Epiphany_Vol14_No_2_EDITED_2023.7.3.indd C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 53 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies Vol. 15 no. 2, 202252 A MILITARY DISCOURSE AND STYLISTIC VARIATION: LANGUAGE USE IN ODOGBO ARMY BARRACKS IN OJOO-IBADAN NIGERIA C. A. Patrick C. A. Adetuyi J. A. Adegboye A. A. Abiodun-Daniel Glorious Vision University Abstract � is study examines language use among soldiers in the Odogbo army barracks in Ojoo-Ibadan during training and parade activities. A good number of scholars have investigated language use in the armed forces, and many of them adopted di� erent approaches and arrived at di� erent conclusions. However, there is a paucity of scholarship on the shared knowledge that soldiers deploy in their language during training, parades, and other special activities. � e study adopts a qualitative method since the data involved are descriptive. � e data used in this study was harvested through participant observations of parade activities by soldiers, as were the audio recordings of army interactions during a parade. Odogbo Army Barracks in Ojoo, Ibadan, was purposefully selected since it was the � rst barracks in Ibadan and was saddled with the responsibility of coordinating the military activities in southwestern Nigeria. � e collected data were analysed from sociolinguistic perspective through identi� cation and interpretation in the military context vis-à-vis the interlocutor. � e paper concluded that soldiers’ language in parade involves an authoritative style obeyed by the parade troop as a result of shared knowledge. Keywords: discourse, military culture, parade, paralanguage, speech community Epiphany Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies Introduction � ere is less controversy surrounding the idea that languages have di� erent varieties, notwithstanding the debates that frequently follow theories and propositions among linguists. It is widely accepted that human language belongs to the human community and that it has great value in society. Every normal child acquires a mother tongue or � rst language (MT or LI) soon a� er birth, and there are thousands of languages all over the world. However, each of these languages also has its versions in addition to the main or core languages. Variety is nothing more than various forms of the same thing. Language variety is a blanket term for all overlapping subdivisions of a language, such as a dialect, register, jargon, and idiolect (Nordquist 2020). A distinct group of items or human speech patterns, such as sounds, words, or grammatical traits, that are created by factors such as variances in geographical location or social group associated with a particular group of speakers can be described as diversity in linguistics. We rarely ever take the time to describe speech because it is such a common aspect of daily life. Only breathing feels more natural to a guy than it does, second only to walking. Nigerian military personnel feel more at ease when they use lexical terms, alphabetical symbols, lingos, slang, cants, and other terms speci� c to their line of work. � ese terms make it possible for them to communicate a lot of information rapidly and create bonds with one another in the face of danger. An outsider was frequently lost in the forest of their slang. Sometimes their terms are well-known words inverted to mean something entirely di� erent, such as “pot” and “head,” “massage” and “beating,” “oxygen thief ” and “recruit” who talks too much, “bravo!” “Zulu”—a compliment meaning “well done,” clown—a cadet in his or her � rst year, etc. Other times, the terms are entirely strange, like “boye” for “garri,” “sama for “lady,” “jikapa” for “cleaning,” “bolo for “someone who can’t pass marksmanship training,” etc. � is kind of language has been called military linguistics. (Hawryluk, 2010, p. 231) or military discourse. � e focus of this research, however, is on C. A. Patrick et al. C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 5554 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies the stylistic variation of language use in Odogbo Army Barracks in Ibadan. � ere is scarcity of research on the speci� c and interactive use of language based on alphabetical representation, lexical words, and acronyms utilised in many contexts within Nigerian military discourse, most notably parade and training embedded with authoritative styles. As a result, an examination of the authoritative use of language on parade ground as well as training, is required. It is this scholarship gap that has necessitated this study. Literature Speech can be de� ned as a system of arbitrary vocalisations used by humans for communication. Within a group of individuals, it is a method of meaning-conveying vocal sound communication. Language is conventionally meaning-laden and at the disposal of man; it is used by him to convey ideas, thoughts, and emotions, as well as help him understand his fellow man and the environment around him (Akinpelu, Okedara, and Omolewa, 2005, p. 18). � us, the harmonious functioning of any society in terms of socialisation depends to a large extent on language. � e term “speech community” refers to a language or what is intended by a linguistic