"By 1725 the elite had reached a point 
where [magical practices] are entirely 

useless. Magic practitioners have by this 
point almost entirely lost their cultural 

meaning." 



C U N N I N G FOLKLORE 

The Meaning of "Superstition" in Early Modern Europe 

ALEXANDER C I L M A N 

o 

SIMULTANEOUS WITH T H E EUROPEAN WITCH CRAZE, EARLY MODERN SCHOLARS BEGAN TO COL-

LECT T H E S U P E R S T I T I O U S PRACTICES OF T H E LOWER CLASSES INTO WRITING. IT WAS A TASK OF 

C O M P I L I N G CHARMS, SPELLS, AND RITUALS OF A PEOPLE T H O U G H T TO BE VANISHING AND A 

LIFESTYLE NO LONGER D E E M E D CURRENT. SCHOLARS TODAY E R R O N E O U S L Y LABEL T H E S E LOWER 

CLASSES " C U N N I N G FOLK." T H E S E PRACTITIONERS OF MAGIC WERE N OT CO N Fl N E D TO A PARTICU-

LAR G R O U P BUT RATHER REPRESENTED T H E LOWER CLASS WORLDVIEW IN G E N E R A L . WHAT IS MOST 

U S E F U L ABOUT T H E S E F O L K L O R E TEXTS, HOWEVER, IS THEIR REVELATIONS ABOUT EARLY MODERN 

INTELLECTUAL CULTURE. T H E S E TEXTS ARE A PARTICULAR G E N R E OF LITERATURE, A D D R E S S I N G T H E 

CULTURAL CONTEXT IN W H I C H THEY WERE WRITTEN IN ORDER TO ELUCIDATE WHAT C O N T E M P O -

RARIES BELIEVED ABOUT MAGIC PRACTITIONERS AND WHAT T H E S E BELIEFS INDICATE ABOUT T H E I R 

INTELLECTUAL WORLDVIEW. WHAT BECOMES CLEAR IS THAT T H E CULTURAL MEANINGS AND FUNC-

T I O N S O F MAGIC PRACTITIONERS IN T H E S E TEXTS ARE INEXTRICABLY T I E D TO C H A N G I N G DIS-

C O U R S E S C O N C E R N I N G R E L I G I O N , MEDICINE, AND ANTIQUARIAN ISM. SUPERSTITION IN EARLY 

MODERN EUROPE WAS T H U S USED AS A FOIL FOR " R I G H T T H I N K I N G " AND CASTS LIGHT ON T H E 

C O N C E R N S AND PREJUDICES OF T H E EDUCATED CLASS. 



" C u n n i n g fo lk" is a t e r m used by scholars to describe a 
g roup o f indiv idua ls w h o practiced various forms o f "good" 
magic i n early m o d e r n England. This g roup is often ad-
dressed per ipheral ly i n witchcraft studies b u t unfortunate-
ly there are few scholarly studies that focus o n t h e m spe-
cifically. Ke i th Thomas , i n his t o m e Religion and the Decline 
of Magic, has a considerable section o n "popular magic" 
and c u n n i n g fo lk b u t his study stops short o f a careful 
analysis, focusing only o n descriptions o f the i r perceived 
practices. 1 I n 1994, W i l l e m de Blecourt readdressed the is-
sue and opened u p a new discussion concern ing c u n n i n g 
folk. H e c o m m e n t s o n the l i m i t a t i o n s o f T h o m a s ' book 
a n d suggests various new areas to research, such as gen-
der a n d class differences i n c u n n i n g folk. Yet even Ble-
court 's overall c l a i m is insuf f ic ient , f a i l ing to address the 
u n d e r l y i n g issue i n Decline of Magic, w h i c h focuses only 
o n the actual practices o f c u n n i n g fo lk and never o n the 
larger, overall c u l t u r a l m e a n i n g o f c u n n i n g folk. Moreover, 
Thomas 's project is predicated o n the a s sumpt ion that the 
category o f c u n n i n g fo lk is one u t i l i z e d by early m o d e r n 
cul ture . Reading his text, one w o u l d assume that c u n n i n g 
fo lk were a d ist inguishable class o f people—a hasty con-
c lus ion . Consequently, e luc idat ing the c u l t u r a l m e a n i n g o f 
c u n n i n g fo lk is severely l i m i t e d by T h o m a s ' classifications 
a n d superficial focus. 

Beyond the questions Blecourt raises i n his article, i t may 
be asked i f c u n n i n g fo lk were an accepted category o f per-
sons or a recognized profession i n early m o d e r n Europe. 
Surprisingly, none o f the m a j o r pub l i shed texts Thomas 
uses i n his study use the t e r m " c u n n i n g f o l k . " 2 The prac-
tices he attributes to c u n n i n g fo lk are not practiced by one 
definable g roup b u t are indicat ive o f c o m m o n practices o f 
a large m a j o r i t y o f the lower social classes. The early m o d -
e r n texts he cites make no clear d i s t i n c t i o n between an iso-
lated group resembl ing c u n n i n g fo lk a n d the rest o f the 
publ ic , n o r is there one between c u n n i n g fo lk and w i t c h -
es.3 F u r t h e r m o r e , the sources Thomas uses are f r o m the 
elite perspective and therefore are suspect i n establ ishing 
fair data o n " c u n n i n g f o l k . " 4 Undeniably , the authors do 
c o n f i r m the fact that various people d i d engage i n practices 
that Thomas attr ibutes to c u n n i n g folk , b u t they are n o t 
conf ined to one specific g roup . A careful reading o f the 
texts shows that the authors v iewed such pract it ioners as 
o u t m o d e d at best a n d profane and blasphemous at worst . 
Beyond ident i f y ing " c u n n i n g fo lk lore" as a m i s l e a d i n g lea-
bel , i t is i m p o r t a n t to consider the c u l t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t i n 
w h i c h the authors were w r i t i n g to unders tand the mean-
i n g o f the texts a n d the m e a n i n g o f the people they de-
scribe. Therefore, u s i n g the t e r m " c u n n i n g fo lk" i n this 

