
































Ruskey FINAL


  

Evaluating Hookup Culture on Campus: A Lesbian Separatist Perspective 
Megan Ruskey, Rutgers University ’24 

Abstract: Hookup culture on the college campus simultaneously offers young women a venue 
for sexual liberation, while reproducing gender inequities observed throughout much of society. 
Thus, women are subjected to power imbalances, sexual dissatisfaction, and restrictions in their 
own bodily autonomy in the pursuit of casual sex. Given this bind, I set out to evaluate hookup 
culture from the framework expressed through lesbian separatist practice. Specifically, I analyze 
The Furies Collective, a lesbian separatist group operating in Washington D.C. from the years 
1970-1972. In these two years, the Furies developed a self-titled newspaper, educational 
networks, and a compelling set of feminist principles to guide their activism. In this project, I 
draw insight from both a personal interview with Furies Collective founder, Charlotte Bunch, as 
well as primary and academic sources. This research finds that while hookup culture does reflect 
various societal and physical inequities for women, it also provides opportunities for homosocial 
bonding, as demonstrated in lesbian separatism, that work to make this culture more satisfactory 
for women. Therefore, in order to benefit from the liberating aspects of hookup culture, women 
can capitalize on the separatist spaces associated with the hookup environment, like the sorority 
and pre-game, to fortify connections with one another as a means of protection in hookup spaces. 



 With the advent of birth control, sexual liberation, and increased enrollment of women on 
college campuses in the post-1960s years, America experienced a shift in its prior expectations of 
casual sex. This newfound perspective represented a movement toward what is widely known 
today as “hookup culture” (Heldman & Wade, 2010, p. 324). The term “hookup culture” 
represents more than just a casual sexual engagement; rather, it is a complex social framework 
that currently dominates the gendered relations of students on college campuses. Engaging in 
hookups has become increasingly common, with as many as 60 to 80 percent of college students 
in North America participating in some capacity (Garcia et al., 2013, p. 163). Despite such 
extensive participation, the movement toward non-committal sexual encounters has generated 
concern from feminists on the potential exploitation of young women and the negative impacts 
on their emotional and physical wellness. These arguments are countered by those who see 
hookup culture as a liberating alternative to exclusive relationships. Considering these 
arguments, it proves necessary to understand whether hookup culture contributes to women’s 
personal and collective satisfaction. 
 Hookup culture, which can be thought of as a sexual landscape that operates without the 
restrictions and practices of traditional relationships, has been studied thoroughly in academic 
literature (e.g., Heldman & Wade, 2010; Garcia at al., 2013; Wade, 2017). Feminist frameworks 
have been used to evaluate the merits and drawbacks of this sexual dynamic, and often find 
hookup culture to be a sexist practice that favors men’s preferences (Kelly, 2018, p. 321). While 
the feminist framework provides excellent insight into hookup culture’s main goals and 
functions, this research aims to further analyze activities associated with hookup culture that 
often play an important role in determining the ultimate safety and satisfaction for women. These 
associated practices, like pre-gaming, Greek life, and campus gossip, are integral parts of the 
campus hookup culture that tend to be overlooked. Thus, this research chooses lesbian 
separatism, a movement rooted in social and concrete action, to offer a new perspective on 
modern day hookup culture on college campuses. Lesbian separatism provides a relevant 
framework for evaluating the aims of hookup culture due to the movement’s critical perspective 
on the practice of heterosexual relations. Hookup culture, described as “a highly gendered and 
heteronormative sexual field,” often transfers agency to men and away from women (Andrejek, 
2021, p. 760). The principles of lesbian separatism, which are made evident through their activist 
writings, rituals, and practices, guide this paper in analyzing the merits and drawbacks of this 
culture. 

 In addition to reviewing academic literature and primary documents, I also conducted an 
original interview with lesbian separatist Furies Collective founding member, Charlotte Bunch. 
Bunch played a critical role in the collective; fellow member Rita Mae Brown describes her as 
having been a strong leader and “diplomat” for the group (Brown, 1995, p. 129). From the 
interview, I extract insight from Bunch on a number of core issues surrounding separatism, 
hookup culture in the modern age, and the importance of centering women in one’s worldview. 
Bunch offers her perspective not only as a founding member of The Furies Collective, but also as 
an author, advisory committee member for the United Nations, organizer, and Rutgers Board of 
Governor’s Distinguished Service Professor (“Charlotte Bunch,” 2023).  



