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ISSN (Print: 2357-0849, online: 2357-0857)

International Journal on:

Environmental Science and Sustainable Development

DOI: 10.21625/essd.v3iss1.188

A Territorial Approach to the Production of Urban and Rural
Landscape

F. Trapani1, R. Savarese2, F. Safonte3
1Dipartimento di Architettura, Università degli Studi di Palermo, Italy

2Circolo Istrice, Palermo, Italy
3Istituto di Ricerca e Promozione delle Aree Interne della Sicilia, Caltanissetta, Italy

Abstract
The authors, starting from the examination of the historic data of Palermo landscapes on the south-east side, draw
up an analysis of the landscape by illustrating the environmental characteristics and the intervention of man in its
transformations. Therefore, determined by a certain point to refer to, the author, based on archival, literary, and
existing graphic documentation, has therefore sought to illustrate the evolution of the landscape in the geographical
area of Mare dolce while still present relations with the territory of Palermo. Examining the diaries and the end
of the eighteenth century with the help of the water colored planks of the sites considering the great patrimony
left by landscape painters of the period brought a great deal of information. In this sense, it is possible to eval-
uate the transformation of Maredolce from swampy and abandoned land of the last seventeenth century (end of
sugary activity) to that of new irrigation agriculture. Transformation is common to the entire territory of Palermo
with which numerous comparisons are also carried out based on archival documentation. The introduction of the
industrial economy of the citrus which has wiped out any past historical stratification before being swept by the
cementation of the ‘Conca d’Oro’ that still lasts and of which Maredolce (historic palace and its garden) is the
last environmental and cultural heritage as a holistic ecosystem that should absolutely be saved by using integrated
urban planning with responsible architectonic restoration approaches.

© 2019 The Authors. Published by IEREK press. This is an open access article under the CC BY license
(https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by/4.0/). Peer-review under responsibility of ESSD’s International Scien-
tific Committee of Reviewers.

Keywords

Urban planning; cultural landscape; integrated urban regeneration; architectural restoration; territo-rialist ap-
proach; rural studies; rural economy; landscape geography

1. Introduction

1.1. Methodology

In this contribution, through a multidisciplinary approach, we intend to investigate the hypothesis that there is an
analogy between: a) regeneration as a subject on the background of the humanistic approach to sustainable devel-
opment in the analytical, interpretative and evaluative key of territorialists (SdT, 2011; Safonte, 2014; 2015) and
b) the urban regeneration (Haddock & Moulaert, 2009; MacCallum, Moulaert, Hillier & Vicari, 2009; Trapani,
2016) could be summarized as the culture of the project. Both approaches are applied to the theme of sustain-

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Trapani / Environmental Science and Sustainable Development, ESSD

able development, particularly the enhancement of the resources of agricultural production and cultural heritage.
Agriculture and heritage are usually considered as the primary tools of intervention policies in weak areas such as
inland areas in Italy. In this contribution, regeneration in the economic-social application of urban and territorial
planning and planning related to the arguments (a) and (b) is different from retraining and recovery in terms of
simple reuse and even more from recycling. This is because a given regeneration policy tends to include them or
better integrate them all because it must necessarily provide both analytical, interpretative, evaluative and oper-
ative approaches directly to the physical and environmental contexts as well as the social and economic policies
and programs. Regeneration, in its constituent nature of toolkits of differentiated instrumentation of analysis and
intervention, qualifies more and more as a mode of approach used. In (a) and (b), the issues of strong ambiguity
and difficulty in the definition of regeneration have been highlighted. Additionally, evaluation of regenerative ex-
periences has highlighted the limits of effectiveness and real possibilities of action against the structural causes of
social and economic criticality in the correction/qualification of local development policies and urban-scale inter-
vention practices that determine strong impacts on the human settlements system both in terms of identity (cultural
impact) and the environment (impacts on natural ecosystem components).

Even though the literature in the field revolves around the term “regeneration”, it is merely a defensive wall used to
repel haphazard building and design strategies employed by indifferent operators. It doesn’t seem like it’s the time
to completely abandon the use of regeneration as some case studies are currently interconnected and even inspiring.
In this regard, we see the possibility of supporting the concept of regeneration and realizing its importance on
the condition that some principles, criteria and indicators must be solid and scientifically recognized and duly
dialectised as the theories of territorialists (SdT, 2013) and those in the field of planning and urban and architectural
design, especially in cases of comparison with the existing cultural, economic, social and environmental heritage
to be protected and valorized.

Territorial regeneration now has features that can be considered as an opportunity to redeliver the social and eco-
nomic peripheries of the weak territories for raising the quality of life. Trying to link functional different ap-
proaches such as regeneration into the concept of urban planning/urban planning and territorial approaches can
serve to provide a meaningful basis not only for defining but, above all, for the implementation of sustainable
local development policies and interventions. Territorial approaches seeking to find a balance in the engagement
between critical thinking based on the knowledge of real resources at stake and tactics and design intervention
strategies need a clever combination of analysis and attribution of royal rooting values in humans. This is to define
both urban and extra-urban landscapes so as to re-elaborate and contextualize the new uses and the flexibility that
often depart from the ways in which traditions of reuse, recovery, and retraining have traditionally been entrusted
to historical, architectural and landscape heritage.

In the territorialist key, regeneration can be identified in the third principle of territoriality, for ”knowledge and
values expressed by the local population are the basis for the development of a vital territory capable of self-
generating. To this end, it is the primary task of research and territorial action to investigate the many local
cognitive and value frameworks present locally and translate them to construct a connective infra-language that
can express common local projects ” (SdT, 2011).

In the spatial design sphere, another aspect is the indispensable bond that, according to the European Charter for
Architectural Heritage (Council of Europe, 1975), must be present between conservation and planning: This link
today is essential to portray the implicit link between the project culture and the planning culture. This approach
to the culture of the project can best be distinguished by the reference to three ways of thinking and acting which
together could form the basis of a theory based on that culture:

1. best Preservation is Transformation (Samonà, 1980; Collovà, 2012);

2. there is no urban transformation without urban conservation (Pracchi, 2017; Prescia, 2016);

3. there is no innovative urban planning without social innovation (Tyrwhitt, 1947; Mumford, 1961; Concilio
et al., 2012; Marsh, Molinari & Trapani, 2013).

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The hypothesis of this paper is that the study for the understanding of urban and extra-urban historical dynamics
aims to intervene in the production of urban landscapes on individual artifacts, continuously receiving stimuli from
these three different approaches to conservation and the urban/territorial regeneration: The first affirms the culture
of the project as the basis of the possibility and sustainability of transformation, the second argument affirms the
need for integration between planning and conservation while the third recaptures the notion of centrality of the
human dimension in every type of transformation of the space of cities and of territories.

1.2. On the Landscape Concept

The themes pertaining to the landscape-environmental sphere must be faced in a multidisciplinary manner, being
endowed with such complexity that the approaches that concern them often diverge so much that they have very
little in common.

If a bias towards considering natural landscapes as worthy of protection is evident in historical, cultural, and
judicial literature, that is because of certain cultural reason. In that regard, we can refer to the material dimension
(objective) formed by the set of material elements that make up both the intangible dimension (subjective) as an
intangible image that is a result of the encounter between those elements themselves and the subject that perceives
and interprets them according to their own cognitive and emotional patterns. It is a point of view according to
which the set of elements that generate a landscape become an object of interest not because they refer to natural
and anthropic processes whose operating rules are to be explained, but as a tangible representation of the universe
of symbolic values and cultural activities that animate the actions of society.

