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An Analysis of Muslim Girls’ Veil Ban Protests in India 
Aleena Anand, Stanford University ’25 

 
Abstract: This paper explores how the intersectional identity of Indian Muslim girls informs 
their protests against a 2022 ban on Islamic veils in schools in Karnataka, India. An analysis of 
their protest signs and speeches reveals that their activism boldly challenges reductive Hindu-
nationalist representations of Muslim women dominant in India that contribute to the group’s 
marginalization. Protesters achieve this by redefining their identity on their own terms and 
strategically centralizing their nationality and gender while defending their religious rights. This 
takes shape in four main strategies: (1) employing assertive slogans and chants to counter 
stereotypes of Muslim women as passive and assert their right to exist in public spaces; (2) 
referencing India’s Constitution to claim their national belonging and legal rights as minorities; 
(3) characterizing the veil as a cultural, not religious, marker to appeal to the history of 
multiculturalism in India; and (4) framing the veil ban as a violation of women’s bodily 
autonomy to defend women’s right to wear what they choose. For and beyond the case of the 
Karnataka veil ban protests, this analysis illuminates how intersectionality can inform effective 
modes of social and political mobilization by marginalized groups.  
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 
 



 

Introduction 
 “We are feeling like we have been betrayed by our own country,” said Almas, a Muslim 
student in Karnataka, India, in reaction to a 2022 statewide ban on Islamic veils in public schools 
(Al Jazeera English, 2022a, 0:22). The teenager, who wears the hijab in accordance with her 
religious beliefs, was kept from school exams when she would not remove it (“Karnataka 
College,” 2022, paras. 1-4). 
 In response to Karnataka’s veil ban, Almas and other impacted students began to protest 
against this incursion into their religious freedoms and access to education. Despite the 
marginalization of Muslim women in India, their voices reached across the country, sparking 
nationwide protests. Almas’ story and Karnataka’s veil ban are indicative of a larger issue of 
rising discrimination against the Muslim minority in India since the coming to power of the 
Hindu nationalist Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) in 2014. The BJP’s right-wing ideology, 
Hindutva, and the Islamophobic policies, hate speech, and violence it is responsible for uniquely 
impact girls, who are marginalized on multiple fronts. As Muslim girls are leading the fight 
against Islamophobia in India through their protests, how do Indian Muslim girls’ intersectional 
identities inform their protest strategies against the Karnataka veil ban? My research focuses on 
how these girls’ multidimensional identities shape the ways in which they exercise their voices in 
protest of religious discrimination, ultimately aiming to understand how intersectionality impacts 
the way marginalized communities choose to defend their rights. 
 
Contextualizing Karnataka’s Public-School Veil Ban 

In February 2022, Karnataka’s government issued an executive order banning religious 
headscarves in schools after several teachers in Udupi, Karnataka began barring veiled girls from 
entering their classrooms (Yasir, 2022, para. 4). This is often referred to as a hijab ban but is 
designed to target Islamic veils of all kinds—including the burka, niqab, and chador—so will 
here be referred to as a veil ban. A group of high school girls petitioned the Karnataka High 
Court to strike down the ban and publicly protested the attack on their rights, inspiring larger 
protests by Muslim girls and allies across India and the globe, which were reported on in popular 
Indian and international news sources (Yasir, 2022, paras. 5-7). Protests continued after the 
Karnataka High Court decided to uphold the veil ban in March 2022 (Yasir, 2022, para. 1). 
Amidst intense pressure and attention, the girls’ case eventually reached the Supreme Court. 
However, in October 2022, the court announced a split verdict, keeping the ban in place and 
leaving the educational and religious rights of Muslim girls in Karnataka in peril (Rajagopal, 
2022, para. 1). 
 Still, Muslim girls continue their resistance against Karnataka’s Islamophobic and 
misogynistic policy, defending their rights as Indians, as women, and as Muslims. Through 
protest signs and speeches, they sought support for their cause among national and international 
audiences in order to create pressure on the Indian government to secure their rights. I analyze 
the rhetoric of their protest signs and speeches against the Karnataka veil ban, specifically 
engaging with slogans, visuals, and lines that reference the protestor’s national, gender, or 