V 

paper is problemat ic since the t e r m is imprecise f r o m a 
scholarly p o i n t o f v iew and indeed absent i n al l these texts. 
Instead, th is analysis w i l l use the t e r m "magic pract it io-
ners" to describe the group o f people w h o engaged i n the 
superst it ious practices m e n t i o n e d i n the texts or were per-
ceived as superst it ious by the wr i ters . Th i s t e r m is meant 
to be as general as possible, w i t h o u t a specific d e f i n i t i o n or 
fixed m e a n i n g . The group i t se l f w i l l stay fairly u n i f o r m , 

"What becomes clear is 
that the cultural meanings 

and functions of magic 
practitioners in these 

texts, which become 
synonymous with the lower 

classes, are inextricably 
tied to changing 

discourses concerning 
religion, medicine, and 

antiquarianism." 
b e i n g always the lower class and superst it ious i n the eyes 
o f the compi lers . The use o f the t e r m w i l l n o t carry the 
negative connotat ion i t does i n some o f the texts, b u t w i l l 
only be descriptive. W h a t w i l l change significantly, t h o u g h , 
is h o w the authors v iew the group and what cu l tura l mean-
i n g they ascribe to t h e m . Therefore, magic pract i t ioners 
w i l l also inc lude these complex c u l t u r a l meanings as w e l l 
as the actual g roup o f persons. To fur ther clarify, this anal-
ysis w i l l use the t e r m " c u l t u r a l m e a n i n g " to suggest th is 
broad and diffuse concept that b o t h touches u p o n the 
g roup o f magic pract it ioners and m o r e directly reveals 
s o m e t h i n g about the wr i ters themselves via t h e i r att i tude 
t o w a r d magic pract i t ioners . I n other words , w h a t th is anal-
ysis calls the chang ing cu l tura l meanings o f magic practi-
t ioners t h r o u g h o u t h is tory signifies shifts i n the concerns 
o f the inte l lectual cu l ture o f early m o d e r n Europe. Th i s 

E L E M E N T S F A L L 2010 



paper, therefore, studies the wr i ters and the i r cu l ture m o r e 
so t h a n i t does the magic pract i t ioners and the i r cu l ture , 
t h o u g h the t w o are indeed i n t e r t w i n e d . 

The a i m o f this essay is to analyze these texts as a part icu-
lar genre o f l i terature , addressing the c u l t u r a l context i n 
w h i c h they were w r i t t e n , to elucidate what contemporaries 
may have actually believed about magic pract i t ioners a n d 
what th is says about the i r inte l lectual worldview. W h a t be-
comes clear is that the c u l t u r a l meanings and funct ions o f 
magic pract i t ioners i n these texts, w h i c h become synony-
m o u s w i t h the lower classes, are inextr icably t ied to chang-
i n g discourses concern ing r e l i g i o n , medic ine , and anti-
q u a r i a n i s m . The m e a n i n g o f this group is n o t static. 
Between the sixteenth a n d e ighteenth centuries, w h e n 
these texts were w r i t t e n , the inte l lectual cu l ture changed 
significantly, focused o n n e w ideas, and therefore c o n t i n u -
ously changed the cu l tura l m e a n i n g o f magic pract it ioners 
as we l l . 

The texts that Thomas a n d other twent ieth-century schol-
ars u t i l i z e for the i r research o n c u n n i n g fo lk is a l i terary 
genre that developed s imultaneous ly w i t h the European 
w i t c h craze. Th i s genre cou ld be described as early folk-
lore, books that compi le the superst it ious practices o f the 
c o m m o n classes. Alexandra W a l s h a m describes i n her es-
say o n the or ig ins o f fo lklore that the educated classes i n 
early m o d e r n B r i t a i n became completely obsessed w i t h 
record ing superst i t ion and behavior o f the c o m m o n class-
es. I t was a task o f c o m p i l i n g charms, spells, and various 
practices o f a class o f people they t h o u g h t were v a n i s h i n g 
and a lifestyle no longer deemed " m o d e r n . " 5 Th i s burgeon-
i n g scholarly t r a d i t i o n includes several texts that describe 
these superst it ious activities. These texts are especially i n -
terest ing since authors self-consciously distanced t h e m -
selves f r o m the people about w h o m they were w r i t i n g . 

Even the m o s t distanced texts, however, make a clear p o i n t 
about the attitudes o f the i r intel lectual cu l ture . As Walsh-
a m notes, 

The subtext of much of this literature is undeniably self-con-
gratulation. By recording the 'puerile superstitions' of former 
generations that are fast disappearing in the face of the 
spread of 'correct information,' its authors throw into sharp 
relief the 'rational' ethos of their own superior and 'enlight-
ened' era.6 

P R O T E S T A N T W R I T E R S O F T E N E Q U A T E D T H E C A T H O L I C 

R E L I A N C E U P O N S I G N S A N D C H A R M S W I T H C E R T A I N 

S U P E R S T I T I O U S PRACTICES O F T H E T I M E . 

Therefore, by e luc idat ing the sometimes subtler subtext o f 
the works , as didactic i n a cu l tura l , medica l , or re l ig ious 
way, a clear i n d i c a t i o n o f the concerns o f inte l lectual cul-
ture may be b r o u g h t i n t o l i g h t . 

The earliest a i m o f folklore texts came out o f a fierce ant i -
Catholic theological discourse created by zealous Protes-
tants. As a result o f the Protestant Reformat ion, these early 
authors f ronted an attack against what they v iewed as the 
idolatrous and profane "popery." M a n y o f the texts are d i -
rectly a i m e d at conf lat ing superst it ious practices w i t h Ca-
t h o l i c i s m . Yet only the earliest o f these texts are strictly 
polemic ; the later ones become m o r e ant iquar ian after the 
Reformat ion. The authors w r i t i n g near the t i m e o f the Ref-
o r m a t i o n are m o r e at tuned to theological concerns t h a n 
those w r i t i n g t w o h u n d r e d years later. Th i s t r e n d does n o t 
fo l low a straight l i n e , t h o u g h . The last text i n fact reincor-
porates theology i n t o fo lklore , yet i n a completely new con-
text. Reginald Scot's text is the clearest example o f this 
purpose. 