Using this interview and academic literature, I find that hookup culture reproduces 
inequalities for women that can be observed in most facets of modern society. However, more 
interestingly, this research finds that homosocial settings within hookup culture provide a 
protective and woman-centered framework compatible with the feminist values of The Furies 
Collective. This suggests that focusing on and centering homosocial relationships within hookup 
culture can improve the existing imbalances of power by relying on female friendship in an 
otherwise male dominated space. Thus, women can minimize the negative and even dangerous 
aspects of hookup culture in order to reap the benefits that casual relationships have to offer for 
women’s social and economic liberation.  

Analysis of Lesbian Separatism 

 Separatism as a feminist political strategy extends deep into American history. The 
earliest women’s organizations, formed in the late 19th century, worked toward achieving 
equality both in and outside of the home. The first women’s only club, Sorosis, was formed in 
1868 in reaction to exclusionary practices at a New York Press Club Banquet (Croly, 1886, p. 6). 
While lacking in racial diversity, the club’s members still made a significant impact by 
employing separatism as a strategy for political equality. The goals of Sorosis, which centered 
around promoting intellectual female connections and raising feminist consciousness, are in 
many ways reflective of the prominent lesbian separatist groups that would emerge a century 
later. After the conception of Sorosis, feminists expanded their praxis in larger federations of 
women’s clubs and all-female colleges. Additionally, women of color developed their own space, 
the National Association of Colored Women, to address the political concerns of Black women 
and men (Freedman, 1979, p. 517).  

These early modes of separatism held women’s suffrage as a primary concern, and the 
networking and political strategies employed by these women would eventually help to realize 
this goal. However, the years following the acquisition of the right to vote were inundated by 
theoretical disagreement over initiatives like the Equal Rights Amendment and troublesome 
assimilation into male-dominated political institutions (Freedman, 1979, p. 515). In the late 
1960s, one such cause for disagreement was over the inclusion of lesbian voices in feminist and 
male-dominated gay rights activist groups. In order to address the specific concerns of lesbian 
women in the feminist movement, women in major cities across America organized collectives to 
achieve what could only be realized through lesbian separatist practice.  

Branches of lesbian separatism existed widely throughout the United States in the early 
1970s, with each unit representing unique schools of thought and strategies for women’s 
liberation. Despite ideological diversity among separatists, at the foundation of all lesbian 
feminism is a belief that heterosexual relationships are oppressive toward women. All women are 
therefore called to reject relationships with men in favor of homosexual relationships with 
women. In modern scientific thought, this assertion would seem to contradict the scientific belief 
that sexuality is determined by a complex blend of genetic and environmental factors, rather than 
by choice (Burri et al., 2011, p. 1). Reflecting on the belief that all women can choose to be 
feminists, Bunch stated, “The work that’s been done on sexuality in the 40 years since the Furies 
has really shown that it’s not nearly as solid and rigid [of a] binary as we once thought it was” 



(Interview with Charlotte Bunch, 2023). Nevertheless, lesbian separatists of the 1970s 
maintained that all women were lesbians—and any woman who claimed to not feel attracted to 
other women was experiencing an internalization of the patriarchy (Valk, 2002, p. 313).  

In a literal sense, the demand for all women to engage sexually with other women is not a 
feasible call to action given current scientific and public opinion on human sexuality. However, 
what can be extracted from this sentiment is an acknowledgement of the importance of primacy 
in female relationships. In choosing lesbianism, women direct their love and energy toward other 
women—a concept defined by the New York Radicalesbians as being a “Woman-Identified 
Woman.” In this manifesto, collectively written in 1970, separatists argued that women are 
unable to self-identify in a heteronormative society. Lesbianism provides a solution to this 
problem by redirecting a woman’s identity inward so that she may value her internal 
characteristics and fully relate with her sisters, rather than her oppressors (Radicalesbians, 1970, 
p. 3). The collective values and emphasis on women’s relationships demonstrated in this 
document guided the frameworks of lesbian separatist groups throughout America. One of the 
most prominent of these groups was The Furies Collective, a group of women based in 
Washington D.C. who aimed to raise women’s consciousness toward lesbianism as the primary 
method for women’s liberation. This paper will look to the influential practices and feminist 
theory employed by the Furies in order to guide a critical analysis of modern-day hookup culture.  

