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National Identity, Integration and Question: Implications for National Security and Stable Democratic 

Governance in Nigeria 

 Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; Onimawo, Jane 

 

NATIONAL IDENTITY, INTEGRATION AND QUESTION:  

IMPLICATIONS FOR NATIONAL SECURITY AND STABLE DEMOCRATIC 

GOVERNANCE IN NIGERIA. 

   

Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; & Onimawo, Jane 
1 Akwara, Azalahu F. Departmemt of Political Science, Federal University Wukari, 

Taraba State, Nigeria. E-mail: (aakwara@yahoo.com) (Corresponding author) 
2Udaw, Joseph E. Departmemt of Political Science, Federal University Wukari, Taraba 

State, Nigeria. E-mail: ettete2001@yahoo.com 
3Onimawo, Jane. Department of Vocational and Technical Education, Ambrose Alli 

University Ekpoma, Edo State, Nigeria. 

 
Abstract 

Most African countries are said to be unintegrated and that their main problem to stable 

democratic governance, and economic development is the integration of their peoples and good 

governance. They are unintegrated because of the internal colonization of some ethnic 

nationalities by some others during the indigenous state formation process; and their external 

colonization by the Arabs and Europeans. As the colonization processes did not respect ethnic 

differences in Africa but super-imposing some ethnic nationalities over others, most African 

countries became multi-ethnic on independence. The need for the dividends of democracy (good 

governance, political stability and economic development) within the various ethnic nationalities 

in the same country has further complicated the problems posed by the multiplicity of ethnic 

groups, absence of integration and super-imposition of some ethnic nationalities over others, 

thereby giving rise to a search for local and natural identity (“national identity” and 

“autonomy”) by the various ethnic nationalities that feel dominated, humiliated and 

marginalised by the colonization processes. The search for “national identity” and “autonomy” 

now challenges the legitimacies of the governments and the very existence of the states as these 

searches are in the forms of armed struggles, formation of ethnic armies or militias, religious 

and ethnic conflicts, and terrorism. These contradictions can only be resolved through a 

discussion of the “national question” in the various countries. This paper therefore examines the 

issues of national integration, national identity; and the national question in Nigeria and the 

problems they posed to national security and stable democratic governance in the country. 

 

Key Words: National Identity; National Integration; National Question; Colonization; National 

Security, Democratic Governance. 

 

INTRODUCTION 

Almost every African state has 

witnessed one form of political, 

religious or ethnic crisis or the other. In 

East and Central Africa, these problems 

manifest as ethnic violence and civil 

wars and terrorism as in Uganda, Kenya, 

Central African Republic, Democratic 

Republic of Congo and Tanzania. In the 

West African sub-region, they are in the 

forms of civil wars; ethnic conflicts and 

religious conflicts and terrorism as in 

Nigeria, Liberia, Sierra Leone, and Ivory 

 

mailto:aakwara@yahoo.com
mailto:ettete2001@yahoo.com


 

 

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Coast. In North Africa, they have 

manifested in the Arab revolts aimed at 

the over throw of insensitive and non-

Islamic regimes, and regimes tending 

towards monarchies as the cases with 

Sudan, Egypt, Algeria and Libya. 

 

In countries where they occur, these 

crises arose first, as a result of the 

internal contradictions within the states 

which started with the state formation 

processes and internal colonization of 

some ethnic groups by the others within 

the continent for local commodities of 

trade especially slaves and other 

products to be sold in external markets; 

and the acquisition of the raided 

nationalities and areas as new territories; 

and secondly, by the external 

colonization of the African regions by 

the Europeans and the Arabs. 

 

The two phases of colonization of the 

African continent first by traditional 

indigenous African states; and later by 

the Arabs and the Europeans, did not 

respect the natural ethnic boundaries of 

the various ethnic nationalities they met. 

Rather the colonialists conquered and 

lumped together (amalgamated) and 

administered the diverse ethnic 

nationalities they met; and introduced 

diverse colonial administrative policies 

that were dubiously, and forcefully 

enforced on the colonies until the 

nations became independent. For 

instance, while the British used the 

direct and indirect rule policies, the 

French used the assimilation and 

association policies in the West African 

sub region (Ofoegbu, 1976). 

Though some of the ethnic nationalities 

were able to work out a peaceful method 

of disintegration or state formation 

solutions during their independence as 

shown by the peaceful disintegration of 

the Rhodesia-Nyasaland Federation, 

others African states could not. But these 

solutions have not guaranteed peace in 

the continent as the continent still 

witnesses civil wars, ethnic and religious 

conflicts and terrorism despite being 

independent for more than half a 

century. These conflicts are based on the 

facts that the dividends of democratic 

governance as good education, health 

care, electricity, water, food and good 

roads; peace and security, and good 

governance have eluded the various 

ethnic nationalities despite the huge 

human and natural resources available in 

the ethnic nationalities. The proceeds 

from these resources are either 

misappropriated by the ruling classes 

through acts of corruption, or by foreign 

nationals operating in the countries 

through capital flight, or both as has 

been the case with Nigeria. 

