







































Education, Society and Human Studies 
ISSN 2690-3679 (Print) ISSN 2690-3687 (Online) 

Vol. 1, No. 2, 2020 
www.scholink.org/ojs/index.php/eshs 

84 

Original Paper 

Understanding the African Continental Free Trade Area: Beyond 

“Single Market” to “Africa’s Rejuvenation” Analysis 
Dr. Kaze Armel1* 

1 Post-Doctorate Fellow at Yunnan University, School of International Relations, Center for African 

Studies, Yunnan, Kunming, China 
* Dr. Kaze Armel, Post-Doctorate Fellow at Yunnan University, School of International Relations, 

Center for African Studies, Yunnan, Kunming, China 

 

Received: June 29, 2020           Accepted: July 7, 2020          Online Published: July 12, 2020 

doi:10.22158/eshs.v1n2p84                       URL: http://dx.doi.org/10.22158/eshs.v1n2p84 

 

Abstract 

While global trends continue to move from integration towards heightened protectionism, and 

retaliatory trade measures, African countries improved their intra-regional trade levels and deepened 

their regional integration by launching the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA). The 

AfCFTA seeks to deepen Africa’s market integration at regional and continental levels; smash down 

tariff barriers within Africa; boost intra-Africa trade; promote regional and continental value chains; 

and hopefully deliver Africa’s rejuvenation. However, Africa as a continent is facing many challenges, 

especially its notions and concepts of development, plus the complications caused by the outbreak of 

the COVID-19 pandemic. However, questions are being aroused on whether African policy makers are 

prepared enough to overcome the AfCFTA related challenges. This article examines the mechanisms 

needed to fully implement the recently signed continental free trade area deal, its impact on Africa’s 

Regional Economic Communities (RECs), and what’s in it for Africa’s major economic partners. In this 

article, the author will also point out existing daunting challenges and give a series of policy 

recommendations. 

Keywords 

African continental free trade area, regional economic communities, Intra-African trade, single market, 

Africa’s rejuvenation 

 

 

 

 



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1. Introduction 

The African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) is the 21st Century’s biggest free trade area, which 

was endorsed by 54 out of 55 African Union (AU) member countries, leaving Eritrea the only African 

nation that hasn’t signed the agreement. The AfCFTA’s objective is to create a single market for goods, 

services and free movement of African people and capital within the African continent and help deepen 

the continent’ economic integration (Note 1). According to the United Nations Economic Commission 

for Africa (UNECA), the AfCFTA will gradually eliminate tariffs on 90% of the goods produced in 

Africa. The AfCFTA was initiated in June 2015, entered into force on May 30th, 2019, but will fully 

enter into action from July 1st, 2020. Ghana, one of the fastest growing economies in Africa, was 

designated to host the Secretariat of the AfCFTA. The AfCFTA aspires to create a tariff-free continent 

that aims to grow African local businesses, and pave the way for a new custom union. The initiative is 

also slated to boost intra-African trade through better harmonization of trade liberalization, while 

enhancing industrialization to create more jobs opportunities for African citizens. However, while the 

AfCFTA agreement entered into force in 2019, commerce due to have started on July 1st has been 

delayed as the COVID-19 pandemic set back negotiations to lay the foundation for trade in goods, 

including tariff concessions. While the window to implement the deal is very narrow, African heads of 

state want it to move as quickly as possible once conditions allow. 

The launch of the AfCFTA is a significant milestone for African countries, for African citizens and for 

the African Union itself and will be governed by five operational instruments: the rules of origin; the 

online negotiating forum; the monitoring and elimination of non-tariff barriers; a digital payment 

system and the African trade observatory (Note 2). Each of these operational instruments are being 

successively launched and fully supported by different African high personalities and Heads of States. 

2018 estimates from Brookings Institution indicate that with the actual operationalization of the 

AfCFTA, the African continent is likely to become a US$ 3.5 trillion economic trade zone. In addition, 

when fully operational, the AfCFTA could be the world’s biggest free-trade zone by area, with a 

potential market of 1.3 billion people and a combined GDP of US$ 3.5 trillion (Obeng-Odoom, 2020). 

However, even though the continental free trade deal has been launched, African countries have a long 

way to go and should learn from their counterparts, especially the European Union (EU), or even the 

Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) on how to put aside differences and aim to grow  

internal trade volume and trade interdependence. At present, Africa ranks behind other regions in terms 

of its overall level of regional trade volume. Despite African countries’ cultural affinity and geographic 

proximity, it is unfortunate that between 2015 to 2017, only 17% of trade was conducted among 

African countries, largely due to Africa’s intra-trade barriers, Africa’s fragmented market, poor 

transport and telecommunication connectivity, etc. Furthermore, African countries remain keen on 

sheltering their internal markets from external influence, while Asia intra-continental trade, especially 

within the Association of South-East Asian Nations (ASEAN) is estimated up to 59%, North America 



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by 37%, Latin America by 20%, and European Union by 69% (Note 3). Nevertheless, it is also 

important to notice that many African countries have made significant progress in their economic 

performances in the last ten years. Countries like Rwanda, Ethiopia, Nigeria and Ghana, to name just 

few, are attracting large amounts of Foreign Direct Investment (FDI) globally. In addition, according to 

the African Union open data, Africa has the largest number of active consumers; its population is 

projected to hit 2.5 billion by 2050; comprising around 26% of the world’s working age population; 

and an economy estimated to grow twice as rapidly as that of the developed world (Note 4). 

However, despite rapid economic development of some African countries, products and goods traded 

within African countries are mainly raw materials and traditional commodities with little or no value 

added. This should not have been the case if there were no trade barriers within African States. 

Although, the actual operation and implementation of the AfCFTA agreement as a whole has a long 

way to go to overcome all the existing daunting challenges, but the impact of the Continental Trade 

deal area agreement on boosting investment in Africa should not be ignored. The launch of the AfCFTA 

will speed up the complete elimination of trade barriers, enhance Africa’s global competitiveness at the 

enterprise and industry level, and hopefully, it will be easier for African businesses to trade within the 

continent, and benefit from the growing African market. 

The objective of this article is to give insights from an African perspective of what the African 

Continental Free Trade Area agreement will bring to the African continent and to its major economic 

partners. In this article, the author will only take China and the USA as case study. Africa has a large 

number of countries, many Regional Economic Communities (RECs), vast disparities in their 

economies, a growing and competitive work force, among others. It is just about time Africa begins to 

do things for herself, especially in an era featuring uncertainties and fluctuations. The launch of the 

AfCFTA comes at the opportune time; especially when African country leaders are embracing 

integration and push forward their own development programs through the “Africa Agenda 2063”. 