The polysemy of the landscape (Socco, 2000) also refers to the different way in which it is understood, on the one
hand, by common sense and, on the other, by the disciplines that deal with it, which have always understood it
according to the conception. It is also embraced by the European Landscape Convention (CEP, 2000), for which
it is the tangible expression of the interactions between the population and its environment, the result of precise
territorial evolutionary dynamics, locally endowed with cultural depth. In the CEP it is defined as ”a certain part of
the territory, as it is perceived by the populations, whose character derives from the action of natural and/or human
factors and their interrelations”; in this way, the landscape is distinguished from other geographical concepts, first
of all, that of the territory, precisely highlighting the nature of ”perceived object”. If the territory is, in fact, the
”space organized by man”, the landscape is the ”subjective projection of the territory or the corresponding mental
and sentimental projection of the territory acted [...]” (Turri, 2003).

Alternatively, according to common sense, the landscape is far from assuming this connotation of ”empirical
manifestation of territoriality” (Turco, 2002), it is rather associated with the panorama, or with something worth
stopping to watch for the beauty or for the natural or cultural value that is for the relative characters of exception-
ality.

In this context, it is interesting to underline how the population-landscape relationship can be observed according
to two different perspectives: The former focuses on individual perceptions and focuses its attention on the pref-
erences accorded by individuals to certain types or to certain landscape transformations. The latter investigates
the social representations understood as collective constructions whose value (cultural and symbolic) is shared as
a whole, thus strongly contributing to the strengthening of the identity ties between individuals and their territory
(Dematteis & Ferlaino, 2003; Dematteis & Governa, 2005; Dematteis, 1985, 1989, 1995; Castiglioni & De Marchi,
2009).

Particularly, these links originate from a dialectical process of continuous negotiation built on otherness, which
makes identity itself a mutable and evolutionary construct which, by its social nature, causes it to be decomposed
into many different facets, as is the subject, configuring it as an entity that is anything but monolithic. Through
the same, the individual tries to give coherence and continuity to his own existence, finding and reconstructing his
own equilibrium over time and through the changes he is called to face. In this sense, personal identity acquires,
on the one hand, the locative function - which places the subject in a system of relationships by tracing boundaries

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- and, on the other, the integrative function, which allows not only a discontinuity with other individuals, but also
a continuity with oneself, thus giving coherence to one’s existential path (Sciolla, 2002). These functions are valid
not only for individual identity but also for that of social groups that give their own collective identity. In this case,
the locative function is given by territorial or symbolic boundaries (Magnaghi, 2003).

Alternatively, identity refers to a process that is, in part, consciousness of self-recognition through which the
individual or the community, in general, take possession of elements of a given culture, sometimes modifying and
re-elaborating them consistently (La Cecla, 1998, 2004; Strauss, 1986). On the other hand, cultural identity refers
to processes that are often unconscious and linked to the set of activities, habits, customs, ways of life and values
that a certain human group - characterized by strong social relations within it and established in a territory for
which it has a strong sense of rooting - uses as a key to understanding reality, passing it down from generation to
generation (Vallega, 2003, 2008; Turco, 2002, 2003; Turri, 1974, 1990, 1998, 2000, 2003).

1.3. Maredolce: A Case Study of Urban-Rural Landscape Regeneration

The landscape of the old Conca d’Oro (Mandalà, 2017; Barbera, 2012), wherein Palermo is enclosed, evolved
throughout the centuries from a swampy ensemble where dwarf elephants and, perhaps, humans lived to the mod-
ern, tragic cementation which still takes place today at a sustained pace.

Periodically, the design of the landscape underwent changes that resulted in the apotheosis of the citrus-fruit
gardens and the fragrance of their flowers. This phase marked a time of great wealth for the city, or rather for its
ruling class in a context of international trade development.

In truth, the Palermo of “lemons and mandarins” was a rather brief period in the history of the land. However,
due to human “short memory,” the ancient ‘Conca d’Oro’ ended up characterizing the city and its inhabitants.
Nevertheless, it’s still possible to learn of one’s past if one wishes to do so. As it’s known, there are a few
fundamental elements that make up a landscape: its orography and geology, the climate and human intervention.

2. Maredolce and the City of Palermo

2.1. The Urban-rural Landscape Context of the Ancient Garden of Maredolce

Palermo is defined by a ring of mountains (dolomite limestones), over 1,000 meters tall, and by a corrugated plain
that extends towards the sea. The ladder is engraved by various waterways that have heavily marked the landscape,
such as the Oreto or Abbas rivers, as well as the two rivulets of the old town: Papireto and Cannizzaro (Scinà,
1818; Todaro, 2014).

The plain presents a fertile mantle, usually a thin one, underneath which calcarenite benches of varying degrees
of power can be found. Within these benches are innumerous sources and streams of water. There are also
underground basins that are more or less extensive (Fabiani, 1931; Floridia, 1951), where the population has
always drawn water from - as demonstrated by both archeological excavations and literary documents. It’s a fact
that the city has always been rich in water, which was carried all the way to the residencies of the wealthy using
forced conduits. Scholars have alwaThe themes pertaining to the landscape-environmental sphere must be faced
in a multidisciplinary manner, being endowed with such complexity that the approaches that concern them often
diverge so much that they have very little in common.

If a bias towards considering natural landscapes as worthy of protection is evident in historical, cultural, and
judicial literature, that is because of certain cultural reason. In that regard, we can refer to the material dimension
(objective) formed by the set of material elements that make up both the intangible dimension (subjective) as an
intangible image that is a result of the encounter between those elements themselves and the subject that perceives
and interprets them according to their own cognitive and emotional patterns. It is a point of view according to
which the set of elements that generate a landscape become an object of interest not because they refer to natural

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and anthropic processes whose operating rules are to be explained, but as a tangible representation of the universe
of symbolic values and cultural activities that animate the actions of society.

The polysemy of the landscape (Socco, 2000) also refers to the different way in which it is understood, on the one
hand, by common sense and, on the other, by the disciplines that deal with it, which have always understood it
according to the conception. It is also embraced by the European Landscape Convention (CEP, 2000), for which
it is the tangible expression of the interactions between the population and its environment, the result of precise
territorial evolutionary dynamics, locally endowed with cultural depth. In the CEP it is defined as ”a certain part of
the territory, as it is perceived by the populations, whose character derives from the action of natural and/or human
factors and their interrelations”; in this way, the landscape is distinguished from other geographical concepts, first
of all, that of the territory, precisely highlighting the nature of ”perceived object”. If the territory is, in fact, the
”space organized by man”, the landscape is the ”subjective projection of the territory or the corresponding mental
and sentimental projection of the territory acted (...)” (Turri, 2003: 23).

Alternatively, according to common sense, the landscape is far from assuming this connotation of ”empirical
manifestation of territoriality” (Turco, 2002: 39), it is rather associated with the panorama, or with something
worth stopping to watch for the beauty or for the natural or cultural value that is for the relative characters of
exceptionality.

In this context, it is interesting to underline how the population-landscape relationship can be observed according
to two different perspectives: The former focuses on individual perceptions and focuses its attention on the pref-
erences accorded by individuals to certain types or to certain landscape transformations. The latter investigates
the social representations understood as collective constructions whose value (cultural and symbolic) is shared as
a whole, thus strongly contributing to the strengthening of the identity ties between individuals and their territory
(Dematteis& Ferlaino, 2003; Dematteis & Governa, 2005; Dematteis, 1985, 1989a, 1989b, 1995; Castiglioni &
De Marchi, 2009).

