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The Dominant Class and the State in Nigeria: A Confederacy of Profligacy 

Dr. Okechukwu Egwu Ibiam  

 

THE DOMINANT CLASS AND THE STATE IN NIGERIA: 

A CONFEDERACY OF PROFLIGACY 

 

Dr. Okechukwu Egwu Ibiam  

Department of Political Science  

Faculty of Humanities and Social Sciences  

Federal University Ndufu-Alike Ikwo Nigeria  

e-mail: okeyibiamegwu@gmail.com 

 
Abstract  

The Nigerian state has been persistently referred to as an alien state by all and sundry not 

because its operators are aliens or non-Nigerians. Far from that, it is so because of the modus 

operand of those Nigerians assigned the duty of superintending over their lives using the 

institutions of this state. This state having entangled itself with the dominant exploiter class ill 

Nigeria and indeed elsewhere to the detriment of the masses has elicited reactions leading to the 

quest for a re-definition of its functions. This state having acquired new characteristics in the 

interest of the exploiter class has attracted the interests of analysts who have in reaction 

substituted its conceptualization through papers such as this to that of being an entity in a 

confederacy of profligacy with the dominant exploiter class in Nigeria to expropriate the Nation's 

wealth. This paper has therefore given detail to the dimensions of the dialectical materialist 

processes evolved by this state through its alliance with the exploiter class to expropriate the 

people. It was established through this paper that based on deliberate class characterization of 

Nigerians this state and its allies have perpetuated corruption and underdevelopment as  

well as other social ills among Nigerians leading to contentions among the citizens for its 

repositioning. On this basis far reaching recommendations were made as solutions to the ills so 

far occasioned by the present conditions of the Nigerian state.  

 

Keywords: Dominants class, state, confederacy, profligacy, corruption, development/ 

underdevelopment, poverty.  

 

INTRODUCTION  

In recent times, the role of the Nigerian 

state as an agent of societal development  

brought its policies, control and use (or 

abuse) of public resources has attracted 

much concern. Such concerns arise 

partly because of the ever increasing 

failure of this state to live up to its 

responsibilities. Much critique has 

trailed the Nigerian state in this regard 

because of its unfettered fraternity with 

the dominant exploiter class in Nigeria 

and elsewhere. Among allegations 

leveled against this state include its lack 

of neutrality in the ever increasing 

contestation for the allocation of 

Nigerians multi-billion dolor petroleum 

resources, by engaging in unbridled and 

biased relationship with the dominant 

class to the detriment of the large 

population of the citizens (Ekewe 1986). 

This order which analyst see as a 

common practice (Ake 1985) among 

 

mailto:okeyibiamegwu@gmail.com


 

 

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African dependant capitalist states 

(Frank 1975) has succeeded in arousing 

the concern of the citizens to the extent 

of constituting a problem. This action of 

the state which Diamond (2006) see as 

an unholy alliance between the state and 

the dominant exploiter class has 

transcended from being a common 

practice into an order of the 

confederation of profligacy in Nigeria.  

Ake (1996) argues that the emergence of 

class division in Africa, but particularly 

in Nigeria was occasioned by European 

colonial interests which gave birth to 

Nigeria and by so doing established a 

structure of class characterization of the 

citizens that facilitates wealth 

expropriation for British vested 

interests. It is this structure that was 

inherited by the post-colonial Nigerian 

state and imbued with its exploitative 

European masters’ characteristics, this 

state has pursued and caused the 

furtherance of class division among 

Nigerians, in the interest of both 

indigenous and the western exploiter 

class. Ake furthers that while no one 

denies the existence of localized 

traditional classes of citizens in pre-

colonial Nigerian communities, the 

dimension of the alliance between any of 

such classes with the traditional state 

institutions was nothing compared the 

contemporary order. 

  

Beyond that, we are at the moment 

interested in the contemporary order of a 

confederation of profligacy between the 

state and the dominant class which 

facilitates the satisfaction of the vested 

interest of the later.  