community. It is regarded as a group of communitarian speakers, whose shared experiences and behavioural patterns are expressed in a single tongue. As a result, a speech community can be de� ned as either a monolingual or multilingual social group in communication (Gumperz, 1968). A speech community is any group of people who regularly communicate with one another using a common set of verbal cues, setting them apart from similar groups. (Gumperz, 1972, p. 58). In a comparable vein, Lyons (1970), de� nes speech community as “shared language use”, Hymes (1972c) sees it as “shared rules of speaking and interpretation of speech performance, while Labov (1972) and Sherzer (1975) describe it as “shared attitudes and values regarding language forms and use” and “shared sociocultural understandings and presuppositions with regard to speech” respectively. Verbal behaviour is characterised by a clear, succinct, and standardised use of language, with an emphasis on e� ectively and e� ciently transferring information. � is is based on � nite sets of grammatical rules that underlie the production of well-formed sentences. A community denotes an aggregate of people with shared experiences expressed and recorded in a language (or dialect of a language) that belongs to them. All the people who use the language or dialect belong to a speech community. It is sometimes referred to by some scholars as a “speech fellowship” (Kachru, 1986, p. 10). In contrast, the Army barracks investigated in this study is a speech community where the daily conversation is conducted in many varieties of English. Although they speak di� erent languages, the military as a whole, which includes the Army, Air Force, and Navy, has developed a unique type of English through which their daily tasks are carried out. � is, perhaps, is in concomitance with Saville-Troike’s (2003:62-64) classi� cation of varieties of language into varieties associated with setting and varieties associated with activity domain. According to him, the former is “a form of register distinguished on the dimension of relative formality”, and the latter is “a variety of language of groups that are organized along lines of shared beliefs, skills or training and interests, and which are used in the conduct of their a� airs as in the case of the military” (italics ours). � ere have been several studies on military institutions and language varieties around the world. Many scholars from all over the world have written about military discourse. Juhary (2013), for example, investigated English Language courses at Malaysia’s National Defense University. � e study revealed that pro� ciency in the English language is essential for successful military exercises during peacekeeping operations involving Malaysian soldiers. Also, Albright (2020) carried out a study of Social Dialect Features of Military Speech of Fargo-Area from sociolinguistics C. A. Patrick et al. C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 5756 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies point of view. � e study noted that some changes take place in the wat veterans speak a� er training. � e study further established that this infusion of terms to which veterans maintain lasting access leads to the availability of descriptions that can only be understood by the speci� c social group from which they were borne. Ali and Satti (2021) in their research titled, Jagon in Military: A Comparative Analysis of English Varieties in Pakistan Based on Hallidayan’s Functional Perspective revealed that Pakistani military o� cers and soldiers use varieties of English that employ phonological di� erences regardless of their regions, exposure, educational background, and mother tongue in� uence. � eir study further shown that macro acquisition may be likely the reason for linguistic variety in English because uniformity prevails at large scale in both military groups. And that many are understood at all levels of military community without any misinterpretation. � e submissions of these researchers presuppose that both military groups possess their peculiar speech community world over. Some others investigated military vocabulary (Kalashnikova and Samoylova, 2021), focusing on the typological features of distinguished genres in order to determine informative propensities. Additionally, a signi� cant number of academic studies on language use in Nigeria’s armed services have been conducted; (Amafah 1990, Ayeomoni 2005a, Okongor 2015, Ogundele 2016, Bamigbola 2022, etc.). Amafah (1990), for instance, looked into the language style of the Nigerian Police Force. � e scholar reveals that the inspirational role of language in the armed forces is intended to raise soldier morale and mobilise them toward a goal (e.g., masculinity, esprit de corps, national survival, etc.). Uwen (2019) studied the interactions between the armed forces in Akwa Ibom State’s morphological processes. According to Uwen, the paramilitary, which consists of the Nigerian Police Force, the Federal Road Safety Corps, and the Nigerian Security and Civil Defense Corps, uses English to spread its paramilitary philosophy (p. 25). Okongor (2015) investigated the language of the military, focusing on its specialised