J 
C U N N I N G F O L K L O R E 



Alongs ide this theological concern, these authors also had 
a h is tor ica l , or w h a t W a l t h a m calls "nostalgic" and "ant i -
quar ian" purpose . 7 Indeed, the way o f l i fe they describe, a 
w o r l d f u l l o f magic pract it ioners and superst i t ion , was 
qu ick ly disappearing. S imply by record ing these practices, 
a certa in degree o f respect for the mater ia l is present. One 
text i n particular, by John Aubrey, embodies this antiquar-
ian concern. As suggested, the later texts are m o s t ant i -
quar ian . Even so, all the texts have th is aspect o f the folk-
lore genre present to some degree. By analyzing the 
development a n d changes w i t h i n these dual discourses 
t h r o u g h t i m e , a m o r e complete h is tor ica l p icture o f magic 
pract i t ioners comes i n t o view. 

Reginald Scot's famous Discoverie of Witchcraft (1584) is 
the m o s t polar ized example o f the zealous anti-Catholic 
concern i n folklore . Or ig ina l l y a "surveyor o f f lood defens-
es" i n Kent, Scot wrote Discoverie to respond to a n d refute 
the Demonomanie by Jean B o d i n (1580). U n l i k e B o d i n , 
Scot was skeptical toward witchcraft . H e contended that n o 
w i t c h h a d ever l ived i n Eng-
l a n d and that al l prosecuted 
for i t were innocent . H e writes 
i n the first book o f Discoverie: 

And hicause it may appeare 
unto the world what trecher-
ous and faithlesse dealing, 
what extreame and intolera-
ble tyranny, what grosse and 

fond absurdities, what unnat-
ural and uncivil discourtesie, 
what cankerd and spitefull 
malice, what outragious and 
barbarous cruelty, what lewd 
and false packing, what cun-
ning and crafty intercepting, 
what bald and pievish inter-
pretations, what abominable 
and devilish inventions; and 
what flat and plaine knavery 
is practised against these old 
women; I will set down the 
whole order of the inquisition, 
to the everlasting, inexcusable, 
and apparent shame of all 
witch-mongers? 

Therefore, Scot's project is 
emphatical ly cr i t ica l and d i -

A W O O D C A R V I N G O F S I X T E E N T H - C E N T U R Y W I T C H E S 

P R A C T I C I N G M A G I C . 

dactic. H i s book is a r e p u d i a t i o n o f c o m m o n beliefs he saw 
as destructive to society. 9 Scot's a i m is certainly positive, 
yet b e h i n d th is h u m a n i t a r i a n project lurks the savage ant i -
Cathol ic i sm that r a n r a m p a n t a r o u n d the t i m e o f Scot's 
l i f e . 1 0 H e saw superst it ious practices, w h i c h he attributes 
largely to outdated Catholic belief, as the direct cause o f 
the w r o n g f u l persecut ion o f witches. I n Book X I I o f the 
Discoverie, Scot asserts that 

Poets are not altogether so impudent as papists herein, nei-
ther seeme they so ignorant, prophane, or impious. And 
therefore I will shew you how lowd also they lie, and what 
they on the other side ascribe to their charmes and conjura-
tions; and togither will set downe with them all maner of 
witches charmes, as convenientlie as I male.11 

The next chapter is a l i s t o f "Popish periapts, amulets a n d 
charmes" read d u r i n g Mass or used as aids "against 
theeves." 1 2 Th i s re l ig iously t h e m e d l ist exactly resembles 

other lists that record 
"charmes" o f supposed " w i t c h -
es" and other pract it ioners o f 
"magic . " T h u s , w i t h o u t attack-
i n g "popery" directly, Scot con-
flates Cathol ic i sm w i t h al l oth-
er pagan forms o f superst i t ion 
s i m p l y w i t h his choice o f orga-
n i z a t i o n and layout. 

O n top o f subtly leading the 
reader to th is conclus ion, Scot 
also states his contentions d i -
rectly. At the e n d o f the sec-
t i o n , Scot provides his "confu-
t a t i o n o f the force a n d vertue 
falselie ascribed to charmes 
a n d amulets . " H e writes : 

M y meaning is not, that these 
words, in the bare letter, can doo 
anie thing towards your ease or 
comfort in this behalfe; or that it 
were wholesome I wish you to 
weare the whole Bible, which 
must needs be more effectual' 
than anie one parcell thereof.li 

Scot makes two i m p o r t a n t 
points here. First, he asserts 

E L E M E N T S : : F A L L 2010 



that n o spoken or w r i t t e n words can ever w o r k magic . 
Charms are useless and only lead to the accusation o f 
witches. Second, Scot's m a j o r c o m p l a i n t about a t t r i b u t i n g 
power to these superst it ious practices is that they remove 
God f r o m his place o f omnipotence , " for God is our onl ie 
defender a n d deliverer." ' 4 Later he also declares: 

It is the Lord only that worketh great wonders, and bringeth 
mightie things to passe. It is also written that Gods word, 
and not the words of conjurors, or the charmes of witches, 
healeth all things, maketh tempests, and stilleth them.15 

I n the next chapter th is assertion is directed back to Ca-
t h o l i c i s m . H e contends that Catholics, especially clergy-
m e n , remove God f r o m his place o f power, as do witches. 
H e writes : 

I see no difference betweene these [other conjurors] and pop-
ish conjurations; for they agree in order, words, and matter, 
differing in no circumstance, but that the papists doo it with-
out shame openlie, the other doo it in hugger mugger secret-
lie.16 

Indeed, priests are even worse t h a n witches , for they prac-
tice these superst it ions i n the n a m e o f the Lord . These 
anti-Catholic sent iments are repeated t h r o u g h o u t the Dis-
coverie. 

But, Scot does n o t operate ent ire ly o n the po lemic side o f 
the folklore spectrum. H i s Discoverie of Witchcraft is one o f 
the f irst texts i n the genre o f fo lk lore and sets a precedent 
i n f o r m a n d content for later, m o r e ant iquar ian works . For 

"Being a staunch skeptic 
of magic, the main 

cultural meaning of 
magic practitioners, for 

his elite class at least, is as 
a rhetorical tool for their 
reforming critiques and 

anti-Catholic propaganda." 

example, several chapters o f Scot's book s i m p l y quote or 
describe various superst it ious practices or spells a n d only 
at the e n d o f each section does he inc lude his "confuta-
t ions . " Later authors m i r r o r the f o r m o f Scot's section re-
cord ing charms used by priests, w h i l e focus ing less o n re-
l i g i o n and m o r e o n fo lk practices. A n d w h i l e Scot is n o t 
ambivalent about the value o f these practices, the m o r e 
ant iquar ian texts u t i l i z e Scot's f o r m a t nonetheless. 