Ake submitted that in Nigeria, the 

dominant class (referred to) here are all 

those who are in the power position to 

take what they can from the nations 

accumulated wealth either directly or 

through a form of patronage and are also 

in the position of decide what other will 

get (Ake 1996: 15). In Nigeria, this class 

includes a range of individuals who 

operate as cabals independently in a way 

it collectively engaged in covert 

manipulations that sustain their vested 

interests. Through a complex web these 

individuals associate to establish long 

term and general pathways for their 

families, associated and cronies for in 

the scheme of things in society. Using 

their regular connections in the corridors 

of state power, they create a fraternity 

with former and serving heads of states 

and government, political office holders, 

bureaucrats, technocrats and other with 

high connections to policy processes of 

the state. Access to the status of a 

dominant class is synonymous with 

being in control of the state apparatus 

that creates access to unequal 

distribution of public resource in this 

class interest. Other associated 

prerequisites include access to exclusive 

benefits of immunity against aspect of 

public law, prestige, unfettered contract 

awards, and other opportunities that 

guarantee wealth for members' future 

generations (Onimede 1988). This is 

therefore an existing and ever increasing 

complex order of profligacy between the 

operators of the state apparatus and the 

dominant exploiter class in Nigeria 

which has in recent times attracted 

concerns among state observers in our 



 

 

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The Dominant Class and the State in Nigeria: A Confederacy of Profligacy 

Dr. Okechukwu Egwu Ibiam  

 

society.  

 

Mosca (1936:50-69) is proved right in 

the light of the above when his studies 

earlier contended that there is in every 

society a minority that constitutes a 

dominant class which may in part be 

formed as a political class, because it is 

formed through and based upon 

monopoly control over instruments of 

power (coercion). Mosca referenced 

Marx by arguing further that the 

dominant ruling class had become 

hereditary in fact, if not in law. Here the 

crux of the matter is that the Nigerian 

state has been variously accused of 

entering into an unwholesome alliance 

with the dominant exploiter class and by 

so doing has unwillingly been protecting 

the vested interests of this class to the 

detriment of larger masses (Amin 1976).  

 

The state has therefore taken sides with 

the exploiter class while jettisoning its 

neutrality position in the contestations 

between the exploiter and exploited 

classes in Nigeria.  

THE DOMINANT CLASS AND 

EXPLOITATION OF NIGERIANS 

The Nigerian dominant (exploiter) class 

remains a caricature of their European 

and American counterparts to the extent 

that they defy attempts at scholarly 

interpretation of what they represent. 

Nonetheless it is imperative that some 

form of explanation, if not definitions be 

alluded to this class using historical 

antecedents of the western bourgeois 

society that seemingly reflects its nature 

as Nigeria. In order words, an 

explanation of the dominant class of the 

western bourgeois societies in its true 

and original form stands to help us get a 

grasp of what this class is, as it stands to 

feed on the Nigerian citizens like  

wood worm.  

 

Warren (1973) views the metropolitan 

dominant class as one whose members 

own and control the means of economic 

production. Using the nomenclature of 

class analysis in Marxist 

conceptualization to locate the dominant 

class in this paper, we may have to adopt 

English definition of the term 

"bourgeoisie" to mean the class of 

modern capitalists, owners of the means 

of socio-economic reproduction and 

employers of wage labour (Marx & 

Engel 1888).  

 

Sklar (2006) furthers that this term has 

been used by critical analysts to identify 

the dominant class in society as those 

maintaining market economies and 

capitalist accumulation for the purpose 

of sustaining private property and in that 

process control the society at large.  

 

To understand this dominant class and 

its actions and dimension we need to 

elucidate the concept "class". Here 

Lenin (cited in Ekekwe 1986:6:6) holds 

that the classes are large groups of 

people differing from each other by the 

place they occupy in historically 

determined system of social and 

economic reproduction by their relation 

to the means of production, by their 



 

 

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roles in social organization of labour and 

consequently by the dimension of the 

share of social (and economic) wealth 

which they dispose and the mode of 

acquiring them.  

 

We can deduce here that classes are 

groups of people (even though they may 

not be homogenously so within specific 

socio- economic and by extension 

political and other related factors, one of 

which can appropriate the labour of 

another, including the accruing surplus 

owing to the different places they 

occupy in definite systems of socio-

economic relationship. Here divisions of 

men into these classes are  

determined by their positions (not 

necessarily by accident of birth or 

culture) in the scheme of a society's 

socio-economic reproduction processes. 

