagalata nu palaw. (We are the youth who always travel even at night. We can be found in swampy places, swamps or even in the mountains.) [PPS41] Additionally, the result showed that the analyzed corpora employed irony and this device was manifested in the 15 corpora. As found in the analysis, some of the protest songwriters utilized this device to draw a contrast between what is said and what is meant, which can help to critique social or political issues cleverly and provocatively. In protest songs, irony is a powerful tool used to subtly express a deeper message, contradiction, or criticism. Irony might be used, for instance, to draw attention to the horrors of war in a song that extols the glory of battle [50-53]. It was found in the analyzed corpora that this device was employed through citing contradictions such as the use of the phrases: Na dala den pagkataw kanu lalan nu madakel, Sabap kanu kawagib na dala tuno. (No one knows the endless war Fighting for the rights that have no voice.) [CPS4] Na di yaku kagilkan ku kuntela Nu agama Ka iganat ku sa inged su Bagelu paninindeg. (I am not afraid of faith’s enemy. I will leave my homeland with a strength of defense.) [CPS15] Considering the results of the study, metaphor was found in the 31 protest songs analyzed and some of the protest songwriters employed this device to elicit feelings and create memorable images in the listener's mind. This device was demonstrated by the vivid and creative comparisons of political and social issues in the corpora. This is affirmed that metaphors [54-56] are frequently used to convey complex political and social issues through vivid and creative comparisons. Some of the sample lines employed metaphors in the corpora were: Pakesagad su ginawa kanu kanggula, Na palayun pambabetu ka pambubunwa. Na dala den pagkataw kanu lalan nu madakel, Sabap kanu kawagib na dala tuno. (My heart is crying in our situation. An endless bullet because of war. No one knows the endless war Fighting for the rights that have no voice.) [CPS4] Suwara magungaya Suwara nu manga gaumis A papedsampay sa katigan A papedtindeg sa kabantang. (This is the voice that cares 2207 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate The voice of slavery relates the history and the fight for the right of Bangsamoro.) [PPS33] More so, the results have shown that personification was utilized and seen in the 27 analyzed corpora. As manifested in the corpora, some of the protest songwriters employed this device to give non-human entities or objects human traits or qualities to convey a message or express protest against social or political issues. Personification [57-58] is a literary technique used in protest songs to convey a message or express protest against a social or political issue through inanimate objects or animals that are given human characteristics and traits. Giving non-human entities human traits or qualities such as ..the moon is smiling, ..the strong soul stands, ..faith can’t leave, and ..the sun is rising were some of the personifications found in the analyzed corpora: Guden sebang su senang Sa takilidan nu palaw Ipegkag su sigay nin Bala bala kanu inged. (When the sun is rising on the sides of mountains its shine shone give lights in the land.) [CPS14] U di bu ya malegen su bangsa Na dili ku magaga su kasusa A mawalaw a mategas si badan Taman sa kagkapulu kataban. (Faith can’t afford to leave in striving for a peaceful homeland. This strong soul stands until we win.) [CPS19] Furthermore, the results have shown that satire was found and seen in the 4 analyzed corpora. This semantics device was employed by some protest songwriters to make fun of or mock something, about the social or political issue, by using humor, irony, or exaggeration. Given the lyrics of the protest songs, this device illuminated the found inconsistencies of those in authority or exposed the issues with a specific system or institution that are found in the corpora. The use of satire [59] exposes the flaws and contradictions in society as a whole, or at least a significant portion of it. Moreover, satire [60] establishes a connection between banter and irony, and it is the seamless blending of the two that produces satirical humor. The songwriter employed this device to address issues in a light-hearted manner and help listeners understand the serious issues. Some of the found satirical lines in the corpora were: Masu di ta mapagubay. Datu e ganggiginawa Matuwa sa langun. Mana den si manguda A balangitaw nu palaw. (They are people who need love, they are bizarre! I am not lying. 2208 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate There is no peace if you don’t follow their own political views. They see themselves as great.) [PPS44] Kuntela nu agama a A sangat a talimbuten Ya nilan bu inipayag Satebped a kalatas. (The enemies were real cheaters. This they admit and declare in the piece of paper that was signed by them.) [PPS49] Another found semantic device in the analyzed corpora was simile and was used in the 10 analyzed protest songs. Based on the results of this study, some protest songwriters used this device to conjure up vivid images and make comparisons between various events or circumstances to connect the listeners to the issues being discussed in the corpora. Some of the sample lines that manifest the use of this device in the corpora were: This Earth we live in is like a paradise., Let us purify our hearts as white as the clouds.., and …to be a youth, with no family is like a soldier with no salary. The result of this study is aligned with the study of Nkoala [61] in which he asserted that similes are an effective way to convey complex ideas and emotions in protest music. He also added that similes can be used to create vivid imagery through direct comparisons that assist songwriters in delivering their message in a way that is memorable and meaningful to the audience. Tatapen su kadsanggila Su kaputi nu atay tatapen Manasu kaputi nu gabung Adgaaden su kagkapiya. (Let us avoid war. Let us purify our hearts as white as the clouds that facilitate collaboration among us.) [CPS11] Adi so manga nguda na manguda pon silan Na diden ba kasampuwan, a dala malilini lun e sundalo da sukay nin. (It is fine for us to be like this to be a youth, with no family is like a soldier with no salary.) [PPS41] In the same vein, results have found that symbol was utilized and identified in 30 analyzed corpora. Also, it was manifested that this device was used by some of protest songwriters to evoke feelings and foster a sense of solidarity among listeners who relate to the symbol. Some of the identified symbols in the corpora were: the voice as a symbol of desired change, world for the fleeting nature of life, positions for positional power and legal sanction, and strong soul for determination and perseverance. The result of this study strengthens the research of Atata & Omabowele [62] in which she emphasized that symbolic representations can be strategically employed to sway public opinion and foster a sense of collective identity. Using symbols [63] to convey political messages and rally listeners behind a cause can be especially effective in the context of protest songs. 