Finally, what does Scot reveal about c u n n i n g folk, i f any-
thing? As is the general t r e n d , Scot does n o t use the t e r m 
" c u n n i n g fo lk , " n o r does he d i s t i n g u i s h between dif ferent 
k inds o f pract it ioners o f magic . Yet, magic pract i t ioners do 
serve an i m p o r t a n t purpose for Scot. For h i m , u n l i k e 
Thomas , magic pract i t ioners h a d an i m p o r t a n t rhetor ica l 
m e a n i n g that negated rather t h a n u t i l i z e d or a f f i rmed 
the i r practices. H i s concern is related to discourse and ide-
ology rather t h a n practice. Thomas contended that the i r 
cu l tura l m e a n i n g lay on ly i n the i r role as conjurors or 
charmers , b u t th is very role is useless, destructive, and s in-
f u l for Scot. Be ing a s taunch skeptic o f magic , the m a i n 
cu l tura l m e a n i n g o f magic pract i t ioners , for his elite class 
at least, is as a rhetor ica l too l for the i r r e f o r m i n g crit iques 
a n d anti-Catholic propaganda. The group's c u l t u r a l mean-
i n g was t h e n , t h r o u g h Scot, t i ed to a theological att i tude 
and re l ig io-pol i t ica l concern. After Scot, magic pract i t ioner 
bears a negative association o f " w r o n g r e l i g i o n . " 

T h r o u g h t i m e , layered onto th is re l ig ious discourse that 
f irst shaped the m e a n i n g o f magic pract it ioners i n w r i t t e n 
history, a medico- intel lectual discourse developed that 
added yet another m e a n i n g to the group and reveals a shift 
i n inte l lectual cul ture . Sir Thomas Browne, b o r n twenty-
one years after Scot pub l i shed his w o r k , was a w e l l - k n o w n 
phys ic ian a n d author. H e f irst became k n o w n w i t h a book 
ent i t led Religio Medici, w h i c h recounts "Browne's re lat ion-
ships to his God and fe l low creatures." 1 7 H i s m o s t famous 
book, Pseudodoxia epidemica, or, Enquiries into very many 
received tenents and commonly presumed truths, f irst pub-
l i shed i n 1646, cont inues Reginald Scot's project o f com-
p i l i n g and chal lenging various superst it ious practices o f 
the c o m m o n f o l k . 1 8 Yet Browne wrote i n a very dif ferent 
c u l t u r a l e n v i r o n m e n t t h a n Scot. The Pseudodoxia repre-
sents a m a j o r shift i n the genre o f early fo lklore . Browne, 
l ike Scot, was n o t a self-proclaimed fo lk lor is t , b u t the style 
a n d f o r m o f his w o r k again bear resemblance to the f o r m 
later perfected by John Aubrey and H e n r y Bourne . 

Yet Browne does n o t present an entire ly clean break w i t h 
Scot. A l t h o u g h , as W a l s h a m notes, the concept o f "super-

C U N N I N G F O L K L O R E 



s t i t i o n " becomes m o r e neut ra l and less polemica l i n the 
Psuedodoxia, Protestant re l ig ious concerns are s t i l l the ba-
sis a n d o r g a n i z i n g p r i n c i p l e o f Browne's w o r k . Further-
m o r e , Browne, l ike Scot, appeals to elite readers. H e writes 
i n his prefatory "To the Reader" section: 

Nor have wee addressed our penne or stile unto the people, 
(whome Bookes doe not redresse, and are this way incapable 
of reduction) but unto the knowing and leading part of 
Learning.19 

The Pseudodoxia can be seen as a text for other physicians 
to avoid " c o m m o n errors" that may be useless at best or 
h a r m f u l at worst . H i s t o r i a n Natalie Davis wrote an article 
discussing the genre o f Browne's text that conf i rms the de-
risive nature o f the Pseudodoxia. She notes that these m e d -
ical "collectors o f vulgar errors were cr i t ica l o f the people to 
beg in w i t h " and in tended to change the i r pract ices . 2 0 Be-
cause Browne a ims to address m o r e t h a n just theological 
a n d anti-Catholic concerns, he is i n the m i d d l e o f the t w o 
extremes o f fo lk lore discussed by Walsham. 

First i t is i m p o r t a n t to situate Browne's 
w o r k w i t h i n its theological context. Be-
cause Browne is s t i l l w i t h i n the dis-
course o f Reformat ion, Browne locates 
the real source o f " c o m m o n errors" and 
"supers t i t ion" i n theology. I n the first 
book o f the Pseudodoxia, Browne ana-
lyzes the causes o f these errors, f r o m 
"the c o m m o n i n f i r m i t y o f h u m a n e na-
t u r e , " to , m o r e important ly , "Satan." 2 1 

Browne contends: 

But beside the infirmities of humane na-
ture, the seed of error within ourselves, 
and the severall wayes of delusion from 
each other, there is an invisible Agent, 
and secret promoter without us, whose 
activity is undiscerned, and playes in the 
darke upon us, and that is the first con-
triver of Error, and professed opposer of 
Truth, the Divell.22 

Browne also points to the fal l o f A d a m 
and Eve as the root o f our "errors . " 2 3 

A l t h o u g h the m a j o r i t y o f the text is 
most ly medica l and scientific i n its a i m , 

J O H N A U B R E Y O B S E R V E D A N D 

C O M P I L E D R E C O R D S O N M A G I C 

P R A C T I T I O N E R S . 

