All Chicanos need a sense of belonging, respect, and opportunity. Due to the exclusion from the surrounding region, however, the only space where these opportunities could possibly exist is in the barrio." B A R R I O S , G A N G S , A N D E N C L A V E S A Socioeconomic Reading of Luis Rodriguez's Always Running C H R I S T O P H E R B R U N N E R T H I S P A P E R W I L L E N G A G E IN A S O C I O E C O N O M I C A N A L Y S I S O F L U I S R O D R I G U E Z ' S AL- WAYS RUNNING. T H E P A P E R W I L L I D E N T I F Y T H E LO MAS B A R R I O AS AN I M M I G R A N T E N C L A V E I S O L A T E D F R O M T H E G R E A T E R L O S A N G E L E S C O M M U N I T Y . W H I L E AN I M M I - G R A N T E N C L A V E T Y P I C A L L Y S E R V E S AS A T R A N S I T I O N A L C O M M U N I T Y F O R E T H N I C I M - M I G R A N T S , T H E G E O G R A P H I C , P O L I T I C A L , A N D S O C I A L I S O L A T I O N O F T H E E C O N O M I - C A L L Y - D E P R I V E D B A R R I O L E A D T O E X C L U S I O N O F T H E R E S I D E N T C H I C A N O P O P U L A T I O N F R O M T H E S U R R O U N D I N G C O M M U N I T I E S . AS A R E S U L T , R O D R I G U E Z A N D T H E O T H E R Y O U T H A R E T H R O W N I N T O T H E N I H I L I S T I C G A N G L I F E S T Y L E O F LA V I D A L O C A , A R E B E L L I O U S A N D M I L I T A N T R E S P O N S E T O T H E M A R G I N A LI Z AT I O N O F T H E N E I G H B O R H O O D . T H E P A P E R C O N C L U D E S T H A T W H I L E G A N G L I F E S T Y L E IS N O T T H E B E S T O P T I O N F O R T H E Y O U T H O F T H E B A R R I O , IT IS T H E O N L Y C H A N C E T O E A R N T H E R E S P E C T , I D E N T I T Y , A N D S E N S E O F B E L O N G I N G T H A T T H E B A R R I O C A N N O T P R O - V I D E . In Luis Rodriguez's memoir Always Running, Rodriguez describes a youth lifestyle of gangs, violence, and discrimi- nation. The setting of this lifestyle is a Los Angeles "bar- rio"—an inner-city ethnic neighborhood typical of a Spanish-speaking population. While every city has ethnic neighborhoods and the divisions accompanying these neighborhoods, the barrios of Los Angeles have an identity and strength to which few neighborhoods can compare. Using the prevalence of gang culture and violence i n the barrio, Rodriguez looks to paint the barrio as a neighbor- hood detrimental to the individual and to social psy- chology. Nonetheless, Rodriguez contin- ually returns to the barrio throughout the story. Due to the isolation of the barrio from the greater Los Angeles commu- nity and the inabil- ity of the barrio to respond to this iso- lation, Rodriguez defines the gang culture as an emu- lation of the barrio identity as well as the only possible source of social structure not provided by the barrio. A neighborhood's isolation begins when the group resid- ing within the neighborhood is either excluded or chooses to be isolated—the latter being a desired rarity. The first and most prominent form of isolation Rodriguez describes is geographic. When Rodriguez first introduces the reader to Las Lomas, or "the Hills," he calls "The Hills . . . unseen. Unvisited. Cars flew past north of here on the San EAST LOS ANGELES BARRIOS ARE Bernardino Freeway... a place you could have found i n the Ozarks or the hills of Tijuana."1 The readers' initial intro- duction to the barrio paints it as cold and secluded. Originally, he does not describe specific geographic fea- tures, yet he compares Lomas to the Ozarks and the hills of Tijuana. In this account, Rodriguez transforms the freeway into artificial hills to isolate Lomas from the East Los Angeles area. This serves as a precursor to the develop- ment of many social issues within the barrio, including the development of gangs. In her book Going Down to the Barrio: Homeboys and Homegirls in Change, Joan Moore chronicles the beginnings of select East Los Angeles gangs by first highlighting the neighbor- hood's history. According to Moore, i n the 1950s, the city made a series of land grabs for free- way construction i n the region, and "two of the free- ways (the San Bernardino and Santa Ana) cut through the heart of the East Los Angeles barrios."51 The re- moval of large tracts of land combined with the increasing population density served to effectively isolate East Los Angeles, and it is doubtless Lomas would have been in- cluded as well. Having only grazed the driving narrative, Rodriguez uses spatial and geographic isolation