variety. Okongor revealed that the features of the military language are comparatively di� erent from other varieties of English. He concluded that, despite its oddness, military lingo is important to the � eld. Ayeomoni (2005a) also investigated military political language in Nigeria, adopting linguistic stylistics approach. His study revealed that language and politics are tightly connected, and that military frames language to cater for di� erent purposes and situations. Ogundele (2016) explored how context a� ected how troops interpreted one another’s intentions during exchanges at an army parade. � e scholar revealed that contextual factors make up a variety of assumptions that soldiers operate upon to produce and understand verbal exchanges of parade conversations among Nigerian troops, which can facilitate access to exchanges at Nigerian army parades when shared. Bamigbola (2022) investigated the symbolic actions the Nigerian Army engaged in during parade drills. � e scholar showed that language is typically powerful rather than persuasive in the military because regular use of authority matches the illocutionary force of a command. It concluded that non-verbal communication, context, and shared contextual assumptions are important pragmatic tools used by the Nigerian Army when conducting parades. From the foregoing, it is obvious that scholars have investigated language use among the armed forces, especially the military, in a variety of ways. While some (Sherzer, 1975; Saville-Troike 2003; etc.) established the formal styles of issuing order among the military through language use, some others (Amafah, 1990) investigated the persuasive nature of language use among the military and some others (Bamigbola, 2022) probed the direct style of language use among Nigeria military. � us, this study underscores the fact that even though there are common features in Military English all over world such as military acronyms, jargon, slang, use of concise communication, standard operating procedures (SOPs), etc., there are variations because, as a speech community, there are sub-groups with their own peculiar technical C. A. Patrick et al. C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 5958 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies vocabulary and means of expressions occasioned by cultural and historical factors, pronunciation, accent, peculiar challenges, etc. In our discussions, it is obvious enough that the Nigeria military deploy authoritative styles in their language use during parades in order to communicate clearly and assertively so as to give orders and decisions for maintaining discipline and ensuring that everyone understands their roles and responsibilities. Methodology and Design � e study, which is based on sociolinguistic orientation, adopted a qualitative method since it deals with descriptive data involving people’s written or spoken words and observable behaviour (Taylor et al., 2016, p. 7). For this study, qualitative research is best suitable since it identi� es with and empathises with the individuals being understudied to learn how they see things (Taylor, 2016, p. 8). To better understand the military use of language, this study looks at how they speak in a variety of settings, including parades, military operations, and everyday conversation. � e study will pay special attention to linguistic styles that are unique to the military culture and serve the purpose of conveying clear and concise information within the military organisation and between military personnel in Odogbo military barracks in Ibadan. � e study adopted ethnographic method of collecting data involving close interactions, keen observation, � eld research notes and recording of empirical data. � e researchers had close-up observation and interactions with soldiers at the Odogbo Army Barracks in Ojoo - Ibadan during their parades in order to gain deeper insights and detailed account of their language use. Considerable time was spent recording and interacting with military o� cials at the barracks; the interactions, observations and recording took three days in order to measure the consistency in the language use. � e choice of Odogbo Army barracks was motivated by the knowledge that the Odogbo army barracks is the second mechanised division of the Nigerian Army, a� er the � st in Kaduna. It was one of the � rst barracks constructed during the civil war and it was charged with maintaining law and order in the southwest of Nigeria. And as a combat support and service-attached mechanised infantry saddled with the responsibility of coordinating the military activities in the whole of southwestern Nigeria, there are constant training and parade activities during which soldiers manifest all forms of linguistic localization and variation. Content analysis was adopted as the method of data analysis and presentation since the study requires breaking down the harvested data into manageable units or codes in order to determine the attitudinal and behavioural responses of the soldiers to directives during parade. Relational analysis which is a cardinal aspect of content analysis was adopted to determine the patterns and international di� erences in communication trends since