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Long-Standing Epidemic of Sex Trafficking in San Diego Tribal Communities 
Madeleine Kingsland, Stanford ’24 

 
 

 
Abstract: Human trafficking is a nationwide epidemic operating at the community-based level. 
The separation of reservations from neighboring areas in rising numbers of crimes such as 
human trafficking is significant. By evaluating the foundational struggles of Indigenous 
communities within San Diego we can see how traffickers seek to exploit these vulnerabilities to 
better their pursuits. Originally stemming from gender inequalities between White males and 
Indigenous females, the historical trauma that is rooted in these communities continues to allow 
Indigenous women to be victimized at disproportionately higher rates. While the movement to 
place attention on the matter is growing, issues within tribal sovereignty continue to threaten the 
women living on reservations in San Diego and around the country.  
 
Content Warning: This article contains sensitive content, including analysis of human trafficking 
and discrimination. Readers are advised to take these into account before proceeding. 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 



 

 The fight for Native American lives is a daily battle fought on reservations around the 
country. In a culture preserved through oral histories, it isn’t uncommon to hear stories detailing 
century long struggles with crime and violence. When speaking to elder members from San 
Diego in examining present day issues on Native communities, it is apparent that these struggles 
have only intensified generationally (Dial, 2021). Located in some of the most remote and 
secluded areas of the county, San Diego reservations experience increased poverty rates and 
looser community infrastructure compared to their urban counterparts. (Carter, n.d.). These 
marginalization’s serve to create hubs for illegal practices such as human trafficking. In utilizing 
historical Indigenous trauma and the unique composition of San Diego, traffickers continue to 
threaten the safety and wellbeing of Natives living on reservations.  
 The four Indigenous tribes native to San Diego County include the Cahuilla, Cupeño, 
Luiseño, and the Kumeyaay, which make up eighteen tribal reservations covering nearly 116,000 
acres throughout the county (CIE, n.d.). Containing more Indian reservations than any other 
county in the United States, San Diego presents with a “checker-board” pattern of reservations 
trickling all the way down from the northern county to the U.S. Mexico border (CIE, n.d.). While 
not directly connected, the relative proximity of reservations to one another creates a “hotspot” 
perfect for the transporting of goods or persons throughout the state. The FBI reports San Diego 
as the thirteenth worst region for human trafficking across the United States, with as many as 
3,000-8,000 yearly trafficked victims (Philips, 2021). Due to current limitations on information 
tied to human trafficking accords in San Diego, the exact number of victims tied directly to 
specific reservations is unknown (SANDAG, n.d.). With small differences in heritage due to a 
shared ancestry and proximity to one another, the ability to focus on these reservations as a 
collective group best highlights the overall impact human trafficking has on Native Americans in 
San Diego County.  
 While Native Americans make up less than 1% of the county population, they continue to 
be victimized by sex trafficking at rates significantly higher than other racial groups (Bonnette, 
n.d.). Across the United States, more than 1 in 3 Native women will be raped in their lifetime and 
more than 6 in 10 will suffer from physical assault (Bonnette, n.d.). Often largely overlooked as 
victims because of their relatively small population size, Native women make up 40% of the 
country’s human trafficking victims overall (HTS, 2018). However, 88% of the individuals 
committing these violent crimes against Native women are found to be non-Native (HTS ,2018). 
Described today by tribal leaders and advocates across the nation as “epidemic” levels, sex 
trafficking is a systemic issue that continues to impact the daily lives of hundreds of thousands of 
Native individuals (HTS, 2018).  

The vulnerability of Native Americans as a population continues to be one of the main 
driving factors in perpetuating human trafficking on reservations. Systemic socio-economic 
issues continue to be at play on reservations. These include, but are not limited to, issues such as 
poverty, lower education rates, increased homelessness, and substance abuse. For instance, 32% 
of Native children live in families with income below the federal poverty level in San Diego, 
compared to the 15% county average (Cook, n.d.). Inextricably linked to trafficking, all these 



 

factors significantly limit a person's ability to provide a sustainable livelihood. These “higher 
risk” populations are more easily exploitable, as traffickers can use false promises of 
employment and educational opportunities as leveraging tools (Wright, 2015). Frequent 
generational exposure to this manipulative cycle has normalized acts of sex trafficking in many 
Native communities (Wright, 2015). Studies have shown that up to 18% of Native victims are 
exploited directly through family members due to this community normalization (Greer, pp. 453-
483). Serving as a continuous pool of targets to choose from, traffickers on reservations have a 
selection of individuals at their disposal. 