to close Lomas off from the surrounding community. Besides the geographic isolation of the barrio, political and social isolation were equally as prominent and historically ISOLATED FROM NEIGHBORING NITIES . ELEM ENTS FALL 09 "With such social, political, and geographic powers opposing the development of the neighborhood, the barrio lifestyle became one of alienation from the greater Los Angeles community." more powerful. The barrios served as homes to a migrant and impoverished population, an outcast group forced to live i n strictly defined areas. In the beginning days of urban sprawl i n Los Angeles, what often defined a neighborhood was its annexation by the neighboring city. The remaining "unincorporated county territory was generally where the poorest people lived, the old barrios, which for the most part didn't belong to any city because nobody wanted them." 1 ' Essentially, an unincorporated city is politically isolated; government and other institutions are not estab- lished i n these areas, and access to many basic elements and utilities of a city, such as sewage systems and paved roads is lacking. These measures of isolation for the barrios which were [not] incorporated, including Las Lomas, became self-contained and forbidden, incubators of rebellion ... For years, nobody ventured into Las Lomas un- less they had to be there. Buses refused to provide residents there any service. Sheriff's deputies entered it with full fire- power and ample backup, hardly ever alone.w This passage from Rodriguez describes the psychological and social isolation of the neighborhood. The barrios are excluded by the greater Los Angeles community due to their image as havens of crime and poverty. The media also rode on this wave of intolerance, expounding upon tales of criminal youth and gang dominance i n these areas. With escalating notoriety seizing the neighborhood, Lomas be- comes socially isolated. No one wants to enter the neigh- borhood without firepower and basic civil services—such as the bus lines that refuse to enter the area. With such so- cial, political, and geographic powers opposing the develop- ment of the neighborhood, the barrio lifestyle became one of alienation from the greater Los Angeles community. This isolation, i n turn, plays a pivotal role i n the develop- ment of many families, including the Rodriguez family. With these issues, Rodriguez paints a bleak picture of the community. Yet the Lomas community is further isolated by its Mexican culture. Las Lomas is an ethnic community intrinsically different from the white, middle-class neigh- borhoods that enclose it. I n John Logan, Richard Alba, and Wenquan Zhang's article Immigrant Enclaves and Ethnic Communities in New York and Los Angeles, the authors ana- lyze post-Vietnam development of the ethnic enclave i n so- cial and psychological contexts. Curiously, the authors make a distinction between what they term as "immigrant enclaves" and "ethnic communities." Immigrant enclaves are driven by "people's limited market resources and ethni- cally bound cultural and social capital," and these neighbor- hoods are intended to be "transitional neighborhoods— they represent a practical and temporary phase in the incor- poration of new groups."v Additional identifications are "physical characteristics (by the usual standards of main- stream society, they are less desirable as places to live) and by the characteristics of the people who live i n them (they concentrate immigrants who are recently arrived and have few socioeconomic resources.)"V! A n ethnic community, on the other hand is a term used "to refer to ethnic neigh- borhoods that are selected as living environments by those who have wider options based on their market resources."1' This distinction the authors make is interest- ing as sociologists do not often separate ethnic communi- ties into transitional and permanent neighborhoods. Their study is a sociological analysis of immigrant neighbor- B A R R I O S , G A N G S , A N D E N C L A V E S hoods, yet they choose economic resources as the determi- tant for a homeowner's choice between these two areas. While it is often economic resources that determine a fam- ily's ability to move out of a poor area, the "transitional pe- riod" that accompanies the immigrant enclave may be an extended or permanent period of time. Many families i n the barrio, such as the Rodriguez family, may have had in- tentions of leaving the barrio, yet the economic, political, geographic, and cultural isolation may have prevented them. The Rodriguez family's transitional period is an active one as they move to new homes and work places. The majority of the first chapters are dedicated to Rodriguez's descrip- tions of each new neighborhood to which he moves. Nonetheless, the relocations are constrained by their eco- nomic resources; they "often changed houses because of evictions. [His] dad constantly tried to get better work."