 

These problems were made more acute 

because the members of some ethnic 

groups exclusively control the economic 

and political processes in the countries, 

and usurped the democratic dividends 

that accrued to other ethnic groups 

thereby causing anger, frustration and 

violence between them and members of 

the other ethnic groups. In Nigeria for 

instance, the middle belt region was 

considered politically, religiously and 

economically by the core north and the 

British as part of Bauchi and the British 



 

 

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National Identity, Integration and Question: Implications for National Security and Stable Democratic 

Governance in Nigeria 

 Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; Onimawo, Jane 

 

took advantage of this to take over the 

Jos tin mines through a treaty signed by 

the Royal Niger Company with the Emir 

of Bauchi (Abubakar, 2007; Ayuba, 

2012). As the jihads did not actually 

unite the north (Undiyaundeya, 2012), 

this led to a loss of identity and resources 

by the natural indigenes of the middle 

belt region, and antagonism between 

them and the Hausa/Fulani in their midst 

(Akwara and Ojoma, 2013). 

 

With the growth of democracy, 

democratic institutions and education, 

some of the of members of the 

dominated or “internally colonised” 

ethnic nationalities begin to question 

their memberships to the larger political 

community (national identity); they 

question why they should cooperate with 

the other ethnic nationalities in the 

country and or, see themselves as one 

(national integration) when their slots of 

national resources are being taken by 

“non-indigenes” in their midst, and why 

the other ethnic regions are developing 

at their own expense by harnessing the 

natural resources found in another ethnic 

regions (1) (Sobowale, 2013), and 

therefore see the need for a discussion of 

how to end this internal exploitation of 

one ethnic region by the other (national 

question) (Torulagha, 2013). 

 

They question why their indigenes are 

not found within the corridors of power 

in their own natural ethnic regions and at 

the national level; and why they should 

continue to support the governments at 

all levels; and therefore employ all 

possible means to bring the governments 

to be responsible and accountable. This 

has led to the proliferation of ethnic 

militias that terrorize the citizens across 

the country; and the adoption of 

different legal frameworks that 

challenge national laws in some parts of 

the country (2). Unless these issues are 

addressed by the governments, Nigeria 

would most likely find it difficult to be 

united, develop economically and to 

have stable democratic governance in 

the country. 

 

Statement of the Problem 

The internal and external colonization of 

Nigeria created the absence of national 

identity and integration in the country. 

These problems still linger as the various 

ethnic nationalities that constitute the 

country never met to discuss the basis 

upon which the ethnic nationalities 

would continue to exist as a united and 

indivisible country before or after her 

independence from the British. This 

paper examines the consequences of the 

colonization processes (problems of 

national identity and integration, and the 

clamour for a discussion of the national 

question) on the unity, security and 

democratic governance in the Nigerian 

state. 

 

Methodology 

Data generation technique for this study 

is through the content analysis of 

secondary data as text books, journals, 

newspapers, magazines, publications on 

the web. The study is purely historical 

and the analysis descriptive. 

 



 

 

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Theoretical Orientation 

Social scientists have always devised 

theories in their attempts to understand 

and explain the nature, causes, and 

effects of events, issues and episodes in 

their societies. Each of the theories takes 

a specific perspective that differentiates 

it from the other, depending on the 

school of thought the theorist belongs. 

Thus, conflicts in societies have had 

their liberal and Marxist explanations. 

The search for identity by an ethnic 

nationality in a polity signifies the 

presence of a conflict between the group 

and some other groups in the society, so 

also is the lack of integration in a polity, 

and the quest for a discussion of the 

“national question” in a polity by some 

ethnic nationalities within the polity. 

 

The theoretical orientation of this study 

will therefore take the psycho-cultural 

perspective (Agara and Adekunle, 

2012). From this theoretical perspective, 

whenever a polity is inhabited by many 

ethnic nationalities, there is bound to be 
conflicts which arise from the domination 

and exploitation of one ethnic nationality by 

another or the fear of exploitation and 

domination. The domination and 

exploitation or their fear is located in 

ethnic and cultural differences among 

the groups; and ethnic and cultural 

differences provide the basis for group 

identity, solidarity and interaction within 

and amongst the groups. The conflicts 

are further fueled by histories of 

discrimination, deprivation and 
marginalization (denial of access to 

power, economic resources and privileges) 

based on ethnic identity in the polity. 

The search for ethnic identity therefore 

is conditioned by the state of mind of the 

affected ethnic nationalities. The call for 

resource control, fiscal federalism; a 

discussion of the national question; 

formation of ethnic militias by ethnic 

nationalities; introduction of sharia law 

in the northern states of the country 

signify the absence of national 

integration in Nigeria. The Niger-Delta 

crises that pitched the ethnic militias in 

the Niger- Delta against the national 

government and the current Boko-

Haram insurgency in Nigeria question 

the legitimacy of the Federal 

Government of Nigeria. All signify that 

the various ethnic nationalities in the 

country are not integrated, and that the 

country is gradually moving towards 

disintegration. These points to the need 

for the various ethnic nationalities to sit 

down and talk in a sovereign national 

conference, the basis upon which the 

country would continue to be one in a 

sovereign national conference. 