2209 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate A mawalaw a mategas si badan Taman sa kagkapulu kataban. (This strong soul stands until we win.) [CPS19] Da den napangentu nin A da den napangentu nin Ka ini baba su watuy A ini baba su watuy Sa kapembetedan nilan. (They abandon the aim. They do not care and they love their positions, those positions in this land bring them prestige.) [PPS48] Similarly, based on the results of the study, the 22 analyzed corpora used proverbs. Also found that proverbs were used by some of the protest songwriters to offer direction, wisdom, or insight into a specific problem or circumstance that is found in the corpora. This semantics device was identified through the use of succinct, memorable summaries of a larger message or theme [64 -65] of protest songs such as the longest mile is the mile home, Good things come to those who wait, and United we stand, divided we fall. This finding is in congruence with the assertion of Sharma [40] on the use of proverbs. A proverb is a short well-known sentence or phrase that states a general truth about life or gives advice. Matulak sa mapanton E makambama sa ganti (Good things come to those who wait.) [CPS11] Nya den ba su gatimpo mamagayun Adsamasama tanu, di tanu mamaguluga. (This is the time that we need to be united, United we stand, divided we fall.) [PPS39] Finally, the results show that idioms were utilized and seen in 4 analyzed corpora. It was also observed that protest songwriters employed this device to make an emotional and powerful impact on the listener by evoking a sense of solidarity and shared experiences. As an illustration, some of the employed idioms in the analyzed corpora were: break down the barriers, choosy people always repent in the end, and rise out of the ashes. In support of the results of this study, Nkoala [61], revealed that idioms can be a powerful tool for protest songwriters because they can help to convey complex ideas and emotions simply and memorably, as well as create a sense of shared cultural identity among listeners [66]. Tatap sa masamili E makakan sa tasi. (Choosy people always repent in the end.) [CPS11] Manga pagali iyaden mawli 2210 Edelweiss Applied Science and Technology ISSN: 2576-8484 Vol. 8, No. 5: 2199-2214, 2024 DOI: 10.55214/25768484.v8i5.1977 © 2024 by the authors; licensee Learning Gate A mapangeni a diden masuli Su paganay sangat a narasay Temendeg taw pon kanu aw nu katuntay. (My dear fellow relatives please let us not bring back the years of war. Let us rise out of the ashes.) [PPS45] 4.2. Ideological Themes found in the Maguindanao’s Protest Songs The results have shown that the stylistic architecture found in the semantics level of the analyzed corpora emphasized the civil rights ideals through the use of semantics devices. As a manifestation, the use of the allegory of a generation of green emphasized the civil rights movement ideology by using a symbolic allegory of the military presence in their homeland. The song emphasizes the struggle of the Bangsamoro people to defend their rights and autonomy from outside forces by employing this allegory. Therefore, Barker [67] asserted that metaphor, symbolism, and other literary devices can produce memorable images that communicate important concepts and principles. Further, these semantic strategies [68] reinforce the key ideas of the civil rights movement and send listeners a strong, emotionally resonant message. Likewise, in the semantics level of the analyzed corpora, results presented that the seen semantics devices foregrounded the peace movement ideology. As an illustration, the use of the metaphor If I were a bird I will join the wind so I can leave the sadness behind emphasizes that peace ideals with human rights and freedom from oppression, and the bird metaphor implies a desire for freedom and mobility. Moreover, the result of this study supports Mushtaq [69] assertion, who pointed out that the language of songs plays an important role in emphasizing the songs' peace movement ideology, as well as in creating a complex web of meanings [33] that resonate with listeners and contribute to the overall impact of the songs. Additionally, the embedded anti-war movement ideology was foregrounded by the semantics devices found in the analyzed corpora. This can be manifested in the use of visual imagery which evoked the suffering and hardship endured by the locals, especially women, in the conflict-torn area, the song underscores the urgent need for peace and a peaceful resolution of the conflict by describing the faces of sorrow reflected on the women. Yanik’s [70] research confirms this finding, stating that the anti-war movement ideology advocates against war, brutality, and militarism. In addition, numerous protest songs [71] use literary methods such as metaphor, imagery, symbolism, and irony to express their message of peace and nonviolence. Finally, the protest song's use of satire highlighted the anti-authoritarian movement's ideology by calling attention to the hypocrisy and greed of the ruling class and inspiring the Bangsamoro people to rebel against their oppressive rule. This can be illustrated by the satirical lines They see themselves as great; They are old but immature leaders of the land, and Let us give them our love, They are people who need love, they are bizarre! The present study’s finding is corroborated by the assertion of Martinelli [71] who posited that the use of semantic devices such as metaphor, hyperbole, satire, and irony, emphasize the ideology and objectives of the anti-authoritarian movement which also encourages political awareness and resistance. While these semantic devices are powerful tools for resistance [73-75], they can also be met with resistance themselves, as seen in the public discourse and protest songs. This highlights the complex interplay between language and ideologies embedded. 5. Conclusion Taking into account the findings of this study, it paves the way for elucidating the ideological themes present in the semantic layers of protest songs. This study has proven that through judiciously and analytically looking into the dimensions of the language of protest songs, the stylistics professed ideologies that may flourish and be examined for richer and deeper comprehension. 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