 

Igwe (2005) argues here that divisions in 

society along class differentials are not 

new in society because since antiquity 

various attempts have been made either 

to explain, rationalize or justify these 

divisions. These attempts have divisions 

have been on the basis of access of each 

of the groups in this division to 

economically determinable factors. It is 

therefore evident that as these divisions 

deepen in response to prevalent modes 

of socio- economic production, there 

have always emerged efforts by men to 

either reconcile the coherent differences 

or to deepen these differences for vested 

interests. As much as overtures at 

causing co-existence between this 

groups (classes) have been made by 

men, its sustenance have in the same 

vein been compromised by breaches 

occasioned by the in ordinate ambition 

for selfsame by members of the 

dominant class.  

 

In Nigeria such breaches which the state 

is expected to mediate in have often been 

either ignored or exacerbated by this 

state in favour of the exploiter class. In 

the course of time, increases in the 

expropriation of public wealth accruing 

from the labour of the masses through 

the emergent confederation of 

corruption between the stat and this 

dominant class, have had reciprocal 

antagonism emerging from the  

exploited class. Out of these provides 

emerges contentions and struggle for 

supremacy between the classes over 

society's socio-economic good. (Santos 

1970). Out of these struggles emerges 

class a consciousness and a 'we' feeling 

of the exploited masses or aggregates of 

people who share a common relationship 

as providers of labour. Based on shared 

common ideological deposition, which 

in (crude) capitalist societies coalesce 

into labour movements and in recent  

times other forms of fifth columnist and 

tenor groups; as they have come to exist 

in Nigeria as agitators against the ills of 

state motivated appropriation of national 

wealth by a few; conflicts began to 

emerge across the land. This 

consciousness becomes pre-eminent 

after the workers and others who have 

suffered negative consequences on their 

relations with the exploiter class have 

endured to no end. Seeing their 

alienation, deprivation and humanities 



 

 

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The Dominant Class and the State in Nigeria: A Confederacy of Profligacy 

Dr. Okechukwu Egwu Ibiam  

 

by state agents and the dominant class, 

as unacceptable, these exploited class 

begins to desire for change, a change 

they often pursue with vigor to the extent 

of deploying conflict as an inevitable 

road map to the overthrow of this state 

and its accolades in the exploiter class 

(Marx and Engels 1977). Arising from 

these conflicts are usually other forms of 

interventions which the exploiter class 

have often brought to bear on the 

exploited class using the instrumentality 

of the state in areas of political 

manipulation, divide and rule among the 

working class, declaration of 

moratorium in emerging political 

institutions, and outright acts of state 

sponsored tenor against individuals with 

clout among workers. 

 

In contemporary advanced metropolitan 

capitalist societies such as Europe and 

the Americas, other humane criteria 

have been brought to bear on the system 

by the state in collaboration with the 

exploiter class. Having accepted the 

efficacy of Karl Marx's megrim opus in 

the "communist manifesto" as a guide to 

revolution of the working (exploiter) 

class, the western societies have 

abandoned the crude unsuccessful 

approach still in vogue in fledging 

capitalist societies such as Nigeria. 

Using intricate webs of public policies 

such welfarism, workers' social security, 

less working (credit facilities) education, 

health and other social services, the 

advanced capitalist societies have 

sought to assuage workers. These 

societies have in recent time sought to 

dilute the extremes of capitalism as a 

mode of production based on the 

principle of survival of the fittest and 

faceless individualism. Here 

egalitarianism has been borrowed from 

socialist cum communist literature with 

little or no thanks to Karl Marx's 

philosophers as a mechanism to dilute 

the excesses of the dominant class in the 

interest of all mankind. Whereas the 

above as a bourgeoning scenario in these 

metropolitan societies, stiff necked 

apologist of crude public wealth 

appropriation among Nigerians have 

refused to reconcile themselves to need 

for change, hence the endless carnage as 

Nigeria among citizens as they struggle 

for the equitable allocation of the 

nation's resources.  

 

Saul (1974) points out here that in some 

parts of Africa (including Nigeria) the 

crystallization of a fully formed (crude 

capitalist) class around the state 

apparatus constitutes a problem. This 

classes having an interest that is quite 

distinct from and being antagonistic to 

the interest of the masses and indeed 

their societies development lacks in all 

spheres the distinctive "humane" 

characteristics of the metropolitan 

bourgeoisie. This is so because while the 

metropolitan dominant class engages 

itself with their states, they operate 

fundamentally for the multiplication of  

economic interest of their society and by 

so doing cause capital to recycle. As 

much as they may be maximizing their 

interests, their capital is kept within the 

borders of their nations to either attract 

external profits through multinational 

corporate business or cause domestic 



 

 

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capital increase which creates jobs, 

social services etc. Whereas this is an 

order propelled by the alliance between 

the state and the capitalist (dominant 

class) in Europe and the Americas, the 

opposite pervades in Nigeria and other 

parts of Africa.  