Based on its basic goals, the AfCFTA deal is set to reduce heavy tariffs that have been slowing the 

intra-Africa trade speed and unlock many opportunities on the continent, redesign the architectural 

framework of Africa’s economic systems and hopefully anchor the modern Africa that African citizens 

want. Nevertheless, the success of the implementation of the AfCFTA agreement depends not only on 

documents signed in a conference room but rather on the functions of elements beyond African 

countries borders such as transparency and clear rules of play. How Africa as a continent can take 

advantage of the huge market opportunities and Africa’s demographic dividend to boost intra-Africa 

trade remain the big question needed to be answered. 

A key takeaway form this article is: African countries have more integration barriers to beat in their 

markets than in signed agreements. The lack of adequate transportation and telecommunications 

infrastructure in the continent and over reliance on Western foreign exchange currency in the arena of 

trade, provide incentives for the maintenance of the current status quo. In addition, substandard 



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infrastructure and Africa’s current poor trade logistics sit alongside tariffs as barriers that need to be 

solved. The author of this article argues that it will take more than a reduction in tariffs to achieve the 

success of the continental free trade area deal. In this article, the author will point out existing 

challenges and give a series of policy recommendations, hopefully that might help in the successful 

implementation of the AfCFTA. 

 

2. Literature Review 

On a broader scale, since the beginning of the 21st Century, African countries have worked together in 

seeking their development opportunities. In fact, within the last two decades, Africa’s intra-regional 

trade has been growing. With the launch of the Continental Free Trade Area deal, it is expected to foster 

inclusive trade among African countries and lower dependence on extractive local products and 

inherent fluctuations of commodity prices (Wang, 2019). Until today, not many Scholars have done 

research about the AfCFTA deal, but existing researches and policy reviews show a strong confidence 

in the success of the implementation of the deal. For instance, global economy expert Landry Signe 

estimates that a successfully implemented AfCFTA could generate US$ 6.7 trillion in consumer and 

business spending across Africa by 2030, while the United Nations Economic Commission for Africa 

(UNCA) has predicted that a fully implemented AfCFTA can raise intra-African trade between 15% 

and 20% (US$ 50 billion to US$ 70 billion) by 2040. A number of experts hold strong belief that the 

Continental Free Trade Area deal could change the fate of Africa. For instance, Asmita Parshotam in 

her article “Can the African Continental Free Trade Area offer a new beginning for trade in Africa”, 

provides a snapshot of the negotiations that preceded the signing of the African Continental Free Trade 

Area agreement and examines the benefits that should flow from a successfully implemented 

continental trade deal, pointing out some of the difficulties that may hinder or slow down its 

implementation (Note 5). Zezhong Zhang, a Chinese Scholar from Jiangxi Normal University in his 

article “African Economic Integration Strategy Under the African Continental Free Trade Agreement”, 

reviewed the efforts made by African leaders to pull together the Continental Free Trade Area 

agreement and analyzed what benefits the Continental Free Trade Area deal will bring to Chinese 

companies investing in Africa, besides additional opportunities for the “Belt and Road Initiative” (BRI) 

implementation in the continent (Note 6). Dr. Q. Chihombori Arikana, an African Union Ambassador to 

the United States in his statement to the Chinese Global Television Network (CGTN) believes that the 

African Continental Free Trade Area agreement has the potential to catapult the continent into a 

foremost position into global trade and development (Note 7). However, he emphasized that to fully 

enjoy the results that the Continental Free Trade Area agreement will bring, African countries need to 

strengthen their bilateral relations and push forward their economic and political integration. With 

economic integration, countries can implement a single market, and as the economic atmosphere grows, 

there appears the need for political integration; something that has remained elusive in the African 



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continent.  

Since the gain of independence in the 1960’s, African countries tend to trade more with Europe and 

Asia than with neighboring markets. In fact, less than a fifth of African countries’ exports are headed to 

other neighboring countries on the continent. The existing intra-continental trade shortcomings on the 

continent underscore the extent of lost revenue and development opportunities for African countries 

(Abrego, 2020). Without African countries integration, it will be extremely difficult, if not impossible, 

for the African continent to negotiate individually with its strong and major economic partners such as 

the USA, China, Russia, Japan and the EU (Monyae, 2019). Scholar Daniel N. Mlambo in his article: 

“Unearthing the challenges and prospects of Regional Integration in Souther Africa”, emphasizes the 

importance of regional integration. In his article, Daniel categorizes regional integration as a significant 

initiative with regard to stimulating economic growth amongst member states and enhancing 

intra-regional trade, security initiatives, and bilateral and multilateral agreements (Note 8). 

Unfortunately, African countries’ regional integration has done little to stimulate growth on the 

continent. In fact, sluggish implementation of regional trade liberalization and spatial integration 

policies still remain among African countries (Pretorius, Drewes, & Van Aswegen, 2017). In addition, 

Africa’s regional integration, which involves the removal of existing trade barriers to the free 

movement people, goods and services, and harmonization of its economic policies, remain patchy and 

uneven (Kayizzi-Mugerwa, Anyanwu, & Conceicao, 2014). 

Since the creation of the African Union (AU) back in 1963, African country leaders hoped for a time 

when the continent would enjoy more intra-African ties and interdependence. Some 57 years later, 

African countries have yet again come together to foster their regional integration by implementing the 

AfCFTA agreement. The operational phase of the trade agreement has since been launched. The 

AfCFTA is Africa’s momentum achievement as it takes place in a new era in which regional integration 

schemes are disintegrating as seen from Brexit; riots related to racism in the USA; xenophobia and 

anti-immigrant climate in South-Africa; quarrels between Burundi and Rwanda; as well as unending 

crisis between Sudan and South-Sudan.  

While regional integration plays a key role in ensuring the successful implementation of the AfCFTA 

deal, the goals of Africa’s regional integration have not been fully studied. Scholars Naym 

Charaf-Eddine and Ilan Strauss in their article “The ten commandments of applied regional integration”, 

argue that Africa’s regional integration study analysis has been misunderstood and poorly constructed. 

