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ELECTIONS AND CRISIS OF ACCOUNTABILITY IN NIGERIA 

GOVERNANCE: A CAUSAL ANALYSIS 

 

Samuel Ugwuozor PhD 

*Chibuike, E Madubuegwu, Ogbonna Moses Agudiegwu, 

Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul PhD, Onyejegbu Emeka Dominic 

'Department of Political Science, Godfrey Okoye University,  

Enugu, Enugu State, Nigeria. 
2Doctoral Candidate, Department of Political Science,  

Nnamdi Azikwe University, Awka, Anambra State, Nigeria. 

department of Political Science, Alex Ekwueme Federal University,  

Ikwo, Ebonyi, Nigeria. 

4Department of Political Science, University of Nigeria, 

 Nsukka, Enugu State. 

 

 
Abstract 

Nigeria is a troubled nation-state grappling with myriad challenges of national development. 

Accordingly, this paper argued that these daunting challenges stem from failure of accountability 

in governance exacerbated by flawed process of election. In reference to secondary source of 

data collection and, non- observational method, the researchers explored issues underlying 

irregularities that fraught Nigerian election process and its effects in the process of state 

governance. Theory of structural-functionalism was applied to illuminate the vicious cycle of 

failed elections and crises of accountable governance from the perspective of dysfunctionality of 

structures and roles in Nigerian political system. The discourse further revealed that election 

chaos in Nigeria is historic (despite intermittent efforts to strengthen its process) with 

multifarious effects on governance structures and process. From these findings, the discourse 

recommends plausible measures for new attitudinal orientation among other fundamentals to 

strengthen state institutions for credible elections and accountability in governance. 

 

Keywords: Elections, governance, accountability, structures. 

 

INTRODUCTION 

Elections and accountable governance 

are interfaced variables fundamental to 

liberal democracy. Hence, the two 

concepts are key indicators to measure 

the resonance of democracy as value and 

process in neo- capitalist states in 

African continent. Hence, Nigeria as a 

western African country represents a lab 

bench to assess the functionality of 

election and governance in third world 

democracies. It is often emphasized that 

credible election is imperative to ensure 

responsible governance and reverse of it 

portends adverse effects on the “will of 

the state”. In other words, the process to 

entrench accountability in governance 

undoubtedly begins with credible 

elections where the preference of the 

 



 

 

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Elections and Crisis of Accountability in Nigeria Governance: A Causal Analysis 

Samuel Ugwuozor; Chibuike, E Madubuegwu; Ogbonna Moses Agudiegwu; 

Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul; Onyejegbu Emeka Dominic 

 

electorate is upheld in deference to 

popular sovereignty and equality. In 

credence, Asaka (2010) opines that 

without free and fair election the right to 

demand and obtain accountability in the 

most significant and important manner is 

denied the true holders of a state 

sovereignty. Even in advanced 

democracies, periodic election remains 

the most portent way to obtain 

accountability with people and power to 

kick out nonperformers. Arguably, 

credibility in the choice-driven process 

(elections) serve as a bedrock for the 

emergence of a democratic government 

readily disposed to take responsibility 

and protect interests and civil liberty of 

the masses. On this premise, this 

discourse sought to examine the 

factuality of this assertion in reference to 

Nigerian elections and governance. In 

Nigeria, the historical event of election 

is traced to the era of British 

colonalization. Precisely in 1922, the 

British imperial government in Nigeria 

under Sir Hugh Clifford promulgated a 

constitution which remarkably 

introduced the ''Elective Principle”. 

Thus, the Elective Principle marked the 

beginning of elections as the bedrock for 

accountable governance first ever in the 

history of British West Africa countries. 

 

Corresponding Author: Chibuike, E 

Madubuegwu, 

Doctoral Candidate, Department of 

Political Science, Nnamdi Azikwe 

University, Awka, Anambra State, 

Nigeria. Emphatically, the first election 

in 1923, (though undermined by gender 

and income suffrage) set the pace for 

accountability in governmental process 

seen in the presence of four elected 

Nigerians in the colonial legislative 

council at Lagos. At the exit of British 

imperialism in 1960, the crisis that 

trailed the process and outcome of first 

national election in 1964 established an 

ugly precedent in Nigerian electoral 

democracy. In this sense, Kirk-Green 

(1971), Ojiako (1981) and Nnadozie 

(2007) opined that 1964 national 

election was marred with irregularities 

and violence which undermined the 

country's national unity and political 

development. Hence, the chaos of 1964 

national election is indeed a chronicle of 

turmoil and upheavals that have marred 

subsequent elections in the country 

which invariably constituted the bane of 

crisis of accountability in governance. 