Particularly, these links originate from a dialectical process of continuous negotiation built on otherness, which
makes identity itself a mutable and evolutionary construct which, by its social nature, causes it to be decomposed
into many different facets, as is the subject, configuring it as an entity that is anything but monolithic. Through
the same, the individual tries to give coherence and continuity to his own existence, finding and reconstructing his
own equilibrium over time and through the changes he is called to face. In this sense, personal identity acquires,
on the one hand, the locative function - which places the subject in a system of relationships by tracing boundaries
- and, on the other, the integrative function, which allows not only a discontinuity with other individuals, but also a
continuity with oneself, thus giving coherence to one’s existential path (Sciolla, 2002: 144-145). These functions
are valid not only for individual identity but also for that of social groups that give their own collective identity. In
this case, the locative function is given by territorial or symbolic boundaries (Magnaghi, 2003).

Alternatively, identity refers to a process that is, in part, consciousness of self-recognition through which the
individual or the community, in general, take possession of elements of a given culture, sometimes modifying and
re-elaborating them consistently (La Cecla, 1998, 2004; Levi Strauss, 1986). On the other hand, cultural identity
refers to processes that are often unconscious and linked to the set of activities, habits, customs, ways of life and
values that a certain human group - characterized by strong social relations within it and established in a territory
for which it has a strong sense of rooting - uses as a key to understanding reality, passing it down from generation
to generation (Vallega, 2003, 2008; Turco, 2002, 2003; Turri, 1974, 1990, 1998, 2000, 2003).

ys been captivated by the image that we get from the cartographers of the 1500s of the plain being largely, but not
completely, cultivated and surrounded by bare mountains (fig.1 & fig.3). The countryside, on the other hand, given
its many houses and huts, seemed considerably anthropized.

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Figure 1. Map of Palermo and of Conca D’Oro by M.F. Cartari – Rome 1581. Right: the Maredolce’s site, thebridge ‘of the
Admiral’ (ponte dell’Ammiraglio) and ‘Conca D’Oro’ limits.

This image coincides, if only in part, with the descriptions given by Arab and medieval geographers. It also co-
incides with the activity of Norman, Suebi and Aragon kings who paid great attention to the use and maintenance
of woods and forests. Even in the first cartographic representation (Pietro da Eboli, n.d., rep. 1994) the royal gar-
dens — iconographically represented in a single quadrant — are illustrated with flowers, rare plants and predatory
animals (lynx).

Figure 2. Funerals of William II. Neighborhoods of the ancient Palermo during Normans. Liberad Honorem Augusti di Pietro
da Eboli, Berna Biblioteca Civica.

At this time, our main interest is the territory known as Maredolce, meaning the territory of the ancient royal
palace of the Fawarah. Today, it’s reduced merely to the basin of an artificial lake with oriental and meridional
banks given to Monte Grifone and the last remains of citrus-fruit plantation-fruit gardens belonging to Count
Federico and Count Ciaculli. Monte Grifone itself, with its “nose”, Pizzo Sferrovecchio, has protruding marks
that highlight the first identification of the Conca d’Oro and is the fundamental element of the context, “the nose
of the great mountain” from which, “desert wind blows”. The nose itself is characterized by a system of caves,
(named in Italian as “ingrottati”), that will be named ‘Grotta dei Giganti’ (lit. Giants’ Cave), and it is from the
nose that the springs of the Grande Fawarah come out, “di li pirtusi.” The Normans supposedly used those springs
to create the lake and, probably, to provide water to the hospital of San Giovanni de’ Leprosi. At that time, the

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woods, forests and the Macchia (Mediterranean shrubland) probably occupied most of the territory. In fact, it’s
important to specify that we don’t know the exact borders of the “old park” even though we do know that beyond
the Eleuterio river laid the Rebuttone feud. More to the west, on the Moarda coast, was the palace of Altofonte. It
had two streams, which still exist today, and was surrounded by forests and/or shrublands that reached all the way
to, and comprised, the territory adjacent to Partinico. It is now necessary to establish a point of reference to deepen
our excursion and this could be represented by the map drawn by Orazio Maiocco of which we know the edition
published by Marco Duchetto in 1580/1602 (fig.3).

Figure 3. The Arcs of Saint Ciro.

The authors refer to the date printed in the map and mention that the most known among the geographers, Mario
Cartari (fig.1), was the testamentary curator of Duchetto’s company and that Duchetto’s uncle, Lafrery, came
to Sicily a few years before its termination in the late 1570s. This suffices to assume that the planimetry by
Maiocco was made before 1580 and that Cartari somehow came in possession of the copper. This is basically
the only map with the geographic and topographic identification of Maredolce (beyond Cartari) because later,
cartographers identified the Oreto river as the territorial limit of Palermo. Instead, they expanded northward where
the aristocrats and great bureaucrats built their country houses, predominantly (Barbera-Azzarello, 2008). The
map (flight of prospective bird) drawn by Maiocco shows down to the left the start of the territory of Maredolce
with Sferrovecchio (today Borgo Paradiso) or the “mountain’s nose” which detaches from Monte Grifone and the
following mountain chain west that includes the “park”: that is Altofonte.

We can now form a first image of the landscape in our minds with the peaks and the sides of the mountains (Grifone,
Sferrovecchio, etc.) with shades typical of the dolostones that were immortalized years later by Francesco Lojacono
and by German, French and English landscape painters from a few years earlier and later (Barbera-Azzarello,
2008). The biggest difference can be found on the mountain slopes where citrus-fruit plantation are not yet present
but which are instead still domain of the “ddisa” (ampelodesmos vitis), of the “piraini” (pyrus pyraster), of selvatic
olive trees and, probably, remains of ‘lecci’ (quercus ilex) from the ancient shrubland or woods. This means that
shades of yellow are prevalent only in the late summer (given the exposure to the northern wind), and the greens,
more or less vivid, are prevalent only in winter and spring. Dominants are the grey and pink shades of the mountain
crests and sides. The only exception are the occasional patches of ‘lecci’ which are evergreen.

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Figure 4. Reconstruction of the monumental system underGrifone mountain: the church of Saint Ciro, the Arcs and the
caverns with restsfrom Neolithic era (Turnbull, 1831)

The road that crossed the original riverbed of the Oreto river on the Ponte dell’Ammiraglio (lit. Admiral’s Bridge),
is evidently restricted along its oriental perimeter by the territories of San Giovanni dei Lebbrosi of which one can
still see the portico from the 1400s. The bridge is strong evidence of a landscape design which suggests a need to
manage power rather than make an economical use of the country. Maredolce (Fawarah) was in fact the winter and
spring residency of the royal family. The summer residence was in Altofonte instead (De Simone, 2014). Even
in the context of the geographical schematizations of the map, it is possible to sense the presence of crops and
uncultivated areas that correspond to the alluvial areas and the Oreto river’s mouth of which the different branches
and crossings were marked. There we find the Ponte dell’Ammiraglio, “lo ponti del Miraglia”, along with a small
nameless bridge on the second river branch caused by inundations. These inundations will characterize the city in
many ways from the second half of the 1500s to today.

It wasn’t possible to cross the river by the seashore. It would only be possible after the construction of Ponte di
Mare (XVIII century) that will change the transportation system both from and to the city and will also change the
perception of the landscape (Ajmard, 1993). Another important element that marked the difference between the
medieval landscape and that of the 1500s, was described by Marina Scarlata (1988: 28) as follows:

“The countryside, especially its crops and trading spots, are safe from the unknown thanks the system of watch-
towers, which purpose is to watch out for the enemy and to transmit help requests [. . . ] Ruins, new edifications and
fortified cities; the coast is as far as ever from its sea due to this defensive line that reminds the urban city walls”.

This picture, between the medieval Palermo and the early 1500s one allows us to ask ourselves what the landscape
and environment were like in previous years.