™1 Logan, Alba, and Zhang postulated the transitional period of the immigrant ended when "people with more financial resources and mainstream jobs avoid ethnic zones . . . i n search of the 'Promised Land.'" When Rodriguez's father secures a new job and believes he has the economic re- sources to move out of the Lomas neighborhood and into Reseda, a middle class suburb, Rodriguez views his father's new job as "a miracle." Rodriguez's father "went nuts i n Reseda," purchasing a new home, car, and several new ap- pliances, all with the "attitude [of] 'who cares?' We were Americans now. We were on our way to having a little bit of that dream." - This American ideal of homeownership comes with its share of changes. Reseda is a starkly differ- ent neighborhood from Lomas, with a completely different identity. Although Rodriguez does note that Taft High School was for "well-off white children," he never explicitly says that their neighborhood is a white neighborhood. 5^ I n fact, Reseda lacks any ethnic identity, but of the ethnic en- claves of Los Angeles, the Rodriguez family is free to roam without any confinement. Ultimately, though, this suburban, "ethnic-less" identity is not ideal for the Rodriguez family. The Rodriguez family leaves within a few months of entering Reseda after Rodriguez's father loses his job. As the Rodriguez family pulls away from their former home, Rodriguez sees the "sad faces on our neighbors were our farewell. I supposed they realized we [were not] so bad for being Mexican. We were going back to an old friend—pobreza." << Rodriguez's description allows the reader to see that for Rodriguez, the Mexican family does not fit i n this suburban lifestyle. When they moved to Reseda, the Rodriguez family was "the only Mexican family around." x i v Rodriguez is harassed by the children at his elementary school, his mother is inse- cure about her body image i n the face of the other suburban mothers, and the high school students could not under- stand his father's accent. Although the neighbors do not di- rectly discriminate against their family, the strong Mexican culture and ethnic identity the Rodriguez family possessed was "bad" and not welcomed i n the suburban environment. Rodriguez uses the Spanish word pobreza to describe poverty instead of an English term. The irony of returning to the barrio, however, is that i n order to gain acceptance i n their surrounding neighborhood, they must return to the "friend" of poverty. The Rodriguez family's desire for identity and acceptance is not an isolated incident. These desires are key themes throughout much of Chicano literature, including Always Running. Rodriguez's personal search led to a changing identity throughout his story. In Paula M.L. Moya's article "This is Not Your Country!": Nation and Belonging in Chicano Literature, Moya contends that when Rodriguez "began to educate himself through the Chicano Movement about the economic and social institutions that put h i m and others like h i m at a structural disadvantage relative to other Americans ' . . . Rodriguez was able to break free of gang life and begin the long, arduous process toward achieving ful l , substantive U.S. citizenship." x v Moya is certainly correct that Rodriguez's education does change his identity, his view of the barrio, and the marginalization of the Hispanic population i n Los Angeles. After Rodriguez is introduced to the library at Taft High School, " i t [was not] the same as before. A power pulsed i n those books I learned to savor, i n the magical hours I spent i n the library. " X V 1 It is far-fetched, however, to say that Rodriguez's ultimate identity is shaped by his obtaining U.S. citizenship. Rodriguez never men- tions citizenship i n his novel, except for a fleeting moment i n his description of applying for college. Learning excites h i m , but his academic interest is never an antecedent for desires of citizenship or American nationalistic identity. Moya herself even mentions this impossibility