Similarly, the history of elections has not 

shown that the masses can look forward 

to them as a significant force in changing 

the material condition of their existence. 

During these elections the moral values 

of the country were also corrupted by the 

blatant disregard of cherished rules, 

norms and regulations by politicians 

obsessed with winning power at all 

costs. Under conditions in which the 

politicians regard election as warfare in 

which all is fair that brings victory, 

pervasive indiscipline is inescapable and 

the clarion call for ethical revolution can 

only fall on deaf ears (Nnoli, 2003:222). 

Indicatively, the preceding analysis 

revealed that Nigeria is grappling with 

challenges of electoral democracy. This 

discourse therefore attempts to establish 

a correlation between irregularities of 

elections and crises of governance in 



 

 

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Nigeria. The paper is therefore 

streamlined into six sections; 

introduction, conceptual discourse, 

theoretical discourse, crises of elections 

and effects on governance and 

conclusion and recommendation. 

 

Conceptual Discourse 

Election is a basic concept in political 

science. It is a concept replete with 

varied definitions and 

conceptualizations. In a specific sense, 

International Encyclopedia of Social 

Science Vol 5, defined election as a 

procedure and preference of a kind. 

Thus, election is a process regulated by 

law and precedents for the expression of 

choice or alternatives in a context. In a 

broad perspective, Nnoli (2003), 

conceived election as a process of choice 

agreed upon by a group of people. It 

enables them to select one or few people 

out of many to occupy one or a number 

of authority positions. From Nnoli's 

view, an election facilitates expression 

of civil liberty to legitimatize political 

authority of the state. In a similar 

perspective to illuminate the essence of 

elections as a regulated process, Dowse 

and Hughes (1983) noted that election is 

a procedure recognized by the rule of an 

organisation be it a state or a club, a 

voluntary organisation on whatever, 

where all or some of the members 

choose a similar number of persons to 

hold an office or offices of authority 

within that organisation. In ideological 

sense to underline the essence of civility 

and tranquility in the process of 

transition to political power, Yayi 

(2005) conceived election as the 

medium by which different interest 

groups within the bourgeoisie nation-

state can state and resolve their claims 

through peaceful means. Succinctly, 

Madubuegwu (2010:111), illustrated 

elections in the context of state and non-

state institution to underscore the 

imperatives of liberty and accountability 

in governance; 

 

Basically, an election is an 

inclusive process where every 

adult citizen is at liberty to decide 

or express their choice for persons 

aspiring for public offices. 

Invariably, election is a modern 

form of political recruitment and 

accountability. It provides a 

process of choice expression and 

makes elected persons or public 

officials to work towards the 

public expectation of their office. 

Subsequently, an election is not 

exclusively limited to politics of 

the state but extend to politics of 

the informal groups in the state. 

Therefore, an election is a process 

for electing leaders in church, 

social clubs, professional bodies 

etc. In the internal process of 

these social institutions, it is 

fundamental for leadership 

change and deciding on vital 

issues of organizational objective. 

 

To this extent, election constituted one 

of the tents of liberal democracy as 

Abbas (2008) argued that it is one of the 

fundamental aspects of democratic 

values in a representative democracy. It 

is therefore crucial to note that 



 

 

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Elections and Crisis of Accountability in Nigeria Governance: A Causal Analysis 

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Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul; Onyejegbu Emeka Dominic 

 

democratic system and government can 

only be meaningful and entrenched 

through electoral process. In other 

words, without elections there cannot be 

democracy and legitimacy in 

governance and all institutions. It is 

therefore instructive to note that the 

nexus between elections and 

representative government accentuate 

the importance of accountable 

governance as seen below: 

 

• The electorate elect persons to serve 

in government in anticipation of 

responsive  governance. 