military’s wording is ambiguous on the surface while it is embedded with authority, especially during parade training and patrol. For example, “bloody civilians,” is a term used by military personnel to describe non-military individuals. � is reveals the uniqueness and peculiarities of the language of the military in Nigeria. Results and Discussion � e Army, Navy, and Air Force collectively make up the military, which has its own slang, dialect, terminology, and jargon that sets it apart from other groups and organisations. As a result, the government now acknowledges the terminologies used in military parades. According to Widdowson (1996), the jargon that encompasses the language used in military parades includes “words or expressions that are used by a particular profession or group of people and are di� cult for others to understand.” (p.86). Chambers (2002) observes that jargons are the terminology of a profession. � is shows that only those who are in the profession are aware of and can understand C. A. Patrick et al. C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 6160 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies them. Ikenna and Isaac (2015) add that jargons are: A derogatory word which denotes the technical, semi- technical or pseudo technical language used by a profession which those outside the group do not understand”. It is the language or mode of communication known and understood by only members of that profession (26). Jargon has also been de� ned by Hartman and Stork (1972) as “a set of terms or expressions used by a social or occupational group but not used or o� en understood by the speech community as a whole” (p. 17). Jargon describes a speci� c language or vocabulary used by a speci� c set of individuals, such as members of a profession or trade. � is view � nds support in George Packer’s description of jargon: Professional jargon — on Wall Street, in humanities departments, in government o� ces — can be a fence raised to keep out the uninitiated and permit those within it to persist in the belief that what they do is too hard, too complex, to be questioned. Jargon acts not only to euphemize but to license, setting insiders against outsiders and giving the � imsiest notions a scienti� c aura (as qt by Nordquist, 2020). When communicating among group members, jargon is frequently employed to make it easier and more e� ective. For people outside the group, it might, however, be challenging to understand. Jargon can take many forms, including legal terminology, medical terms, and computer phrases. On the other hand, slang is exclusive to or has its roots in the military forces. Slang frequently combines elements of o� cial military concepts and words in the form of abbreviations, acronyms, NATO phonetic alphabet derivatives, and other forms. � e word “military parade” derives from the ancient practise of “formation battle,” in which soldiers were kept in particularly rigid formations to increase their combat e� ciency. Melee combat, which needed rigorous soldier discipline and capable leaders, was viewed as an inferior kind of combat. For ceremonial or non-combat situations, parades are still used by armies today because they are e� ective, simple to organise and promote discipline. Firth (1957) described the uniqueness of a military parade’s language as “register,” which, in his opinion “is serving a circumscribed � eld of experience or action and having its grammar and dictionary” (p. 25). � is illustrates how the parade terminologies are acceptable in this circumstance since it is a language with all the di� erent qualities Firth listed. � e language was created because it functions di� erently for communication, defence, and combat in addition to communication. Along with linguistic elements, the language also uses para-language, a form of communication utilised by the military during a military parade that is referred to as signal language. � e meanings of the phrases used during parade are uttered in a linguistic and paralinguistic blend, making comprehension di� cult. A variation of the English language, through its lexico-semantic, syntactic, and phonological patterns, the language used at Nigerian military parades re� ects di� erences in the social situations of the participants. � e military alphabet as recorded by Captain Jacob (2005) (quoted in Ogundele 2016) is analysed below: A – Alpha B – Bravo C – Charlie D – Delta E – Echo F – Foxtrot G – Golf H – Hotel I – India J – Juliet K – Kilo L- Lima M – Mike N – November O – Oscar P – Papa Q – Quebec R – Romeo S – Sierra T – Tango U – Uniform V – Victor W – Whiskey X – Xray Y – Yankee Z - Zulu C. A. Patrick et al. C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 6362 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies Looking at the above military alphabetical analysis, one will observe that it is di� erent from the generally known and acceptable English alphabet. � e military, having formed a linguistic society with a di� erent form of the English language, has concluded that the letter “A” for “Alpha,” “B” for “Bravo,” “C” for “Charlie,” “D” for “Delta,” and so on should be substituted. So, they simply and easily form meaningful words from these alphabets. For