i n her clos- ing analysis of Rodriguez: Always Running "contests the idea that Latina/os must forever be outsiders to the US na- tional imaginary."X V [ I Moya aims to classify the Chicano identity as a separate nationalistic movement within American borders, despite the fact that an author identify- ing this movement is something she herself deplores. Nonetheless, whether Moya's United States is defined by citizenship or the suburban Reseda lifestyle, Moya is cor- rect i n noting that the Chicano identity exists separate from the American identity, and Rodriguez seemingly has set out to isolate the barrio as the only space were his Chicano identity is welcome and identifiable. The question remains, however, as to why the barrio is not only necessary space for the Chicano family but the only space. According to Logan, Alba, and Zhang, any forms of acculturation are inversely associated with residence in eth- nic neighborhoods for almost all groups. In some cases, the ethnic neighborhood tends to be chosen by those for whom it serves their practical needs (as indicated by their socioeco- nomic position) for an inexpensive and congenial setting. And for several groups, the neighborhood may also link members to ethnic employment. These are the functions of immigrant enclaves. x v l u Rodriguez furnishes his book with examples of his family's lack of acculturation; from the language barriers his father faces to the neighbors of the Reseda suburb, the Rodriguez family has an inherently Chicano cultural identity that is in- compatible with the area surrounding them. Logan, Alba, and Zhang are certainly correct to say that families of im- migrant enclaves such as the barrio choose an immigrant enclave out of a need for inexpensive residence. The choice, however, may not be as free as implied. Their defi- nition of the immigrant enclave as a transitional period may be marred by the economic and social conditions that surround a neighborhood, such as the economic, geo- graphic, social, and cultural isolation of Lomas that Rodriguez highlights. For a family living i n a barrio, the transition period is not temporary; their isolation leads to a A COMPLEX DYNAMIC OF INCLUSION AND EXCLUSION UNDERLIES THE FORMATION OF NEIGHBORHOODS SUCH AS BARRIOS. B A R R I O S , G A N G S , A N D E N C L A V E S permanent transitional state. The barrio, then, must lack the means of assistance or aid that helps families find future success. Logan, Alba, and Zhang identify two needs for a functioning immigrant en- clave: an economic practicality, and a congenial association brought on by connection with others of similar cultural backgrounds. Undoubtedly, cheap housing is an economic practicality of the immigrant enclave, but for the barrio, the practicality ends with the fulfillment of low-priced land. The employment market of the barrio is far from sufficient to sustain the economic needs. Rodriguez's "mother worked on and off, primarily as a costurera or . . . cleaning homes or taking care of other people's children." x l x Her odd jobs were mostly i n "nice, American, white-people homes" outside of the barrio neighborhood. Rodriguez's father settled for a job at Pierce College, a community high school i n Los Angeles, which required h i m to get "up every day at 4:30 a.m. and [ g o ] . . . almost forty miles away to the other side of Los Angeles," simply to be employed as "an overblown janitor."1 J The menial, m i n i m u m wage (or less) jobs could never provide for Rodriguez's family of five. LACKING A SENSE OF BELONGING, MANY YOUNG MEN TURN TO GANG INVOLVEMENT IN THE BARRIOS. Moreover, these jobs require travel to outside neighbor- hoods. For a teenager like Rodriguez, the challenge to find work is even greater. His mother tells Rodriguez that "'you have to work, to help us out here. . . You're a big man now. There's got to be something you can do. ' . . . I was nine years old—a good working age, as far as my mother was con- cerned." ; ! i Rodriguez's mother expected h i m to mature at an alarming rate and enter the working world to support the family; however, with the scarcity of jobs for adults i n the barrio, it would be difficult at best for Rodriguez to f ind a job as a child. Besides economic necessities, Logan, Alba, and Zhang seem to identify cultural necessities. The "congenial set- ting" they picture seemingly describes a unified, pleasant, cultural community within the borders of the immigrant enclave. Yet, Lomas