"Research in the last decade estimates that as many as sixty percent of teenage mothers are living below the poverty line, and as many as 80 percent rely on welfare support for at least some portion of time following a teen birth." T E E N L I V I N G P R O G R A M S I N M A S S A C H U S E T T S ! A Policy Analysis and Recommendations for Change T E E N P R E G N A N C Y I S A P R E V A L E N T P R O B L E M I N T H E U N I T E D S T A T E S . W H I L E N A T I O N A L E F F O R T S A R E M A D E T O R E D U C E T E E N P R E G N A N C Y R A T E S , F A R L E S S H A S B E E N D O N E T O A S S I S T T H O S E A D O L E S C E N T S W H O A R E E X P E C T A N T O R A L R E A D Y P A R E N T I N G . T H E D I F - F I C U L T L I F E O F M O S T T E E N A G E M O T H E R S A N D T H E I R C H I L D R E N C A L L U P O N P O L I C Y - M A K E R S A N D S O C I A L S E R V I C E P R O V I D E R S T O F I N D U N I Q U E W A Y S O F S U P P O R T I N G Y O U N G M O T H E R S I N T H E I R E F F O R T S T O B E C O M E S E L F - S U F F I C I E N T , D E L A Y S U B S E - Q U E N T C H I L D B E A R I N G , A N D P R O M O T E A W A R E N E S S O F C H I L D D E V E L O P M E N T E A R L Y I N T H E I R C H I L D R E N ' S L I V E S I N O R D E R T O B R E A K T H E C Y C L E O F P O V E R T Y A N D R E L I A N C E O N W E L F A R E . O N E O F T H E S O L U T I O N S B E I N G I M P L E M E N T E D I N M A S S A C H U - S E T T S S P E C I F I C A L L Y I S T H E T E E N L I V I N G P R O G R A M ( T L P ) , O R S E C O N D C H A N C E H O M E S . T H E P O S I T I V E A N D N E G A T I V E A S P E C T S O F T H I S P R O G R A M W I L L B E D I S - C U S S E D , F O L L O W E D B Y S U G G E S T I O N S F O R I M P R O V E M E N T . P R O G R A M D E S I G N , I M P L E - M E N T A T I O N , A N D E V A L U A T I O N W I L L A L S O B E F O R M U L A T E D A N D D E L I N E A T E D . "Over 800,000 American teenagers — aged 15 to ig — still become pregnant each year, the highest rate of teenage childbearing in the industrialized world by fifty percent." Teen pregnancy is a prevalent problem i n the United States. Though statistics show a decrease in pregnancy rates over the last twenty years1, over 800,000 American teenagers - aged 15 to 19 - still become pregnant each year1, the highest rate of teenage childbearing in the industrialized world 1 1 by fifty percent. 57 percent of these American pregnancies re- sult in live births and 29 percent result in abortions; the re- mainder end in miscarriages. Teenage pregnancy causes innumerable documented problems for mother, child, and society. Teen mothers are less likely to graduate from high school and more likely than their peers who delay child- bearing to live in poverty and to rely on welfare 1 1 1. Children of teenage mothers are often born at low birth weight, expe- rience health and developmental problems, and are fre- quently poor, abused, and/or neglected l v. Finally, teen preg- nancy poses a substantial financial burden to society, estimated at $7 billion annually in lost tax revenues, public assistance, child health care, foster care, and involvement with the criminal justice systemv. While national efforts are made to reduce teen pregnancy rates, far less has been done to assist those adolescents who are expectant or already parenting v l , v l l .The difficult life cir- cumstances of most teenage mothers and their children call upon policymakers and social service providers to find unique ways of supporting young mothers in their efforts to become self-sufficient, delay subsequent childbearing, and promote awareness of child development early i n their children's lives in order to break the cycle of poverty and re- liance on welfare 7 1 1 1. One of the solutions being imple- mented in Massachusetts specifically is the Teen Living Program (TLP). TLPs are group homes, clusters of apart- ments, or networks of homes that integrate housing and services for teenage mothers and their children who cannot live at home because of abuse, neglect, or other extenuating circumstances. Even though these programs greatly help teen mothers while they are enrolled, l x> x ' x l several policy changes could be made to ensure the long-term