Browne uses theology to substantiate his purpose and 
c la ims, thereby i n t r o d u c i n g a m o r a l aspect to his medica l 
discourse. For Browne, de lus ion is not just harmless or 
useless; i t is also s in fu l . U s i n g s imi la r language to demo-
nological descriptions o f witches, Browne contends that by 
pract ic ing these superst it ions one dislocates God f r o m his 
r i g h t f u l place i n the hierarchy o f the rel ig ious universe. 
Browne proc la ims that these "errors" are 

. . . a sinne or folly not only derogatory unto God, but men, 
overthrowing their reason as well as his divinitie. In briefe a 
reciprocation, or rather an Inversion of the creation, making 
God one way, as he made us another; that is after our Image, 
as he made us after his owne.24 

F o l l o w i n g Scot, he also h i n t s at an anti-Catholic sent iment , 
attacking What he sees as the i r practice o f w r o n g l y creat ing 
a god i n the image o f imper fect h u m a n s rather t h a n the 
" r i g h t " idea o f h u m a n s i n the image o f God. Here Browne 
connects superstit ious medica l practices w i t h s in , thus 
m o r a l i z i n g medic ine . Later he elaborates th is anti-Catholic 
sent iment a n d conflates i t directly w i t h Pagan re l i g ion . H e 

writes : 

Thus the Priests of Elder time, have put 
upon them many incredible conceits, not 
onely deluding their apprehensions, with 
Ariolation, South-saying, and such oblique 
Idolatries, but winning their credulities 
unto the literall and downe-right 
adorement of Cats, Lizards, and Beetles; 
and thus also in some Christian Churches, 
wherein is presumed an irreproveable 
truth, if all be true that is suspected, or 
halfe what is related, there have not want-
ed, many strange deceptions, and some 
thereof are still confessed by the name of Pi-
ous frauds.2^ 

Browne's i n t r o d u c t i o n o f the concept o f 
invers ion was an i m p o r t a n t e laborat ion 
o n Scot. H i s t o r i a n Stuart Clark argues 
that the invers ion o f societal n o r m s at-
t r i b u t e d to witches i n demonology texts 
m i r r o r the c o m m o n social practice o f 
playful invers ion d u r i n g festival t imes . 
H e notes, "But even i f they shared no 
specific type o f invers ion , b o t h festive 
behavior and learned demonology were 

E L E M E N T S : : FALL2010 



dependent o n invers ion i t se l f as a f o r m a l p r i n c i p a l . " 2 6 

Browne's idea o f invers ion adds to Scot's u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f 
magic pract it ioners as a challenge to " r i g h t " r e l i g ion ; 
Browne instead claims that they " inver t " r i g h t re l i g ion . 
Clark r i g h t l y emphasizes the rhetor ica l power and u b i q u i -
ty o f this concept i n early m o d e r n cu l ture , thus the new 
phras ing is a v i ta l add i t ion . 

A l t h o u g h he cont inues some o f Scot's themes, Browne 
also sets the stage for Aubrey a n d Bourne by sh i f t ing the 
focus o f h is text away f r o m theology a n d emphatical ly to-
w a r d scholarly matters , i n his case medic ine . Beyond the 
theological i n t r o d u c t i o n , r e l i g i o n becomes a per iphera l 
concern. For m o s t o f the lengthy w o r k Browne scrutinizes 
various c o m m o n - h e l d beliefs about " M i n e r a l l and Vegeta-
ble bodies," " A n i m a l s , " " M a n , " "Geography," and finally 
"holy Scr ipture." The structure is consistent t h r o u g h o u t : 
Browne describes a " c o m m o n error" a n d t h e n amends or 
replaces any m i s i n f o r m a t i o n w i t h his o w n data. For i n -
stance, he wri tes : 

The last consideration, concerneth Magicall relations, in 
which account we comprehend effects derived and fathered 
upon hidden qualities, specif cal forms, Antipathies and 
Sympathies, whereof from received grounds of Art, no rea-
sons are derived.2-7 

I t bears repeating that this text is n o t i n t e n d e d for the com-
m o n people w h o perpetuate these "errors ," b u t instead is 
m e a n t to be a guide for other physicians and scientists to 

W h i l e i n this case "vulgar" s i m p l y means " o f the c o m m o n 
people," there is nonetheless a condescension i n m a n y o f 
his entries. I t b o t h widens the gap between the elite and 
c o m m o n class a n d also adds another c u l t u r a l m e a n i n g to 
magic pract i t ioners . A g a i n b e i n g used as a rhetor ica l i n -
vers ion o f the " r i g h t " pos i t ion , "magic pract i t ioners" n o w 
operate as examples o f false and useless, i f n o t h a r m f u l , 
medic ine . Magic pract i t ioners , or al l "vulgar" people to be 
m o r e precise, n o w represent the outdated past, an i r rat io-
na l "adherence u n t o a n t i q u i t y . " 2 9 A n d w h i l e Browne never 
took i t u p o n h i m s e l f to b r i n g all people out o f th is shadow 
o f ant iquity , he nevertheless believed his ideas w o u l d help 
society i n general i n eradicating the i r h a r m f u l "errors." 
U n l i k e later authors , whose u l te r io r motives are m o r e h i d -
den, Browne m e a n t to be didactic and dismissive o f past 
practices. T h u s we find "magic pract i t ioners" n o w t i ed to a 
discourse concern ing " r i g h t " a n d " w r o n g " medica l prac-
tices. «Where before they represented an invers ion o f 
" r i g h t " r e l i g i o n , they are n o w an invers ion o f " r i g h t " 
health. I t is w o r t h recal l ing again Walsham's n o t i o n that 
these authors i n general juxtapose the i r m o d e r n , rat ional 
elite ideas w i t h the o u t m o d e d and "superst i t ious" past. Af-
ter Browne, John Aubrey moves folklore i n a new direc-
t i o n , less didactic and m o r e focused o n the task o f record-
i n g these practices for the sake o f col lect ion a n d n o t 
necessarily o f re futat ion. 