 

religious identity. Examining, for one, the most recurring protest sign slogans captured in 
reporters’ photographs and, for another, speeches delivered to the press by prominent student 
protesters from Karnataka, such as Muskan Khan, Aliya Assadi, and Almas A.H., reveals Indian 
Muslim girls’ major strategies for defending their religious freedoms. I argue that the protesters’ 
signs and speeches work by challenging and reconstructing dominant conceptualizations of the 
Muslim woman shaped by Hindu nationalists. They do so by countering stereotypes of 
oppression and reframing the veil controversy to emphasize their national and gender identity 
rather than religion. In analyzing the girls’ rhetorical strategies, four major themes emerge to 
form the basis for this argument: expressions of Muslim girls’ agency that challenge stereotypes 
of oppression; references to rights enshrined in India’s Constitution that emphasize the 
protesters’ national identity and belonging; calls for cultural tolerance that frame the veil as a 
cultural, rather than religious, practice; and connections to the global struggle for women’s 
bodily autonomy that emphasize the protesters’ gender identity and defend women’s right to 
make choices about their own bodies and dress. 

In this paper, I begin by providing an overview of relevant scholarship on the 
marginalization of Muslim women in India today—delving into legal discrimination, hate 
speech, violence, and media representation—and their efforts to counter Islamophobia through 
protests. Next, I return to the case of the Karnataka veil ban protests, analyzing the way the 
protesters frame their arguments in the context of their different identities through their protest 
signs and speeches. First, I identify rhetorical appeals in protest sign slogans and speeches that 
demonstrate the agency of Muslim girls. Second, I discuss indirect and direct references to 
India’s Constitution in slogans and speeches. Third, I show how speeches frame the veil ban as 
an issue of cultural tolerance. Fourth, I highlight the similarities between slogans from these 
protests and slogans from global protests for women’s rights over their bodies and dress. 
Ultimately, my findings suggest that the protesters’ strategies challenge typical Hindu nationalist 
representations of Muslim women and Islamic veils, reconstructing their identity on their own 
terms and emphasizing their nationality and gender to mobilize for their religious rights. 
 
Scholarly Perspectives on Muslim Women’s Experiences in Contemporary India 
 The Karnataka veil ban is part of a broader trend of growing Hindu nationalism and 
Islamophobia in India. A portion of the extensive scholarly literature on this trend explores its 
consequences on the lives of Indian Muslim women. Nehaluddin Ahmad and Norulaziemah binti 
Haji Zulkiffle (2022) study the growth of discrimination against the Muslim minority in India, 
arguing that legal and political agencies incite and allow hate speech and violence against 
Muslims (p. 1). As a result, Muslim women, who are doubly marginalized, are increasingly 
subject to rape threats and sexual slurs online. For instance, in 2022, Hindu nationalists created 
an app claiming to auction Muslim women in order to “demean, intimidate and eventually 
silence” them (Ahmad & binti Haji Zulkiffle, 2022, p. 3). Ratna Kapur (2022) concurs that 
Hindu nationalism in India’s politics and judiciary marginalizes Muslim women, but focuses on 
the way it infantilizes, rather than sexualizes, them (p. 354). Referencing the Indian Supreme 



 