 

In Nigeria the dominant class uses their 

confederation of profligacy to pillage the  

Nigeria's multi-trillion petro-dollar 

wealth. They sit around the corridors of 

state power to collect and transfer wealth 

to foreign countries where such wealth is 

exparrded for ostentatious life cycle that 

enriches European economies to 

Nigerians' detriment. Having entangled 

itself with this parasitic document class, 

the Nigerian state has been adjudged 

worthy of no recognition as being 

recognized as the committee of states of 

people of repute. As much as Nigerians 

may wish to take their state back from 

this octopusian class seeking the juice of 

life out of them, the is need for greater 

efforts at raising the people's 

consciousness regarding the task ahead, 

in the area of continued vigilance over 

the many faces of the exploiter class in 

their avowed determination to sustain 

their hegemony over Nigerians.  

 

THEORETICAL BASE  

This paper adopted the theoretical base 

of historical and dialectical materialism 

(Marx and Engels 1974). This theory, 

popularized by Karl Marx and later 

expounded by Lenin and other post 

Marxian school posits that there are 

inherent contradictions in every human 

society that keeps such a society in a 

constant state of flux. These 

contradictions being in themselves 

relevant aspects of society have 

succeeded in keeping society under a 

dynamic equilibrium.  

 

Basically, this theory postulates that it is 

the materials (economic substructure) 

base of every structure and by extension 

the determinant of the ideas therein. To 

this theory, the fundamental determinant 

of the forms of political, social and 

ideological levels of every society is the 

material conditions of existence of the 

people.  

 

Ake (1981) alludes to this view when the 

synthesized the views of Marx to 

conclude that the economic base 

constitutes the core of all other relations 

mostly in capitalist societies. The 

relevance of this theoretical 

underpinning to this paper is that; 

because western capitalism was imposed 

on Nigerians under colonialism and that 

since this mode of economic 

reproduction subsists no post colonials 

Nigeria, then every form of relation be it 

class-oriented or between classes and 

institutions are matter related.  

 

Expectedly, the directive of class 

analysis pre-supposes that class conflicts 

are- inherent aspects of the relationship 

between the exploiter and exploited 

class, provides a platform for this 

theory's efficacy in this paper. Since 

these classes are eternally engaged in 

class contradictions, an unavoidable 

dialectical relationship persists over the 

material 'base of their society. 'It is in the 



 

 

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The Dominant Class and the State in Nigeria: A Confederacy of Profligacy 

Dr. Okechukwu Egwu Ibiam  

 

course of the competitions and 

contention over the wealth and  

resources of society that the state's role 

as a neutral arbiter becomes 

compromised to favour the exploiter 

now Fund Gender Frank dominant class. 

Having successfully taken control of the 

state to its favour, this document class 

has gone further to forge a unity of 

purpose between it and the state through 

a confederation of interest which is 

public wealth appropriation. Since the 

state's neutral position is no longer 

guaranteed with the struggle of societies 

resources among these classes, the 

emergent order elevates all forms of 

unorthodox practices and vices by the 

exploiter class to an official state art 

concluded as a confederation of 

corruption between the document 

exploiter class and the weak spineless 

state in Nigeria.  

  

THE CONFEDERATION OF 

 CORRUPTION IN NIGERIA  

There is no over emphasizing the fact 

that Nigerians are under a siege 

perpetrated from all frontiers by their 

own kit and kin. Having taken control 

and usurped the state for its class 

interest; and having successfully 

created a strong foundation upon which 

wealth expropriation occurs in their 

interest, this class has elevated 

corruption to its heights in Nigeria 

irrespective of their intra-class 

differentials, political groupings and 

occupational nomenclatures, this class 

now attests to control the Nigerian 

society.  

 

The emergent confederation of 

profligacy situates in Nigeria in various 

dimension through mechanisms that 

cause the state to make governance a 

personal prerogative that must be 

achieved by all means in the interest of 

the dominant class. Aluko (in David-

west 2003) sums this up as in life of 

"self-perpetuation, a never bowing out 

tendency of African heads of state and 

politicians". Governance and statecraft 

has been the dominant days in Nigeria. 

Such acts are displayed across the land 

where this class members pendulant 

from one political office to another. 