attainment of all goals for these young mothers. P R O B L E M A N A L Y S I S Although teen living programs offer a response to legisla- tion mandates of adult supervision requirements, the suc- cess rates of those enrolled decrease dramatically as soon as two years after their exit from the program. Teen living pro- grams should not be simply a response to legislation, but a platform to promote long-term goals of self-sufficiency, the delay of subsequent childbearing, and breaking the cycle of poverty and reliance on welfare. To analyze a problem with a policy, one must "examine what is known about the prob- lem, both locally by contact with people who are affected and more globally by searching the literature to explore the etiology and epidemiology and available responses to the problem" 5 0 1 . It is also important to consider different facets of the problem, beginning with the broad context before fo- cusing more narrowly on the specific area of the policy to be changed. To analyze this policy, the issue of poverty wi l l be discussed, a brief history of TLP's evolution given, and strengths and weaknesses of current policy articulated. T E E N M O T H E R S A N D POVERTY Though there are many obstacles teen mothers must over- come, one of the greatest is poverty. Research i n the last decade estimates that as many as 60 percent of teenage mothers are living below the poverty line, and as many as eighty percent rely on welfare support for at least some por- tion of time following a teen birth x i i i ' x i v > x v ' x v i This poverty seems perhaps inevitable for teen mothers, in the eyes of those who see teen childbearing as a symptom of poverty, "a legacy of growing up in an impoverished environment, E L E M E N T S S P R I N G 05 with deteriorating schools and dangerous neighborhoods, and few opportunities that provide meaning and status in l i f e ' , x v i i . This poverty is not isolated to the time immediately prior to or immediately following a teen pregnancy: com- pared to women who delay childbearing beyond their teen years, women who have their first child as a teenager work less, earn less, and are more dependent on federal aid for longer periods in their l i fe™ 1 1 . Because most teenagers who become pregnant are eco- nomically disadvantaged many teen mothers wi l l apply for federal aid independently of their parents X 1 X ' X X This aid is to be used for themselves and their dependents. Legislation has increased restrictions on and require- ments for teen parent eligibility for services. On August 22, 1996, President Clinton signed into law The Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 (PRWORA), a "comprehensive bipartisan wel- fare reform plan that dramatically change[d] the nation's welfare system"xxi.One specific change in the eligibility for Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (TANF) is the requirement that teen parents must fulfill certain living requirements in order to obtain assistance. Specifically, teens must reside with a parent or legal guardian or in another adult supervised setting in order to receive wel- fare benefits. To respond to this legislation, Massachusetts, using federal block grant funds, has "implemented a for- mal program and statewide network of alternative living arrangements" x x u H I S T O R Y OF T E E N L I V I N G P R O G R A M S A N D S E C O N D C H A N C E H O M E S Abraham Lincoln chartered the first Second Chance Home, St. Ann's, i n i 8 6 3 . x x i i i x While churches and non-profit or- ganizations have been operating similar group homes or maternity homes for teen mothers for many years after that, there has been a resurgence of interest in teen living programs that has been driven in part by the PRWORA and support of the President, many members of Congress, and state of f ic ia ls .^ Massachusetts has used these TLPs as a method of responding to the new legislation mandates that disallow states from spending TANF funds on minor, un- married, custodial parents who do not live at home or in an adult supervised setting. x x v While most minor mothers live with family members or other adults, there are some who are not able to live at home or with relatives. These minor mothers on welfare are most likely i n need of an alternative living arrangement. Teen living programs in Massachusetts are called Second Chance Homes. Massachusetts (as well as states such as New Mexico, Rhode Island, Nevada, Georgia, and Texas) has allocated resources to Second Chance Homes, making a statewide commitment to serve young mothers who have no other place to go.