The Furies Collective 
 The Furies Collective, consisting of 12 white lesbian women and three children, 
integrated sexual politics with feminist practice from the years 1970 to 1972 (Brown, 1995, p. 
129). Like other lesbian separatist groups at the time, the Furies abided by radical feminist Ti-
Grace Atkinson’s declaration that, “Feminism is the theory, lesbianism is the practice” (Johnston, 
1973, p. 166). Accordingly, The Furies Collective advocated for all women to choose lesbianism 
as an alternative to inherently oppressive heterosexual relationships with men. This belief in an 
inherent difference between the essence of men and women categorizes lesbian feminism as a 
cultural feminist movement, which produced criticism from feminists who did not subscribe to 
essentialist frameworks. Nevertheless, the Furies believed that in shifting one’s sexual energies 
towards lesbianism, which was framed as a political choice, women would create an alternative 
culture to reject a male-controlled society. This reclamation of sexual agency would thereby 
make possible a feminist revolution in which women could control their own identities and 
destinies, untethered to their oppressor’s subjugation.  
 The woman-centered framework of the Furies is ideologically guided by the 
aforementioned “Woman-Identified Woman” manifesto. Charlotte Bunch affirms the importance 
of this publication: “The Woman-identified notion that came before the Furies, but that the Furies 
built on, was I think very central to our experience, which is that you would build your life 
around other women” (Interview with Charlotte Bunch, 2023). Through literal organization as a 
women’s collective, as well as in their centering of women in their political ideology, the Furies 
direct all energy toward the nurturing of homosocial and homosexual relations. Even though the 
Furies were strictly a lesbian separatist collective, a modern perspective allows the “Woman-
Identified” framework to be adapted and expanded for women of all sexualities. Bunch speaks to 
this inclusivity, saying, “There are many Woman-Identified Women who have sex with men” 



(2023). Thus, while the Furies of the 1970s had reserved the woman-centered identity for 
lesbians, a modern perspective reveals that women of any sexuality can center the experiences 
and perspectives of women in their activism and every-day life.  
 Spreading radical ideology required tactile organization among the women to involve the 
community in feminist practice. The Furies accomplished this through feminist education groups 
and disseminating theory in their self-titled newspaper (Valk, 2002, p. 304). The newspaper ran 
from 1972-1973 and featured a variety of authors from the collective. Issues featured in this 
paper ranged from defense techniques for fighting off male perpetrators to academic feminist 
theory and poetry. “Lesbians in Revolt,” an article featured in the first volume and authored by 
Charlotte Bunch, outlines the political direction and advancements inherent in lesbian 
separatism. Bunch asserts in this article that “being a Lesbian means ending identification with, 
allegiance to, dependence on, and support of heterosexuality….so that you join women, 
individually and collectively, in the struggle to end your own oppression” (1972, p. 7). 
Separatism, according to Bunch, is a means of reclaiming agency by socially removing oneself 
from the patriarchal institutions of a male dominated society. In circulating a newspaper 
containing these social theories, the Furies were able to raise feminist consciousnesses in their 
surrounding geographic environment. For women who did not have access to radical ideology 
through academic institutions, The Furies newspaper provided compelling intellectual articles 
that challenged the heteronormative status quo.  

Delivering valuable resources to economically disadvantaged women was a priority in 
The Furies Collective.  The Furies believed that “women with economic privilege … should 
organize to meet the survival needs of women without economic privilege,” and demonstrated 
this sentiment in many areas of their lived practice (Brown, as cited in Valk, 2002, p. 315). For 
example, the Furies developed schools that specialized in teaching practical knowledge like car 
and home restoration, which was critical for aiding women’s financial independence from male-
dominated academic institutions (Brown, 1995, p. 128). These practical workshops served the 
group’s aspiration for an alternative women’s culture by providing women with the resources to 
detach themselves from patriarchal institutions. The Furies’ conviction that women of higher 
economic classes should support those of lower economic classes was also promoted in their 
graduated income tax system. The system aimed to “rectify class differences” by accounting for 
women’s income and privilege (Brown, 1995, p. 130). By redistributing the wealth, the members 
with jobs would be able to support the labor and costs associated with the continuation of the 
group.  
 The Furies’ engagement with theory and tangible action manifested in their collective 
“not as rigid ideology, rather as a process for living in the world” (Enszer, 2016, p. 181). 
Analyzing the Furies’ accomplishments and philosophy as feminist “process” allows us to 
identify specific actions that crafted the spirit of their movement. To encapsulate the defining 
pillars of lesbian separatism requires a consideration of both feminist theory and the physical 
elements of homosocial connection. In identifying these elements that make lesbian separatism 
an effective and convincing movement, authors Verta Taylor and Leila J. Rupp propose four 
connected categories: female values, separatism, primacy of female relationships, and feminist 
ritual (1993, p. 34). These areas account for the woman-centered theoretical prescriptions of the 
Furies, as well as the physical processes through which their theory manifested. Given that 