 

National Integration 

Integration following Parson’s (1956) 

analysis involves the creation of society 

to solidarity and institutionalization of 

patterns of social interaction; ensuring 

that rules and regulations that define the 

patterns of interaction; and that the 

means of achieving desired goals are 

accorded their legitimacy within the 

social system. There are certain 

implications that characterise societal 

integration. Firstly, the question of 

societal solidarity and the existence of 

normative framework which presupposes 

in turn the existence of shared cognitive 



 

 

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National Identity, Integration and Question: Implications for National Security and Stable Democratic 

Governance in Nigeria 

 Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; Onimawo, Jane 

 

orientation in the process of social 
interaction. Put in other words, in every 

society, for effective societal integration to 

be achieved, people must be aware of, or 

share knowledge of both their historical 

past and culture which makes it possible 

for them to adapt to, and manipulate the 

situation, and also plan for the future. 

 

Shared cognitive orientation more or 

less defines the parameter of social 

interaction by making acceptable norms 

and the sanctioning of deviant behaviour 

meaningful. This means that when 

people engage in social interaction, they 

can more or less anticipate the 

consequences of their actions. In Nigeria, 

this normative framework is seemingly 

absent as well as shared cognitive 

orientation. Each ethnic nationality is in 

search and expression of its “local 

identity” which have found expression 

as ethnic, political and religious 

conflicts across the country. 

 

National integration according to 

Weiner (1971), refers to the process of 

bringing together culturally and socially 

discrete groups into a single territorial 

unit and the establishment of a national 

identity. Integration as used in this 

context assumes the existence of an 

ethnically plural society in which each 

group is characterised by its own 

language, religion, arts, and other self-

conscious cultural qualities. National 

integration therefore refers specifically 

to the problem of creating a sense of 

territorial nationality, which overshadows 

or eliminates subordinate parochial 

loyalties. 

Secondly, Weiner (1971) sees the 

concept as establishing a national central 

authority over subordinate political units 

or regions, which may or may not 

coincide with distinct cultural or social 

groups. Thus, it has to do with the 

subjective feelings which individuals 

belonging to different political units 

have towards the nation. National 

integration therefore refers to the 

objective control which the central 

authority has over the entire territory 

under its claim of jurisdiction. 

 

Thirdly, the concept refers to the 

problem of linking the people (the ruled) 

with the government (the rulers). What 

is implied here is the existence of gap 

between the government and the people. 

This gap could be shown in the form of 

disparity in aspirations and values 

between the ruling elites and the masses. 

This of course leads to the disintegration 

of the society if this gap cannot be 

peacefully bridged by the ruling elites. 

An instance is where Nigerians are 

asking for more efficient transport and 

power systems, and lower prices for fuel 

for their vehicles while a minister 

recommends bicycles and generators for 

them as means of transportation and 

power generation. 

 

Fourthly, the concept is used to show the 

minimum value consensus necessary to 

maintain a social order. These may be 

values concerning justice, equity, the 

desirability of economic development as 

a goal, the sharing of common history 

and symbols, and in general, an 

agreement as to what constitutes 



 

 

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desirable and undesirable social ends. 

The value may also centre on means, 

that is, on the instrumentalities and 

procedures for the achievement of goals 

and for resolving conflicts. Here, the 

problem is with the legal norms, the 

legitimacy of the constitutional 

framework, and the means by which it 

should operate. It centres on desirable 

and undesirable conduct. 

 

Finally, there is the need of an integrated 

behaviour among the people of the 

political system or the capacity of the 

people to organise for a common 

purpose. But a cooperative behaviour 

cannot be possible in a social system if 

certain sections of the system feel 

marginalised or are actually marginalised 

by the rest or by some groups. 

 

National Identity 

National identity refers to the felling of 

attachment an individual has to his or her 

country, its government and people. It is 

the individual’s identification with the 

political system. It is a feeling of not 

being marginalised in the scheme of 

things. A sense of national identity starts 

with the individual asking himself 

questions and answering them. These 

questions are: 

 

What is my nation? 

What kind of nation is it? 

Do I really belong to it? 

How deep or ambiguous is this sense of 

belonging? 

 

According to Verba (1968), national 

identity has to do with the peoples’ 

belief that they really are members of a 

particular society, that is, the extent to 

which they consider themselves as 

members of the nation-state. National 

identity does not really deal merely with 

the individual’s physical location of 

himself in a particular place, but 

includes self-identity - a psychological 

attachment. It is only when one lives 

within a state and has the feeling or sense 

of belonging to it that one can rightly say 

that one has a sense of national identity. 

 

The number of ethno-religious conflicts 

and acts of terrorism; absence of 

responsible leadership and good 

governance in Nigeria since her 

independence has made Nigerians to re-

evaluate themselves on the questions 

above. The ambiguity of this sense of 

belonging shows that most Nigerians 

cannot answer these questions correctly 

and therefore lack the sense of national 

identity. Each Nigerian identifies 

himself/herself first as a member of 

his/her ethnic group and then a Nigerian. 

 

Verba (1968) distinguished two kinds of 

identity in his discussion of national 

identity: 

Vertical identification deals with the 

individual’s sense of attachment to his 

political unit - the country, the state, 

local government, the village, and the 

governments at these levels; and for the 

symbols of the government or the state. 

Horizontal identification deals with the 

individual’s sense of integration and 

identification with other people who 

inhabit the political system. It deals with 

the extent to which the individuals 



 

 

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National Identity, Integration and Question: Implications for National Security and Stable Democratic 

Governance in Nigeria 

 Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; Onimawo, Jane 

 

identify with each other as members of 

the same society; and also the extent to 

which they have trust and confidence in 

their fellow citizens. 