**™ The Second Chance Homes National Directory, published by the Social Policy and Action Network (SPAN) in October 2000 lists one hundred homes in 29 states x x v n Massachusetts alone is home to FIGURE 1-1 Graphically represents the decline in teen pregnancy rates from 1950 to 2000. twenty-one2 of these sites. x x v i i i Organizations such as SPAN and the Child Welfare League of America (CWLA) have been actively encouraging the creation and expansion of Second Chance Homes because of the demonstrated ef- fectiveness of their programs. Massachusetts Second Chance Homes are designed to pro- vide a safe place to live where teens are "supported by a combination of mandated and voluntary services to develop skills that lead to good parenting and self-sufficiency".3™* Second Chance Homes potentially offer the opportunity to address a wide range of needs for teenage mothers and their children. The desired outcomes of TLP services have been outlined by the Department of Social Services (DSS) and include Completion of high school or high school equivalency program; increased parenting skills and promotion of a nurturing relationship between parent and child leading to a reduction in the numbers of supported reports of child abuse and neglect; reduction in repeat pregnancy rates; im proved health outcomes for teen parents and their chil- dren; attainment of healthy growth and development of the children of teen parents; and an increased ability to live independently, including the reduction of dependence on welfare.xxx The underlying intent of Second Chance Homes is very much in keeping with the objectives of the welfare legis- lation, promoting the self-sufficiency of young mothers while at the same time emphasizing the well-being of their children. P O L I C Y S T R E N G T H S Massachusetts' requirement for providing adult supervised housing for teen mothers i n need has innumerable strengths. Second Chance Homes really have provided a "second chance" for the young women who enroll in them, helping young mothers to get their lives back on track and become productive members of society. Sites offer educa- tional programming, employment services, childcare, health services, life skills/parenting training, housing search assistance, counseling, and case management to those enrolled. Teens are more likely to use these services because they are all in one location. Studies show that these dynamic, adaptive, and responsive programs reaped many positive outcomes, especially in areas of educational progress, utilization of health services, and reduction i n use of TANF/TAFDC*™' 3 ™ 1 Another strength of Second Chance Homes is their struc- tured nature. This "stems from a belief among program op- erators that in order to really help young mothers and en- force behavioral change, they need lots of structure and opportunities to learn all the skills that are intended to help them improve their parenting and be able to provide for their children". 3 0™ 1 1 1 Even though some teens report being dissatisfied with the amount of rules placed on them, 3 0 0 0 ^ most flourish i n a structured environment. 3 0 0™' 3 0 0™ 1- 3 0 0™ 1 1 Finally, Second Chance Homes allow members of the social work profession to become actively involved in implement- ing welfare changes. The Massachusetts TLP model of serv- ices is "delivered through state contracts with private agen- cies, and in many of these agencies social workers have key roles as direct service staff and program admini-stra- t o r s " . x x x v n i Social workers have been underused in the pre- vention of teenage pregnancy and the monitoring of well- being during pregnancy; most of the responsibility has laid in the hands of educators, who provide sex or abstinence education in a school setting, and physicians or medi- cal staff, who offer contraceptive advice and medical options counseling. Social