is far from any of these descriptions. The barrio lacks any sense of cultural unification. Within the barrio, Rodriguez never mentions a successful commu- nity movement to unify the area. The La Casa Community Center i n Sangra that "offered dropout programs, welfare assistance, federal job placements, a teen mother day care, and places for young people to hang out" eventually suc- cumbs to "the scourge of PCP." x x m Rodriguez remembers "the San Gabriel Mission held an annual 'Fiesta Days' cele- bration to honor the Spanish-Mexican heritage of the area," and at night, after the "Anglos" left, "the fiesta belonged to the Mexicans." x x n Yet, "by the midnight hour . . . Lomas and Sangra soldiers began to congregate i n different sec- tions of the enclosed area."x x v Nothing within the barrio is free from the hands of gangs and conflict. The festival, in a sense, mirrors the surrounding neighborhood: what could potentially be a haven for families i n a safe, culturally satu- rated environment turns into a battleground for the gang soldiers whose presence permeates the area. Gangs are a critical element i n Always Running which infi l - trate the barrios to satisfy a need within the neighborhood. Lomas lacks the strong, proud cultural identity and eco- nomic prowess necessary to function as an ethnic commu- nity; the gangs, however, are highly organized, hierarchal, E L E M E N T S : : FALL 09 and efficient groups. Rodriguez describes the beginnings of these gangs as groups of youth, calling "ourselves clubs or clicas. It was something to belong to—something that was ours. We weren't i n boy scouts, i n sports teams, or camping groups." It is interesting that Rodriguez notes the importance of club affiliation. Although he was a resi- dent i n the barrio, he does not seem to be able to connect to it. The borders of the barrio are formed by social condi- tions, and Rodriguez seems against joining organized so- cial groups, such as the Boy Scouts. I f Rodriguez is alien- ated by the world outside the barrio and unable to deduce a connection to the barrio, then the only remaining option is to find identity amongst the gangs. The gangs did not just provide an individual identity; they were more structured and encompassing than a simple group of friends. Rodriguez noted that some groups "be- came more organized. They obtained . . . their own colors, and identification cards. Later a few of the cliques became car clubs . . . Then also some of the clubs metamorphosed into something more unpredictable, more encompassing. Something more deadly."**™ This level of exclusion and identification could be alarming for any group of people, es- pecially a group of adolescent teenagers. The gangs had immense power; the Animal Tribe gang i n Lomas "pulled i n dudes from all over South San Gabriel, even from areas east of the Hills . . . which had long-running feuds with Las Lomas." v ! i l Essentially, the gangs begin to define these communities. When the crime rate i n Lomas begins to rise, "gang members were interviewed and news photographers worked the Hills to depict the poverty. " x x l x The community borders do not exist i n the eyes of Rodriguez's youth or the eyes of the surrounding Los Angeles region. These reports paint an image of universal poverty and crime, even though gangs may not entirely make up the population of the neighborhood. The gang members themselves also follow this idea; when young Luis, Wilo, and Chicharron ask Miguel why they were harassed by Sangra members at a quincinera, despite the fact that they were not " i n their bar- rio," Miguel's explanation is, "You ain't i n Lomas e i ther . . . That's the problem. You guys live i n between the two "Logan, Alba, and Zhang identify two needs for a functioning immigrant enclave: an economic practicality, and a congenial association brought on by connection with others of similar cultural backgrounds." largest 'hoods. You got to figure out which one to claim or you're going to get fucked by both of them . . . I ' m telling you there's no choice. . . . You wanta live, you wanta breath air, you got to be i n the Tribe man. " x x x Miguel's explanation and subsequent suggestion demonstrate the power of these barrio gangs. There was no escaping them, especially i f one was young; eventually, all must, for the sake of self- preservation, declare allegiance to a gang. For Miguel and many other characters, the gangs were the neighborhood. One identifies himself not