Court’s ultimately hollow decision to outlaw the Islamic triple talaq practice opposed by many 
Muslim women in 2017, Kapur (2022) posits that Hindu nationalists claim to promote legal 
equality for Muslim women, but in reality, advance the idea that they need to be saved from 
oppressive, dangerous Muslim men, reducing them to “a suffering victim, mute and/or without 
agency” (p. 359). 
 Supplementing Kapur’s argument with the addition of how Islamic veils figure into this 
discussion, Wolfgang Wagner and colleagues (2012) claim that Indian Muslim women are 
stereotyped as backward, illiterate, and victims of Muslim men, particularly when wearing the 
hijab, which is seen as a symbol of oppression (p. 536). The consequences of such stereotypes 
are detailed by Andrea Malji (2021), who adds that because the hijab makes visible a woman’s 
religion, veiled women are frequent targets of harassment and violence in India (p. 185). 
 Indian Muslim women are further marginalized by the public and media attention, or lack 
thereof, given to their struggles. Adrija Dey (2019) finds that gender-based violence against 
Hindu women receives more public and media outrage than that against Muslim women (p. 357). 
According to her, Hindu nationalist ideologies center Hindu women as the “ideal Indian 
woman,” erasing Muslim women “from the larger public discourse” and ignoring their struggles 
(Dey, 2019, p. 368). Complementing Dey’s findings, Deepa Fadnis explores this issue through 
an intersectional lens. She claims that facing oppression due to both their gender and religion, 
Indian Muslim women who suffer sexual assault are more likely to be ignored or invalidated in 
media, due to the common stereotype that Muslim women are “accustomed to domestic violence 
and subordination” (Fadnis, 2022, p. 18). Meanwhile, Flavia Agnes (2019) argues that Muslim 
women’s oppression is not simply ignored, but rather selectively represented in media, in order 
to further Hindu nationalists’ agenda (p. 350). Agnes (2019) refers to the triple talaq case studied 
by Kapur, explaining that extensive media coverage of the issue was framed to demonize Islam 
and perpetuate the stereotype of Muslim women as lacking rights and agency (p. 350). 
 Adding their own voices to the narrative, Indian Muslim women have contributed to 
Muslim rights protests, including the multigenerational Shaheen Bagh protest in New Delhi 
opposing India’s 2019 Citizenship Amendment Act, which discriminates against Muslim 
migrants. Kiran Vinod Bhatia and Radhika Gajjala (2020) find that Muslim women’s physical 
presence at this protest challenged stereotypes of oppression, asserting their right to exist in 
political spaces (p. 6300). Further, their nonviolent protest strategies demonstrated resilience in 
the face of violent backlash against Muslim protesters (Bhatia & Gajjala 2020, p. 6300). Laila 
Kadiwal (2021) adds that protesters from different generations and backgrounds learned from 
each other, thereby developing “political consciousness, solidarity against injustice, and anti-
oppressive practices” (p. 19). Deepta Chopra (2021) specifically highlights the role of mother 
and grandmother protestors, who he argues inspired younger generations, including students, to 
understand and claim their constitutional rights (p. 482). 
 These studies illuminate that Muslim women have an intersectional identity that is highly 
marginalized in India today, and yet, they have been able to effectively mobilize to protest 
Islamophobia. However, scholars do not address how the intersectional, marginalized identity of 



 

young Indian Muslim girls informs how they protest a direct attack on their identity, personal 
freedoms, and daily cultural practices. This presents a gap in the scholarly literature which can 
be addressed by researching how Muslim girls are using their voices to resist Karnataka’s veil 
ban. In particular, my analysis of how their identities as Indians, as Muslims, and as women 
impact their protests sheds light on how these girls are not just responding to, but rather actively 
shaping the modern-day Muslim experience in India through resistance.  
 
An Analysis of Karnataka Veil Ban Protest Signs and Speeches 
 The following analysis is based on protest signs and speeches against the Karnataka veil 
ban that are recorded in reporters’ footage and photographs of protests included in online articles 
and YouTube videos. I focus on slogans that are commonly repeated and speeches with large 
public and online audiences, in order to center those with the widest reach and impact. From 
these, we can learn from the voices of a range of Muslim girls in Karnataka and across India and, 
from there, deduce their main strategies for defending their religious freedoms. 
Expressions of Agency 
 Firstly, protesters counter the silencing and misrepresentation of Muslim women in India 
through their signs and speeches. Bhatia and Gajjala (2020) argued that Muslim women’s 
physical presence at the Shaheen Bagh protests subverted stereotypes of oppression (p. 6292). In 
the case of the Karnataka veil ban protests, Muslim girls demonstrate their agency through, in 
addition to their physical presence, slogans highlighting their visibility and worth. For instance, 
the slogan “We cover our heads, not our brains” stands out as a direct reference and challenge to 
stereotypes of Muslim women as mute victims, unable to think for themselves and forced to wear 
veils by Muslim men (Kataria, 2022). Protesters rewrite this narrative to convey that they are 
intelligent, free-thinking women choosing to wear the veil of their own accord. Further, the 
repetition of personal and possessive pronouns like “we” and “our” demonstrates an active voice, 
challenging perceptions of victimhood and asserting Muslim girls’ right to lead social 
mobilization.  

Moreover, in February 2022, burka-clad student protester Muskan Khan was harassed by 
anti-veil protesters outside her school in Karnataka, chanting the Hindu expression “Jai Shri 
Ram,” meaning “hail Lord Ram,” and demanding she remove her veil (Al Jazeera English, 
2022b, 0:00). Not only did she stand her ground against their intimidation by continuing her path 
to her school, but she also countered their chanting, yelling back “Allahu Akbar,” a Muslim 
expression meaning “God is great” (Al Jazeera, 2022b, 0:00). By inserting her voice in the 
narrative, she countered the dominant Hindu nationalist representation of the Muslim woman 
unable to speak for herself and demonstrated her strength and right to exist in public spaces 
dominated by Hindu men. A video of this encounter went viral on social media and since then, 
protesters have turned Khan into a symbol of their movement, recreating her image and words on 
protest signs (Mateen, 2022). Centering Khan’s voice pushes Muslim girls out of the fringes of 
society and into the spotlight, where they can mobilize to demand their rights from their 
government. 