John Aubrey, author o f Remaines of Gentilisme and Juda-
isme ( 1689), presents a n e w att i tude t o w a r d superst i t ion. 
H e , out o f the four authors , is the m o s t neut ra l toward the 

"Thus we find 'magic practitioners' now tied to a 
discourse concerning 'right' and 'wrong' medical 

practices. Wherebefore they represented an inversion 
of 'right' religion, they are now an inversion of 'right' 

health." 
treat the m i s i n f o r m e d c o m m o n folk. I t vaguely resembles 
a textbook. Yet, Browne is not neutra l or ambivalent i n his 
o p i n i o n o f these practices. H e later says about "Magica l l 
re lat ions" that "these conceits are o f that monst ros i ty that 
they refute themselves i n the i r rec i tements" w i t h "credu-
lous and vulgar auditors readily beleeving i t , a n d m o r e j u -
dicious and dist inct ive heads, n o t altogether re ject ing i t . " 2 8 

practices o f the c o m m o n folk. Remaines also is u n i q u e i n 
this body o f texts i n that i t appears ent ire ly unorgan ized 
and u n d i s c r i m i n a t i n g . Michae l H u n t e r , one o f Aubrey's 
biographers , discusses Aubrey's u n i q u e approach to ant i -
quar ian studies. Q u o t i n g Aubrey, H u n t e r notes he " j u s t i -
fied his w o r k by ' the novelty o f i t , ' as w e l l as ' the fa i thful -
ness o f the delivery,' w h i c h 'may make some amends for 

C U N N I N G F O L K L O R E 



the un-correctness o f the St i le . ' " 3 0 Part o f the reason for the 
"un-correctness o f the Stile" is that the w o r k was a r o u g h 
draft o f an in tended larger w o r k o n folklore that was never 
finished.31 Yet, as H u n t e r shows, m a n y o f Aubrey's works 
used a s imi la r format , so we can assume i t was close to its 
i n t e n d e d final f o r m . I n general, a n d especially i n Remaines, 
Aubrey compiles only the practices and rites themselves 
a n d o m i t s personal cr i t iques or " r i g h t " i n f o r m a t i o n . Be-
cause the w o r k was n o t yet ready for p u b l i c a t i o n and was 
on ly d i s t r ibuted to a few o f his colleagues, his op in ions are 
indeed scarcer t h a n i n other works . Aubrey appreciated the 
"novelty" o f al l practices w i t h o u t pr ior i ty . W i t h i n only a few 
l ines he marks practices concern ing the " W h i p p i n g o f V i l -
la ins , " "Girdles , " "Witchcra f t , " and "Times p r o h i b i t i n g 
Marr iage" w i t h n o categorical d i s t i n c t i o n whatsoever. 3 2 H e 
also discusses "Herbs as Charms i n Duels " alongside 
"Masses for the Dead" a n d "Ale . " 3 3 The very structure a n d 
order o f Remaines reveals Aubrey's pure ly ant iquar ian con-
cern. H u n t e r ventures to c l a i m that Aubrey may have even 
been developing "an objective science o f ant iquit ies dis-
t i n c t f r o m t rad i t iona l h i s tory . " 3 4 

I t seems f r o m the style o f Remaines that Aubrey extracted 
h i m s e l f successfully f r o m the b i t ter theological debates o f 
his predecessors. Aubrey gave magic pract it ioners value 
outside the i r rhetor ical oppos i t ion to " r i g h t " Protestant-
i s m , and therefore they take o n a new, m o r e neutra l cul-
t u r a l m e a n i n g . They s t i l l represent an ant iquated past dis-
t i n c t f r o m the present t i m e , b u t there is n o h i n t o f 
super ior i ty i n Aubrey's tone or i n the content o f h is w o r k . 
H i s hands-off approach reflects a respect for these cus-
t o m s . H u n t e r writes that his "achievement as an ant iquary 
was his imaginat ive approach to f ragmentary relics that 
w o u l d otherwise seem o f l i t t l e va lue." 3 5 W r i t i n g after the 
Reformat ion and n o t be ing a physic ian, b u t rather a biog-
rapher and antiquary, Aubrey is the best example o f a t rue 
fo lk lor is t . Aubrey reveals his o p i n i o n that there is i n h e r e n t 
value i n record ing practices o f ant iqu i ty even w i t h an " u n -
crit ical att i tude towards his tor ica l sources." 3 6 The i r exis-
tence alone was e n o u g h for Aubrey. R e m e m b e r i n g the 
quote H u n t e r prov ided, the neutra l i ty o f the w o r k is an 
expression o f Aubrey's att i tude t o w a r d the past i n general. 
H e once said, " I was i n c l i n ' d by m y genius, f r o m m y ch i ld-
h o o d to the love o f ant iquit ies . . . and m y fate dropt m e i n 
a countrey most suitable for such enqui r ie s . " 3 7 K n o w i n g 
m o r e about Aubrey, perhaps i t w o u l d be m o r e accurate to 
say that the Remaines was not unorganized , b u t rather or-
ganized i n Aubrey's u n i q u e ant iquar ian style, pay ing m o r e 
heed to s i m p l y record ing folklore t h a n " e x a m i n i n g these 
ideas skeptical ly." 3 8 The fact that i t was a r o u g h draft chal-

V 

lenges this conclus ion, b u t the evidence o f Aubrey 's per-
sonal op in ions and the style o f the rest o f his works makes 
i t m o r e t h a n speculation. Since th is text is n o t po lemic 
against witches l ike Scot or condescending toward super-
s t i t ion l ike Browne, Aubrey gives another m e a n i n g to our 
magic pract it ioners via scholarship a n d folklore and thus 
indicates another shift i n early m o d e r n inte l lectual cul-
ture . H e emphasizes i n Remaines that these people have 
i n t r i n s i c value as our c u l t u r a l ancestors. T h e i r practices 
are i m p o r t a n t for the fact alone that they represent our 
past, one that Aubrey t h o u g h t deserved record ing a n d rev-
erence. T w e n t i e t h century scholars can especially appreci-
ate Aubrey's a d d i t i o n to the chang ing m e a n i n g o f magic 
pract i t ioners because i t begins the discussion that w i l l lat-
er be addressed by the t e r m c u n n i n g folk . Aubrey makes 
th is g roup o f people histor ical ly i m p o r t a n t . T h u s o n top o f 
a theological and medica l m e a n i n g , Aubrey gives t h e m an 
academic a n d cu l tura l m e a n i n g . But, there is a gap o f t i m e 
before th is w o r k enters m o r e generally i n t o academic cir-
cles. The Remaines was read, discussed, a n d quoted by A u -
brey's contemporar ies , b u t i t was only pub l i shed i n f u l l i n 
1881 by the B r i t i s h Folklore Society. Before this happened, 
one m o r e i m p o r t a n t text changed the c u l t u r a l m e a n i n g o f 
magic pract i t ioners once again. 