• The elected persons in government 

are expected to respond to the plights 

and  expectations of the people 

through governance. 

 

Furthermore, accountability as a hybrid 

concept elicits plethora of definitions 

among scholars of Political Science and 

Public Administration. Akindele and 

Adeyemi (2011:56) identified the terms 

and further explicate: 

 

Accountability as a concept has 

been variously defined and 

classified; it has been 

conceptualized as a way of being 

answerable and liable for one's 

actions and/or in actions and 

conduct in office or position. It 

has equally been defined as the 

process of making elected 

officials and other office holders 

accountable and responsible to the 

people who elected or appointed 

them for their action while in 

office. Thus, accountability 

connotes the state or quality of 

being liable and required by a 

specified person or group of 

people to report and justify their 

actions in relation to specific 

matters or assigned duties. 

 

Akindele and Adeyemi's expository 

conceptualization implied that 

accountability is a norm of responsibility 

and answerability which is pervasive in 

every organizational context. In apt 

sense, it is argued that accountability 

involves two critical stages-

answerability and enforceability. 

Answerability refers to the obligation of 

the government, its agencies and public 

officials to provide information about 

their decisions and actions and to justify 

them to public and those institutions of 

accountability tasked with providing 

oversight. Enforcement on the other 

hand, suggests that the public or 

institution responsible for accountability 

can sanction the offending party or 

remedy the contravening behavior. As 

such different institutions of 

accountability might be responsible for 

either or both of these stages. A review 

of the definition of accountability also 

implied that it is contractual obligation 

between government and masses. In 

illustrative sense, the relevant structures 

of governance are expected to take 

responsibility and be answerable to the 

prompts of the masses. Conversely, the 

masses are expected to make legitimate 

demands on the actions and decisions of 

the government. In a broad sense, 

accountability is also viewed as process 

of institutionalizing a system of checks 



 

 

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and balances in order to check excesses 

or abuse. Public service has to do with 

the business of government at all levels 

including all that preoccupies the 

politicians elected and appointed, the 

elite leadership, the intelligentsia, the 

armed forces and other laws 

enforcement agencies and not just the 

civil service in the Parastatals. 

Accountability is an encompassing 

concept, which has to do with the full 

and faithful discharge of assignment, 

responsibility, covenant or trust. This is 

considered central in all social relation 

whether between individuals or between 

servants of the state and government or 

between public servants and people they 

are meant to serve (Osakwe, 2018:56). It 

further implied that accountability is 

beyond norm and expectations, but 

represents a system designed to check 

against excesses or abuses and cutting 

across institutions of public sector 

service. Hence, Adeyemi et al., (2017) 

identified and classified various forms of 

accountability as seen in social 

accountability, financial accountability, 

ethical accountability, political 

accountability and administrative 

accountability. In other words, 

accountability is a norm and practice 

which demands responsibility from 

elected persons in government and 

administrative personnel of the state. 

And, the responsiveness of the 

government to public stream of pressure 

is assessed from the nature and 

propensity of governance. In exclusive 

sense, governance is the responsibility 

of government. Thus, governance serves 

as process and channel of articulating 

and realizing the will of the state. As a 

concept, governance is replete with 

ambiguities and definitional 

perspectives among scholars and 

research institutions. Kaumann et al., 

(2012) conceptualize governance as the 

process and institutions by which 

authority in a country is exercised. 

Specifically, governance is: 

 

• The process by which government 

are selected, held accountable, 

monitored and replaced. 

• The capacity of government to 

manage resources efficiently and to 

formulate,  implement and enforce 

sound policies and regulations. 

• The respect for the institutions that 

govern economic and social 

institutions among them. 

 

Kaumann's view of governance 

underlines the imperative of election and 

accountability. As an institution, it lends 

credence to the viability of the authority 

structures of the political system 

(legislature and executive arms of 

government) on legislations and 

administration of policies. 