instance, instead of saying, “D.O. (which means “director of operations”) on the line sir,” when speaking on the phone, they simply say “Delta Oscar on the line sir.” “Kola” would be “Kilo Oscar Lima alpha” “Mathew” would be “Mike alpha tango hotel echol whiskey” “Sunday” would be “Sierra uniform November Delta alpha Yankee” “Uche” would be “Uniform Charlie hotel echo” “Musa” would be “Mike uniform Sierra alpha”. � e analysis of this study demonstrates that one primary style — the authoritative style — is shown by the contextual language use in the Nigerian Army parade encounter. Interactional Professional Skills (IPS) � is type of interaction resulted in instrumental sound, human-focused sound, and paralanguage, all of which are peculiar to the Nigerian Army’s competition as discussed below: Excerpt I (i) Instrumental Sound � is is an instrumental sound that involves the use of musical instruments such as drums and trumpets. � e sound is used to communicate information or directives between interlocutors, which is aided by the usual professional training provided by the Nigerian military academy. � e band corps, therefore, communicates with the concerned soldiers through the use of instrumental sounds. � is is synonymous with “speech signals” in the Nigerian military context. � e band corps, for instance, executes this activity during the parade to dress in Nigerian Army. It has been noticed that the band corps serves as a signal code for the soldiers during parades and also functions as a command order for the soldiers to dress, facing their le� and dressing as expected in the Nigerian Army. Excerpt 2 (ii) Human Focused Sound � e band corps can also conduct sporadic relays of trumpet and drum. Present arms are mentioned in excerpt 2 above. � e verb’s synonym. � e drum and trumpet are utilised in the order that reveals the human-focused sound. As a result, the soldiers keep their ri� es erect and o� the ground when they are standing at attention. � e review o� cer and parade commander both put down their swords. Excerpt 3 (Up) Sound: Fallooout Excerpts 4 (Up) Command: (indicating)’tion! Excerpts 3 and 4 are commands or orders to the two guard o� cers to take their exit from the parade while the parade commander and the soldiers on parade are at attention. Members of the Nigerian Army do this professionally because of their common military training and retraining. Paralanguage � e actions displayed by the parade commander, adjutant warrant o� cer, and other soldiers in the Nigerian Army are body language or paralanguage expressed through gestures and signs or actions alongside the marching, turnings, stern faces, and obedience at the parade. � ey do react to or respond to military orders or commands with serious commitment. � is is evident in the collected data and information in the study. Excerpt 5 Adjutant: Shouuldeeered arms! � ey swi� ly comply with this order by clapping their weapons across their C. A. Patrick et al. C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 6564 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies shoulders with their right hands. � e Review O� cer also nods to allow the March Commander to continue leading the parade. Given that he and the review o� cer share a comparable understanding of this, the parade leader behaves appropriately. Nigerian Army Parade Interaction Analysis � e language used in the Nigerian Army parade interaction reveals primarily an authoritative style. Generally speaking, the authoritative style refers to all instances of power and control exerted by a person, given the recognised knowledge or expertise wielded over others to carry out speci� c duties. Its use here refers to all forms of language manipulation through speech or signal command by senior soldiers over their subordinates to execute de� nite duties for which total obedience is required. � is style occurs in the formal asymmetrical power contexts of the discourse, especially during parade interactions in the Army, where the language re� ects the strict exercise of authority, power, and control by the addressee or on the addressee(s), arising from the status distinction subsisting between them. As revealed in the data, this style is o� en enacted through the deployment of intonation cues, lexical repetition or repetition, collocation, sound signalling, and action-oriented body language, as discussed below: Intonation Cues In this work, intonation cues refer to all instances of tonal variation that are superimposed on the linguistic items used. � is is one of the distinguishing characteristics of parade interaction in the formal asymmetrical power context of Army discourse, where the authoritative style is achieved by their use. � ese linguistic items are used by a commander during a parade purposefully to arrest their attention so that they can be attentive to the instructions relayed and respond accordingly. Two types of intonation cues have been observed: rising and falling tones, but with more occurrences of the former than the latter. � e rising tune is prevalent when the addressee or relay relays information on a speci� c order to be carried out as the activities are in progress, while the falling tune usually rides on the actual order. Where