H e n r y Bourne , w h o wrote the popular w o r k Antiquitates 
Vulgares, or, The Antiquities of the Common People (1725), 
redefines b o t h the study o f fo lklore a n d introduces a m a j o r 
change i n the c u l t u r a l u n d e r s t a n d i n g o f magic . A n ant i -
quar ian l ike Aubrey, the f o r m a t and purpose o f the text is 
s imi la r to Remaines. Yet, as he sets f o r t h i n the preface, 
Bourne also i n t e n d e d the text to be didactic, s imi la r to 
Browne's Pseudodoxia. Moreover, Bourne , l ike his early 
predecessors, raises rel ig ious a n d theological issues. 
Therefore, Bourne's text is a synthesis o f al l the works that 
came before h i m . H e addresses al l o f the i r concerns, yet 
tries to f rame t h e m m o r e generally. The f u l l t i t le o f the text 
touches o n his cu l tura l purpose: 

Antiquitates Vulgares, Giving the account of several of their 
opinions and ceremonies with proper reflections upon each 
of them; shewing which may be retain'd, and which ought to 
be laid aside}9 

H e elaborates o n what he views as his role i n w r i t i n g th is 
text i n the preface: 

I would not be thought a Reviver of old Rites and Ceremo-
nies to the Burdening of the People, nor an Abolisher of in-

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nocent customs, which are their Pleasures and Recreations: 
I aim at nothing, hut a Regulation of those which are in 
Being amongst them, which they themselves are far from 
thinking burdensome, and abolishing such only as are sinful 
and wicked.40 

H e blames Pagans and M o n k s , one group , for the h a r m f u l 
superst it ions. H e procla ims: 

As to the Opinions [the common people] hold, they are al-
most all superstitious, being generally either the Produce of 
Heathenism; or the Inventions of indolent Monks, who hav-
ing nothing else to do, were the Forgers of many filly and 
wicked Opinions, to the World in Awe and Ignorance.41 

T h u s , i n a way, he takes u p Scot's project again. But i t is 
i m p o r t a n t to note that Bourne does not believe supersti-
t i o n to be inherent ly negative; certain practices are de-
structive a n d others may be " re ta in 'd . " Th i s balance reveals 
Bourne's ant iquar ian side. 

Yet, the m a j o r reason w h y Bourne condemns certain prac-
tices is essentially theological . F o l l o w i n g the idea devel-
oped by Browne, Bourne contends that superst i t ion is an 
invers ion o f r i g h t r e l i g i o n and a displacement o f God f r o m 

"'Superstition' has taken 
on a different meaning, one 

less related to magic than 
to antiquated practices in 

general." 
his proper place. For example, Bourne shows that inter-
p r e t i n g omens is a practice i n h e r i t e d f r o m bib l ica l t imes , 
w h e n God d i d miracles , b u t n o w are just the w o r k o f the 
devi l . H e writes : 

In these early Ages of the World, GOD permitted such 
Things upon extraordinary Occasions, to be asked by his 
own People. But they were only peculiar to those Times. We 
have no Warrant for doing the like...The observation of 
Omens, such as the falling of Salt, a Hare crossing the Way, 
of the Dead-Watch, of Crickers, etc, are sinful and diabolical: 

They are the Inventions of the Devil, to draw Men from a 
due Trust in GOD, and make them his own Vassals.42 

I t is clear f r o m this that any practice that u n d e r m i n e s fa i th 
i n God's power is cu l tura l ly inexcusable for Bourne a n d 
therefore s in fu l . I t appears certain superst it ions are nearly 
synonymous w i t h devi l w o r s h i p . Similarly, "exorcising 
h a u n t e d Houses" is n o t just a "vulgar practice" b u t one o f 
" i g n o r a n t Priests, as to make t h e m be esteemed M e n o f 
greatest Faith a n d L e a r n i n g . " 4 3 H e contends that the whole 
" C h u r c h o f Rome are perswaded o f the T r u t h o f i t , to a 
Fault [ s i c ] . " 4 4 C o n t i n u i n g his t irade against the Catholic 
C h u r c h , he also c la ims that "consecrating Wax Candles" is 
"mani fes t Blasphemy and Ido la t ry . " 4 5 I n m a n y ways, there-
fore, Antiquitates fits i n w e l l w i t h the m y r i a d o f anti-Catho-
l ic texts. Also , we see f r o m this that , i n a way, the m e a n i n g 
o f magic pract i t ioner as anti-Catholic rhetor ic persists w e l l 
i n t o the e ighteenth century. Aubrey's distance f r o m this 
debate was certainly n o t fo l lowed by Bourne . Bourne is 
less an "ant iquar ian" t h a n he may have w a n t e d to be. A l -
t h o u g h Bourne's text, republ i shed w i t h John Brand's 1777 
expansion o f the project, is s t i l l a classic o f fo lk lore , i t is 
clear that Aubrey, m o r e t h a n Bourne , was the real pioneer 
i n the field. 

Despite f o l l o w i n g the arc o f his predecessors i n m a n y 
ways, Bourne actually ends, rather t h a n cont inues , the dis-
cussion o f magic pract i t ioners . T h e earlier texts recorded 
practices that involved charms and spells, the field that 
magic pract i t ioners w o u l d be involved i n . Bourne , o n the 
other h a n d , only approves o f such th ings as " f o l l o w i n g the 
Corps to the Grave," p u t t i n g "Garlands i n C o u n t r y Church-
es," and " r i s i n g early o n Easter-Day." 4 6 O n l y t h i n g s com-
pletely devoid o f any possibly occult , magical , or Catholic 
connotat ions are p e r m i t t e d . "Magic" practices are never 
admissible i n Bourne's o p i n i o n . I t appears that by 1725 the 
elite h a d reached a p o i n t where any such activities are en-' 
t i re ly useless. Magic pract it ioners have by this p o i n t al-
m o s t ent ire ly lost the i r c u l t u r a l m e a n i n g . Inte l lectual cul-
ture h a d abandoned superst i t ion as a viable topic . I n fact, 
even the examples given o f " s i n f u l a n d diabol ical" magic 
practices represent a smal l percentage o f Bourne's tota l 
w o r k . The vast m a j o r i t y o f practices he records, good a n d 
bad, are o f a l l the c o m m o n people a n d do n o t concern 
magic whatsoever. We m i g h t conclude that by the eigh-
teenth century the practice o f magic had been attacked 
e n o u g h by past demonologists that Bourne felt the case 
closed. Or, i t is possible for Bourne , that " supers t i t ion" has 
taken o n a dif ferent m e a n i n g , one less related to magic 
t h a n to ant iquated practices i n general. Superst i t ion before 