In their article, they offer ten policy recommendations to fully achieve at least a minimal form of 

regional integration, analyze what is stopping Africa’s full integration (Note 9). Since the AfCFTA 

agreement is newly signed, African countries have a lot to learn from other regions or countries that 

have succeeded in implementing a single market or need the support and guidance from its economic 

partners. Lily Sommer and David Luke in their article “Canada’s progressive trade agenda” reviewed 

Canada’s contribution to Africa’s economy and Canada’s opportunities in Africa. In their article, the 



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two Scholars provided insights on how Canada could engage with Africa and what Canada can do to 

support the implementation of the AfCFTA agreement (Note 10). 

Given few Scholars thoughts and research results on the regional integration current situation on the 

African continent, they all send a strong message: The need of Africa’s unity. From an African 

perspective, the AfCFTA agreement presents compelling potentials benefits for good businesses on the 

continent and have the potential to boost trade and FDI, generate necessary conditions for inclusive 

growth in Africa. The core problem is that African policy makers have tried and attempted many times 

to increase intra-regional trade on the continent. Different Africa’s Regional Economic Communities 

(RECs) have signed many trade agreements, and yet the required willingness for cooperation in 

Africa’s RECs is still questionable. However, the author of this article strongly believes that the 

recently signed Continental Free Trade Area deal will significantly boost trade and economic growth 

within African countries, and have the potential to spur development. However, there is so much more 

to be done to fully drive across the agenda in the continent; calling greater willingness of the African 

people to actualize the dream, especially now that the continent is facing a new challenge, the 

COVID-19 pandemic. 

 

3. Steps toward Africa’s “Single Market” 

3.1 Status of Regional Integration in Africa 

Regional integration is the process by which at least two or more countries agree to co-operate, either 

economically or politically and work together to achieve common peace, security and share wealth 

(Cormick, 1999). Regional integration involves written agreements between signatories that describe 

areas of cooperation. What is the status of regional integration in Africa? Regional integration on the 

African continent has been stable as many Regional Economic Communities (RECs) kept burgeoning. 

The African continent has 15 Regional Economic Communities but only eight of them are recognized 

by the African Union; five of which have customs unions. They are: The East African Community 

(EAC), the Southern African Development Community (SADC), the Economic Community of West 

African States (ECOWAS), the Economic Community of Central African States (ECCAS), and the 

Common Market for Eastern and Southern Africa (COMESA). The aim of these Regional Economic 

Communities is to provide building blocks for African countries integration. In addition, these RECs 

have a huge impact in creating jobs opportunities for African citizens and each one of the RECs is in 

pursuit of economic welfare, which is assumed to be pursued by African countries, especially the ones 

considering or evaluating their regional integration arrangement membership (Seck, 2019).  

In October 2008, the EAC, COMESA and SADC launched their tripartite cooperation arrangement that 

aimed at synchronizing, harmonizing and coordinating the market integration, infrastructure and 

industrial development of the three economic blocs (Erasmus, 2013). In 2013, the three blocs 

successively launched their Tripartite Capacity Building Program (TCBP) that provides technical 



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assistance to the three RECs, and was backed by the Board of Directors of the African Development 

Bank (AfDB), who invested over US$ 7.5 million. The rational of the TCBP was to establish a single 

market and increase intra-tripartite trade growth by boosting the economic welfare of 27 combined 

member countries, with over 700 million consumers, and a GDP above US$ 1.4 trillion. The TCBP is 

also pushing through the removal of barriers to free movement of people, goods and services; and 

development of regional value chains and poverty alleviation. A review of the program reveals that it 

has helped in enhancing the EAC-COMESA-SADC tripartite negotiation process, helped develop trade 

facilitations instruments among them.  

Back in 2015, the TCBP also established the EAC-COMESA-SADC Tripartite Free Trade Area (TFTA). 

The TFTA was launched with several objectives, key among them, to address the challenges of many 

Africa’s RECs with many overlapping memberships in the eastern half of the continent (Note 11). The 

TFTA was built on three major pillars: industrial development, infrastructure development and market 

integration (Note 12), and there is an ongoing parallel agreement on free movement of people. The 

establishment of the TFTA between Africa’s three RECs is a significant step toward enhancing and 

consolidating Africa’s intra-regional trade, strengthening existing regional integration, as a step towards 

full implementation of the AfCFTA. Through TFTA establishment, Africa’s regional integration will 

grow stronger, maybe not immediately, but surely will in the future. However, the TFTA negotiations 

among the three economic blocs are still ongoing, which raises questions on future coordination 

between the AfCFTA and the TFTA.  

3.2 What to Expect from African Regional Integration? 

Regional Integration is the removal of barriers to trade between countries. It indicates the growing 

economic interaction between signatory countries. Allowing the free movement of goods, services and 

people have been the common goal of all African Regional Economic Communities. Free movement of 

goods and services is ongoing in several Africa’s RECs, gradual progress is being made towards the 

free movement of people. For instance, the common electronic biometric African passport has been 

approved by the AU protocol on free movement of persons; right of residence and right of 

establishment has been activated since January 2018; Nigeria opened its doors for all African citizens, 

and is considering visa-free for all African origins; monetary union continues to be actively pursued by 

five of the eight recognized RECs, etc. However, for Africa, monetary union on a continental scale is 

for the time being not feasible. It will require some surrender of sovereignty, which many African 

countries are not ready for at the moment (Ekekwe, 2009). With the news about west African countries 

plan to introduce a new regional currency, the “ECO”, is a reminder that the idea behind it is just a 

means to get rid of the actual CFA currency imposed by France back in 1945 for its ancient colonies 

(Note 13). A monetary union at a continental scale requires robust institutions, like the ECB for the 

European Union, which African countries don’t have at the moment. 

Historically speaking, regional integration has the potential to promote long-term economic growth, 



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politically stable development and self-determination of African countries (Kleis, 2016). In fact, 

regional integration has been idolized as the key to promoting regional growth and development 

through the adoption and implementation of policies that will yield mutual benefits for all parties 

involved (Note 14). In other words, regional integration is key to sustain economic growth and leverage 

new opportunities for concerned parties (Adende, 2007). African countries through RECs have 

managed to deepen their intra-trade interdependence. With complete integration among African RECs, 

intra-Africa trade volume could grow from currently 17% up to 60% in 2022. In addition, complete 

regional integration in Africa could be a major break-through for business across the continent.  