2.2. Maredolce in the Prehistory

Way before the Romans, in prehistory, the landscape was strongly defined by a series of peninsulas and headlands
constituted by the crests of the current mountains: Monte Grifone and the other mountains of the Conca d’Oro.
With regards to Monte Grifone, the level of the water can be estimated not only through the different lines on the
side where waves crashed, but also in the perforations of the lithodomes that can be recognized also in the ‘Grotta
dei Giganti’ (Burgio et al., 2002; Turnbull, 1831), thus indicating that they were only partially filled with water.

Thus, the best hypothesis to explain the piling of bones was the movement of the backwash. However, Nino
Mannino found some incisions at the entrance of one of the smaller caves on the northern mountain side of Pizzo
Sferrovecchio, which can be dated to the neolithic. Mannino complains about the destruction of some incisions on
the southern side of the mountain due to some impending quarry, luckily closed today.

The smaller caves are at a higher altitude than the Grotta dei Giganti, but almost at the same altitude as the site
where waves crash into the mountain (fig.4).

To us, today, the extraordinary impact of these caves and mountains on the landscape is fundamental to the

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aqueduct of Scillato, which façade was carved in the mountainside since the 1800’s. Below, there’s the interception
system and the church of San Ciro which elevates alongside the highway which today links together the mountain
and the lake.

It’s a send back to the observations and drawings by: Scinà (1831) and by Turnbull (1831). Studies of today:
Burgio et al. (2002); Mannino (1964, 2008), Tusa (2002), Vassallo (2012, 2015), Canzoneri & Vassallo (2014) and
Battaglia (2014).

2.3. Maredolce During Normans

Hunting was an “aristocratic” activity because it requires being able to ride on a horse and required the courage
and skill to kill. One didn’t hunt the calm and quiet rabbit. The pray had to be bigger, more suited to wildlife,
capable of attacking and defending itself. So, animals like deer, bucks, boars and some predators such as wolves,
lynxes, wild cats and foxes were employed. The first ones need woods other than forests. The second ones look
for ravines to rest and for peaks to scan the landscape. We can hypothesize an extension till Bagheria since the
barony of Solanto sprouted like a mushroom from the legal and territorial void in the 14th century firstly with the
grant of the Tonnara (Silvestri, 1985) and to Manfredi ‘la sciabica’ in the 1365 and afterwards with the progressive
occupancy of the feud in the 1392 (Barberi, 1888). It’s a fact that Bagheria had a huge royal forest (Falkenhausen,
1980) with security guards. The forest is now lost due to turmoil in the 1300s. It’s plausible that its eastern limit
was the actual ‘Corso dei Mille’ and that San Giovanni, along with the neighboring feuds (Scillata, Allegranza,
etc.) was already independent as a religious establishment (Lo Piccolo, 1995).

2.4. The Rural Transformation

We now move on from the Normans’ hunting grounds to the agricultural landscape, which was originally designed
for zoo technical activities - mainly focused on pigs (notary’s document dark side) which fattening process is
helped by eating the brushwood and acorns.

The woods’ progressive thinning will lead firstly to the abandonment of these pig farms and the subsequent growth
of bovines farming; and then, bovines’ farming will decline to the level of growth of ovine farming. These are
phenomena that we can see both in the change of income and on the export balance.

As an intermediate stage, we can think of the scrubland (as a visual reference) that exists above Cinisi, as a spotted
landscape in which little cultivated properties started to arise. From Emperor Federico’s epistolary (Frederick II of
Hohenstaufen, s. d.) we can pull data regarding some jobs done in the Norman Park, like the installment of dates
plantations (Phoenix Dactylifera) and the re-initialization of the sugar cane.

However, the tipping point was represented by both the Angioino-Aragonese wars (which destroyed the dates
plantation) and that led to the destruction of Palermo’s landscape. It was also represented by “l’avventura dello
zucchero” (Trasselli, 1982) that lasted until the 1600s in Palermo and until the 1700s in the rest of Sicily.

A midterm stage exists then (XIV cen.) in which the landscape is characterized by the effects of wildfires and the
cropping of the vineyards. A fine example of that is Maredolce, although we must remember that its cultivation, as
it’s described in the archival documents, were mainly focused in the northern area towards the Oreto where once
we could find the dates plantations that were cut down and given to the Chiaramonte family who will build upon it
“Torre dei diavoli”.

Due to its easy irrigation, Falso Miele’s plain saw great opportunity in the cultivation of sugarcane (Trasselli, 1967,
1982). The sugarcane, which lifespan is at least two years, covers almost every unused plain and irrigable spot and
it must be preserved with fences (drywalls). Consequently, few changes took place to coercively install irrigation
channels as in ordinance of 14, july 1418, that will last till the cementation of the Conca d’Oro.

The biggest issue is derived from the vineyards’ existence because the channels had to be built along the perimeter.
The landscape drastically changed after the experience of urban gardens (Bresc, 1972) with properties that can be

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recognized through their walls and sugarcane will now cover its field for at least 2-3 years and flatter its asperity.

Where the terrain is no longer irrigable, cereals and vineyards will show up in place of the scrubland (Fazello,
1573). It’s noteworthy that wine’s consumption was a sanitary necessity due to the easily polluted drinking water
in the urban area. Thus, the vineyards were highly developed and found a suitable and specialized environment in
the countryside of Bagheria. This is the time when Fawarah changed its name to Maredolce (Auria, 1625).

Due to lack of royal control, people started to enter the park and discovered its lake and “the giants”. The conces-
sion of the royal complex to the Magione will lead to its private exploitation.

Maybe it’s not a coincidence that a few years after the concession of the Norman park, Chiaramonte, who had
ordered the concession of the royal complex to the Magione in the name of the King, obtained the big olive-tree
plantation and the Guadagna. False truths of history: It’s told that the concession to Magione took place due to the
damages done to a garden found in Palermo, while it’s correct to say that it was found in Messina. The concession
of the Fawarah will lead to the full-time sale of water, while the building complex will be changed into a “hospital”
that placed a heavy focus on thermal baths. Water sales led to the irrigation of feuds both under the current Via
Conte Federico and the original hospital properties of San Giovanni and to the distribution for mills (Pergole) and
“trappeti”. The only remains found are those of Pollastra on the way to Brancaccio. So, the wide landscape that
can be found North-west of the “strada del buon riposo” (the good rest road) is now irrigated. In the mid-1500s
(Fazello, 1573) the basin is basically split into two parts of which one will remain swampy until the 1700s and the
other is constricted in the area in front of the dam as tell us Fazello (Mortillaro, 1858):

“Further ahead, about a mile from here, we can find an abundant spring known as «Favara di San Filippo», where
King Ruggero built a palace that will be an amusing place for the king and it will take the spring’s name as we
are told by a privilege King Federico II gave to Messino in 28 june 1307. Less than 400 footsteps from stratum of
another mountain there’s another spring called Maredolce where we can see the remains of a royal pool. Above
this spring there’s a grotto where it was found a very tall corpse”.

We know that Favara is now used to name the second spring that can be found in Villabate. Also, we know that in
an uncertain period we could find another spring in the north-western side of the island. At last we know that on
Sferrovecchio’s edges it exists a fortification of which could see the tower along the 1600s. We also know that the
fences within the second Favara was characterized by iron doors that named the area and left base to gain a title of
nobility. The matches between San Domenico’s picture in the Archive of State in Palermo (ASP) and the drawings
made by Auria (1625) give us some ideas of that landscape, if not some certainties. We must make clarify that the
authors’ cognition of space and viability which is far different from ours.

The great works of collection that can be seen in arches of San Ciro are described by Maja (1680) and sketched
by Auria. It was also illustrated in a later work found in the convent of San Domenico, who took possession of
the southern side of the lake almost until Ciaculli. On the north-western side of the mountain we can see some
fortifications that were probably dismissed later to build the church, which will be incorporated in the modern San
Ciro. Other jobs of water containment can be found in the valley.