 

References to Rights Enshrined in India’s Constitution 
Arguably, the protesters’ main tool for mobilization is India’s Constitution, which is 

continuously referenced in protest signs and speeches. India is a secular country with 
constitutional protections for religious freedoms. Signs often directly quote Article 25 of India’s 
Constitution, which notes the right to freely “profess, practice, and propagate religion” (Frayer, 
2022). Through this reference, Muslim girls center their national identity, appealing to their 
country’s secular values and their rights as Indians. By characterizing the veil ban as a secular, 
constitutional issue, protesters decentralize Islam in the debate over veils. Rather than focusing 
on the way this ban attacks Islamic practices and, in turn, defending their religion, the girls 
reframe the issue as an attack on Indian values and rights.  

On the other hand, there are examples of religious rhetoric in these protests, such as 
Muskan Khan chanting “Allahu Akbar” in the viral video mentioned earlier. However, while 
explaining the incident in an interview with BBC, Khan asks viewers not to label the veil ban as 
a religious issue, saying, “I have stood, not only for the Muslim girls, [but] for all the non-
Muslims and Muslim girls” and “everyone should stand for their right” (BBC News, 2022, 2:54). 
As such, she distances herself from polarizing religious tensions and appeals to a sense of 
national unity and the importance of defending constitutional rights for all Indians. 

Moreover, protesters often make indirect references to the Indian Constitution. Common 
slogans like “Hijab is our right” and “My hijab does not make me any less Indian than you,” 
while not explicitly mentioning the Constitution, allude to the fact that the protesters are Indian 
citizens and deserve to have their constitutional rights protected (Mateen, 2022; “Hijab Ban,” 
2022). On a similar note, in a press conference following the Karnataka High Court’s decision to 
uphold the veil ban in March 2022, student protester Almas A.H., as referenced earlier, claimed 
that Muslim girls were “betrayed by [their] own country” (Al Jazeera English, 2022a, 0:22). Her 
argument calls out the Indian government for turning its back on its constitutional values and its 
own citizens. These appeals to a common national identity are especially relevant given Hindu 
nationalists’ accusations that Indian Muslims are allied with Pakistan or Islamic terrorists, 
attempting to ostracize them from Indian society. For instance, BJP leaders have accused student 
protesters in Karnataka of being “anti-national” and “members of a terrorist organization” 
(“Hijab Petitioners,” 2022, para. 2). In opposition to this narrative, Muslim girls protesting the 
Karnataka veil ban emphasize their belonging in India. 
Calls for Cultural Tolerance 

In another appeal to their national identity, protesters defend wearing the veil as a part of 
India’s cultural diversity, promoting cultural tolerance. In multiple press conferences and 
interviews, Muskan Khan stated that “[non-Muslims] are following their culture and we are 
following our culture,” framing the veil as a cultural, rather than religious practice (Al Jazeera 
English, 2022b, 0:16; The Print, 2022, 2:07). Other protesters, like Aliya Assadi, have echoed 
Khan’s sentiments. Assadi added, in a March 2022 interview, that wearing veils is a long-
standing tradition in India, thereby demonstrating that cultural plurality has existed in the region 
for centuries (The News Minute, 2022, 5:27). She goes on to say that equality is not uniformity, 



 

but rather there is “unity in diversity,” and all cultures’ forms of dress should be accepted (The 
News Minute, 2022, 5:57). By focusing on tolerance for all cultural traditions across India, 
protesters again make the veil ban an Indian issue, as opposed to just a Muslim or religious issue, 
seeking to create solidarity between Indians across religious divides. Further, by defending 
multiculturalism, Muslim girls challenge the logic of Hindu superiority and defend their 
belonging in their country. 
Connections to the Global Struggle for Women’s Bodily Autonomy 
 Muslim girls also defend the veil as a part of their rights as women, calling out the 
Karnataka veil ban as an instance of restricting women’s control over their own bodies and dress. 
As such, they connect their resistance to the global struggle for women’s bodily integrity. For 
instance, many signs include slogans such as “My right, my choice, my life,” emulating the 
feminist slogan “My body, my choice,” which has been used for decades in reproductive rights 
protests around the world, including in the United States (Mateen, 2022). Focusing on the idea of 
choice characterizes the Karnataka veil ban as an attack on women’s rights, decentralizing the 
attack on religious rights at the heart of this issue. Reframing the issue in terms of gender 
demonstrates an effort to create solidarity between Muslim girls and supporters of women’s 
rights across religions in India. Moreover, by placing themselves in conversation with other 
long-standing women’s rights movements worldwide and contextualizing freedom of dress as a 
part of bodily autonomy, the protesters also demonstrate the significance of the veil ban as a 
major violation of their freedoms.   