By regional integration, it is important to note that “Economic Integration” and “Political Integration” 

are both important, especially in this opportune time when all African countries are willing to create a 

single continental market. And by creating a single continental market, all African countries have to put 

aside their differences and aim at boosting their internal market. Economic and political integration are 

intertwined, one cannot go without the other. As seen from the practice within existing economic blocs 

like EAC, SADC, and ECOWAS, member states of each REC agreed to remove trade barriers (tariffs, 

quotas, border restrictions, etc.) between them. This should not be surprising. After all, many 

intergovernmental institutions established in Africa have aimed at developing economic arrangements 

to reduce tariff and non-tariff barriers to trade (Jalloh & Abass, 2014). However, all the promises seem 

to have been left on paper. For instance, because of inadequate technical assistance and capacity 

building, products from Burundi such as tea or coffee still face tariffs while entering Tanzanian market 

or any other market in the EAC; Kenya’s avocados are hardly sold in its neighboring country Uganda 

because of high tariffs as well. Considering the existing customs unions in each African REC, each 

economic bloc needs to revise its trade facilitation mechanisms to ease trade and integration between 

its member countries. Despite the fact that African RECs have all succeeded in strengthening their 

economic integration, and implementation of custom unions, they all have failed to draw attention on 

their political integration. Careful consideration must be paid to the need for political integration, 

otherwise African countries will fail to create a single continental market, let alone a monetary union as 

envisaged.  

A lesson from the European Union (EU) political integration tells us why the Treaty on European 

Union, commonly called “Maastricht Treaty”, was a turning point in the process of the European 

integration (Note 15). In November 1993, after the treaty was signed, for the first time, the ambition of 

political union was formalized all over Europe, moving on from the initial objective of economic 

integration as an instrument for political reconciliation. If no attention is taken into forging political 

integration, no one can predict that there won’t be a time when a single African country wouldn’t want 

to be part of the African Union. In fact, the domino effect of Brexit may not trigger exit referendum 

among African Union member states, but it may have intensified agitations for referendum on 

self-determination (Aniche, 2020). The same goes for African countries. Without bold actions into 



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strengthening their political and economic integration, the success of a common market, or even the 

pursuit of a monetary union, is far from guaranteed or yet another pipe dream.  

 

4. What’s in it for Africa’s Major Economic Partners? 

The signing of the AfCFTA has made solid progress in strengthening Africa’s regional integration. The 

successful launch of the AfCFTA will be an epoch-making event and a big step in promoting 

multilateralism on the African continent. However, there is a rise of protectionism, self-reliance 

tendencies among global powers. Despite the rise of protectionism and unilateralism, why are African 

countries choosing to increase interconnectivity between them? With Africa’s fragmented markets and 

a large number of countries, the best option to guarantee Africa’s rejuvenation would be strengthening 

their integration rather than promoting protectionism or unilateralism. Given the rising sentiment of 

anti-globalization, protectionism and unilateralism around the world, the AfCFTA aims to boost global 

trade facilitation and liberalization, and inject new impetus to promoting open world economy. 

In the last couple of decades, African countries have signed many trade agreements with western 

developed countries as well as developing countries. Despite all the promises that lies behind the 

AfCFTA, what’s in it for Africa’s major economic partners? The author of this article believes that the 

AfCFTA agreement will help forge closer economic ties between Africa and its economic partners. In 

fact, the AfCFTA will improve the relations between Africa and its external trade partners, so as to 

guarantee a Win-Win situation, by creating a bigger market for itself and for its trade partners. On one 

hand, the AfCFTA will effectively reduce the costs of imports, especially those from Europe and Asia. 

On the other hand, the Continental Free Trade deal will create a huge market for foreign investors, 

improve the business environment, attract more FDI, reduce barriers to foreign investment, and lay a 

solid foundation for foreign enterprises to invest in African countries.  

For China, the AfCFTA will inject new vitality into upgrading China-Africa bilateral trade cooperation. 

China has been Africa’s biggest trading partner for more than a decade, with an accumulated 

investment for over US$ 200 billion by 2019. With China’s proposed “Belt and Road Initiative”, which 

refers to the Silk Road Economic Belt and the 21st Century Maritime Silk Road, designed to build trade 

and infrastructure network that connects Asia with Europe, Africa and beyond (Jones & Zeng, 2019). 

President Xi Jinping in his congratulatory message to the 33rd Ordinary Session of the Assembly of 

African Heads of States and Governments pointed out that under the guidance of the African Union, 

African countries have actively explored development paths suited to their own conditions and realities, 

congratulated African countries for their collective efforts that they made in the pursuit of their unity 

and self-improvement. President Xi also noted that the China-Africa relationship is currently at its best 

history, adding the 2018 Beijing Summit of the Forum on China-Africa Cooperation (FOCAC) led to a 

new wave in developing the China-Africa friendship, with the implementation of its results injecting 

new vigor into their practical cooperation in various fields, notably the “eight major initiatives” (八大



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行动-Ba Da Xingdong) plus the “ten China-Africa cooperation plans” (中非十大合作计划-Zhong Fei 

Shi Da Hezuo Jihua), both backed by US$ 60 billions of financial support (Note 16). 

For the USA, it will be a chance for Washington to renew its engagements in Africa, and re-address the 

post-AGOA agenda as a single entity. With the launch of the AfCFTA, Washington will have access to 

a larger and integrated market, and have the opportunity to work with emerging economies like China, 

Brazil, India, Russia, which are already active on the African continent. It will also be a way for the US 

to work closely with the African Union in tackling terrorism in Africa. With the AfCFTA, the potential 

of the African market will be further realized, which will deepen and intensify USA-Africa cooperation 

in industrial and trade capacities. The improvement of business environment in Africa will raise its 

appeal to American investors. Recently, the US Secretary of State Mike Pompeo’s five-day trip to 

Sub-Saharan countries proved Washington’s willingness to strengthen ties with the continent. During 

his trip to Senegal, Angola and Ethiopia, Secretary Mike Pompeo announced many American firms and 

companies’ willingness to invest in Africa’s infrastructure. For instance, the US engineering firm 

Betchel and Senegal local authorities signed agreements to build a road from Dakar to Saint Louis; in 

Angola, US oil firm Chevron promised to explore Angola’s offshore natural gas fields, bringing jobs 

and economic growth for both Angola and the USA; in Ethiopia, beverage maker Coca-Cola pledged a 

new US$ 300 million investment, etc. 