hookup culture is similarly defined by a complex consideration of both social principles and 
action, these pillars facilitate the analysis between separatist ideals and casual sex on campus. 
Thus, this paper will proceed by comparing the aims and customs of hookup culture through the 
lens of lesbian separatist practice.  

The Emergence of Hookup Culture  

 Hookup culture, which permeates the social fabric of the 21st century, has evolved for 
decades under the vigilant eyes of feminists. Although some sources trace the beginnings of 
casual sex to the 1920s, the extramarital relationships of the early suffragists demonstrate an 
even longer history of women’s sexual liberation in America. Doris Stevens, an early advocate 
for women’s rights and women’s sexual emancipation, had a number of male suitors. However, 
Stevens, who communicated with her sexual partners through letters, reportedly “went to lengths 
to hide her liaisons” from other disapproving suffragists (Trigg, 2014, p. 74). This historical 
account reflects the divisive nature of casual sex among feminists as it has developed over time. 
In 1960, decades after the suffragists won their cause, the FDA approved the first oral 
contraceptive, encouraging many women to feel empowered by the newfound independence to 
moderate when or if they would become pregnant. Feminist motivations largely supported the 
expanded freedoms that birth control offered women, although some remained cautious of the 
implications of contraceptives on casual sexual relationships. Juliet Mitchell, a feminist 
psychoanalyst, expressed how “women are enjoying a new sexual freedom (changing moral 
attitudes and availability of reliable contraception) but this is often only for their greater 
exploitation as sexual objects” (Johnston, 1975, p. 153). Mitchell’s analysis recognizes the often-
indistinguishable line between “freedom” and “exploitation,” a boundary which women must 
cautiously travel in the navigation of hookup culture.  
 In analyzing modern hookup culture on the college campus, this research looks at the 
practice of hooking up as more than just a sexual philosophy. Much like the Furies, hookup 
culture is greater than an abstract idea; it includes tangible practices, values, and settings that 
encapsulate the culture as a whole. Psychological researcher Nicole Andrejek claims that 
“hookup culture has much less to do with the amount of sex students are having and more to do 
with the shared social norms, rituals, and beliefs … in the university context” (2021, p. 759). In 
viewing hookup culture as a set of “social norms, rituals, and beliefs,” the current research can 
effectively compare these components against those of lesbian separatist practice.  

Female Values in Hookup Culture 

 The female values expressed through lesbian separatist practice include a variety of 
principles that guide women in their social relationships and personal lives. Taylor and Rupp 
identify “egalitarianism, collectivism … respect for knowledge derived from experience, 
pacifism, and cooperation” as defining female values of this movement (1993, p. 42). 
Contrasting these traits with common practices and outcomes in hookup culture initially reveals 
an overwhelming incompatibility with lesbian separatism. The first of these values is 
egalitarianism, which is a prominent component of the Furies, as expressed through their 



graduated income tax system and independence-oriented schools. Applying this egalitarian 
perspective to hookup culture reveals several disappointing inequalities for women.  