workers have received training that wil l allow them to assist i n all areas of these compre- hensive programs, allowing the best possible help to be given to these clients. P O L I C Y WEAKNESSES While Second Chance Homes are comprehensive and ef- fective, there are three major weaknesses inherent i n cur- rent policy. First, while program goals and objectives are met while teens are enrolled in the program, once relin- quished from adult supervised care, many clients revert back to habits of sexual activity, poor parenting, school tru- ancy, and reliance on the welfare system within a matter E L E M E N T S S P R I N G 05 of m o n t h s . x x x l x ' x l ' x l l ' x l i l This demonstrates that follow-up services are lacking in most Second Chance Homes. Teens can exit the program by choosing to leave or becoming in- eligible when they turn 20X, 1 1 1 1 and the average stay in a Home is only six monthsxliv. Since service is not long term, it is even more important to follow up with clients to ensure self-sufficiency. Second, while teens tend to flourish in structured environ- ments, xlv.xlvi.xlvn t h e r e i s a i s o evidence that many young mothers in Massachusetts have dropped out of TLP pro- grams due to the severity of rules and regulationsxlviii. In one study clients' main dissatisfactions with TLPs were proved to be lack of independence and too many rules; x l i x " this dissatisfaction caused 26 percent of those clients stud- ied to voluntarily exit the TLPl. Third, since Second Chance Homes are independent agen- cies contracted by the state, there is no standardization of services or requirements for program personnel. Client success in Second Chance Homes is largely contingent on the services provided, 1' and all clients, regardless of the TLP site they are enrolled in , should be given the opportunity to receive the same comprehensive services. A PROPOSAL FOR C H A N G E : GOALS, OBJECTIVES , A N D D E V E L O P M E N T A L T H E O R Y According to Massachusetts DSS program specifications, the goal of Second Chance Homes is to "enable teen par- ents to develop, in a safe and supportive setting, the requi- site skills and knowledge to be competent parents and to lead independent and productive lives after comple- tion of the program".' 1 1 The objectives, however, are in- compatible with this overarching goal. In order to lead independent and productive lives after completion of the program, clients must be monitored after program termi- n a t i o n . 1 1 1 1 ' 1 1 ^ 1 ^ 1 Based on current developmental theory, adolescents are at a stage in maturation in which many important cognitive skills are coagulated. These cognitive skills are crucial for successful adult living, and can not be "taught" to an ado- lescent in a mere six months, the average stay in the pro- gram. Rather, these proficiencies are built over time. For example, adolescents revert back to a sensorimotor egocen- trism, in which they find themselves preoccupied with their own behaviors, beliefs, attitudes, and activities most of the t i m e . l v n This is not conducive to becoming a good parent. Teen living programs have the unique ability of monitoring adolescent behavior twenty-four hours a day, and can offer strategies for becoming less egocentric. This also comes with age. Metacognitive skills are also honed in the stage of adoles- cencel. l v m Teens begin to grasp self-regulatory behaviors, in which they self-monitor thoughts, feelings, and behaviors to reach a goal. While this is a natural stage of development, awareness of self-regulatory behaviors can be heightened under the supervision of those more experienced than the teen themselves. This is another crucial developmental process that directly affects the success of the teen mother and the wellbeing of her child. I f teens relinquish their right to be enrolled in the program and are not monitored after exit, these skills may not be in place and wi l l prove detrimental to long-term achievement of program goals. Finally, Sternberglix proposes a triarchic theory of in- telligence}, which consists of three subtheories: analyti- cal/componential, experiential, and contextual. Sternberg's theory mandates that experiential learning is imperative