 

5. Daunting Challenges 

5.1 Internal Challenges 

It has been known that a major challenge in Africa is not a lack of good policies or strategies, but a lack 

of their effective implementation. Crucial to implementation is an understanding of the political 

economy underpinning the economic integration of the continent. Africa is facing many challenges to 

fully get its share behind its continental free trade area agreement. Challenges such as xenophobia, poor 

transport and telecommunication infrastructure, and insecurity are among daunting challenges that 

Africa as a continent have to resolve not only to be more prosperous, but also to see its “Africa Agenda 

2063” and the AfCFTA succeed. Regarding the issue of xenophobia, history has shown that getting 

across the border to the next African country isn’t where true integration lies, rather, it lies in becoming 

part of the new community one is joining. Many African countries today see their national interests in 

xenophobia. Hundreds of violent incidents of anti-immigrant hate crimes have been recorded in 

South-Africa over the past two decades (Gordon, 2020). In 2019, Malawians, Nigerians, Zimbabweans, 

even other citizens from other African countries residing in South Africa were attacked, kicked out of 

the country and their businesses were destroyed. Some even died from their injuries (Kerr, Durrheim, & 

Dixon, 2019). 

In the ECOWAS bloc, countries like Nigeria and Ghana, which should be leading other members of the 

community by setting good leadership examples, have ended up doing just the opposite. For instance, 



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there was a complaint by the Nigerian Union of Traders Association based in Ghana that the Ghanaian 

Government asked them to raise their capital up to US$ 1 million or leave Ghana just to make room for 

investments of indigenous Ghanaian (Note 17). The same scenario is being observed in the EAC, where 

Burundi and Rwanda used to be good neighbors and political allies, but with the 2015 Burundian 

political crisis, Burundi accused Rwanda of supporting a militia that attacks Burundi. Rwanda has 

denied those accusations, and with the tension between the two countries has rose ever since. Rwandan 

Citizens that are living in Burundi are afraid of being attacked or kicked out of Burundi, as much as 

Burundian citizens that reside in Rwanda. As a result, Burundi is considering closing its borders with 

Rwanda, and even ditching the EAC bloc for SADC. 

Another critical challenge that Africa is facing is poor infrastructure. The success of the AfCFTA 

depends on infrastructure development. There is Chinese adage that goes: “If you want development, 

you need to mend a road” (要发展，先修路-Yao Fazhan, Xian XiuLu). African poor transport, and 

telecommunications facilities besides high trading costs, make it difficult for African countries to reap 

the potential benefits of regional trade arrangements (Yang & Gupta, 2008). For instance, 

telecommunication in Africa or intra-Africa telecommunication is the most expensive in the world. 

Telecommunication companies across Africa, especially those of African origin are yet to reach 

compromise that will enable affordable communication or augment their infrastructure to facilitate 

good quality communication networks. In addition, there is a need to increase connectivity across the 

continent. For instance, flying from Abuja-Nigeria to Bamako-Mali should take at least one and half 

hour but it takes an estimated fourteen to thirty hours by transferring through France or any other 

country in Europe to finally reach the final destination and it is probably only Ethiopian Airlines or 

Asky Airlines that would fly to those destinations. The problem is, many African countries are not 

ready or are not willing to liberalize the aviation industry as envisaged by the “Open Sky” policy 

because they do not have reliable local carriers. So, basically, African countries without local carriers 

want to have the capacity to compete with other external airlines before allowing other competitors 

access to their markets. And this position hinders progress as it has been overtaken by globalization and 

trade advancement. However, in the last couple years, Africa’s airspace is going borderless, especially 

with significant progress on the AU Single African Air Transport Market Initiative that was launched in 

2018. In conclusion, a vast range of projects are under way to upgrade Africa’s infrastructure, but for 

now, infrastructure deficits are holding back the continent’s development and the expansion of 

intra-regional trade will need to be addressed for the AfCFTA to reach its full potential. 

The last but not the least of internal challenge is insecurity. There is no sustainable development 

without peace and stability! In many African countries, civil unrest, terrorism, militia and ethnic 

violence are the norm. Countries like Nigeria, Cameroon, Ethiopia, Mali, South-Sudan, Libya and 

Democratic Republic of Congo are recording scores of deaths on daily or periodical basis. Terrorist 

groups like Boko Haram, Al-Shabaab, ISWAP and ISIS are very active on the continent. However, At 



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the 33rd African Union Summit that was held at the Headquarters of the AU from February 9 to 10th 

2019, African policy makers agreed to “Silencing the Guns” in Africa by 2020 and to put an end to all 

internal wars, which continue to wreak havoc on the resource-rich, yet less-stable continent (Note 18). 

As African policy makers and country leaders vowed to end all wars across the continent by 2020, 

millions of conflict-affected African citizens are still stuck in many war camps, while African illegal 

immigrants are being captured in Italian waters, with scores others dying in the waves. The core 

question is how to succeed in silencing the guns in a continent grappling with significant phenomena 

such as terrorism, pre and post electoral crises, inter-community conflicts? At the current rate and 

conditions, it will take tremendous efforts of all African leaders if not miracles to silence the guns by 

2020. Drastic and serious reforms must be undertaken to make the conditions possible. Although, 

progress has been made in reducing state-driven conflicts across Africa, the only thing that remain is a 

political will that ensure the preservation of Africa’s supra-national unity.  

5.2 External Challenges 

While all African countries have signed the implementation of the AfCFTA, Africa still face many 

challenges. Despite some of the internal challenges cited above, there are also many external challenges. 

The AfCFTA agreement commits African countries to remove tariffs to the tune of 90% of goods 

produced locally and to liberalize services. However, there is a risk of trade loopholes behind the 

agreement. For instance, African countries have signed agreements with their Western or Asian 

counterparts, which if not well monitored, could become a problem in the future. For instance, the 

European Union has a pact with Morocco and the two have signed cooperation agreements, some 

allowing European companies the right to produce, manufacture and sell products in Morocco. With the 

implementation of the AfCFTA, which promotes free movement of goods and services between African 

countries, European companies operating in Morocco could manufacture their goods in the country and 

flood their products in many African country markets, especially in the ECOWAS member countries, 

free of tariffs, and it is doubtful if local African companies have the capacity or the ability to compete 

with European ones present in many African countries. This may result in a massive economic 

dislocation as many job opportunities could be lost along the way. In addition, existing trade 

arrangements between the European Union and many African countries are not based on free trade 

agreements, but rather subjected to tariffs under the WTO. If the AfCFTA is not well monitored, it 

could unintentionally offer the European Union free trade opportunities via the backdoor. The same 

goes with China or the USA’s signed agreements with many African countries. For instance, 

Washington announced on February 7th, 2020 that it intended to start trade negotiations with Kenya. 