, ) 
C U N N I N G F O L K L O R E 



was nearly synonymous w i t h magic , b u t by the e ighteenth 
century, Bourne contends that the c o m m o n practices o f 
the "vulgar" p o p u l a t i o n are m o r e outdated t h a n occult. 
Th i s practical purpose is the n e w m e a n i n g o f superst i t ion. 
I n general, Bourne addresses the u t i l i t a r i a n use o f super-
st it ious practices m o r e t h a n the i r m o r a l m e a n i n g . I n th is 
l i g h t , a l t h o u g h Bourne takes u p Scot's discussion, he ad-
dresses theology f r o m a radically di f ferent perspective and 
w i t h i n a n e w cu l tura l and rel ig ious discourse. Before the 
e ighteenth century, r e l i g i o n was inextr icably t ied to cul-
ture , whereas i n Bourne's t i m e the t w o could be separated 
e n o u g h to have u n i q u e concerns. H i s text introduces some 
o f these secular, cu l tura l concerns. O f course, his text 
shows that Bourne is n o t a secular w r i t e r whatsoever, b u t 
he reveals the t r a n s i t i o n to a society where r e l i g i o n is b u t 
an aspect o f cul ture . A l o n g w i t h this shift, i t seems, the 
inte l lectual and re l ig ious concern w i t h magic h a d fal len 
away by the t i m e Bourne wrote Antiquitates. 

By l o o k i n g at this total arc o f the his tor ica l m e a n i n g o f 
magic pract it ioners i n these texts, i t is clear that the l i m i t -
ed d e f i n i t i o n that scholars such as Thomas and Blecourt 
assign to c u n n i n g fo lk is insuf f ic ient i n accurately describ-
i n g the m e a n i n g o f magic and superst i t ion i n early m o d -
e r n Europe. To focus solely a n d superficially o n these early 
texts' descriptions o f magic pract it ioners as a class o f i n d i -
viduals is firstly to misconstrue the his tor ica l w o r l d v i e w o f 
early m o d e r n Europeans by i m p o s i n g contemporary div i -
sions between superst i t ion and reason u p o n t h e m . Sec-
ondly, and m o r e important ly , i t misses a v i ta l m e a n i n g o f 
these texts as ind i rec t barometers o f the concerns a n d pre-
supposit ions o f the educated classes o f w h i c h these wr i ters 
are a part . I n other words , the wr i ters say m u c h m o r e 
about themselves t h a n they do about the pract it ioners o f 
magic . Th i s att i tude t o w a r d the sources is i n the end m o r e 
concrete a n d useful as h is tor ica l data t h a n u s i n g t h e m as 
sources for s tudy ing the lower class magic pract it ioners 
themselves. Studying t h e m directly a n d w i t h the same ve-
racity is a,far m o r e di f f icult task for histor ians . T h u s , view-
i n g these sources i n such a way aff irms the t e r m " c u n n i n g 
fo lk" i n scholarship as problemat ic and instead opens u p a 
new, m o r e nuanced discussion o n superst i t ion and magic 
i n early m o d e r n England. 

E N D N O T E S 

1. This terminology is found i n Thomas 1971. 
2. Thomas 1971 
3. Ibid. " 
4. Ibid. 

V 

5. Walsham (178) 
6. Walsham (180) 
7. Walsham (187) 
8. Reginald Scot (10) 
9. Oxford Dictionary, "Reginald Scot." 
10. Walsham (186) ' 
11. Scot (1.3-1) 
12. Scot (133) 
13. Scot (162) 
14. Ibid. 
15. Scot (252) 
16. Ibid. 
17. Oxford Dictionary, "Sir Thomas Browne." 
18. Ibid. 
19. Browne (2) 
20. Davis (258) 
21. Davis (5) 
22. Davis (58) 
23. Davis (6) 
24. Davis (16) 
25. Davis (19) 
26. Clark (102) 
27. Browne (111) 
28. Browne (112) 
29. Browne (ix) 
30. Hunter (160) 
31. Aubrey (iii) 
32. Aubrey (58-61) 
33. Aubrey (77-78) 
34. Hunter (181) 
35. Hunter (179) 
36. Hunter (186) 
37. Oxford Dictionary, "John Aubrey." 
38. Hunter (183) 
39. Bourne (title page) 
40. Bourne (x) 
41. Bourne (xi) 
42. Bourne (75) 
43. Bourne (90) 
44. Ibid. 
45. Bourne (173) 
46. Bourne (17, 25, 188) 

R E F E R E N C E S 

Aubrey, John. Remaines of Gentilisme and Judaisme. London: W. 
Satchell, Peyton, and Co., 1881. 

Black, Will iam. Folk-Medicine; a Chapter in the History of Culture. 
New York: B. Franklin, 1970.-

Blecourt, Willem. "Witch doctors, soothsayers and priests, On 
cunning folk i n European historiography and tradition." Social 
History 19, no. 3 (1994): 285-303. 

Bourne, Henry. Antiquitates Vulgares; or, The Antiquities of the 

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Common People. Newcastle: J. White, 1725. 

Browne, Thomas. Pseudodoxia Epidemica. London: Theodore 
Harper, 1646. 

Clark, Stuart. "Inversion, Misrule and the Meaning of Witchcraft." 
Past and Present 87 (1980): 98-127. 

Davis, Natalie. Society and Culture in Early Modern France. Stan-
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C U N N I N G F O L K L O R E 

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