2.5. The Comeback of Agriculture in the 1700s

The evolution of the marketplace, where an internal factor exists in the increase of the population, another one is the
progressive debt of the aristocrats who will be substituted by another emerging class, bourgeois and bureaucrats,
will lead to a new urbanization of the countryside which leads to a renewed interest in its fields and its exploitation.

At the international level there may be a greater interest in the trade of gains due to an increase in the population.
Culturally, there’s an increased interest for agricultural experimentation and for a rational agriculture (Nicosia,
1735). However, the evolutionary processes of Maredolce are slow due to both the raging malaria and the economic
interests that are born during the abandonment period. During the final quarter of the century the economic formula
introduced by Agraz and Pastore contemplates the complete exploitation of the fund, including the renovation of
the palace.

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The renovation of the royal palace, intended to use the land for agricultural purposes, foresees the enlargement
of the main gate and the toughening of anything that hadn’t collapsed. The pre-renovation status of the palace is
illustrated in the maps by the royal architect Chenchi (Barbera, Boschiero, Latini, & Ricerche, 2015), which can be
confronted with the map done a few years before by Pigonati (1767, see Barbera et al. 2015: 78, fig.11). Next to
Maredolce’s basin there’s an agricultural complex. Once property of San Domenico, the complex was taken over
by Federico earls who expanded it and turned it into a country residence. Today, the complex is divided up among
countless owners and the expansion of the church has caused grave damages to the beam where, originally, the key
element was a tower. Formerly, the fund, property of the Magione, was registered to the convent of San Domenico
and later to the Counts of San Giorgio (Federico) who had also obtained the exploitation of the waterways of
Maredolce or the “scomunica”.

From the study of archival data, we can observe the presence of many agricultural entrepreneurs who focused
solely on those crops that brought water from Count Federico. In a map which was once available, now stolen, one
can notice mulberries on the northern side of the plain. This suggests that silk was being produced. Farming and
productions should have had a certain impact even on Palermo’s economy, even if as niche market for the economy
in the ancient Sicily. Mulberries surrounded the vineyards. However, vineyards are usually mixed with olive-tree
plantations. From the boards attached by Lo Piccolo (1995), starting from Oreto river till Gibilrossa, we can find
almost 50 churches and chapels. From this fact we can hypothesize not only the urbanization of the land, but also
its peopling.

It’s a new sensibility of the space that coexist with the old culture of which can be an example ‘Baglio’ Counts
Federico, that never became a villa. The making of villas and houses revolves around genteel architectures, more
or less large areas repurposed into vegetable gardens and fruit orchards of family dimension. Properties that are
strictly irrigable are so compatible with the lands of Ciaciulli, Maredolce, Santa Maria di Gesù, Falsomiele while
horticultural plantations increase in lands under Maredolce - Conte Federico (plantations of beans and legumes).
Obviously, vineyards increase as well. Mainly in the northern lands of the city (generally not easy to irrigate) pri-
vate hunting properties become popular (Malaspina, Resuttano, etc.), generally acknowledged as ‘Conigliere’. At
the end of the century the one belonging to Malaspina, the richest prince of Palagonia, will have a buck population
as it’s recorded in the hunting reports of the borbonic king (De Simone, 1968, 1974).

2.6. Crops and the Changing Landscape

The ancient landscape characterized by centuries old olive trees at the borders of the estates and vineyards that
are more or less developed changed all of a sudden. This was due firstly to the introduction of the ‘bindoli’
or norie alla Gateau (Belidor, 1835; Alfonso-Spagna, 1875), which allowed each owner or leaser of a fund
to change it from a managed fund to an irrigated one. Secondly, the change that took place since the trade of
lemons and other citrus-fruit plantations, even on an international level, was first aided and then surpassed by the
industrial use of citrus-fruit plantation for the extraction of citric acid. Wherever possible, progressively, citrus-
fruit plantations were grown with a predominance of lemons and mandarins (Barbera, 2012). All of Palermo’s
countryside - except for the urban orchards, which had economic viability with a stock of three crops as Scillata or
Allegranzia (Villabianca, 1777-1789; Cancila, 1984) - was shaping, fighting over every square decimeter of land
for other usage (Villa Campofiorito, Castelnuovo Institute). There are some historic photos (Morello, 1999) shows
the countryside crawling with mandarins. We can also see the orchards mainly located on the sea facade. Here,
another feature of the making of the landscape is highlighted: the barriers of ‘canne vive’ (reeds) (Alfonso-Spagna,
1875). These barriers used to protect the gardens from the sea winds. The old street ‘Via Messina’, through the
Marine from Torre dei Corsari, in Palermo, was one long line of reeds interrupted only by the villages.

Citrus-fruit plantations, instead, especially in the Piana dei Colli, are progressively shielded by rows of cypresses
which delimited the fields, helped by some walls. The “Firriati” became unbeatable barriers reaching and sur-
passing two meters in height. Ultimately, by natural means (cypresses and reeds) or artificial means (firriati) the
landscape became more and more defined by a grid of fields. The grid was included in that of rural, neighboring

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and municipal roads. The first victims of this new development will be, obviously, “wild trees”, since the ‘noria
alla Gateau’ (Belidor, 1835; Alfonso-Spagna, 1875) will be put in place mainly with steam engines powered by
wood. Even when a new way will be found, the community will proceed to eliminate the remaining forests that
the aristocrats privatized, taking it away from the local farmers (Giuffrida et al., 1996).

In Maredolce, the very tall chimneys that characterize Bagheria’s, Carini’s and dei Colli’s countryside were only a
small number due to the great presence of springs (De Simone, 1974). What changes is the perception: the man
is now smaller and is dominated by “firriati” that closes the panorama. Only by going up the foothills can you
dominate the landscape (Grifone, Santa Maria di Gesù, Monte Pellegrino, Caputo, ecc.).

The fence wall now blocks every sight (extreme defense of private property) and it preludes, or foretells, the period
of great death in which people are killed with the “lupara”. Before changing this subject, it’s worth to remember a
fact that has always intrigued historians from the Garibaldin’s epopee. The question is: Why did Garibaldi change
route instead of going down Gibilrossa through Maredolce, take a terrible road and proceed through Corso Dei
Mille before reaching Maredolce? The reason is simple. San Ciro’s church, with Monte Grifone provides an
unattainable limit on the western side; water receptacles (swamp and anchovies farming) provide an unattainable
limit on the eastern side. Therefore, a little detachment of soldiers could have blocked anybody in a tremendous
massacre. This gives us a new element to evaluate this area. Many painters have abundantly drawn these elements.

Only one thing is left to mention. The citrus-fruit plantation swarm into every field except orchards and olive-tree
plantations which are maintained by the intercropping. It will last about 50 years and it will end with the loss of
the intercultural olive tree because local olive trees cannot stand irrigation. Citrus-fruit plantations will never be
taller than 2.5 meters height.

2.7. The Making of the Landscape

A law of 1939 prepared at the end of the fascist regime and declared obsolete establishes some rules to protect the
landscape:

1. the landscape that one can enjoy from the monument,

2. the landscape that one can enjoy looking at the monument,

Figure 5. Francesco Lojacono (Palermo, 16 maggio 1838 –Palermo, 28 febbraio 1915), Ph.: Muesse - Galleria d’Arte
Moderna(Palermo-Italy). Youcan see the centenarian olive tree on the right. The poplars on the left. Inthe background the dark

green of the first citrus groves.

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3. the landscape as an element that one can enjoy through time and space.