This cycle of sexual exploitation is due in part to the disruption of cultural and communal 
identities of Indigenous people. European colonization and the expansion of the Spanish 
missionary system throughout California significantly exploited San Diego Indigenous people at 
the hands of White settlers (Robinson, 2021). Prior to Western influence, concepts of property 
and ownership were not socially perceived by Natives (Robinson, 2021). Indigenous women 
were highly regarded figures in tribal standing as child bearers and leaders in their communities 
(Robinson, 2021). The infiltration of White males into these tribal groups brought rape, 
enslavement, maim, and murdering to Indigenous women (Robinson, 2021). What is now 
defined as modern day sex trafficking occurred to women and children during this time, as they 
were explicitly forced to serve as disposable bartering tools (Robinson, 2021). From the 
beginning of colonization, Indigenous women were viewed as prostitutes and physical objects to 
be sexually used by men. Often sought for their “exotic” looks, their indigenous features served 
the “fetishes” of many males (Navajo-Hopi, 2019). The trauma associated with these types of 
historical events have generationally been passed down, leading to the susceptibility of current 
populations to increased depression, anxiety, and lack of self-respect (Logan, 2016). Using these 
psychological vulnerabilities to their advantage, traffickers directly exploit victims through the 
means of historical trauma. While practices of sexual exploitation are no longer legal, the 
victimization that occurred on Indigenous soil continues to persist long after colonization.     

This abuse of power by the Europeans continues to create mistrust on reservations today 
between law enforcement and Indigenous people. To many Natives, police are associated with 
the abusive powers that the U.S. government used to authorize control over Indigenous lands and 
people. Often unwilling to cooperate with law enforcement in general, it can be difficult for 
those living on reservations to report potential acts of human trafficking (Greer, 2013). 
Additionally, the complexity of criminal jurisdiction on these reservations further complicates 
matters. Incorporating a mixture of state and federal authority, each individual case of human 
trafficking on tribal land is evaluated differently depending on location, people involved, and 
tribal relations (Greer, 2013). As determined by Oliphant v. Suquamish Indian Tribe, tribal 
authorities do not have criminal jurisdiction over non-Natives on reservations (Tribal Court 
Clearinghouse, n.d.). With the majority of perpetrators harming Native women on reservations 
being non-Native males, the management of these trafficking cases on reservations are turned 
over to federal and state authorities (Tribal Court Clearinghouse, n.d.). Although geographically 



 

closer, tribal law authorities are significantly limited in their ability to intervene in an 
arrangement of illegal issues, such as trafficking.  

Due in part to the significantly smaller presence of tribal law enforcement and various 
laws constituting the power of tribal authority, many criminals and individuals partaking in 
illegal activities see reservations as a “safe haven” (Greer, 2013). For cases requiring federal 
officer intervention, the overall distance to reservations and other countywide demands 
significantly limit the availability of these officers. Because of these factors, many non-Native 
individuals remain on reservations without any confrontations with federal law enforcement 
(Greer, 2013). Operating in the shadows of reservations, therefore, trafficking rings, drug rings, 
and other illegal activities continue to occur without incident or reprimand (Greer, 2013). Easily 
drawing the attention of young children, these illicit groups seamlessly expand into community 
wide groups. The expansion of these groups not only perpetuates trafficking, but also serves to 
bring more non-Natives onto tribal property (Greer, 2013). As rings of criminal activities build, 
the constant inflow of people coming and leaving allows for victims of human trafficking to 
blend into groups seamlessly and gives traffickers more people to sell to. These silent types of 
operations move along neighboring reservations in San Diego with minimal disturbance.  