by his barrio, but by his gang. Eventually these terms become synonymous, as "there were dudes who didn't even claim the Tribe anymore. Just Lomas."X X X I Just as Rodriguez must join a gang to find per- sonal identity, his family had to return to their barrio to find cultural identity. Joining a gang to find identity, however, comes at a price. Rodriguez describes the gangs as deadly, a term that can barely begin to encompass the violence and brutality sur- rounding gang life. From the moment he joins the gang, Rodriguez becomes involved i n drugs, murder, and de struction on an unimaginable scale. This violence is in- B A R R I O S , G A N G S , A N D E N C L A V E S credibly harmfuf to Rodriguez, himself, from injuries and hospitalizations to the emotional strain resulting from his allegiance to a gang. Claudia Durst Johnson, in her book Youth Gangs i n Literature, comments on the emotional as- pects of many literary works depicting youth gang life. According to Johnson, Rodriguez "emphasizes the self-de- structiveness of the Mexican American community as members of rival Chicano gangs ki l l one another . . . gang members not only ki l l Mexican Americans i n rival gangs, but they ki l l members of their own gangs, a truth that is brought home, to Luis when he is shot at by his friends." X X X X 1 1 Johnson stresses the very prevalent self-de- structive aspect of Rodriguez's work is very prevalent i n the novel; few of Rodriguez's anecdotes about gang life do not include some form of violence. Puppet, i n trying to organ- ize a hit against Sangra, tells his fellow Lomas members "This means we got to take care of each other. And we have to be trucha for dedos ['watch out for snitches']."N X' I ! 1 While this ideal of group defense seems noble, any protest to his plans—such as Luis's questioning as to the purpose of con- Vincent Perez analyzes nihil ism as a psychological phe- nomenon. This phenomenon occurs when "the expression of undaunted yearning, desperate (violent so, perhaps even to the extreme of self-destruction), but not hopeless, mean- ingful i n its furious revolt against a world of bewildering vi- olence and meaningless death." Rodriguez describes "locura, the spirit of existence which meant the difference between living life to the fullest or wandering aimlessly upon the earth, taking up space, or getting i n the way. The vatos hated those without daring, those who failed to meet the challenge, the fear and exhilaration of this presence.' , x x x v l For a gang member, there seems to be no moderation i n living their lives; they either choose to live their life to the fullest expression of emotional prowess, or they wi l l waste aimlessly on the earth. This attitude is ex- tremely nihilistic: the gang members have an undaunted yearning to revolt. Yet their yearning is not against violence but is expressed through violence. Perez explains this ex- pression of violence is a thematic expression of nihilistic antagonism: "The barrio gangs are not the best solution to make up for what the barrio cannot provide; however, in the face of discrimination, marginalization, and identity formation, it is the only option." stant and consistent revenge—yield only "a fist slammed against [his] m o u t h . ' , x x x l v Rodriguez can certainly seek pro- tection and defense from his fellow gang members, but any deviation from the violent plans of the gang is simply unac- ceptable. This violent drive does not consist of only violent gang plans. It is a deeper consciousness that permeates the gang identity. In his article "Running" and Resistance: Nihilism and Cultural Memory in Chicano Urban Narratives, author Rodriguez thematizes nihilism as a strident oppositional voice irreconcilable with the practices of racist institutions such as the legal system which not only fail to address the needs of the minority community, but also actively crimi- nalizes its youth. Though nihilism can be self-destructive, violent, antisocial, anti-intellectual, and apolitical, Rodriguez suggests that it can also be constructively chan- neled. Yet, even if the sentiments which define it (despair, rage, fear, and anger) are not directed into more traditional conduits, nihilism for Rodriguez constitutes a militant po- E L E M E N T S FALL 09 litical consciousness entirely justified given the social cir- cumstances and conditions of urban Chicano life.xxxvii Rodriguez chooses constructive channels for his personal nihilism. He explores