These are the fundamental, 100 percent modern needs we would say even contemporary, even if by now they are
brutalized and reduced to a mediatic virtualism from the cultural changes of our society.

Here we must underline the importance of the Norman interventions. The making of the lake, through the con-
struction of the dam and the cut of the great southern channel with the water-collection system, is a key element
implemented by the Normans, or the previous Muslim regime, under the “nose of the mountain”. We can get a
pretty good picture from Auria’s sketch (1625), today damaged and almost illegible due to the renovation.

Another element that can’t be ignored is the finish of the royal palace: white stucco. This is certain because until
the progressive renovation of the palace won’t scrape away the last layer of plaster, it’ll be possible to imagine the
external appearance of the building. It’s therefore possible to observe that Maredolce was also covered in white
stucco, as was Altofonte. The city still has a wall today that, until a few years ago, shined because of the bright
white finely decorated with ‘conci’ (Meli, 1990). The big building complex, being the king’s private property, was
not open to the public.

Figure 6. Drawn by Dufourny from original by RaffaelloAjola Castello Saraceno di Maredolce in Palermo. Gabinetto Disegni
e Stampe,Palazzo Abatellis Regional Gallery, Palermo, n. D313.@

Therefore, the palace is a strong element of the landscape which stands out in front of the lake and in relations to
the woods. It is, however, less visible from the outside both because of the fences and for the system of internal
courtyards. Today, we have mere traces of the ladder in Piazza Giafar and in a drawing by Leon Dufourn made in
Naples by Raffaele Aloja (fig.6). In this drawing one can see the remains of a fence and of the vaulted roofs.

2.8. The Period of Sugar

With the acquisition by the Magione of the good, at the beginning of the Aragonese period, the possibility of
exploitation of the fund was discovered. Consequently, pressures to foster alienation began. Chiaramonte and the
emerging bourgeoisie of Palermo participated, led by the Bologna which obtained rights to the management of the
palace and the goods that surrounded it.

Since water become a huge source of income, it’s possible that the first projects downriver were done in that period
and their successive abandonment will be the cause of the waterlogging with the following works taking place at
the end of 1700s. Both in Auria’s picture as well as in the later one of San Domenico we find some elements which
are worth analyzing although they are posterior to the period concerned.

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3. Maredolce TODAY. Resources and other Urban Problems

3.1. The Actual Components of the Landscape

We can define it as a triangle with San Ciro as its summit and Gibilrossa and Maria di Gesù as its extremities. The
fundamental elements of the landscape will be Pizzo Sferrovecchio with caves and springs and the peak of Monte
Grifone (Maja, 1680). Conventionally, we can say that the fundamental element that makes up the landscape is the
interaction between the lake and the mountain. In fact, the mountain is the source of all the waterways and their
extraordinary range (Villabianca, 1777-1789). Their vastness, their existence in orthogonal planes, their colors and
their seasonal change are elements that alone characterized the landscape and that can’t be ignored. and their river
basin is autonomous against the rivers Oreto and Eleuterio.

The emotions that these elements provide and that allow us to abstract ourselves from the tragic and impending
city, entering a fantastic dream in which can live with fantasy and history for thousands of years cannot be ignored.
This includes the collections of the university Museum “Gemmellaro” and remembering that San Ciro’s church in
the fossils bank of the Quaternario (Mannino, 1964).

From the water tower made by the “Gebbia”, which was built on the western side of the island, we can easily com-
prehend the aforementioned fact. From this side, we can observe the mountain in all its power marked downward
by San Ciro’s church and by the thin line of the highway. To the right, we can see the arches and the remains of
the water-collection system. We can only imagine the sparkling of the lake underneath, which waters crush on the
western seashore.

On the opposite side, over the citrus-fruit plantations, we can see the more or less abusive buildings standing up
with violence and desperation on the edge of Via Conte Federico, an old rural lade which today is an urban street.
It’s not too hard to hide those urban disasters using rapidly grown plants and trees with a slower growth rate.

The urban side (Piazza Giafar) of the complex presents similar if not more difficult problems, both for the existing
buildings and because some of the areas of relevance became roads etc. It would be useful to approximately
identify the areas of relevance to the palace, the hot springs can be used because the space in front of the palace
can be salvaged and a photographic memory of the early 1900’s can be recalled. However, a citrus-fruit plantation
has no impact on the monumental context.

It’s not fundamental that the front be immediately visible. However, it’s preferable that the vegetation screen
mediate the impact of the city, providing a surprise effect that was surely more in tune with what the old building
felt like.

The main opening of the complex is towards the mountain side, which is the original opening of the complex and
it portrays the environment, which is fundamental in protecting the historical complex of Maredolce.

In its current conformation, the highway becomes an element that allows to experience the park in an internal
dimension of movement, as it ties together the mountain side on one end and the beginning of the lake with the sea
at the background on the other.

It’s necessary to take advantage of the fact that the highway is built on pillars (already known hideout place for
mafia’s weapons). In other words, it’s possible to rebuild on the sediment the viable vessel between the environ-
mental parts. While on a visual level, we must think beyond the highway we, about the ‘Grotta dei Giganti’ (Giants
Cavern) and the “archi” (arcs).

The landscape towards Gibilrossa -to the west of the city center- consists of residual citrus-fruit plantation of Croce
Verde and the following ones of Ciaculli. Moving away from the unattainable desire of a wider environmental
preservation (Rebuttone), we can take as a reference point the garibaldian obelisk made by Giovanbattista Basile
(opening on April 4th, 1882).

Towards the sea we can see Villa Baglio Federico, Regia Corte, Vignivalles, Sant’Anna, Saverio Cavallari’s School,
Villa Palme Koenig. Close by, the bathroom of Queen Constance, a tasteful pastiche of the 1800s realized by
changing around a “Camera dello Scirocco”.

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Heading North, we can note the two hamlets of Brancaccio (Torre Pollastra) and Torrelunga, with Orfeo’s music.
Below that there’s the mill ‘Mulino delle Pergole’, the church of San Giovanni dei Lebbrosi, the three bridges:
Ponte dell’Ammiraglio, Ponte delle Teste (Fatta, 2015), Ponte di Mare.

Finally, we can note the landscape barriers: the highway band (see above), the railroad, the double line and the
railway stations.

3.2. The Most Important Phases of Actual Transformations From the Country to Rural-Urban Areas

The first (fundamental) scientific contribution to the knowledge of the castle/palace Maredolce was made by
Goldsmitd (Goldsmidt, 1895; Di Stefano, 1955; Prescia, 2012). The Maredolce area was influenced by a long
and slow process of abandoning the peripheral areas located on the eastern side of the city. While the countries
of Ciaculli and Croceverde Giardini will maintain until now the agricultural productive activities based on the
cultivation of the citrus fruit, the actions of expansion and urban qualification anticipated from the plan of post
war reconstruction and after from the masterplan of 1959-1962, will never be realized. This masterplan is known
as the Mafia’s plan (Cannarozzo, 2011) because its effects to the city were mainly related to the buildings growth
without limits, apparently. But new studies demonstrate that authors of the original Masterplan of Palermo, see in
particular the role and the cultural effort of Edoardo Caracciolo, had good targets and visions (Cannarozzo, 2016)
but their approach was totally ignored and mystified by local leaders of the municipality governments after the
planning presentations and approvals. The consequence of these lack of Masterplan previsions is that the whole of
this area on the east side of Palermo has been left to socially and economically degrade and become marginalized.
From the end of the second war until now all the municipality governments of Palermo tried to realize the planning
previsions and the economic initiatives to supply the agricultural activities of the east part of the ‘Conca d’Oro’.
The Palermo’s first Masterplan (1959) was elaborated together a metropolitan plan oriented to the industrial devel-
opment with the empowerment of the infrastructure of urban & regional transit. The first Masterplan changed the
first perspectives of sophisticated urban futures with new productive zones and important social services. The most
important urban transformations of the ‘future’ Palermo are planned for the east side zone including a new football
stadium with new sports zones, a new railway station and logistic gateway, a new coastal touristic waterfront (etc.),
and, above all, the planned destination for the new park of Oreto River with the exception of the river inlet area
(Gulı̀, 1980).