Casinos also serve as additional hubs for illegal activities on the reservation, bringing in 
large numbers of non-Natives to reservations for gambling and resort visits. With nine individual 
operating casinos within San Diego, the county is arguably known as the “Indian Casino Capital” 
of the world (CIE, n.d.). Serving as hot spots for meeting places, traffickers utilize the attention-
grabbing characteristics of casinos as a distraction to their illegal practices. Known as locations 
of high cash flow, large floor crowds, and 24-hour entertainment, casinos create the perfect cover 
for traffickers. By continuously watching games and supplying girls to walk the floor, traffickers 
can spot big money winners and drunk individuals who they can solicit (Huff, n.d.). Concerts 
and other entertainment shows provide huge crowds that allow trafficking operations to deploy a 
number of victims throughout the casino venue without drawing specific attention. Traffickers 
who elicit the sale of children often frequent “family-friendly” casinos that include kids clubs 
and lazy rivers where they are easily able to blend-in much better than the 21+ casinos (Huff, 
n.d.). Additionally, the use of charter buses to carry in casino guests from an assortment of 
locations are prime transportation methods that easily allow traffickers to continuously cycle in 
new victims. Hidden in plain sight, traffickers use the array of casinos owned by San Diego 
tribes to further increase accessibility to their customers and control of their victims.  

In this constant revolving movement of individuals in human trafficking rings, the 
proximity of San Diego to the Mexican border plays a significant role in the transporting of 
victims. According to the 2021 Trafficking in Persons Report, Indigenous persons are identified 
as a high-risk group for trafficking in Mexico, second only to unaccompanied children (U.S. 
Department of State, 2021). With the Campo Indian reservation lying adjacent to the border, the 
average travel time from any one of the reservations to Mexico is 24 minutes total (U.S. 
Department of State, 2021). Once inside, Tijuana’s red-light district is a popular destination for 
human traffickers. Known for its legalization of prostitution, traffickers are easily able to place 



 

their victims into clubs and shops (Clawson, Layne, Small, 2006). This relative geographic 
proximity allows traffickers an increased ability to lure individuals in Mexico to the U.S. with 
promises of better lifestyles and opportunities (Clawson, Layne, Small, 2006). Trickling down 
from north San Diego County or starting in Mexico, human trafficking rings have established 
pathways up and down the inner county reservations to transport victims without detection.  

The variety of factors working to perpetuate human trafficking on San Diego reservations 
is nothing new in the eyes of tribal members. Systemic issues such as poverty, underdevelopment 
of resources, and lack of trust to authority run deep through the history of tribal communities. 
The ability to fight human trafficking and other criminal activities throughout reservations comes 
from the influence of tribal leaders. Recognized as independent sovereign nations, each 
individual tribe maintains its own governance of laws, structures, courts, and police departments. 
While this system aims to protect Indigenous cultures and identities, creation of jurisdictions and 
allocations of proper enforcement resources used to combat criminal activity is the primary 
responsibility of individual tribes themselves. Under California Public Law 280, the legality of 
tribes pursuing human trafficking cases under their own jurisdiction only applies in cases of 
Native perpetrators convicted of trafficking Native victims. Because this is not the case for a 
large majority of trafficking cases, most legally fall under California state jurisdiction (National 
Congress of American Indians, n.d.). This mixing and matching of case jurisdiction which falls 
along various state and reservation boundaries within a single county is what allows traffickers 
the time they need to move individuals in and out of reservations.   

While these tribal constitutions can vary in legislature depending on their location and 
cultural norms, many draw parallels to national policies on issues that could be harmful to any 
community. Within San Diego County specifically, peace and security ordinances define human 
trafficking through the means of the Palermo Protocol. The Pala Band of Mission Indians goes as 
far to distinguish between labor trafficking, labor trafficking of a minor, sex trafficking, and sex 
trafficking of a minor. Including definitions for terms such as debt bondage, forced labor, 
prostitution, and slavery, this specific terminology establishes the identification of human 
trafficking on the reservation (PBMI, 2016). In Native versus Native cases, tribal members who 
are found to be in violation of human trafficking receive penalties that include imprisonment, 
fines, and probation. Depending on the significance of the crime, tribal courts can evaluate the 
status of tribal members and enact a voting sequence to potentially limit or revoke membership 
to their specific tribe (PBMI, 2016). While tribal officers are granted jurisdiction in these cases 
specifically, their authority and presence within Native communities remains yet another 
difficulty. On San Diego reservations, tribal police departments vary drastically in their size and 
resources distribution in meeting the various demands of their area.  