 

Some cultures and groups have much 

more favourable view of some cultures 

than others. The limit of trust and 

confidence in fellow citizens also sets 

limits to the extent one can interact 

freely with others and build confident 

economic and political relationships. 

Hostilities to those outside one’s group 

signifies that imter-group conflicts exist 

in the system as has been the case with 

Nigeria. Each group has been on the 

other group’s throat though it is possible 

for one to have a different view of 

another group quite different from his 

own group’s view about that group. 

 

The National Question 

The vast majority of Nigerians have 

always reduced the national question to 

contradictions and antagonism between 

the various ethnic nationalities in the 

country. In order words, they see the 

national question in terms of inter-ethnic 

hostilities only. But the national 

question is far bigger and more complex 

than this. The national question is a big 

complex of political, economic, 

ideological, cultural, historical, religious, 

legal and other problems that arise 

during a people’s struggle for liberation 

and for favourable internal and external 

conditions for further development; and 

also in the course of establishing equal, 

friendly relations between them and 

others. 
 

The national question according to 

Odion-Akhaine (2000) involves the 

unresolved contradictions in the society 

that have continued to entrench Nigeria 

in a vicious circle of crises. The national 

question posed politically refers to the 

right to self-determination including the 

right to secession. This meaning is 

necessitated due to the oppression of 

some ethnic nationalities by others in a 

multi-ethnic setting as Nigeria (Odion-

Akhaine, 2000). 

 

The national question is always 

subordinate to the main problem of the 

socioeconomic development of the 

society, and has a different content and 

significance at various stages of a 

nation’s development. As Ismagilova 

(1978) pointed out, the national question 

includes the abolition of all forms of 

ethnic oppression and ethnic inequality. 

It involves the establishment of real 

equality, friendship, and fraternal 

cooperation between peoples. It aims at 

the abolition of the exploitation of a 

region by the other. This must be 

discussed to bring about equity and 

justice in the allocation of the nation’s 

resources to create a sense of belonging 

on the peoples of the country and to 

foster national identity and integration. 
 

It is only when the various groups and 

peoples in the country are involved in 

the formulation of governmental 

policies and their implementation, get a 

fair share of the nation’s resources and 

are not considered as peoples whose 

values, opinions and feelings do not 

matter in the country that they can 



 

 

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cultivate the necessary sense of 

belonging and identity with their fellow 

citizens and the governments at all 

levels; and work in unity toward the 

building of a united and strong nation-

state in which all will be proud to 

belong. 

 

The national question is evident on daily 

basis in the reports of violence against 

people in the various ethnic nationalities 

in the country especially in the South-

East and the Niger-Delta; against the 

peoples of the Middle Belt region; 

against South-Eastern Nigerians living 

in the Northern region of the country; 

and in the discussion of revenue 

allocation and resource control (Iyaji, 

2000); and in the calls for fiscal 

federalism by the southern states in 

Nigeria. In the South-East geo-political 

zone, it is seen in their cries against the 

marginalisation of the Igbos in the 

political and economic processes of the 

country for having lost a war of 

independence in the Nigeria-Biafra war 

(Ezuonu and Chima, 2010); and in their 

agitation for state creation in their geo-

political zone as the zone has the least 

number of states when compared to 

other geo-political zones. In the Niger-

Delta, Isa and Adejuwon (2012) 

observed that the Niger-Delta crises are 

directed against the State and the oil 

companies operating in the region. And 

a close look at the demands of the people 

of the Niger-Delta shows that their 

agitation is against frustration, 

environmental degradation and general 

socio-economic deprivation of the 

people when compared with peoples of 

the other ethnic nationalities (Odion-

Akhaine, 2000). They have been 

afflicted by oil related problems as 

environmental degradation due to oil 

spillage and neglect in terms of 

developmental projects in their region 

and employment even after the 

establishment of a Ministry of Niger- 

Delta and the Niger-Delta Development 

Commission. 

 

National Integration, National 

Identity and the National Question 

The concept “nation” is just like that of 

a state and denotes a group of people 

having or sharing common biological 

characteristics as race and colour; 

historical origin and ancestry; cultural 

practices as language, religion, artefacts, 

customs and heritage; and the group 

lives together in a defined geographical 

territory (Akwara, 1998; Leeds,1978). It 

approximates to what sociologists and 

anthropologists refer to as tribe or ethnic 

group. 

 

In Nigeria, there about 400 ethnic 

nationalities and linguistic groups. Each 

of these groups is a nation of itself. The 

Ibos are a nation just as the Hausas, 

Yorubas, Jokuns, Tivs, Efiks and 

Kanuris are nations of their own. Each of 

these nations is located at a specific 

geographical area on the map of Nigeria. 

Before now the entire northern Nigeria 

was seen as the Hausas/Fulani, but 

recently, most ethnic nationalities 

formerly referred to as Hausas/Fulani 

are now declaring their ethnic identities 

and autonomies. The Jokun is a Jokun 

and a Kanuri is not a Hausa/Fulani. A 



 

 

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National Identity, Integration and Question: Implications for National Security and Stable Democratic 

Governance in Nigeria 

 Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; Onimawo, Jane 

 

fight would ensue between you and a 

Jokun if you identify him as Hausa. He 

is a jokun and would be happy being 

seen as such. So would a Tiv or a Nupe 

want to be seen as a Tiv or a Nupe and 

not a Hausa/Fulani. Each nation has an 

identity it now declares and wants 

autonomy from a perceived colonizer; 

while those whose identities are obscure 

are trying to carve out one for them at all 

costs. 