One of many areas in which men seem to benefit more than women is in the gratification 
of the hookup itself. Dr. Laurie Mintz reports that 91% of men and just 39% of women usually 
orgasm in their sexual encounters. This article adds that an additional study of college students 
finds a more pronounced orgasm gap in casual sex in comparison to sex within a relationship 
(Mintz, 2019). Another area lacking in fairness is in the social outcomes in experience for those 
who participate in hookup culture. Whereas men tend to gain social capital by sleeping with 
women in non-committal settings, women tend to lose respect as they can be perceived to be 
“sluts” (Heldman & Wade, 2010, p. 326).  This disparity represents the double standards that 
lesbian separatists addressed by removing themselves from the heterosexual culture entirely. 
However, many young women on college campuses today feel pressured to engage with these 
spaces that promote unequal outcomes for men and women. One of the most prevalent and 
imbalanced environments on the college campuses remains the fraternity party.  
 Fraternities employ an array of tactics to maximize their members’ sexual prospects, 
often at the expense of women’s agency and safety. Methods of achieving this goal include 
requiring a ratio of men to women at the party, or simply only allowing entrance based on 
women’s attractiveness. Controlling sexual prospects as an economic form of supply and demand 
serves to treat men as a “scarce” resource at the fraternity party, thereby creating a simulated 
competition amongst the curated pool of women admitted entry (Heldman & Wade, 2010, p. 
328). In addition to creating unnecessary restrictions on women’s agency, fraternities that employ 
“skewed gender ratios” at their parties were more likely to be associated with a higher risk of 
rape (Boswell & Spade, 2017, p. 137).  Partaking in this system is not aligned with separatist 
values, as the power imbalance and individualistic nature of the social competition contrast with 
the female values of cooperation and egalitarianism. In creating an environment where women 
must compete with one another for male attention, fraternities impede on women’s ability to 
cooperate and connect with other women. Thus, the sexual landscape of the fraternity party is at 
stark odds with most, if not all, of the Furies’ female values.  
 One dimension of hookup culture, which is undeniably compatible with the values of 
lesbian separatism, is the postponement of marriage. As young women have been historically 
pressured into rushing into marriage for economic security, hookup culture encourages the 
opposite. Charlotte Bunch comments on this liberating component: “The good thing about 
hookup culture is freeing women from the notion that every relationship is a potential marriage 
partner, and therefore has a heavy-laden moralistic expectation” (2023). Without such 
expectations, women can explore more freely their own sexual preferences and desires. This 
practice also enables women to create their own economic and educational destinies, a critical 
motivation of the Furies’ practice. In this case, the aims of hookup culture do align with the 
Furies’ values of economic egalitarianism. Presented with this beneficial aspect of hookup 
culture, women are given an opportunity to enjoy newfound economic power. However, this is at 
least partly negated by the lack of autonomy women must endure in the male-dominated party 
space. 

Separatism 



 The Furies’ use of physical separation as a political strategy reveals the importance of 
environment in activism. The collective lived in a home together, where they could focus fully 
on their cause, surrounded by other women. In considering the element of sex-segregated space, 
this research finds that hookup culture provides a surprisingly complex and separatist mode of 
female networking that aims to expand women’s autonomy and improve the safety of their 
sexual landscape. These networks are made possible by the formation and strengthening of 
female friendships through separatist spaces like “pre-games” and sororities.  
 What the Furies were able to gain through separatist organization can be similarly 
conveyed through women’s pre-game practices. A pre-game or “pre” is defined as a gathering 
where alcohol is consumed before an event or night out (Merriam Webster, 2023).  The pre-game 
has been regularly accounted for in the literature regarding its role in drinking culture, but only 
recently has been studied for the sociological importance for women navigating hookup culture. 
The pre-game may seem like an inconsequential aspect of the typical “girls’ night out,” but 
undergraduate women often view the pre-game as being just as important as the night’s main 
event (Andrejek, 2021, p. 764). As a sex-segregated space, women can engage in adult play, 
bonding, and recreational drinking without the fear of being taken advantage of. Thus, the pre-
game presents itself as a valuable separatist environment of woman-centered relationship 
building.  
 The sorority, another sex-segregated community, is also associated heavily with the 
formation of hookup culture on college campuses. Women in Greek life present a complexity in 
hookup culture because they often socialize with fraternities as part of the larger Greek 
community, but at the same time present women with a compelling form of separatist gender 
strategy. Sororities create a sex-segregated community where women can depend on each other 
for support. This is particularly important when these women must negotiate relationships in 
inequitable spaces, thus framing the sorority as a “collective response to, adaptive strategy for 
dealing with, a male-dominated culture” (Handler, 1995, p. 252). Furthermore, Handler 
illustrates the women-centered nature of sororities in her finding that “decreased dependance on 
boyfriends was a benefit of sororal life” (1995, p. 245). Independence and protection from male-
centered institutions and relationships paints sorority life as being compatible with lesbian 
separatist aims. However, the tension between friendship and romance can reproduce 
problematic heteronormative standards and ideals for young women.  