Unfortunately, all these initiatives were not successful. One reason for these failures was probably some planning
errors in implementing the public destinations, services and infrastructures. But another cause, starting at the end
of 60’s until 90’s, was the strong presence of the organized criminality well known as ‘Mafia’ that here have the
power control of all legal work activities and of criminal drug markets at the maximum level (Deliziosi, 2013; Lupo,
1993; Renda, 1997; Marino, 1998). The development of the tied up criminal activities to the social and economic
activities related to the drug processing has determined particularly a further accentuation of the phenomena of
economic and the social marginalization of the zones of the Brancaccio and Settecannoli urban neighborhoods.
These two neighborhoods derive from the historical villages of the end of the XIX century and represent today part
of the second town area where over seventy thousand inhabitants live (D’Anneo, 2014).

The urban planning vision of Edoardo Caracciolo was centered on the realization of the high mobility with large
green insertions: Monte Pellegrino and the Park of Favorita, the ‘ring’ starting from the actual prison ‘Ucciardone’
(next museum or another kind of cultural ‘farm’) crossing several historic urban gardens (Giardino Inglese, Gia-
rdino Garibaldi, Villa Trabia, Piazza Lolli, Villa Malfitano e Villino Florio, Piazza Principe di Camporeale, Villa
Gulı̀ alla Noce, Zisa, historic cemetery of ‘Beati Paoli’, the ‘Vignicella’, historic Psychiatric Hospital) and finally
connecting this green system with the Oreto River Park.

But in Italy and, in particular, in Sicily, until the 50’s, the culture of eco-sustainability and, above all, the safeguard
of the historic gardens/landscapes and of their role in forming the urban morphology was only at the beginning.
The specific area of Maredolce landscape in the vision of the first masterplan was safeguarded against concreting

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over only for a single little area (the Castle with a little free space as ‘urban park’) while the rest of the old garden
of Maredolce was separated in destination as touristic (related to the Castle of Maredolce) and another part (near
the Mount Grifone with the Church of Saint Ciro, the Arcs and the caverns of Neolithic era) to the rural destination.
The Masterplan determines the ultimate separation of the Castle and the artificial lake with the central little isle
from the mountain system of historic resources. With the construction of the highway (‘Circumvallation’ or ‘Viale
della Regione Siciliana’) the landscape of Maredolce was corrupt because the separation of the Castle/Palace from
the Mountain and its water sources. The culture of the project in Sicily during the 50’s was strongly limited at
the city growth issues and consequent targets of economic and financial development. There wasn’t a sustainable
approach to the urban & landscape design/planning. That was the problem that is the same until now in terms
of concrete implementation in the programming policies of all the municipal institutions. Then the victim of this
cultural landscape ignorance was not only the city-area but the whole of the ‘Conca d’Oro’ (Barbera, 2012). The
golden basin, or in Italian ‘Conca d’Oro’, is a term that is referred to the most important historic period of Norman
domination when the actual historic center of Palermo was only partially built, and the rest were gardens and/or
natural zones.

The second district is made up of several neighborhoods including ‘Brancaccio’ that is called like so because of the
name of Monreale’s governor: Don Antonio Brancaccio, coming from a family with origins in Naples who wanted
the Church of Saint Anna in the 1747 (now named as Saint Gaetano from Thiene). But nobody knows this history
and very few people know and frequently use the Castle/Palace of Maredolce that is certainly the principal cultural
resource of Brancaccio with the bridge ‘Ponte dell’Ammiraglio’. People in Italy know very well the Brancaccio’s
name as the Mafia’s neighborhood because that’s where the priest ‘Padre Pino Puglisi’ (also called ‘3P’) was killed
in the September the 15th 1993: the day of his 56th birthday (Deliziosi, 2013). Puglisi was beatified by the Roman
Catholic Church in the 2013 and venerated. A new church will be built in a free area very close to the Castle/Palace
of Maredolce and, probably, this new building will change the landscape of this part of the city.

Today, in the second district (that has no name), are living citizens who belong to different social classes and
each ghetto area is different compared to all the other peripheral areas (i.e. ZEN 2, Marinella, Borgo Nuovo,
Bonagia, etc.). Very poor and middle-class people are living together with several problems in terms of social
security but not in the sense of social inclusion (Next, 2008). Social Studies have not been updated after the global
financial crisis of 2008. The economic situation of Brancaccio’s citizens is surely augmented, but we need new
social data and elaborated societal scenarios for a good representation of the social and cultural situation. Now the
landscape of Brancaccio (mainly urban neighborhood) and Ciaculli (mainly rural neighborhood) is characterized by
the completion missed of the freeway overpass (Roccella) and the new realization of the biggest mall in Palermo in
the same area (Forum Center info: http://multi.eu/portfolio/forum-palermo-palermo-italy/ ) occupying 49,000m2,
having six cinema theatre (multisala) and attracting about 8 million of people per year. Many people are aware
of the Forum Center and only a few people know about Maredolce. This poses a problem when it comes to its
restoration and regeneration as the bases of its chances are promoting an equilibrate and harmonious program of
new sustainable/balanced use of a very particular cultural landscape in the Mediterranean basin similar to the WHL
UNESCO context in the world.

3.3. Trip of Social Regeneration

Considering the societal mix of the people living in the second district, it’s not difficult to highlight the sequence
of participating experiences that animated this urban-rural context despite the presence of local criminality and the
low level of urban centrality. The mobilization of citizens started at the beginning of the 70’s in the restoration
of the bridge ‘Ponte dell’Ammiraglio’ when a free association of the Brancaccio neighborhood proposed to the
major and the regional government that they’d like to rebuild the monument. They fought against the indifference
of the decision makers and the same tendencies of the local people to damage the cultural resources that are not
employed to gain social advantages. The same kind of social mobilization was for the restoration (and discovery)
of Maredolce supporting the safeguard activity of the Cultural Heritage Regional Authority (Quartarone, 2016).

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This regional institution was involved in the process of recovery and restoration not only for architectonic resources
(Abbadessa & Piazza, 2015) but also because its institutional competence, especially regarding the expropriation
of the Castle (Savarese, 1984, 2016) and of the original lake’s entire area to the Mount Grifone. From the 80’s to
the 2010, the Regional Authority, with the strong support of some schools (teacher, students and families of the
neighborhood) and several local spontaneous cultural associations, together started the regeneration process for
Maredolce and its image for the (new positive) identity of the neighborhood.

For seven years, the situation was dangerous for the destination of the Castle and the park of Maredolce because
one of the most important criminals, Totuccio Contorno, did choose this monument to be his own house.

The first public intervention to defend the rural landscape that survived cementation was the project “Life” centered
around the opening of a new rural park in the area of Ciaculli Croceverde Giardina to promote the agriculture of a
citrus farm (Life, 1997).

The municipality closed the new masterplan process between 1994-2004. This new masterplan inspired by the
advice of Pierluigi Cervellati was based on the conservative approach and had two main visions: a) Palermo
must be a city of several cities (where Maredolce will be the center of a new district with the same name) and
b) the importance of the water and water sources for the design of the city in the future. With the masterplan of
Cervellati, the entire land of Palermo can be used (not consumed) for the first time by a tool shared like a social
contract oriented to the integral conservation of the environmental and cultural landscape.