art and murals through his paint- ings, he becomes heavily involved with ToHMAS (a Chicano support program), and he gives some effort to- wards his education. Still, the image persists of Rodriguez as an usher of violence, a perpetrator of destruction, and a harbinger of menacing ferocity. Nonetheless, one must consider that Rodriguez also attempts to make social com- mentary through his work. His novel is not simply autobi- ographical musing. As a commentator on the psychologi- cal identity of the gangs as a whole, Rodriguez feels their violence is justified. I n the final scene of the novel, Chava confronts Rodriguez, and Rodriguez "can see h i m pulling out a knife and stabbing [him] just to salve his p a i n . " x x x v m This pain is that of the barrio gangs. Rodriguez never con- demns his own personal actions, but the marginahzation of the community has created an economic, social, and, most importantly, an emotional pain that is only alleviated through violence. I n the epilogue to his novel, Rodriguez explicitly completes his social commentary. He realizes the necessity of gangs i n the face of marginahzation: Gangs are not alien powers. They begin as unstructured groupings, our children, who desire the same as any young person. Respect. A sense of belonging. Protection. The same thing that the MCA, Little League, or Boy Scouts want. . . Gangs flourish when there's a lack of social recreation, de- cent education, or employment.... If there was a viable al- ternative, they would stop. If we all had a choice, I'm con- vinced nobody would choose la vida loca, the "insane notion"—to "gang bang." But it's going to take collective ac- tion and plan.™^ I n this passage, Rodriguez has described exactly what Logan, Alba, and Zhang called for i n an immigrant neigh- borhood. A l l Chicanos need a sense of belonging, respect, and opportunity. Due to the exclusion from the surround- ing region, however, the only space where these opportuni- ties could possibly exist is i n the barrio. Rodriguez's family returns to the barrio and their "friend" pobreza. Yet the bar- rio lacks these critical opportunities for the neighborhood to truly be a transitional period, and often families fall prey to a state of permanence i n impoverished communities. This is where the gangs step in . Lomas gave Rodriguez everything his family had been searching for—respect, identity, and a sense of belonging. This comes with the price of the nihilistic expressions of the spirit of locura, or, as Perez notes, a militant, political, and conscious response to the marginahzation of the neighborhood. The barrio gangs are not the best solution to make up for what the bar- rio cannot provide; however, i n the face of discrimination, marginahzation, and identity formation, it is the only op- tion. E N D N O T E S i . Rodriguez (39) i i . Moore (15) hi . Rodriguez (38) iv. Rodriguez (41) v. Logan et al. (299-300) vi . Logan et al. (300) vi i . Ibid. vi i i . Rodriguez (30) ix. Logan et al. (300) x. Rodriguez (30) xi. Rodriguez (31) xii . Rodriguez (30) xi i i . Rodriguez (31-2) xiv. Rodriguez (30) xv. Moya (183-4) xvi. Rodriguez (139) xvii. Moya (184) xviii. Logan et al. (320) (italics original) xix. Rodriguez (23) xx. Ibid. xxi. Rodriguez (135) xxii. Rodriguez (67-8) xxiii. Rodriguez (112, 240) xxiv. Rodriguez (87-8) xxv. Rodriguez (89) xxvi. Rodriguez (41) xxvii. Rodriguez (43) xxviii. Rodriguez (52) xxix. Rodriguez (112) B A R R I O S , G A N G S , A N D E N C L A V E S xxx. Rodriguez (54). xxxi. Rodriguez (73) xxxii. Johnson (180-1) xxxiii. Rodriguez (208) xxxiv. Rodriguez (209) xxxv. Perez (113) xxxvi. Rodriguez (206) xxxvii. Perez (139) xxxviii. Rodriguez (244) xxxix. Rodriguez (251) REFERENCES Johnson, Claudia D. 2004. Youth Gangs in Literature. Westport, Conn.: Greenwood Press. Logan, John; Alba, Richard; Zhang, Wenquan. 2002. " Immigrant Enclaves and Ethnic Communities i n New York and Los Angeles." American Sociological Review, 67(2), p. 299. Moore, Joan W. 1991. Going Down to the Barrio : Homeboys and Homegirls in Change. Philadelphia: Temple University Press. Moya, Paula M.L. 2005. "Th i s is Not Your Country!': Nation and Belonging i n Latina/o Literature." American Literary History, 17(1), p. 183. Perez, Vincent. 2000. " 'Running' and Resistance: Nihi l i sm and Cultural Memory i n Chicano Urban Narratives.(Critical Essay)." Melus, Vol. 25. Rodriguez, Luis. 2005. Always Running: La Vida Loca: Gang Days in LA. New York: Touchstone.