In viewing the sorority as an influential actor within hookup culture, it is relevant to 
examine this organization’s relationships with lesbian and queer women. Though sororities have 
become more inclusive with time, there remains stigma and exclusionary practices toward 
lesbians, non-binary people, and transgender women. Each of these groups has either historically 
faced discrimination or continues to be barred from participating in panhellenic sororities. 
Researchers have described that one motive for heterosexual women to exclude lesbians from 
joining sororities is that they diminish the sexual appeal of the sorority as a whole (Hamilton, 
2007, p. 146). This can lead to lesbians being excluded from sororities in order to avoid male 
disapproval. When they are included, though, there remains concern from sisters about their 
sexuality. One study that interviewed sorority sisters expressed a concern that lesbians joining 
sororities is “inherently ‘uncomfortable.’” The author continues: “At times, sorority actives 



stressed that they themselves would not be uncomfortable but that other parties, such as more 
conservative sorority sisters, fraternity men and other women on campus, would be dramatically 
uncomfortable” (Stone & Gorga, 2014, p. 354-355). The rampant heteronormativity within 
sororities creates two barriers that affect both homosexual and heterosexual women. The first 
barrier blocks entrance to lesbian women from gaining entrance to the sorority in the first place. 
The second acts within the sorority, as heteronormative focuses create competition between 
women, impeding their ability to connect with one another.  

The sex-segregated environments of modern-day hookup culture reflect some successful 
components of lesbian separatism, but are also challenged by heteronormativity and anti-lesbian 
biases. The proximity of the sorority to the fraternity exacerbates these issues, as sisters de-center 
their relationships with women in pursuit of romance with brothers. At their best, sororities have 
the capability to nurture relationships with other women, serving as a beneficial strategy when 
they enter male-dominated spaces.  

Feminist Rituals 

 Using events like support groups, poetry readings, and strategy sessions, separatists 
disseminated their ideology and values to other feminists, thereby raising feminist consciousness 
within and beyond their communities (Taylor & Rupp, 1993, p. 48). Hookup culture similarly 
involves a number of rituals that young women partake in, though whether these rituals are in 
line with the tenets of radical lesbian feminism proves to be a divisive subject. A variety of 
academic literature and investigative reporting characterize hookup culture as facilitating a 
culture of toxic gossiping. One of such practices is called “ritual retelling,” which author Lisa 
Wade describes as an opportunity for college students to “reassure one another that they didn’t 
act too crazy, stroke the egos of disappointed friends, and brag” after an eventful night out (2017, 
p. 119). However, ritual retelling may play a more important role than this description would 
suggest. In the context of gendered communication, research shows that a greater proportion of 
women than men would be “very likely” to disclose a hookup experience with friends of the 
same sex (Auster et al., 2018, p. 6). Although this practice is largely disapproved of, the finding 
that women frequently gossip about their hookups to other women may be more complex than 
meets the eye.  
 Gossip has been studied both empirically and historically for both its destructive 
qualities, as well its merits. In much of the literature on hookup culture, the practice of gossip is 
characterized as being a problematic method of enforcing social norms and unfairly monitoring 
the behavior of third parties. However, empirical data paints a different picture of why people 
choose to gossip. One study shows that the most common self-reported reason for gossiping was 
“to gather and validate information,” and the least prevalent being to “negatively influence 
another” (Brady et al., 2017, p. 1). Other findings suggest that a primary motive of gossip is for 
group protection, or a way to warn others about harmful third parties (Hartung et al., 2019, p. 
11). Gathering information in inequitable sexual landscapes can protect women from potentially 
dangerous men, or even reveal prior injustice. Historically this has been observed in a variety of 
settings, some of which include the Ghost Rapes of Bolivia, the #MeToo and Time’s Up 
movements, the report on Senator Roy Moore, and the “Rape List” of Brown University (e.g., 