in successfully completing the adolescent phase of develop- ment. This is one of the strongest rationales for program modification; teens must gain socioculturally relevant con- textual experience in order to become competent caregivers and adults. This experience can be gained only through guided supervision of novel and complex tasks/situations, and is best provided for teen mothers i n an adult supervised environment such as a Second Chance Home. S T A T I S T I C A L J U S T I F I C A T I O N Proving statistical justification of the need for this type of extended service is difficult; there have been few studies that have examined the outcomes of clients enrolled in teen T E E N L I V I N G P R O G R A M S I N M A S S A C H U S E T T S ! A P O L I C Y A N A L Y S I S A N D R E C O M M E N D A T I O N S F O R C H A N G E living programs because of several specific challenges. First, the majority of existing Second Chance Homes are residential in nature, accommodating small numbers of teenage mothers and their children. l x This structure is often conducive to the program setting and service delivery, but it makes any kind of rigorous impact evaluation more difficult due to smaller sample sizes. Also, while many of the skills targeted are easily quantified, such as the attain- ment of a high school diploma or GED, others, "such as parenting skills or increased self-sufficiency, are more dif- ficult to measure and the anticipated impact may not sur- face for extended periods of t ime" . 1 x 1 Finally, a rigorous im- pact evaluation requires the comparison of two groups that are otherwise uncomparable except for participation i n a Second Chance Homes. However, neither program opera- tors nor researchers would support the denial of services to teens and their children solely for research purposes. l x u The limited, preliminary evaluations of Second Chance Homes in Massachusetts are promising. The most current statistics show that only two percent of teens residing in TLPs had a second pregnancy while i n the program. Also, about two-thirds of former Second Chance Home residents continued with job or education training; nearly half had found work; and nearly one third had left the welfare roll- slxiii. With continued support after exit from the program, teens would be more likely to continue with their job or ed- ucational training, find work, leave welfare rolls, be nurtur- ing parents, and lead fulfilling lives.lxiv,lxv,lxvi j 0 ensure that support is continued in all Second Chance Homes, current policy must be modified. U T I L I Z I N G DYE'S F R A M E W O R K With the need for change justified, the next step of the process is the determination of what change should be made. Dye proposes the rational choice framework for making this decision, which proposes that "policy choice...refers to the selection of the alternative with the greatest potential for maximizing agreed-upon values and goals". l x v n He suggests generating a list of alternative strategies for achieving the goals, ranking those alterna- tives in order of the degree to which they are perceived to be likely to achieve the goals being sought, generating a list of the alternatives' potential consequences, and, finally, calcu- lating the net value ratio of each alternativelxviii. The net value ratio is "an index of the extent to which alternative choices maximize the values of goals deemed impor- tant...The alternative that best maximizes such values after its consequences have been taken into account is the one with the highest net value rat io" . l x i x Table i depicts the use of Dye's framework in choosing the best course of action for policy change. A L T E R N A T I V E S T R E N G T H S C O N S E Q U E N C E S N E T V A L U E R A N K Make it mandatory for teens to stay in the program unti l counselors and teens both decide that teen has acquired skills necessary to exit successfully •Assurance teens are getting services •Best way to meet all program goals •Wil l have less room for new teens or wil l cost money to expand program •Mandate might stop teens from entering in first place Require counselors to follow up with each teen for a period of three years after exit •Allows teens to be on their own, but