they are used in the discourse, they serve to direct the addressees to take particular activities. Let us examine the excerpts below: Except 6 P.C: Baaai the left quick march In the excerpt above, the P.C. has just started the parade, with the stress and falling tune placed on “by” and “le� ,” respectively. � e tune starts to rise again from “quick” and continues rising on “march,” but with none of the constituent words attracting stress. � is scenario usually obtains at the commencement of the parade, as observed in the data. � e soldiers understand this because they have a comparable understanding of the cues, and they react appropriately by starting the march past. Except 7 P.C: Left turn (softly) � e excerpt above indicates unmarked cues as the parade commander issues the order faintly. � is occurs immediately a� er the parade has commenced, as observed in the data. Di� erent situations arise when requesting, as illustrated below: Excerpt 8 P.C: 22 brigade forms up 3 o� cers, 49 soldiers on parade, ready for the competition May I have your permission to carry on, sir? (He raises his sword, bites it, and brings it down as a mark of request to carry on.) In the above excerpt, the P.C. is seeking authority from the Review O� cer to continue with the parade, which the latter ultimately gives through nodding, signalling the authority to carry on with the parade. In seeking this authority, there is a rising tone in all the word groups except “the competition,” which has a falling tone; however, none of the words is stressed. � is indicates a mark of politeness and an asymmetrical relationship C. A. Patrick et al. C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 6766 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies between the parade commander and the review o� cer; this understanding is also shared by the participants during the parade interaction. � e excerpts below demonstrate a di� erent situation: Except 9 Adjutant: Paraaade will advaaance; Baaai the leeeft quick march In the above excerpt, the adjutant, who acted in the position of a parade commander, deploys his authority through the stress placed on “parade,” “advance,” “by,” and “le� .” However, the tune starts to rise on the last syllable of “advance” and starts falling from “baaai,” with the � nal fall on “le� ,” a� er which there is a long pause; the tune starts rising again when the actual order “quick march!” is relayed. � is attracts the rising tune without any stress placed on any of the constituent words. � is is obtained in a situation when a parade wants to resume a� er it has been halted by the PC, and the soldiers understand this and act accordingly. Excerpt 10 Adjutant: Turn to the leeeft hand; siiideleeft turn In the text above, the italicised item is an instruction regarding the order to be carried out; as such, the tune continuously rises from “turn” and does not fall; again, “le� ” and “side” attract stress toward each other. � e adjutant pauses for a while a� er he instructs the soldiers to maintain the status quo. At the time of the actual order, ‘Leee� turn!’ the tune starts to fall from “le� ” to “turn.” � is scenario describes a situation when a parade is already in progress and the soldiers share an understanding and act accordingly. � e following example also describes the status of the cues when a parade is in progress. Excerpt 11 Adjutant: Salute to the riight. Salute In the above excerpt, the adjutant commands the soldier to greet the audience at the right � ank of the parade ground. Here, the tune starts rising from “salute” and does not fall on “right,” a� er which there is a pause; the stress placed on the “right” emphasises the direction to keep when saluting. At the relay of the order “salute,” the tune starts to rise again, and the soldiers understand this and respond by saluting, facing the right � ank of the parade where the audience, which consists of soldiers and civilians, is on standby. Let us consider more examples: Excerpt 12 Adjutant: Changiingsteep: Change step Here, the adjutant deploys an authoritative style by ordering the soldiers to change their steps while marking the time. Marking time indicates that they are stationed on a spot while the parade is still in progress; as such, the adjutant wants them to change their steps. � e italicised item communicates information concerning the order to be executed by the soldiers. Regarding the items, the tune rises and does not fall, with the words attracting stress placement that reinforces their sonority. However, at the relay of the order deployed in an authoritative style, the tone drastically drops, with the soldiers understanding this and acting accordingly. Excerpt 13 Adjutant: (From slow March). Changing to quick tiiined! (Longer pause) Baaai the leeeft (pause), quick march � e adjutant orders the soldiers to begin marching quickly in the excerpt above, with the stress placed on and le� elongating his tone, preparing the soldiers for the order to be executed, which is a quick march, with quite attracting a rising tone, thereby marking the march as quick as opposed to slow. Lexical repetition/Reiteration With regard to this study, this refers to the recurrence, replication, or duplication of lexical items during