One of the methods seen in combating the systemic issues on reservations has been the 
receival of assistance in initiatives seeking to improve community living standards. In San Diego 
specifically, multi-service non-profits such as the Southern California Tribal Chairman's 
Association (SCTCA) advocate for reservation needs. Coordinating and administering grant 
programs for all reservations with San Diego’s County, SCTCA directly serves to increase the 



 

health, welfare, safety, education, and cultural needs across tribal areas. Aiding members in food 
commodities, career development centers, and resources prevention programs, organizations 
such as SCTCA indirectly combat human trafficking efforts by strengthening the internal 
structures that ultimately leave these communities vulnerable (SCTCA, 2021).    

Over the past years, the increased public attention specifically on human trafficking in 
native communities has significantly increased national funding initiatives. In October of 2020, 
the Department of Justice awarded $5.8 million in grants alone to tribes in San Diego specifically 
for crime victim resources. Described by the U.S. Attorney Robert Brewer as, “more important 
than ever,” there is heavy recognition that these resources are long overdue (Hoang, 2021). In 
joining intertribal court systems, reservations, and Indian Health Council services, these grants 
support the expansion of tribal capacities to provide protection and services aimed at bettering 
victims' lives. In even more recent events, President Biden signed an executive order on 
November 15th, 2021, aimed at improving the safety and justice for Native Americans. Including 
these efforts in his American Rescue Plan, Biden awarded more than $13 billion as direct 
investments into Indian country infrastructure and tens of billions into grant funding 
opportunities for Natives. Like U.S. Attorney Brewer, Biden states that these types of 
investments were “long overdue” in chronically underfunded tribal lands (Cherner, 2021). 
Pouring directly into tribal police force training, resource supplies, and victim awareness 
programs, the U.S. government aims to help tribal communities gain momentum in the fight to 
protect their people. 

In recognizing the “epidemics” hitting Indian country, nonprofit organizations such as 
Missing and Murdered Indigenous Women (MMIW) have been fighting to bring these types of 
issues to light for quite some time. One of the primary objectives in their fight includes using a 
database that logs cases of missing and murdered Indigenous women girls from 1900 to the 
present. Used as an educational tool intended to assist in bringing home victims of domestic 
violence, sexual assault, sex trafficking, or sex work, this database serves as an alert system 
throughout the U.S. and Canada (Sovereign Bodies Institute, 2021). Through their work in 
eradicating the silence of media and law enforcement and advocating for victims without a voice, 
MMIW has formed the foundation for other anti-trafficking efforts. By using education and 
advocacy, MMIW has brought attention to the alarming rates of Native women victimization. 
With a variety of network locations around the country, MMIP offers region specific support. As 
MMIW continues to grow in their mission, a task force on Missing and Murdered American 
Indians was added in 2019 to the U.S. Department of the Interior. Commonly known as 
Operation Lady Justice, this task force joins the mission of MMIW with top federal officials to 
create a multi-agency effort aimed to foster tribal government collaboration in strategy 
development to address this crisis of exploited persons (U.S. Department of Interior, 2021).  

The future of human trafficking in San Diego Native communities is at a critical point. 
With increasing educational programs and awareness campaigns, the needs of these victims and 
Native communities are starting to be seen. However, this inpour of funding and educational 
awareness means nothing if tribes are not given the right to exercise jurisdiction over all human 



 

trafficking cases occurring on their land. Building up law enforcement agencies on reservations 
serves no purpose in fighting trafficking if the tribal law officers intended to protect reservations 
are not legally allowed to intervene in the large proportion of cases. As of now, tribes lack the 
ability to fully protect their land and people from the harm of criminal activities that plague 
reservations without the right to completely self-govern separate from the federal and state 
government. Giving back tribal rights and addressing sovereignty on reservations is one of the 
first steps needed to fight the increasing numbers of trafficked victims.  

The fragility of Native members stemming from cultural trauma, weaker socio-economic 
infrastructure, and generational negligence will not be easily forgotten with these funds. Fixing 
the infrastructure will improve living conditions and significantly decrease susceptibility to 
crimes, yet these issues have been ongoing since the 15th century. Mental health facilities are at 
the forefront of this battle, as this fight to combat human trafficking on reservations is going to 
be an everyday operation for generations far beyond our time. Native presence in San Diego and 
in areas beyond show the resiliency of these communities to survive harsh odds. Day in and day 
out, Indigenous people use this strength to overcome difficult times and continue fighting battles 
like human trafficking for future generations. 

 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 



 

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