Many critics have faulted the USA-Kenya trade talks, some questioning if it is not a way for 

Washington to leverage its opportunities over Chinese in Kenya or the eastern part of Africa; or 

whether it is not a way for the USA to undermine existing continent-wide commerce pact and limit 

Africa’s power to negotiate with the US (Note 19).  



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If the AfCFTA is not well monitored, the African manufacturing sector will suffer severe consequences, 

mainly because it doesn’t have the adequate infrastructure in place to compete with imported products 

that come in duty free. It is already difficult for many African local manufacturers to compete with 

imported products at the current tariff situation, let alone when the AfCFTA will be launched by July 

2020. Creating a duty-free corridor will make it exceedingly difficult if not impossible for African local 

manufacturers to compete with products imported from China or the USA. Africa must be aware that 

similar motives are already in play, as many Chinese companies are producing goods in many African 

countries and take rigorous actions that may prevent them falling in the trap. Another external 

challenge worth mentioning is the rise of protectionism on the African continent (Note 20). African 

countries should not rush into implementing any trade agreement or rush into protectionism and 

unilateralism without full considerations of what they might lose. For instance, in October 2019, 

Nigeria, the biggest economy in Africa, decided to close its border after its Customs Services claimed it 

would generate more revenue from seaports as a result of the closure. However, the decision of the 

Nigerian Government to shut its borders has come against ECOWAS rules of integration and the free 

movement of goods and services within the region. A couple months before closing its borders, Nigeria 

signed the AfCFTA agreement. The integration and free trade agreement have been jeopardized by the 

border closure policy, and it has also instigated retaliatory responses from Nigeria’s neighboring 

countries like Niger Republic, threatening to shut her doors against Nigerian products or goods. 

Rwanda and Uganda in the eastern part of Africa are also dancing to the same tune by closing their 

borders to each other. Prior convergence of regional integration must happen before the continental 

level integration. If Africa doesn’t have such a strategy, the continent will be open for trade shocks, 

which would result in substantial welfare loses.  

 

6. Policy Recommendations 

6.1 Reduction of Tariffs and Non-Tariff Barriers among African Countries 

Tariffs are taxes imposed on imports and exports between countries or regions with the aim of 

generating Government revenues while protecting domestic companies or industries from external 

market products. In Africa, tariffs between countries are higher than anywhere else in the world. In 

2017, the United Nations Conference on Trade and Development (UNCTAD) reported that among 

developed countries, tariffs on tradable goods and services are at 1.2% more or less, which are very low 

compared to the average tariffs on tradable goods and services among African countries which stand at 

around 9%. Let alone high tariffs, African countries use Non-Tariff Barriers (NTBs) among them as 

part of their political or economic strategy. Unfortunately, existing high tariffs in Africa help some 

African countries to trade more with Europe and the United States at the expense of each other. Over 60 

to 70% of total African trade is with countries that are thousands of miles away from the continent. 

Compared to the rest of the world, this is unfortunate to say the least. 



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Compared with other continents, Africa has lower proportion of intra-regional trade, due to high tariffs 

and a highly fragmented market. In this context, African countries can only overcome their structural 

weakness of small economic size and market through joint efforts and economic integration by 

reducing tariffs on tradable goods and services, so as to pool their strength and cope with external 

economic impact and challenges of globalization by means of expanding and strengthening their 

markets (He, 2019). However, a recent United Nations Economic Commission for Africa (UNECA) 

report indicates that if tariffs and NTBs are significantly reduced, or if possible totally eliminated, 

intra-Africa trade would increase to more than 50% of total trade on the continent (Note 21). 

Decreasing the NTBs could help sustain economic expansion on the continent, despite a number of 

international economic shocks. Nevertheless, the reduction in tariffs between African countries will 

also result in reduction in African Governments’ revenues. However, the reduction in tariffs and NTBs 

would actually curtail African Governments’ ability to provide public goods and services to its general 

population. In addition, with the reduction of tariffs, there could be an increase in income tax and value 

added tax.  

Recently, an article published in Foresight Africa 2019 by the Brookings Institution argued that if 

African countries could trade more between themselves, they would exchange more manufactured and 

processed goods, would have more knowledge transfer and would create more value. With the coming 

into effect of the AfCFTA, which aim to create a single domestic market for goods and services of over 

1 billion people, this is the opportune time for Africa to review and discuss the reduction, if not the 

elimination of tariffs and NTBs on the continent. A less fragmented and more coordinated Africa could 

result in much higher intra-trade, especially by tackling tariffs and NTBs while having greater access to 

more open markets could have various positive and encouraging spillovers. It could boost export 

bottleneck of many African countries, integrate them into regional and global value chains, help them 

build resilience to commodity price downswings, boost small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs), 

attract Foreign Direct Investment (FDI), enhance productivity and foster innovation (Note 22). 

However, it is important to emphasize that the immense potential of the AfCFTA will only be realized 

if tariffs and NTBs are significantly reduced or totally eliminated. The reduction or elimination of 

tariffs and NTBs should be a priority at the very start of the implementation phase in July 2020. 

However, as with all signed free trade agreements, tariffs are phased-out over a specified period. Due to 

the diversities among African Regional Economic Communities and to different domestic contexts of 

African countries, different timelines will be pursued under the AfCFTA. Around 97% tariff-free trade 

under the continental free trade agreement will only be realized after a period of 15 to 20 years. 

6.2 Establish a Blockchain Technology 

The benefits of the AfCFTA are enormous to Africa. Economists believe that tariff-free or reduction of 

NTBs to a huge and unified market like the one envisaged in the AfCFTA agreement will encourage 

local manufactures and service providers to increase production. With a market of 1.3 billion people, an 



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increase in demand will instigate an increase in production, which in turn will lower unit costs. This 

will lead to consumers paying less for local goods and services, thereby helping to improve the fragile 

economies of several African countries. But, in order for all that to happen, African countries 

introduced 5 majors instruments among which, the rules of origin. The rules of origin states that only 

goods manufactured with local inputs in member countries can be exported to other countries that 

belong to the same market and enjoy tariff-free status. Unfortunately, with the exemption of South 

Africa, Algeria, and Morocco, most African countries do not have strong industrial base to produce 

most goods citizens can consume without importing from Western or Eastern markets. This is one of 

the reasons why many African countries have economic partnership agreements skewed against their 

favor because industrialists from Europe, America, or even China when they sign partnerships with 

African countries, it is possible for them to produce goods in their markets, ship them to African 

countries they have trade relations with and have them packaged as locally manufactured products, and 

they can easily enter the African market and enjoy the tariff-free status as well. So, it is important for 

the AfCFTA Secretariat to revise the rules of origins before engaging in full implementation of the 

agreement.  