 

Each ethnic nationality sees itself as a 

state because when a group of people 

live together in a geographically defined 

territory under the traditional or legal 

authority of a government, or a ruler, a 

state has been formed (Akwara, 1998; 

Leeds, 1978). A full-fledged state has 

the following characteristics: It has a 

population - the size of the population 

does not really matter. It has a defined 

geographical territory or national 

boundaries that separates it from other 

states. The boundaries make it distinct 

from other states. A state has 

permanence - geographically, every 

state is located at a specific point on the 

earth’s surface and exists there 

permanently. But it could have as many 

governments as situations would 

warrant. It has a government - a state has 

a government or an administrative organ 

to oversee its smooth operation as an 

entity. Membership to a state is 

compulsory - everyone comes from a 

state. Even where a person claims to 

have fallen from heaven, he/she must 

have fallen on a specific spot on the 

earth’s surface. It has sovereignty - a 

state has independence to make laws and 

to enforce such laws within its territory 

without reliance on other states and 

without question from other states. 

These are the marks of a full-fledged 

state and in this context, every ethnic 

nationality approximates to a state in 

Nigeria. 

 

The issue of sovereignty arose because 

of internal colonisation of one ethnic 

group by the other, and the external 

colonization of all the ethnic groups by 

the Europeans. Every human community 

is a state because it operates under 

specific norms and under a sovereign 

authority. The character and number of 

people exercising power and authority in 

a state often determine the origin and 

kind of state in existence and the 

purposes or functions of the state and 

possibly its level of civilization or 

development. Irrespective of the fact 

that each of these ethnic nationalities in 

Nigeria is a nation and was a state before 

colonialism, they all belong to the 

Nigerian state. They all share a common 

nationality - they are all Nigerians. 

When all the ethnic nationalities in a 

country come to see themselves as one 

irrespective of their ethnic or natural 

differences, they have created a nation-

state, and there is national identity and 

integration. 

 

Causes of Lack of National Identity 

and Integration and Reasons for the 

Calls for A Discussion of the National 

Question 

In most African nations and indeed 

Nigeria, the absence of national identity 

and integration is caused by ethnic and 



 

 

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cultural differences. These ethnic and 

cultural differences also dictated during 

the indigenous state formation periods 

which areas are to be raided for slaves, 

areas to be traded with, evangelised, or 

to be attacked and occupied (colonized). 

Slave raids for instance were carried out 

outside the raiders ethnic origin and this 

caused conflicts between the raiders and 

the raided (Mangut, 2012). 

 

Then, trade and evangelisation and quest 

for natural resources also led to attacks 

and occupation of raided regions 

(Mangut, 2012; Onwubiko, 1976; 

Ifemesia, 1965; Aderingbe, 1965; 

Tamuno, 1965). This exercise of control 

over the raided regions started the 

internal colonization process of one 

ethnic region by the other which could 

also be seen as an indigenous mega-state 

formation process. This saw the rise and 

fall of empires and kingdoms. Raids and 

occupation affected the history, culture, 

language and religion of the raided 

ethnic regions as the raids encouraged 

what Mangut (2012) called 

“spontaneous immigration” from the 

raiders’ ethnic regions to the raided 

ethnic regions. Thus, the raided ethnic 

regions had a natural indigenous 

population (natural indigenes or the 

natives), and a migrant settler’s 

population (the non-indigenes and 

aliens). This factor alone accounts for 

the multiplicity of ethnicity nationalities 

in each ethnic region in Nigeria. Thus 

Nigeria’s history is replete with histories 

of origin. Somebody came from 

somewhere and no one is from nowhere 

- an issue that complicates the ethnic and 

religious conflicts in the country. 

 

This indigenous state formation process 

started an integration of the various 

ethnic nationalities in the new states 

through inter-ethnic marriages, unifying 

religious and cultural practices and co-

option of some of the natural indigenes 

into leadership positions (Abubakar, 

2007) where this would not disrupt the 

power system in the new states or 

kingdom or empires as they were called 

(Ofoegbu, 1976; Mangut, 2012). Most 

of these kingdoms and empires could not 

stand the test of time as some of them 

were over-run by stronger kingdoms or 

got torn apart by internal contradictions. 

Thus, some states or empires lasted 

longer than others. This state of stability 

and instability amongst the indigenous 

African states continued until the arrival 

of the external colonizers - the 

Europeans and the Arabs. 