discourse interaction, where they are employed to achieve the authoritative style. Lexical repetition can be partial or total (Odebunmi, 2006, p. 50). In the former, only a portion of the clause is repeated, while the entire clause is replicated in the latter type. Our � ndings of the lexical repetition in the parade interaction reveal both C. A. Patrick et al. C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 6968 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies types, but with more occurrences of partial repetition, which indicates the economic use of words to save time. � ey are used to command soldiers to carry out speci� c actions that are strictly restricted to the military. � e excerpts below illustrate this: Excerpt 14 RSM: Parade will form 2 rounds. Form 2 rounds. � e excerpt above depicts parade activity and portrays an instance of partial repetition. � e clause, “Parade will form two rounds,” is a declarative statement preparing soldiers for the next line of action to be carried out. However, in “Form 2 rounds,” the repeated items indicate imperative sentences without a subject. � e item is repeated to indicate the focal point of the RSM that he wants the addressees to recognise. � e soldiers recognise this and act promptly. Excerpt 15 Adjutant: Changiiingsteeep! Change step (low tone) In the above, “changiiingsteeep”, a present continuous verb form, does not depict a continuous action as used here but a simple present declarative statement preparing soldiers for the real action to be carried out, which is the items repeated in a low tone; hence, “Change step”. Lexical Collocation Collocation is a meaning relationship in which words co-occur to form a speci� c meaning. � e collocation “is the type of cohesion that is achieved through the association of lexical items that regularly co-occur, especially in a similar environment” (Halliday and Hasan, 1976, p. 287). Collocations are of two types: � xed and free collocations (Woodhaugh, 2010, p. 23). Fixed collocations are so strong that they cannot be changed in any way, with the ordering of the letters completely � xed. � ey include phrasal verbs (put up with, stand up for, etc.) and idioms (a wet blanket, cross the Rubicon, kick the bucket, etc.). Words that frequently appear with a wide variety of other words are included in free collation. � ey are subject to restrictions and limitations, which give rise to a wide range of variations. Here are a few instances: Over-load, lord, look, leaf, grown, head etc. Black-sheep, list, mail, man, polish board, etc. � e analysis of parade interaction in Odogbo Army Barracks reveals predominant instances of � xed lexical collocations; this de� nes the � eld of discourse as a parade-oriented one. � e examples below su� ce. Excerpt 16 P.C: Stand aaat ease! Here, the word stand + aaat + ease, indicating a verbal signal used by the parade commander to order the soldiers to unwind. � is is accompanied by the butt of their ri� es touching the ground. As such, soldiers can relax by talking, stretching themselves, and so on, in anticipation of further tasks. Due to their shared understanding of the directive with the parade commander, they were able to react appropriately. Excerpt 17 P. C: Shouldeeered arms Soldiers: Comply Here, the shoulder collocates with the arms, thus constituting a verbal signal vested in the parade commander. As a result of their shared understanding of the directive, the troops on parade obey the command to elevate their ri� es o� the ground and clasp them by their right sides at shoulder height. Conclusion � e interactions between Nigerian Army personnel during parades have shown that the authoritative style is the primary style used by Nigerian Army members. � is style is deployed through various linguistic and non- C. A. Patrick et al. C. A. Patrick et al. A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation A Military Discourse and Stylistic Variation 7170 Vol. 15 No.2, 2022Epiphany: Journal of Transdisciplinary Studies linguistic devices. � e linguistic resources that mark the style deployed are intonation cues, lexical repetition/Reiteration and collocations, while the non-linguistic resources involve life sound signals, constituting instrument and human-based sound, and action-oriented body language. Instrument- based sounds identi� ed are band and trumpet; while human-based sound bifurcates into Up and Hiz signal sound; gesture such as nodding constitutes action-oriented body language. All these mark the authoritative style deployed by soldiers in parade interaction which must be unquestionably obeyed by the parade troop. � us, there is a close link between the styles deployed by soldiers of the Nigerian Army during the parade. It can also be concluded, in concomitance with Ayeomoni’s (2005a) submissions, that military cra� s di� erent linguistic items, as observed in the current study, to cater for the purpose of her parades and other routine drills in the barrack. We close with Nordquist (2020): � e language varieties, or lects, that people speak o� en serve as the basis for judgment, and even exclusion, from certain social groups, professions, and business organizations. 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