The rules of origin need to be revised for the AfCFTA to open up new markets for local African owned 

companies. As envisaged in the agreement, the AfCFTA will allow African owned companies to expand 

their customer base and lead to new products and services. This in return not only will help Africa local 

companies to grow; it will also make investing in innovation viable. In addition, it will also help grow 

local manufacturing sector and increase the percentage of GDP. Presently, Africa’s local manufacturing 

represents only about 10% of total GDP on the continent, considerably low comparing to other 

developing regions. For all of this to work, there is an urgent need of strengthening Africa’s blockchain 

technology. The African Customs union and African Manufacturers Associations need to establish a 

single digital distributed secure database which will contain information of all locally produced or 

manufactured products in compliance with the laws of each signatory country and monitor their 

logistics and supply chain up to their exports across the borders. This will help customs of every 

signatory country to have real time data of each product from neighboring or distant countries entering 

their markets. 

With the establishment of the blockchain technology, it will ensure that no African or local industrialist 

or manufacturer colludes with European countries, America or China to breach the rules of origin by 

bringing or import finished products from Western or Asian markets and package them as indigenous 

manufactured leading to the creation of dumping grounds for smuggled products. The AfCFTA 

Secretariat, which is already operational in Ghana, needs to consider the adoption or set up the 

blockchain technology before the full implementation of the Pan-African Economic market in July 

2020 to prevent inter-Africa illegal trade practices that could result in litigation, or even worse, the 

withdraw of membership by some members. 



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6.3 Political Good-will 

The recently signed African Continental Free Trade Area agreement is the first flagship project of the 

African Union’s “Africa Agenda 2063”, and a major key initiative in the industrialization and economic 

development of the African continent. It has the potential to boost intra-African trade, stimulate 

investment and innovation, attract more FDI, foster structural transformation, improve food security, 

enhance economic growth and export diversification, and rationalize the overlapping trade regimes of 

the main Africa’s Regional Economic Communities. However, it is important for African policy makers 

to deliver what they signed for and promised African citizens. African policy makers have a bad 

reputation when it comes to implementing any agreement. And implementation is the elephant in the 

room and much of the continental free trade deal success rests on African policy makers’ ability and 

willingness to implement it domestically and support the AU institutions to monitor its 

implementations mechanisms. 

The signing of the AfCFTA area doesn’t guarantee the success of its implementation without firm 

political will, determination and collective efforts of all African political leaders (Cofelice, 2018). Like 

many trade agreements that have been signed among African countries, capacity challenges will arise. 

Challenges such as inefficient customs controls, poor border coordination, supply constraints, or even 

misinterpretations of the AfCFTA agreement will happen and there is a possibility for some African 

countries to withdraw from the agreement or likely to fail in fulfilling their obligations, owing to 

national interests or rising levels of protectionism. This is the time for African policy makers to change 

Africa’s destiny. It is the time for African policy makers to prove to the world that Africa’s rejuvenation 

is possible. The fact that many challenges will rise along the way, this should not discourage African 

policy makers. Challenges should not be the reason not to further pursue the gains and promises that 

lies behind the AfCFTA. 

The success of the AfCFTA implementation depends on political good-will and on the harmonization of 

national policies, such as clarity and transparency, and most of all, get rid of corruption or corrupt 

bureaucrats. No African country should be left behind in implementing the continental free trade area 

deal. It will be a challenge for African policy makers to deliver all the required tools to succeed in their 

tasks. Every African country has to put in place suitable technical skills that respond to the successful 

implementation of the AfCFTA agreement. 

 

7. Conclusion 

As the post-World War II institutions of global governance tear apart at the weight of anti-globalization 

forces across the world, African countries have realized the long-held aspiration of continental 

integration. It has taken African countries almost 30 years since the signing of the Abuja Treaty in 1991 

to sign the African Continental Free Trade Area agreement. African countries cannot afford to wait 

another 30 years to implement the Continental Free Trade Area deal and the potential it holds. In this 



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article, the author reviewed existing few research results that relate to the AfCFTA and to the African 

integration and what integration mean to the African continent. In this article, the author argued that 

while global trends tend to move from integration towards protectionism and unilateralism, African 

countries tend to improve intra-regional trade levels and deepen their regional integration. As positive 

as this massive change is anticipated to be, there are also still challenges to overcome. In this article, 

the author elaborated some challenges and gave a series of policy recommendations. Qualitative 

analysis was used in this article.  

The main findings in this article were the need of a more understanding of what the AfCFTA means for 

Africa, despite criticism and negative perceptions on African countries’ inability to deliver sustainable 

development to its citizens. Beyond greater physical connectivity through infrastructure construction, 

one of the most noteworthy recent development is that African countries have prioritized the need to 

trade more with one another. Africa’s RECs have done a tremendous job to increase the level of 

integration on the continent, despite the current low intra-regional trade. The AfCFTA agreement looks 

up to current low intra-regional trade of the African continent, largely by reducing key barriers to trade. 

This is a critical time for African countries to reconsider or discuss how to reduce or if possible, 

completely eliminate tariffs and NTBs on the continent. The potential of the AfCFTA will only be 

realized if tariffs and NTBs are reduced or totally eliminated. At this juncture, the average tariffs on 

tradable goods and services between African countries are very high compared to tariffs on tradable 

goods and services between developed countries. The world is taking interest in Africa’s growth and 

transformation potential. Many developed countries like the USA, Japan, Germany, and the UK, or 

developing countries like China, India, Brazil, Russia, and even Turkey, are turning their interests on 

the African continent. They have held Economic Cooperation Forums and invited African country 

leaders and policy makers to take part in their forums, and bilateral trade agreements have been signed.  