 

The European colonization of Africa did 

not go unchallenged. Almost all African 

societies entered by the Europeans 

offered one form of opposition or the 

other (Hassan, 2012; Magezi, 2012, 

Ayuba, 2012; Kums, 2012). The 

colonial state was therefore a conquest 

state because military force was used to 

pacify the colonised African states and 

societies. It was therefore founded on 

force, violence or threat of the use of 

force with the sole aim of appropriating 

the colonised peoples’ lands and what 

the land produced. It acculturated the 

peoples’ culture, values and world 

outlook (Yadaki, 2012). Ethnic and 

cultural differences were not taken into 



 

 

14 | P a g e  

 

 

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Governance in Nigeria 

 Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; Onimawo, Jane 

 

consideration in the administration of 

the colonized ethnic nationalities by the 

Europeans and the dominant or ruling 

elites in the African state at the time of 

European conquest were recognised (in 

the North) and substituted (in the south) 

at the expense of the natives. They were 

empowered at the expense of the natural 

indigenes without regard for their 

origins or population. And this disrupted 

the integration of the various ethnic 

nationalities that was going on before 

the arrival of the Europeans. This has 

made most ethnic groups not to submit 

themselves to be ruled by men of other 

tribes, races or religion because they 

believe that doing so implies submitting 

to oppression, degradation and exclusion 

from the moral community as inferior 

groups or persons whose opinions, 

attitudes and values do not count. 

Therefore, integration became very 

difficult. 

 

In places where politics involves a high 

level of antagonism among groups with 

opposing political views as Nigeria, 

there is the likelihood that there would 

be very bad impression of trust-

worthiness of individuals when they are 

considered in political terms. Sense of 

confidence in others is very important 

for the maintenance of stable political 

system. Unless individuals trust their 

fellow citizens, irrespective of their 

ethnic group affiliation, they would be 

unwilling to turn political power to their 

opponents. The Hausa/Fulani group in 

Nigeria regrets today for having done 

that - allowing the power base of the 

nation to shift to the western and to the 

south-south regions of the country. 

When there is a sense of trust and 

confidence among the people, they 

would engage in peaceful competition 

with those of opposing political view 

and allow the alternation of power 

among competing groups and elites. 

Unless the dangers of such competition 

and alternation of power is too great for 

the ruling group to bear. This was in fact 

one of the reasons for the annulment of 

the June 12, 1993 Presidential election in 

Nigeria by General Ibrahim Babangida, 

a northern military autocrat. The 

election was won by a southern 

politician, Chief M.K.O. Abiola to the 

surprise of the northern politicians and 

the military. And the present northern 

Hausa/Fulani opposition to non-Muslim 

and non-Hausa/Fulani leadership of the 

Federal Government in Nigeria today is 

based on the fact that Nigeria is un-

integrated. 

 

Sense of confidence in others is very 

important because if there is general lack 

of confidence and trust in the ruler and 

non-identification with the government 

of the day, the rulers will have to get 

obedience to their wishes by force even 

if such force is destabilizing. This has 

conditioned the use of military 

expeditions in ethnic nationalities where 

the crises could not be controlled 

through any other means in the country. 

When this happens in a state, it would be 

very difficult if not impossible to 

develop sense of identification or 

national identity. 

 



 

 

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The Problems Posed by the Absence 

of National Identity and Integration 

on National Security and Democratic 

Governance in Nigeria. 

In Nigeria the formation of a sense of 

national identity has been an up-hill task 

because it involves the alteration of 

primordial loyalties and rapid 

development of political consciousness 

among a politically unconscious people. 

Often, this alteration creates ethnic 

cleavages between the various ethnic 

groups. This leads to national symbols to 

vie with local or tribal symbols. This 

also leads to divided loyalties and 

loyalty to sub-national unit becomes 

primary. This problem has become acute 

in Nigeria because ethnic or national 

boundaries are defined by historical, 

linguistic, religious and cultural 

boundaries. Since the creation of this 

sense of national identity is being 

championed by the ruling elites of the 

various groups in the country, the sense 

of national identity by the members of 

the various groups becomes bi-focal. It 

focuses on the personalities of the 

charismatic leaders; and on emotionally 

charged symbols (Verba, 1968). And 

when these happen, the sense of national 

identity thus created is fragile, rejected 

on the onset, and fades when the 

symbols and personalities are no longer 

there. Personality crises result from the 

vacuum thus created by the exit of the 

personalities and leadership crises 

ensue. In Nigeria, since colonial days till 

date, this sense of national identity has 

been more or less focused on the 

personalities of the ruling elites of the 

various ethnic groups as they serve more 

or less as symbols of ethnic unity and 

integration for the particular ethnic 

group. This manifests in the decoration 

of any indigene that gets a national 

appointment with traditional titles and 

ethnic reception by his/her ethnic group. 

 

Finally, the call for the development of a 

sense of national identity creates a 

feeling of lack of self-confidence or self-

esteem on the people that have not 

developed and this makes issues that 

could have been settled by dialogue 

between people of different ethnic 

nationalities to be settled by the use of 

force which are usually out of proportion 

as ethnic and religious conflicts because: 

 

They are uncertain of their national 

boundaries - who are part of them and 

who are not. They ask themselves the 

question: “are we members of the same 

society?” “Why don’t they do like us?” 

“Let’s send them out of our land” “Why 

can’t they allow us to rule the country 

even once, let us secede” 

 

They do not comprehend the meaning of 

national identity as such they ask 

themselves the questions: “what do they 

want from us?” “Why must we abandon 

our old ways of doing things?” “Why 

must we cooperate with them,”” Have 

they been cooperating with us?” “We 

can get along alone, why can’t they stay 

on their own and leave us alone?” 

 

The people do not know the scope of 

their identity hence they ask the 

questions: “what is expected of us?” 