Examples include ex-senators slightly  

position to become governance and vice 

versa, ex-legislators or governance, 

heads of states seeking political 

positions they ordinally word expected 

to leave for younger political starts, as 

well as the justle for political posts all 

with the content of staying in offices 

long enough to accumulate the gotten 

wealth.  

 

Alukos position is that such acts 

under-develop societies like Nigeria 

and are evidenced by practices that 

include:  

 

I. Turning government into a 

personalized and cultish 

enclave.  

II.  Suppression and oppression of 

position, stiffing dissenting, 

voices and opposing opinions of 

labour intellectuals and the 

masses.  

111.Transforming unbridled 

corruption into sate alt.  



 

 

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IV.  And the institution of one 

part (dictatorial) state.  

In Nigeria, the orgy of bad governance, 

poor infrastructural development, poor 

or low industrial capacity utilization, 

cultism, demonization of politics, whole 

sale corrupt practices and other vices 

have pervaded superintended by a 

spineless state. The state's lack of the 

capacity to maintain law and order 

becomes and order of the day under 

which society degenerates into claves 

giving rise to other forms of social ills 

that endangers the masses. Out of these 

processes emerges an elite state-masses 

gulf characterized by rural-urban 

inequalities, slum life, among the 

citizens, high rate of unemployment, 

illiteracy, disease and death. Others are 

the oblivious ever increasing cases 

neglect of the agricultural sector leading 

to food crises, lack of inter sectoral 

linkages between industries, weak 

industrial production capacity and other 

socio-economic problems that cause the 

citizens to coarse faith in their state.  

ANALYSIS  

The Nigerian state is a questionable state 

in all ramifications, in view of its loss of  

both the qualities of a people's state and 

its tenets as a neutral arbiter between 

men in their social relationships. 

Conceptualizing the unity of purpose 

between the dominant exploiter class 

and the states in Nigeria as they 

collaborate to perpetuate political and 

socio-economic corruption in the land is 

nothing less than a confederacy of 

profligacy. Based on a theoretical 

underpinning of historical and 

dialectical materialism, this confederacy 

between the state and the dominant class 

in Nigeria is a reverse order of the true 

meaning of a confederation. Suffice it to 

note that a confederacy often occurs 

through rational and well though 

decision by parties with common 

interests to unit for the good of all 

irrespective of some differentials that 

include class divisions (Appadorai 

1975). The confederacy as apolitical 

organization of willing participants is a 

concept adopted in this paper in a 

reverse order to represent the tacit 

conscription of the Nigerian state by the 

dominant class for their myopic interest 

while pretending otherwise.  

 

The implications of this papers position 

is that there are various units within the 

fledging colonial structure called the 

federation of Nigeria which has become 

the exclusive machinery for exploiting 

the post-colonial Nigeria citizens. To 

this end, calling the Nigerian state as it 

exists today to question arises out of the 

negative consequences of the  

activities of this class as they dominate 

the masses through the state. As the 

viability of this state as a defender and 

provider for all continues to vitiate under 

this class, a near total collapse of its 

ability to provide for the people becomes 

oblivious. The state as its exist in 

Nigeria lacks the political will to cause 

any meaningful socio-economic 

development for the people because of 

its complicity to elevate corruption to a 

state craft in coloration with the 

dominant class. 



 

 

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The Dominant Class and the State in Nigeria: A Confederacy of Profligacy 

Dr. Okechukwu Egwu Ibiam  

 

In recent times, especially under the 

much bandied about democracy from 

1999 till date, evidence of Wanton 

looting of nation income with past and 

present political office holders trade 

blames, perhaps washing their dirty 

limens in the public. Such actions of 

these public offices often occur when 

intra-class fraction (which is acceptable 

in class alliance most among greedy 

public officials) occur over specific 

interests that bother on when controls 

the processes of further expropriation. 

The Nigerian state as is therefore seen in 

this paper as a failed state in all 

ramifications. This is so because this 

state cannot explain why it has 

expanded fifty-five (55) years of self-

rule (be it military or civilian they are 

the two sides of the same coin) without 

fulfilling simple obligations such as the 

provision of basic infrastructure, 

improved education and health services 

and other necessities state all over the 

world, irrespective of their ideological 

learning, have gone far in providing for 

their citizens.  