In May 2019, African countries created the world’s largest free trade area, and African countries opened 

their business environments and built industrial zones and infrastructure to attract investment. Africa is 

now well positioned for economic and industrial expansion by its strategic location and growing 

population (Note 23). According to the author of this article, Africa’s rejuvenation is no longer another 

pipe dream but a reality. A united Africa is also possible, not only behind the African Union support, 

but also by a collective effort of all African Regional Economic Communities. With the launch of the 

AfCFTA, it is possible for Africa to cooperate among its nations on primary objectives that promote 

economic integration. The alarming problem will be a “Politically United Africa” and the fight against 

the COVID-19 pandemic. However, a lot of work is still needed to be done to ensure that the benefits 

brought by promoting the Continental Free Trade Area deal are equitable. There is an African adage 

that goes: “When you chase a specific goal with the right motives that matches up with your activities, 

the results become compelling and satisfying”. A strong conviction plus political good-will will 

increase Africa’s chances to fully implement the necessary tools and mechanisms required to launch the 



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continental free trade area. 

The author of this article believes that African countries will benefit from the AfCFTA agreement. The 

agreement will boost the continent’s economic levels, help push forward Africa’s Agenda 2063 

implementation, and will help many African countries achieve, if not reach, the United Nations 2030 

Agenda for Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs). The AfCFTA agreement will also provide the 

much-needed unity of purpose between African countries, which will give Africa a better negotiating 

chip and offers Africa the unique opportunity to leverage its relations with external powers.  

 

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Notes 

Note 1. He Wenping, “The implementation of the AfCFTA: A new Milestone”, July 2019, ChinAfrica, 

Vol. 11; http://www.chinafrica.cn/Homepage/201907/t20190709_800173100.html (Accessed in 

February 20, 2020). 

Note 2. African Union Press Release; 

https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20190707/operational-phase-african-continental-free-trade-area-launched



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-niger-summit (Accessed in January 31st, 2020). 

Note 3. Abayomi Azikiwe, Editor at Pan-African News Wire; 

https://au.int/en/pressreleases/20190707/operational-phase-african-continental-free-trade-area-launched

-niger-summit; (Accessed in July 25th, 2019). 

Note 4. Questions and answers compiled by the African Trade Policy Center in association with the 

African Union Commission; 

https://au.int/sites/default/files/documents/36085-doc-qa_cfta_en_rev15march.pdf; (Accessed in 

August 15th, 2019). 

Note 5. Asmita Parshotam, “Can the African Continental Free Trade Area offer a new beginning for 

trade in Africa”, June 2018, Journal of South African Institute of International Affairs, Occasional paper 

280, pp. 5. 

Note 6. Zezhong Zhang (张泽忠 ), “African Economic Integration strategy under the African 

Continental Free Trade Agreement”, 2020, Journal of International Economic Law, pp. 50. 

Note 7. Lawrence Freeman, “Africa enters New Era of trade and development with the AfCFTA”, 

CGTN press, July 09th, 2019. 

Note 8. Daniel N. Mlambo, “Unearthing the challenges and prospects of regional integration in 

Southern Africa”, Journal of Public Affairs, September 2018, Vol. 19, Issue 1, pp. 1. 

Note 9. Naym Charaf-Eddine, Ilan Strauss, “The ten commandments of applied regional integration 

analysis: The African case”, November 3rd, 2014, African Development Review, Vol. 26, Issue S1, pp. 

7. 

Note 10. Lily Sommer, David Luke, “Canada’s progressive trade agenda: Engaging with Africa to 

support inclusive gains under the African Continental Free Trade Area”, January 2019, Canadian 

Foreign Policy Journal, Vol. 25, Issue 3, pp. 241. 

Note 11. Melaku Geboye Desta, Guillaume Gerout, “The Challenge of Overlapping Regional 

Economic Communities in Africa: Lessons for the Continental Free Trade Area from the failures of the 

Tripartite Free Trade Area”, August 2018, Ethiopian yearbook of international law, Book chapter of 

book series, EtYIL, Volume 2017, pp. 111.  

Note 12. East African Community Press Release; 

https://www.eac.int/press-releases/157-trade/1464-conclusion-of-the-bilateral-tariff-negotiations-betwe

en-sacu-and-the-eac (Accessed in February 7th, 2020). 

Note 13. Celestin Monga, “Africa isn’t ready for currency unions”, February 26th, 2020, The New 

Times Rwanda Leading Daily; https://www.newtimes.co.rw/opinions/africa-isnt-ready-currency-unions 

(Accessed in February 28th, 2020). 

Note 14. Olayiwola Abegunrin, Charity Manyeruke, “China and Regional Integration in Africa”, 

October 2019, Book Chapter from the Book “China’s Power in Africa”, Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 151. 

Note 15. The legacy of the Maastricht Treaty; 



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https://www.consilium.europa.eu/media/38778/expo_maastricht-brochure_en.pdf (Accessed in 

February 13th, 2020). 

Note 16. The State Council Information Office of the People’s Republic of China; 

http://english.scio.gov.cn/topnews/2020-02/10/content_75689235.htm (Accessed in February 29, 

2020). 

Note 17. Samuel Nwite, “The challenges ahead the AfCFTA”, Tekedia, July 10th, 2019; 

https://www.tekedia.com/the-challenges-ahead-of-afcfta-african-continental-free-trade-agreement/ 

(Accessed in February 25th, 2020). 

Notw 18. Habtamu Worku, Wang Shoubao, “Optimism grows on Africa’s security situation as the 

continent embarks on Silencing Guns”, February 13, 2020, Xinhua News; 

http://www.china.org.cn/world/Off_the_Wire/2020-02/13/content_75700868.htm (Accessed in 

February 26th, 2020). 

Note 19. Luke Anami, “Lawyers fight Kenya-US trade deal”, March 22, 2020, The EastAfrican; 

https://www.theeastafrican.co.ke/business/Lawyers-fight-Kenya-US-trade-deal/2560-5499270-2iwjkyz/

index.html (Accessed in March 23, 2020) 

Note 20. Sella Oneko, “Africans want open borders, but can they overcome the stumbling blocks?”, 

December 2019, AllAfrica News; https://allafrica.com/stories/201912190002.html (Accessed in 

February 28th, 2020). 

Note 21. United Nations Economic Commission for Africa report; Assessing Regional Integration in 

Africa Part 8; https://www.uneca.org/sites/default/files/PublicationFiles/aria8_eng_fin.pdf (Accessed in 

February 28th, 2020). 

Note 22. Hannah Edinger, “Trade winds are blowing”, July 2019, ChinAfrica, Vol. 11; 

http://www.chinafrica.cn/Homepage/201906/t20190627_800171847.html (Accessed in February 28th, 

2020). 

Note 23. ADM James Foggo III; 

https://www.defenseone.com/ideas/2019/09/africa-great-power-competition-and-us-navy/159828/; 

(Accessed in September 24th, 2019). 