continues limited supervision to discourage regression into disadvanta- geous patterns •Wil l take counselors' valuable time away from new in- takes and those currently enrolled i n the program Ask teens to check in with counselors when they need help •Allows teens to be on their own schedule •Wil l not assure that teens are getting services Based on analysis under Dye's framework, the second alter- native, requiring counselors at all Massachusetts Second Chance Homes to follow up with each teen for a period of three years after exit, has the highest net value rank of the three. This alternative wi l l be designed and implemented. P R O G R A M D E S I G N A N D I M P L E M E N T A T I O N Program design for this policy is relatively straightforward, considering the staff that is to do the follow up is already hired and i n place, the site is already available, and no E L E M E N T S S P R I N G 05 specific curricula need be followed. Second Chance Homes would require that the case manager or counselor assigned to each client keep this client on his or her caseload for a period of three years after exiting the program. Counselors at all Second Chance locations i n Massachusetts would be trained over a two-day seminar one month prior to imple- mentation of this policy and once yearly for the duration of their tenure at the Home. Training would include how to correctly use follow-up progress note and evaluation forms/)., a refresher course on finding resources for teens, a class in teaching parenting of toddlers and young school- age children (the age ranges that most teen's children wil l fall under after program exit), a refresher course on lead-ing group therapy/discussion, and discussion with other counselors on issues surrounding teenage pregnancy and parenting. Counselors would be required to follow up with each client once every three months for the first year after exit and once every six months for the next two years. During each year, counselors wi l l run two group sessions (one in January and one in July). These sessions are mandatory "gatherings" where teen moms formerly enrolled in the Second Chance Home wil l come together to discuss their progress and any problems they may be finding. Counselors are encouraged to collaborate together for these sessions, and include clients from more than one caseload in each group. Al l fol- low-up sessions wil l take place at the client's current place of residence, so that the counselor may get the most accu- rate portrayal of the teen's living situation. I f possible, the teen's child should be present for the session. Follow- up sessions wi l l be conducted informally over at least two hours, with basic areas of concern—found on the evaluation forms-discussed using open-ended questions. The goal of these sessions is to ensure self-sufficiency and healthy personal and social development. Successes and weaknesses alike should be topics of conversation, and the counselor should work with the client to remedy any setbacks. After each session, the counselor wil l completely fil l out the evaluation form provided and include the form i n the client's file. Once yearly the counselor is responsible for meeting with his or her supervisor to discuss the progress of those clients who have exited the program. The supervi- sor is responsible at that time for compiling the data ob- tained from follow up sessions to be included in later statis- tical analysis of the program's (anticipated) success. Three years after exit a client's file can be considered closed, but it is essential that lines of communication remain open for those teens who wish to continue a working relationship with the Home. The two potential consequences of this new policy include taking counselors' valuable time away from new intakes and those currently enrolled in the program and budgeting for staff training sessions and additional hours accrued from new standards. However, both seem easily surmount- FIGURE 1-2 COM PON ENTIAL S U B T H E O R Y M ETACOM PON ENTS P E R F O R M A N C E K N O W L E D G E A C Q U I S I T I O N T R I A R C H IC T H EORY EXPERI ENTIAL S U B T H E O R Y NOVELTY AUTOMATION C O N T E X T U A L SUBTH EORY ADAPTATION S E L E C T I O N S H A P I N G