 

Subsequently, the definition also takes 

cognizance of obligatory responsibility 

in deference to the institutions of the 

government. Thus, governance reflects 

in institutions, process and obligation in 

realizing the general will of the state. To 

this end, the UNDP Report on 

Governance for Sustainable Human 

Development (1997) defined 

governance as the exercise of economic, 

political and administrative authority to 



 

 

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Elections and Crisis of Accountability in Nigeria Governance: A Causal Analysis 

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Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul; Onyejegbu Emeka Dominic 

 

manage a country's affairs at all levels. It 

comprises mechanism, processes and 

institutions through which citizens and 

groups articulate their interests, exercise 

their legal rights, meet their obligations 

and mediate their differences. In the 

same vein, Nnoli (2003) conceptualized 

governance as social engagement 

between the rulers and the ruled in a 

society. It is based on that understanding 

that government cannot carry out its 

functions without using or depending on 

the ruled in one form or another. Hence, 

UNDP and Nnoli's views therefore 

underscore the fact that governance is a 

process of synergized responsibilities 

where authority is exercised and 

obligations elicited in the process of 

realization of socio-political and 

economic ideals. In this regard, 

European Commission Report (2009) 

highlights the pivotal indices of 

governance as seen below: 

• In essence, governance is about 

rules, interest, resources and power. 

• In principles, governance is about 

participation, inclusion, 

transparency and  accountability. 

• Governance encompasses several 

themes or governmental cluster: 

■ Support to democratization 

■ Promotion and protection of human 

rights 

■ Reinforcement of the rule of law 

and administration of justice 

■ Enhancement of the role of the civil 

society. 

■ Public administration reform, 

management of public finances and 

civil service  reform. 

■ Decentralization and local 

government. 

 

In a specific sense, rule of law, 

accountability and transparency 

represents the hallmark of governance. 

Thus, the reverse of these principles 

leads to dysfunctionality in the political 

administration of the state. From this 

indication, Land Mills and Seregeldin 

(1992) argued that governance depends 

on the extent to which a government is 

perceived and accepted as legitimately 

committed to improving the public 

welfare and responsive to the needs of 

the citizens, competent to ensure law and 

order and deliver public service, create 

enabling environment for productive 

activities and equitable in its conduct. 

From this indication, it is pertinent to 

establish the theoretical relevance of 

election process and accountability in 

the analysis of structures and roles. 

 

Theoretical Discourse 

Structural-functionalism is the 

appropriate framework to scientifically 

dissect the nexus between elections, 

governance, and accountability. Thus, 

the framework establishes empirical 

analysis of functionality of structures 

and process in the survival and 

development of the political system. In 

reference to history, the theory was first 

popularized in the literature of social 

anthropology. In this vein, Gauba (2003) 

noted that the theory originated in the 

sphere of social anthropology in the 

writings of Redcliff-Brown and B, 

Malinowski. It was later developed in 

the field of sociology by Talcott Parsons, 

Robert Merton, and Marion Levy. 



 

 

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Gabriel Almond and his Associates 

developed it into a tool of political 

analysis. Almond therefore introduced 

structural- functionalism to further 

demystify input-output analysis of the 

political system. Again, Gauba 

(2003:36) further explicate the motive of 

Gabriel Almond on structural 

functionalism, 

 

This approach was developed by 

Gabriel Almond and G.B. Powell in 

comparative politics. A 

Developmental Approach (1966). 

Almond and his associates argued 

that all political systems regardless 

of their type must perform a specific 

set of task if they are to remain in 

existence a system in a working or 

in equilibrium i.e. as ongoing 

system. These are the functional 

requirement of the system. With this 

assumption, they sought to modify 

David Easton's model of the political 

system, suggesting that “input” and 

“output’ recognized by Easton can 

best understood as functions or 

functional requisites of political 

system. They sought to redefine 

these inputs and outputs with a 

deeper understanding of the political 

process and precedent to identify 

various structures corresponding to 

these functions in order to evolve a 

structural-functional framework. 

 

As such, structural functionalism 

becomes a requisite analysis in a 

framework that specifies a set of 

functions as necessary and sufficient for 

the persistence of a system. 

Descriptively, structural functionalism 

empirically explains that there are 

fundamental roles performed by 

structures in the dynamics and 

development of the political system. 

Invariably, Almond proceeds to define 

political system as that system of 

interaction to be found in all 

independent societies which perform the 

functions of integration and adaptation 

(both internally and vis-a-vis other 

societies) by means of employment of 

more or less legitimate physical 

compulsion (Verma, 1974:205). 