“What shall we get in return?” “For how 



 

 

16 | P a g e  

 

 

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Governance in Nigeria 

 Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; Onimawo, Jane 

 

long will it last?” “What shall we do if 

we are not comfortable in this 

arrangement?” “To what extent shall we 

agree to be one?” 

 

It is because the various ethnic groups in 

Nigeria do not have ready and 

convincing answers to these questions 

that the nation is still unintegrated and 

parts of the questions have come to the 

fore in the forms of: application of the 

Sharia law in the states of the northern 

region of the country which is being 

used against non-Muslims in the region; 

and which often ends in ethno-religious 

conflicts; the cry for resource control by 

the southern states that produce 80% of 

the nation’s revenue which pitches the 

militants in the Niger-delta against the 

federal government; the call for 

sovereign national conference by 

various ethnic nationalities in the 

country to discuss the basis on which the 

country should remain as one united 

country which those within the corridors 

of power who are the ultimate 

beneficiaries of the status-quo object to 

vehemently; the inability of the 

governments to reduce poverty, 

unemployment, violent crimes and 

political assassinations, kidnappings, 

terrorism, infrastructural decay and 

corruption among the citizens within the 

corridors of power. 

 

The Effects on Socio-Economic 

Development and Democratic 

Governance in Nigeria 

There is the need for the citizens of the 

country to have a sense of national 

identity or a sense of belonging and a 

feeling of attachment to the nation for 

the following reasons: Without this 

feeling of belonging to the nation, it 

would be extremely difficult for the 

government to effectively rule the 

country, maintain its authority and apply 

rules and regulations within the country. 

The legitimacy of the regimes would be 

questioned by some of the people and 

groups. This the militants in the Niger-

Delta did by blowing up oil pipe lines 

and oil rigs in the region, and the 

kidnapping of expatriate oil and 

construction workers, and oil theft. The 

Boko-Haram is doing so through its 

terrorist attacks all over the country 

seeking the establishment of an Islamic 

state across Nigeria. Under this 

condition no meaningful development 

would take place. The citizens of the 

country cannot unite for a common 

purpose, face a common enemy or solve 

a national problem collectively. 

Development programmes in the 

country would not be planned and 

coordinated because the citizens do not 

see themselves as a people with a 

common goal and destiny. 

 

Ethnic sentiments will be strong in the 

country and there will always be the 

tendency for local groups to assert their 

local independence and exhibit 

secessionist tendencies as has been the 

case with the states in the South East 

region of the country - the Movement for 

the Actualization of the Sovereign State 

of Biafra (MASSOB); and the 

Movement for the Survival of Ogoni 

People (MASOP) in the south-south 

region; and the Movement for the 



 

 

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Emancipation of the Niger-Delta 

(MEND) in the South-South region; the 

Afenifere and the Odua People’s 

Congress (OPC) in the South-West; the 

Boko-Haram (BH) in the North-East, 

North-Central and North-West regions. 

These actions have reduced the level of 

direct foreign investment in the country 

and also the volume of internal trade due 

to violence that follow the actions of 

these ethnic militias. 

 

As national identity is lacking, the 

attempts by the ruling groups to 

establish a strong central government 

often provokes ethnic sentiments that 

call to question the legitimacy and 

authority of the government just as 

MEND did by blowing up pipe lines and 

oil rigs; MASSOB did by introducing 

Biafran currency into circulation; and 

BH is doing by bombing and shooting 

innocent citizens with impunity. 

 

The absence of national identity 

weakens the governmental structures 

and institutions thereby creating national 

crises and political instability. Because 

the national institutions are weak, the 

Federal Government cannot rule 

effectively, fight or check corruption 

effectively, initiate development 

programs and execute them 

successfully. Lack of national identity 

has caused some governments in the 

country (federal, state and local) to be 

detached from the people, acting by 

themselves and for themselves. Thus 

government has become an avenue for 

personal enrichment because the people 

do not give the necessary supports to it, 

or question the rationale for certain 

national policies and actions. It is only 

when people have a sense of belonging 

to a nation that the survival of the 

political system is possible. It is only 

then that the country can survive any 

type of crisis. A sense of national 

identity restrains the emergence of 

totalitarian regimes because everyone is 

interested in the affairs of the state and 

the methods of their conduct. 

 

Ways of Creating and Preserving 

National Identity and Integration, 

and Resolve the Problems Posed by 

the National Question Issue in 

Nigeria. 

For Nigeria to be integrated to the extent 

that the citizens would have a sense of 

national identity, the federal government 

should take very seriously the call by the 

various ethnic groups for the 

convocation of a sovereign national 

conference. This conference among 

other things will fashion out a new 

geopolitical arithmetic or formulae for 

the nation and usher in a true federalism 

in the country. The conference would 

also allow the various ethnic 

nationalities to voice out their hopes, 

aspirations and fears in the corporate 

existence of Nigeria and agree on how 

all the ethnic nationalities will co-exist 

peacefully and have the true feelings and 

sense of national identity. This 

sovereign national conference will also 

discuss the “national question”. The 

cries for resource control by the various 

ethnic nationalities goes to buttress the 

need for the discussion of the national 

question by the various ethnic 



 

 

18 | P a g e  

 

 

National Identity, Integration and Question: Implications for National Security and Stable Democratic 

Governance in Nigeria 

 Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; Onimawo, Jane 

 

nationalities in the country. It is believed 

that the problems, injustices and 

inequities associated with state creation, 

revenue allocation, political 

appointments, national security, etc. can 

be solved through the discussion of the 

national question. 