Sternberg's Triarchic Theory of Intelligence R A T E S O F P R E G N A N C Y , B I R T H , A N D A B O R T I O N P E R l O O O W O M E N A G E D 15-19, A N D A B O R T I O N R A T I O , BY R A C E A N D E T H I N I C I T Y , I 9 8 6 - 2 O O O R A C E / E T H I N I C I T Y & M E A S U R E T O T A L P R E G N A N C Y RATE * B I R T H R A T E A B O R T I O N RATE A B O R T I O N RATE j W H I T E A L L P R E G N A N C Y RATE * B I R T H R A T E A B O R T I O N RATE A B O R T I O N RATE f N O N - H I S P A N I C P R E G N A N C Y RATE * B I R T H R A T E A B O R T I O N RATE A B O R T I O N RATE 'j" N O N W H I T E ALL P R E G N A N C Y RATE * B I R T H R A T E A B O R T I O N RATE A B O R T I O N RATE - j - BLACK P R E G N A N C Y RATE * B I R T H R A T E A B O R T I O N RATE A B O R T I O N RATE f H I S P A N I C P R E G N A N C Y RATE * B I R T H R A T E A B O R T I O N RATE A B O R T I O N RATE - j - 1986 1987 1986 106.7 106.6 111.4 50.2 50.6 53.0 42-3 41.8 43-5 457 45.2 45-i 90.0 89.6 93.0 42.3 42.5 4 4 4 35.6 35-1 36.1 457 45.2 44.9 u u u u u Li u u LI u u L! 180.7 180.1 l8g. l 84.8 85.5 89.2 71.8 70.4 74-5 45.8 45.2 45-5 u u u 95.8 97.6 102.7 u u u u u u u u u u u u u u u u u u 1989 1990 1991 114.9 116.9 115.3 57-3 60.3 6i .8 42.0 40.5 374 42.3 40.2 377 95.8 98.8 96.6 47.9 51.2 52.6 34.8 33-9 30.4 421 39.8 36.6 u 87.3 82.7 39-9 41-5 42 7 u 32.9 28.7 u 44.2 40.2 1934 189.4 188.5 95-9 96.3 97.8 71-3 67.0 64.7 42.6 41.0 39.8 u 223.8 223.3 111.5 112.9 114.8 80.3 76.9 u 41.6 40.1 u 162.2 169.1 100.8 995 104.6 u 38.9 39.6 u 28.1 27.5 1992 '993 1994 111.0 108.0 104.6 60.3 59.0 58.2 35-2 33-9 31.6 36.9 36.5 35-2 92.3 90.0 90.0 51.4 50.6 50.5 27.9 26.6 24.7 35-2 344 32.8 77.0 74.6 71.8 41.0 40.2 39.8 25-3 24.0 21.8 38.1 374 354 183.5 177.6 169.0 94.6 91.2 87-5 63.6 62.0 58.2 40.2 40.5 39-9 216.6 209.9 198.7 111.3 107.3 102.9 75-5 73-8 68.3 40.4 40.7 39-9 169.7 165.8 164.4 103.3 101.8 101.3 41.6 397 39.0 28.7 28.0 27.8 1995 1996 1997 99.6 95.6 91.4 56.0 53-5 5i-3 29.4 28.6 27.1 34-5 34-8 34.6 87.8 84.9 81.4 49-5 47-5 45-5 23.2 22.2 21.1 3i-9 31.9 31-7 68.8 65.5 62.9 38.6 36.9 35-4 20.5 t 9-3 18.6 34-7 34-3 34-4 155.1 148.9 141.6 80.5 75-9 72.6 53.2 52-5 49-4 39.8 40.9 40.5 181.4 175.1 168.1 9 4 4 89.6 86.3 61.9 61.4 58.7 39.6 40.7 40.5 158.3 152.8 143-5 99-3 94.6 89.6 35.8 357 32-7 26.5 274 26.8 1998 1999 2000 88.7 85.7 8.36 50.3 48.8 477 25.8 24-7 24.0 33-9 33-6 334 77-9 73-4 7i-4 44-9 44-0 43-2 20.0 18.7 17-9 30.8 29.8 29.3 60.2 574 54-7 34-7 33-6 32.2 16.9 15-5 14.6 32.7 3i-7 3i-3 136.2 130.8 128.2 70.2. 66.1 64.4 47-3 46.8 46.3 40.3 4i-4 41.8 162.0 156.1 153-3 83-5 79-i 77-4 56.2 55-7 54-9 40.2 4i-3 41-5 142.5 139-4 137-9 87.9 86.8 87.1 33-7 32.1 30.3 277 27.0 25.8 * INCLUDES ESITMATED NUMBER OF PREGNANCIES E N D I N G I N MISCARRIAGE OR STILLBIRTH. I ABORTIONS PER PREGNANCIES E N D I N G I N ABORTION OR LIVE BIRTH; D E N O M I N A T O R EXCLUDES MISCARRIAGES AD STILLBIRTHS. NOTES! I N T H I S A N D SUBSEQUENT TABLES, DATA ARE TABULATED ACCORDING TO T H E W O M A N ' S AGE AT THE PREGNANCY OUTCOME A N D , FOR BIRTHS, ACCORDING TO THE MOTHER'S RACE ( N O T T H E C H I L D ' S ) . NUMBERS A N D RATES MAY DIFFER SLIGHTLY FROM THOSE PUBLISH ED PREVIOUSLY BECAUSE WE REVISED THE NUMBER OS ABORTIONS I N 1 993 T H R O U G H 1997 AN USED POPULATION ESTIMATES THAT CAM E FROM TH E 2000 CENSUS. U = U N AVAI LAB LE. E L E M E N T S S P R I N G 05 able. Because each counselor only monitors several clients at a time, they should easily manage the extra eight hours per year (four sessions at two hours per session). Also, training sessions would only be for sixteen hours annually, again not mounting to too much time. While there could be arguments that it would be difficult to find money to pay counselors for those hours, because this is to be a state-im- plemented and regulated policy, provisions should be made by the state. Fiscal expenditures are minimal for the poten- tially huge success rates this new policy wi l l entail. P R O G R A M E V A L U A T I O N Two types of evaluation should be used to monitor the progress of this new policy. The first type is formative eval- uation "which occurs as the program is initiated and imple- mented, primarily to address such questions as 'is the pro- gram reaching enough of the at-risk population?', 'how much service is being provided?', and 'how many re- sources, and what kinds, are being expended?"'