Massey, 2017; Peters, 2020). Each of these events involved informal communication between 
women that ultimately served either legal justice, or increased community awareness of 
threatening men. Writer Rachel Gattuso writes, “we can understand gossip as weaponized 
intimacy — as the power of marginalized communities to build guerilla information networks to 
keep ourselves and each other safe” (2016). From this perspective, the gossiping networks within 
hookup culture demonstrate a form of collective consciousness raising—reflective of the values 
exemplified in the Furies newspaper and community theory discussions.  
 Once in the hookup environment, women continue feminist ritual by combatting 
unwanted physical advances through using their bodies as “shields” (Andrejek, 2021, p. 769). 
Women who play the role of the shield may step in front of men or pull her friends away from 
unwelcome male actions. Adding to this sentiment, Bunch says, “we still live in a world where 
men exploit women, so I think women have to be more careful in hookup culture because of 
that” (2023). This protective feminist ritual highlights the importance of safety and being 
“careful” in a potentially dangerous environment. The shield is also unique because it is a 
protection method designed not to aid oneself, but other women. This collective perspective 
emphasizes a woman-centered outlook within the party space, demonstrating further 
compatibility with the Furies’ practices and values.  

Primacy of Female Friendships 

 Interacting with, learning from, and loving other women, not just sexually, was a 
fundamental aspect of The Furies Collective. In their adherence to the principles of the “Woman-
Identified Woman” manifesto, the Furies held their sisters’ personal and political well-being at 
prime importance. Bunch asserts that the practice of centering women in the collective was “the 
most important thing about the Furies” (2023). Applying a woman-centered framework to the 
analysis of hookup culture in a modern context is useful because straight and queer women alike 
can be considered “Woman-Identified.” To center women in one’s worldview goes beyond just 
the act of sleeping with other women; rather, it can represent support in a multitude of contexts. 
Thus, women in a heteronormative space like hookup culture can resist the dominance of men by 
fortifying one’s relationships with women, whether they be romantic or platonic. Using this 
perspective, one can find a variety of ways in which homosocial relationship building is 
demonstrated to be an important part of navigating the complicated terrain of hookup culture. As 
described previously, the sex-segregated space of the pre-game fosters an important environment 
for women to connect and learn from one another while being physically removed from men. 
Within pre-game activities, there exists further evidence that hookup culture can facilitate 
friendship building between women.  

Encouragement and sharing are two prominent features of relationship building before a 
night out. During pre-games, which are reported to last anywhere between two and five hours, 
women work together to uplift each other through words of affirmation and support (Andrejek, 
2021, p. 763). Relationship building is also aided by the swapping and sharing of clothes, a 
practice that demonstrates the importance of collectivity in the pre-game. Through these actions, 
women express a caring nature which strengthens their bonds before entering male-centered 



institutions like bars and fraternity parties. In unfamiliar or dangerous environments, the 
connection and trust that women have with each other can dramatically impact their safety. 

After the pre-game ritual has occurred, woman-centered practices continue at the night’s 
main event. Once at this event, women of a Canadian University express that their priorities do 
not lie in searching for a hookup partner, but in enjoying the company of their friends. Andrejek 
describes how “their insistence that dancing with their friends is the primary motivator for 
participating in the hookup scene illuminates the importance of women-centered rituals to their 
self-conception” (2021, p. 767). Women being able to truly engage with their “self-conception” 
was a critical aspect of the lesbian separatist belief in the “The Woman-Identified Woman.” 
Given that women can enter the hookup culture landscape without prioritizing men, there exists a 
compelling compatibility between environments of casual sex and the primacy of women’s 
relationships. The practice of a woman centering herself in a collective of other women, much 
like the Furies did, can promote her own sense of self identity even when physically surrounded 
by men. While some women can adopt a woman-centered worldview in hookup spaces, the 
competitive nature of the culture can complicate women’s reliance on each other.  
 The competition for male attention has the potential to turn young women against each 
other. Sororities, which represent a unique prevailing mode of separatism, are particularly 
vulnerable to this competitive system. As sorority sisters are encouraged to fraternize with boys 
within the Greek life community, sexual prospects ultimately diminish, causing tension among 
sisters looking to hookup. Social psychologists find that “female intrasexual competition 
manifests in highly social, yet indirect ways—through harming social opportunities via gossip or 
exclusion” (Reynolds et al., 2018, p. 1). Accordingly, a “highly social” setting such as the pre-
game can quickly become a space for damaging social competitiveness, rather than an 
environment of protection and bonding. Not only should this competitive strategy be viewed as a 
barrier to meaningful relationships with other women, but also as antithetical to the lesbian 
separatist values of pacifism and cooperation. Therefore, the compatibility of gossip as a 
communication method in hookup culture with separatism depends on whether it is used to build 
relationships between women or break them down.  