The public interest with the social security in Brancaccio pushed the National Government to finance a survey
(Next, 2008) to highlight the nodes to solve the social and economic development dilemma of the neighborhood;
this is the starting point of every kind of cultural heritage policy.

In 2010, the slow and gradual process of partial opening of the palace and park in Maredolce are consolidated
with the manifestation of Italy’s Environment Fund (Fondo Ambiente Italiano) that, in two days of extraordinary
opening to the public, reported more than twenty thousand visitors. Between 2010 and 2012, the University of
Palermo, thanks to a project of the initiative of the European Commission and by establishing an international
partnership led by the Tuscany region, experienced innovative participatory practices using ICT equipment that
involved the whole of the Second Municipal District. The intention of the participants in the project of Community
Initiative Parterre was to start a gradual process of awareness of problems and resources of the district’s territory
to build a shared agenda of practical projects and real actions to implement with the aim to ensure the desirable
future by citizenship.

The Parterre project allowed for the organization of the first town meeting, which was an Electronic Town Meeting
(ETM) that took place in February 2012. It was necessary that the ETM be prepared with traditional methods of
participatory planning (focus groups, neighborhood walks and planning for real) lasted four months. (Marsh et al.,
2013) with the approach of territorial Living Lab (De Bonis & Trapani, 2017).

In 2012, the Municipality of Palermo participated in the ministry’s infrastructure program for urban regeneration
to propone the urban renewal which covers a range of projects throughout the second district and, for the area of
Maredolce, calls for collaboration with the Cultural Heritage Authority. In this important phase, the institutional
agencies involved found a financial agreement with the owners of the building who insist on the square in front of
the building making it impossible for its overview. With this agreement for the expropriation of the buildings in
front of the Castle, it could have been a monumental new plaza in the center of a degraded neighborhood.

Other important interventions were the construction of the tram and especially the decision on an urban destination
for the new church dedicated to ‘Padre Pino Puglisi’ (priest of Brancaccio, killed by mafia on 15 September 1993
and then beatified on 25 may 2013) in a place very close to Maredolce and some public schools. A new project
was prepared by the Municipality to upgrade the railway bridge on via Giafar of great importance to find spaces
for tour buses connected to future visits to the park and to the church. Unfortunately, the program was not funded
by the state at that time. Despite the lack of funding, the Cultural Heritage Authority may promote the integrated
project again with the changes that will be required by the State or by the European Commission.

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In 2016, the Benetton Foundation researched and studied Treviso with its international scientific committee and
decided to honor the historical park of Maredolce with the international Carlo Scarpa award. The Benetton Foun-
dation recognized the distinctive characteristics of the historical landscape by safeguarding and entrusting this task
to the Cultural Heritage Authority of Palermo and then the Sicilian Region (Barbera et al., 2015). In the meantime,
a number of other measures were also in place to animate people of Brancaccio, particularly significant was the
involvement of pupils from different schools of the neighborhood from the center of the Sicilian region (Metalli,
2015) pointing to the training given to awareness of archaeological resources and cultural heritage for residents.

Between 2012 and 2015, the Municipality of Palermo started changing the planning scheme with the guidelines of
the masterplan (2013) that is a city council policy document drawn up on the basis of the technical analysis of the
municipal office.

The general view of the preliminary masterplan assigned to Maredolce is monumentally based on the presence of
the countryside. The land use destination by the Masterplan is related to the citrus gardens of the ‘Baglio Conti
Federico’. While the definition of urban park, that still weighs heavily on geological constraint (flood risk), will
be clarified in the final version of the plan. Even so, given the presence of the circumvallation (Viale della Regione
Siciliana), you may notice the lack of landscape relationship at least between the Park and the foothills system of
mount Grifone with the church and the arches of St. Ciro.

Today, we know that the idea of getting the public property on the entire area is a very far or very difficult accom-
plishment. The debate regarding the restoration of the monuments and of the cultural landscape of Maredolce point
to the creation of a strategy for the protection and promotion shared with the owners that would remain for much
longer and that may make profits or tax benefits. Certain tools and strategies may be employed to decrease land
use and apply the future plan to increase the volume of buildings. We could reach financial economics solutions
for the quantization of non-exploitative projects and agree on settlements that serve public interests in terms of
developing an urban landscape project in the most degraded part of the city creating a sort of protected paradise for
local people. Once there is full accessibility to the area with minimal renovation requirements, it will be possible
to propose that the park be included in the UNESCO World Heritage List.

Based on the studies and research, the evidence is still missing unitary project of restoration of the palace in
relationship with the entire monumental system of the Park Maredolce, Monte Grifone and the ancient thermal
baths. In debates organized and promoted by the Cultural Heritage Authority of Palermo, the urban definition that
protects the Park of Maredolce from improper to public park without there being a landscape project qualified as
a guide of the private interventions was unclear. Without the necessary safeguards, it may be possible for private
owners to create an artificial lake as a thematic water park or amusement park and make it suitable even for bathing
or for the arrangement of spaces for entertainment or entrusting experts in wedding planning. Without a shared
vision of sustainable landscape use for the monumental system of the Park of Maredolce, the risk of loss of cultural
value of the area could remain very high.

4. Discussion

This contribution has investigated a place, its history, and the main aspects of its physical and spatial changes.
We haven’t focused on other important aspects; however, we are well aware of all the studies concerning the
agricultural specialties to which we refer. We cited other studies and other subsidies that have investigated many
other kinds of human actions (archival history, history and criticism of urban planning, restoration, etc.) that this
synthetic contribution refers to.

We should resume the methodological premises relating to not what has been done but, rather, what must be done.
We referred only to the first principle of the theory of regeneration inserted at the beginning of this contribution:
The interventions on the cultural heritage are only possible when the actors of change have full knowledge and
awareness of all the elements that compose the unitary system of the interventions. That action is needed to avoid
the loss, not only of the historic memory, but also of the possible bases for reestablishing new identity processes.

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The cultural resources could become new urban community roots and replace the current consociation phenomena
that make people atomized, in conflict, and increasingly isolated.

In ancient times, it was a human characteristic to pass down your culture and traditions. It is noticeable that this is
represented in key figures who were photographed wearing the clothes of ancient roman noblemen.

So, we tend to refer to previous eras when it comes to our latest knowledge of the Conca d’Oro imagining that there
always were lemons and tangerines and scents of orange blossoms. But, as we have seen, it didn’t happen: the
history can be used, or consumed, as crutch to design the future urban cultural landscape without free contemporary
solutions.

The project of integrated regeneration of a given urban landscape covered or deprived of monuments will have
to be contemporary because it will always be part of the inhabitants and users over time. Every new cultural
intervention must become ’tradition’. Tradition and belonging to the living environment become, in turn, the basis
of the cultural identity of the community, providing its members with cohesion and a sense of continuity with the
past. These are important existential references, the intensity of which may persist over time even if changes in the
social structure occur or new value systems are established through which to give meaning to reality.

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pg. 93


	Introduction
	 Methodology 
	On the Landscape Concept
	Maredolce: A Case Study of Urban-Rural Landscape Regeneration

	Maredolce and the City of Palermo
	The Urban-rural Landscape Context of the Ancient Garden of Maredolce
	Maredolce in the Prehistory
	Maredolce During Normans
	The Rural Transformation
	The Comeback of Agriculture in the 1700s
	Crops and the Changing Landscape
	The Making of the Landscape
	The Period of Sugar

	Maredolce TODAY. Resources and other Urban Problems
	The Actual Components of the Landscape
	The Most Important Phases of Actual Transformations From the Country to Rural-Urban Areas
	Trip of Social Regeneration

	Discussion