. l x x This type of evaluation wi l l occur continuously as a counselor meets with clients over the three years. The evaluation form includes space to discuss these evaluative questions. The second type is "summative evaluation, [which] looks at how the program has fared during a specified period of time and examines performance on process objectives, out- comes for clients, and sometimes impact on a target com- m u n i t y " . l x x i This wi l l be completed by the Home supervi- sor, who wi l l compile and analyze all counselors' data yearly. The data of each home wil l be compared and com- piled to create the state's annual report, which wi l l be sent to the Department of Social Services, the Department of Transitional Assistance, and to the Governor's office. By implementing this new policy, teen mothers in Massa- chusetts have a greater chance of achieving the long- term goals of self-sufficiency, the delay of subsequent childbearing, and breaking the cycle of poverty and reliance on welfare. E N D N O T E S i "Contraception counts: Massachusetts." i i Harris (1997) i i i Walker and Kotloff (1999) iv Walker and Kotloff (1999) v Walker and Kotloff (1999) vi Kirby (2001) v i i Kaplan (1997) v i i i "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenage parents and their children." (2000) ix Collins, Lane, and Stevens (2003) x Collins, Lane, and Stevens (2003) xi Kirby (2001) xi i Mattaini, Lowery, and Meyer (2002) x i i i Maynard (1993) xiv Maynard (1993) xv Kaplan (1997) xvi "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenage parents and their children." (2000) xvii Harris (1997) xviii Harris (1997) xix Cherry, Di l l ion, and Rugh (2001) xx Horowitz (1995) xxi "Personal Responsibility and Work Opportunity Reconciliation Act of 1996 Fact Sheet." (1996) xxii Collins, Lane, and Stevens, (2003) xxiii "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenag parents and their children." (2000) xxiv "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenagt parents and their children." (2000) xxv Kaplan (1997) xxvi "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenagf parents and their children." (2000) xxvii "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenag parents and their children." (2000) xxviii "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenag parents and their children." (2000) xxix Collins, Lane, and Stevens (2003) xxx Department of Social Services (DSS) (1996) xxxi Collins, Lemon, andStreet (2000) xxxii Collins, Lane, T.S, and Stevens (2003) xxxiii "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenag parents and their children." (2000) xxxiv Collins, Lemon, and Street (2000) xxxv Collins, Lemon, and Street (2000) xxxvi Collins, Lane, and Stevens (2003) xxxvii Kirby (2001) xxxviii Collins, Lane, and Stevens (2003) xxxix Kaplan (1997) xl Collins, Lane, and Stevens (2003) xl i Horowitz (1995) xl i i Maynard (1993) x l i i i Collins, Lane, and Stevens (2003) xliv "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenage parents and their children." (2000) xlv Collins, Lane, and Stevens (2003) xlvi Collins, M.E., Lemon, C , & Street, E. (2000). xlvii Kirby (2001) xlvii i "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenage parents and their children." (2000) xlix Collins, Lemon, and Street (2000) 1 Collins, Lemon, and Street (2000) l i "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenage parents and their children." (2000) l i i Department of Social Services (DSS) (1996) l i i i Harris (1997) liv Kaplan (1997) lv Maynard (1993) lvi Collins, Lane, and Stevens (2003) lvi i Santrock (2003) lv i i i Santrock (2003) lix Sternberg (1997) lx "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenage parents and their children." (2000) lxi "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenage parents and their children." (2000) lxi i "Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenage parents and their children." (2000) lx i i i Second Chance Homes: Providing services for teenage parents and their children. 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