Indian Muslim girls further centralize women’s rights through the slogan “Hands off my 
hijab” (Mateen, 2022). Through the phrase “hands off,” this slogan evokes a sense of violent 
oppression of women’s bodies, denouncing veil bans as an attack on women’s autonomy. Also 
written as “Pas touche à mon hijab” in French, this slogan was first popularized in France, where 
its own bans on Islamic veils since 2004 have sparked widespread protests by Muslim women 
(Lough, 2021, paras. 2-5). As such, its use helps Indian Muslim girls connect their struggle to 
that of French Muslim women, demonstrating the relevance of the Karnataka veil ban beyond the 
one state and, rather, in terms of women’s rights and control of their bodies globally.  
 
Conclusion 
 From this analysis, we see that Indian Muslim girls protesting the Karnataka veil ban 
challenge the Hindutva ideology and mobilize for their religious rights by reconstructing 
dominant narratives of Muslim women in India. Specifically, they do so by demonstrating their 
agency and centralizing their nationality and gender, rather than their religion, in their protest 
signs and speeches. Firstly, protesters challenge stereotypes of victimhood and defend their right 
to exist in public spaces through assertive slogans and chants. Secondly, they defend their 
belonging in India and their right to the country’s constitutional freedoms through references to 
India’s Constitution. Thirdly, Muslim girls frame the veil as a cultural practice, rather than a 
religious obligation, calling for tolerance of all cultures and forms of dress in India. Fourthly, 



 

protesters characterize the Karnataka veil ben as an incursion into women’s bodily autonomy, 
defending their rights as women to wear what they choose.  
 Marginalized on multiple fronts, Indian Muslim girls strategically emphasize different 
aspects of their intersectional identities to reconstruct their representation in Indian society and 
defend their rights. Analyzing their voices, through their protest signs and speeches, helps us 
understand how Muslim girls are influencing and resisting the Muslim experience in 
contemporary India that has been shaped by the dominance of Hindutva. While discrimination 
and stereotyping by India’s government and media impact Muslim women’s position in society, 
as evidenced by the existing literature, so too do Muslim girl’s rhetorical strategies for social 
mobilization challenging their marginalization. Further, this project builds upon scholars’ 
understanding of Muslim women’s roles in Indian protests by revealing how they choose to 
construct a social movement to secure their personal freedoms when directly attacked.  

However, this project does have limitations; while a range of languages are spoken in 
India, English is the primary language analyzed in this paper. Still, I believe this analysis can 
provide a valuable contribution, as the majority of Karnataka veil ban protest signs found online 
are in English, and those in languages like Kannada, Hindi, and Urdu are mostly direct 
translations of the common English slogans. Similarly, there is considerable overlap between the 
content of student protesters’ speeches in English and those in other languages like Urdu; often, 
they repeat similar phrases in different languages depending on the news agency they are 
speaking to. So, despite its limitations, this project illuminates the prevalent protest strategies of 
Indian Muslim girls. 

Further research in this area might include other languages or expand the scope of the 
identities explored in this paper to include, for instance, social class and sexuality, exploring how 
these factors may influence Muslim women’s resistance. Additionally, scholars might consider 
the role of social media in the Karnataka veil ban protests.   

As Muslim girls in Karnataka and across India are creating global attention for their 
struggles and fighting for legal change, their often-overlooked voices shine a light on how 
marginalized groups with intersectional identities can mobilize to demand their rights from their 
governments. This is particularly relevant at this moment, given the rise of Islamophobia and 
continued efforts to control women’s bodies and dress across the globe. As such, the scope of 
this issue is not limited to just Muslim girls in Karnataka or even in India. Rather, this analysis 
carries important lessons on the role of protesters’ identities in their protests that can help 
marginalized communities globally challenge oppression and claim their rights. Specifically, as 
Muslim girls defend their freedoms by challenging the Karnataka veil ban as not only anti-
Muslim, but also anti-Indian and anti-women, they provide a useful roadmap for political 
mobilization informed by intersectionality. 



 

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