 

CONCLUSION AND 

 RECOMMENDATION  

In the light of existing evidence of a 

failed state in Nigeria and the rising 

contentions, agitation as well as the 

emerging trend of fifth columnists rising 

intermittently to constitute security 

problems beyond the state control, this 

state stands called to question. This 

demand is fundamentally anchored on 

the ones that with the degeneration of the 

policy security of lives and property, 

continually downward spiraling 

economic woes, youth restfulness, 

(leading to cultish lifestyle and gang-

rubbery life) unemployment, social 

decay and other natural vices that 

orchestrate Nigeria's underdevelopment, 

Nigerians have become helpless. It used 

to be a natural prerogative of the state to 

deploy its resources (wealth) which 

comes from crude oil, (Nigeria's one and 

only golden goose) for the provision of 

basic needs of citizens as well as other 

variables that engender development. 

The case in Nigeria is however the 

opposite. This state having been 

overwhelmed by the dominant exploiter 

class is now engaged in manipulations 

entailed in "pirate capitalism" (Diamond 

2006:578) that deviates it from its 

legitimate and legal imperatives of 

service to masses of Nigeria. Despite the 

enormous national resources accruing 

this Nation, the managers to the state 

apparatus have failed (refused) to cause 

development to occur in the land.  

 

This state and its allies in the dominant 

class such as, the politicians serving and 

retired military officers, serving and 

retired heads of state (presidents etc.) 

and government, parliamentarians 

bureaucrats, technocrats and other 

opportune to occupy exalted public 

offices; have in recent times 

metamorphosed into a cabal that loots 

the national treasury,  

they corruptly enrich themselves by 

violating legal rules about official 

conduct, through illicit manipulation of 

public offices to create access for 

themselves and their cronies for an 

endless rapacious appropriation of the 



 

 

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peoples wealth. The line between private 

and state power and access to public 

goods is almost nonexistent in Nigeria. 

State officials openly display illicit 

wealth acquired through fraud, contract 

fees inflation and embezzlement, illicit 

economic ventures, subsidy pay offs and 

other acts of political and socio-

economic criminality that taffies even 

their metropolitan bourgeois masters 

beyond imagination. This state has 

therefore failed and having so failed to 

the extent of not being able to defend the 

integrity, internal and external security 

of the people, the death knell is hereby 

sounded for its demise. The people of 

Nigeria must call this state to question in 

the bid to restructure it. Since the 

doctrine of class analysis pre-supposes 

that class conflicts in the face of such 

horrendous acts of profligacy by this 

state and the class dominating it, the 

need for a Nigerians to demand for 

change is now. For all intends and 

purposes there is need for all hands to be 

on deck on the project of re-ordering  

the Nigerian state, away from this 

hegemonic and parasitic claws of the 

dominant exploiter class. A call to a 

confederation of the people's will must 

be made through various organs and 

bodies of society committed to equity, 

justice fair play and rule of law in 

Nigeria. This call goes out to the 

inteligencia, academics, the media, civil 

and human rights organization, non-

governmental and faith based 

organization (NGO and FBO) as well as 

labour unions and individuals towards 

fostering a strong civil society dedicated 

to liberating the Nigerian state from the 

shackles of dominant class bondage. 

This is a clarion call to all Nigerians to 

contribute their quota to the task of 

taking back and repositioning of their 

state for an accelerated over all societal 

development. To achieve this task of 

change for good the media stands out as 

the arrowhead in a quest for 

revolutionary repositioning of the 

people’s state (Ake 1978). Looking in 

concert with the inteligencia the media 

must provide the channels of 

information discrimination among the 

masses which will culminate into an 

ideological re-awakening of the people 

for the final on sloughs of taking back 

their state for the people.  

 

References  

Ake C. (1978) Revolutionary Press in 

Africa: London Zed Press.  

Ake C. (198S) "The future of state in 

Africa", International Political 

Science Review (6) 1: 

hltp://www.jstor.org 2007.  

Ake C. (1996) Political Economy of 

Africa: Nigeria Longman.  

Akintoye S.A. (1976). Emergent African 

states: London Longman Group.  

Amin S. (1976) Unequal Development: 

An Essay on the social formation 

of peripheral capitalism: New 

York; monthly review Press.  

Anikpo M. (1996) Hegemonic Legacy 

"Issues in the Sociology of 

Nigeria's underdevelopment: 

Inaugural Lecture serves (16) 

Unipart  

Diamond L. (2006)" Class formation in 

the Swollen African state.  

Eke P.E (197S). "Colonialism and the 

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