 

The vast majority of the citizens of this 

country have always reduced the 

national question to contradictions and 

antagonism between the various ethnic 

nationalities in the country. In order 

words, they see the national question in 

terms of inter-tribal hostilities only. But 

the national question is far bigger and 

more complex than this. The national 

question is a big complex of political, 

economic, ideological, legal and other 

problems that arise during a people’s 

struggle for liberation and for favourable 

internal and external conditions for 

further development; and also, in the 

course of establishing equal, friendly 

relations between peoples (Ismagilova, 

1978). 

 

The national question is always 

subordinate to the main problem of the 

socioeconomic development of the 

society, and has a different content and 

significance at various stages of a 

nation’s development. As Ismagilova 

(1978) pointed out, the national question 

includes the abolition of all forms of 

ethnic oppression and ethnic 

inequalities. It involves the 

establishment of real equality, friendship, 

and fraternal cooperation between 

peoples. It aims at the abolition of the 

exploitation of a region by the other. 

This must be discussed to bring about 

equity and justice in the allocation of the 

nation’s resources to create the sense of 

belonging on the peoples of the country 

and to foster national integration. 

 

It is only when the various groups and 

peoples in the country are involved in 

the formulation of governmental 

policies and their implementation; get a 

fair share of the nation’s resources; and 

are not considered as peoples whose 

values, opinions and feelings do not 

matter in the country that they can 

cultivate the necessary sense of 

belonging and identity with their fellow 

citizens and the governments at all 

levels; and work in unity toward the 

building of a united and strong nation-

state in which all will be proud to 

belong. As Odion-Akhaine (2000) 

observed, it has become very necessary 

to address the issue because of the 

deepening ethno-nationalism in the 

country which has resulted in the 

proliferation of ethnic organizations 

(militias) and violent ethnic clashes. 

 

The federal government in Nigeria 

should put in place measures that would 

help to create confidence in the people 

that the government really cares for 

them. The government should be 

responsible and accountable to the 

people. It should respect the rule of law, 

reduce poverty if it cannot be eradicated; 

provide functional infrastructural 

facilities; improve on the security 

situation in the country and check 

corruption and conduct free and fair 

elections across the country; and punish 



 

 

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people who violate the laws. 

Summary and Conclusion 

Ethnic conflicts are endemic Nigeria 

because of the absence of national 

identity and integration. The absence of 

national identity and integration is due to 

the internal colonization of some ethnic 

nationalities by others during the 

indigenous state formation processes 

(empires building and kingdoms) which 

was halted by the external colonization 

of the kingdoms and empires by the 

Europeans. 

 

The external colonization aborted the 

integration processes going on in the 

empires and in some places created 

status reversals which deepened the 

integration crises. It also amalgamated 

ethnic nationalities into un-integrated 

nation-states where the search for lost 

ethnic identity and integration started all 

over again after independence. The 

amalgamated ethnic nationalities did not 

consider their ethnic differences during 

their search for nationhood or national 

independence as they saw the external 

colonizer as a common enemy. On 

independence, their ethnic differences 

manifested since the ethnic nationalities 

did not sit to discuss on what basis they 

would continue to be one indivisible and 

united country. Having been elude by 

the dividends of democratic rule - good 

governance, responsible and accountable 

leadership, functional infrastructural 

facilities, peace and security and 

upholds the exploitation of one ethnic 

nationality by another; each ethnic 

nationality now searches for its local 

identity and autonomy which it does 

through its local ethnic militias and 

terrorist groups; and challenge of the 

legitimacy of the central government as 

others are calling for a discussion of the 

national question in a sovereign national 

conference. It has become very 

necessary to address the issue in a 

sovereign national conference because 

of the deepening ethno-nationalism in 

the country as they have become more or 

less, wars of internal decolonization. 

The federal government in Nigeria 

should put in place measures that would 

help to create confidence in the people 

that the government really cares for 

them. The government should be 

responsible and accountable to the 

people. It should respect the rule of law, 

reduce poverty if it cannot be eradicated; 

provide functional infrastructural 

facilities; improve on the security 

situation in the country and corruption, 

and punish those who violate national 

laws irrespective of their positions in the 

society. 

 

Notes and References: 

 

Notes: 

See the distribution of oil blocks in 

Nigeria. Whereas 80% of the oil blocks are 

held by peoples of the Northern region 

that does not produce oil, the remaining 

20% is held by members of the southern 

region that produces the oil and whose 

environment is polluted by oil spillages. 

With the return to civil democratic rule 

in 1999, the entire states in the northern 

parts of Nigeria adopted the Sharia Law 

to replace the Penal Code in operation in 

that area of the country. This was in 



 

 

20 | P a g e  

 

 

National Identity, Integration and Question: Implications for National Security and Stable Democratic 

Governance in Nigeria 

 Akwara, Azalahu F; Udaw, Joseph E.; Onimawo, Jane 

 

defiance of the lamentation of its 

consequences on the administration of 

justice in that part of the country. The 

southern part of the country still uses the 

Criminal Code and the peoples of the 

southern Nigeria are judged under the 

Sharia law in the north. 

 

 

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