The Future of Hookup Culture 

 This research reflects the concerns of a wealth of literature that examines both physical 
and social consequences for women who participate in hookup culture. Through mechanisms 
which limit women’s autonomy and sexual satisfaction, I find a gendered hierarchy within 
hookup culture that in many ways benefits male desires and preferences. However, 
simultaneously operating within this culture is a network of homosocial relationships that work 
to improve women’s safety and conditions as they navigate the sexual landscape of the college 
campus. Women take part in separatist collectives, whether it be through the pre-game or sorority 
culture, which provides opportunities for protective woman-centered bonding. The separatist 
spaces that are available to women on college campuses today, while imperfect, provide a 
valuable outlet for women to learn and connect with each other.  
 Given these mechanisms for improving hookup culture on college campuses, it may be 
possible to create a future in which women can more fully enjoy the liberating aspects of casual 



sex. After all, hookup culture does provide some convincing benefits in the movement toward 
women’s equality. In rejecting the “moralistic expectations” of traditional relationships, women 
can more fully focus on their education and careers, which is essential for economic 
independence. Author Hanna Rosin goes as far as to say that “feminist progress is largely 
dependent on hookup culture,” given its economic advantages (2012, p. 46).  In order to preserve 
the beneficial aspects of hookup culture, women can expand their woman-centered networks in 
separatist spaces around campus, like the pre-game or in sororities. Here, women should not be 
afraid to engage in the stereotyped and taboo act of gossip, as long as it is not aimed at tearing 
down other women. One feminist critique of hookup culture posits that “the act of speaking 
allows individuals not only to reflect on their experiences but also to have power over their own 
identity” (Kelly, 2018, p. 326). Here, the act of sharing personal experiences in hookup culture 
can be thought of as a method for reclaiming agency in a culture that often relies on ambiguous 
language. Through this communication, women can rely on the experiential knowledge of one 
another to protect themselves from dangerous situations and environments.  
 Sororities have a unique responsibility in the aspiration to make hookup culture a more 
equitable space for women. As this paper has expressed, the sorority at its core is a separatist 
space by which women can rely on and support one another as they navigate casual sexual 
relationships. This potential is sometimes overshadowed by competitive urges and homophobic 
exclusionary practices. Competition and homophobia in the sororal space are often the result of 
women trying to increase their own desirability for men in the hookup culture. Decentering male 
acceptance is essential for overcoming heteronormativity and homophobia in the sorority. One 
method by which women can decenter male approval from their sororal practice is through the 
adoption of the “Woman-Identified Woman” philosophy. Utilizing this outlook can help the 
sorority secure its potential as a positive method of gender strategy, capable of improving the 
conditions of women within hookup culture.  
 Another means by which sororities can reclaim power in the hookup environment is by 
expanding their control over parties. As stated previously, fraternities are highly restrictive 
spaces, but are one of the only public hookup spaces for women under the legal drinking age. To 
combat this monopoly, sororities should consider expanding their control over parties by 
throwing their own. This transfer of power has already occurred in eating clubs, a prominent 
social institution, at Princeton University. Wade argues that “when women are in charge of 
parties, events feel more gender-egalitarian.” She also quotes a female president of one club, who 
says that women have, “greater access to security for themselves and others in danger” when 
they are in control of the party space (2017, p. 234). As the Furies have shown, sometimes 
women must take power away from male-dominated institutions in order to make progress for 
women’s conditions. Therefore, in taking this power from fraternities, women can make hookup 
environments safer and more pleasurable for themselves.   
 Sexual liberation for neither women nor men will be achieved by returning to traditional 
sexual values. After all, it was these traditional, patriarchal values that united the Furies against 
male-dominated institutions in the first place. However, women should not be satisfied with the 
current state of casual sex on campus. Instead, they can draw from the historical knowledge 
presented to them from past activists. The values and practices of the Furies offer modern 
women a strategy by which they can combat the negative and exploitative forces ingrained in 



hookup culture. Strengthening networks of women, redistributing power in the party space, and 
being aware of the environments that impede on women’s agency are all methods drawn from 
the woman-centered strategies of The Furies Collective. In this sense, this research demonstrates 
not only tangible actions that can help to improve the current hookup culture, but also illuminates 
how women of history can help guide women through the struggles of today. 



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