Impliedly, what define the character of 

the political system are the functions 

performed by its structures. Hence, 

political scientist sought to understand 

the development, nature, dynamics and 

process of these structures through the 

roles they perform in the political 

system. Hence, the efficiency and 

effectiveness of these structures can be 

evaluated through task they perform in 

the overall socio-political and economic 

development of the political system. To 

highlight the structures and functions of 

the political system, Verma (1975:213) 

writes that Almond has used a seven-

variable list of functional categories. 

Four of these are input functions 

 

• Political socialization and 

recruitment 

• Interest articulation 

• Interest aggregation 

• Political communication; and the 

remaining three are output functions 

• Rule-making 

• Rule-application and 

• Rule-adjudication. 



 

 

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Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul; Onyejegbu Emeka Dominic 

 

The input functions are performed by 

governmental sub-systems by the 

society and the general environment 

while the output functions are 

governmental ones. This further 

illustrated in the figure below; 

 

Figure 1. Model of Structural - Functional Analysis 
 Environment   Environment  

 Function Structure  Function Structure  

I 

N 

 

 

   

O 

Political Family, POLITICAL Rule- legislature U 

P socialization Peer  Making  T 
U and group    P 

T Recruitment School    U 
S  Church    T 

  etc    S 

 
Interest Interest 

 
Rule- Executive 

 

 Articulation groups  Application 

 

  

 

Interest Political SYSTEM Rule- Judiciary 

 

 Aggregation parties  Adjudication   

       

 
Political Mass 

    

 Communication Media     

       

Source: Gauba (2003:97) 

 

Essentially the basic thrust of 

structural functionalism includes: 

• That every political system 

irrespective of style of governance, 

ideological orientation and socio-

economic formation is made up of 

structures. 

• That these structures are entrusted 

with defined and specified roles 

within the political system. 

• That from the analysis of task or 

functions performed, political 

scientists can classify these 

structures as governmental and non-

governmental structures. 

• Established network of relation and 

interaction expressed through input 

and output matrix. 

To further underscore the 

methodological essence of the 

framework, David Apter (cited in 

Hara Das and Choudhury, 1997) 

noted that; 

• It delineates change in systematic 

terms and forces the observer to 

examine the meaning on the basis of 



 

 

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function. 

• It points out the core problems 

facing the systems. 

• It provides orderly way of examining 

large number of cases in order to 

develop comparative theories. 

• It is quite attractive for comparative 

analysis of the political system 

• It deals for the most past with a 

manageable collection of variables 

and it provides a set of standardized 

categories that can be applied 

successfully to various political 

system. 

• Almond's analysis provides conflict 

resolution mechanism along with 

continuous reaction of the system as 

a whole to demands made on it. 

• The approach is therefore has been 

accepted as one of the important 

techniques of empirical 

investigation in modern political 

science. 

• Finally, like systems analysis, 

structural functionalism is a wide-

ranging analysis which knit together 

insight into interest, socialization 

and group analysis into a relatively 

coherent body of ideas. 

 

Variably, the inadequacies of 

structural-functional framework are 

aptly identified by Johari 

(2005:108); 

• The structural-functional analysis 

tends to focus primarily on static 

relationship rather than one 

dynamics. The approach is 

concerned above all with problems 

of systematic survival, the 

requirements of the stable adaptation 

and the operation of various 

functions and structures system 

maintenance. Therefore, the 

approach is accused of being anti-

change. 

• The functionalists defeat the very 

purpose of their approach by 

misapplying their tools of empirical 

investigation while studying the 

political system of the third world, 

one may easily ask a question as to 

how the principles of empirical 

investigation devised in the 

sophisticated study rooms of 

Chicago or Harvard University's can 

be rigorously applied to the study of 

poor and backward countries of the 

Afro-Asian world and that too for 

the state of commanding social and 

political reality. 

 

• This approach suffers from what is 

termed by Marion Levy, “the fallacy 

of functional technologies” it suffers 

from tendency to explain the 

organisation of a condition or pattern 

or action in terms or its being a 

functional necessary for the survival 

of the system. 

 

Also, structural-functional framework 

fails to examine the essence of behavior 

of political elite and masses on the 

assumption that political process is a 

function of attitudinal orientation and 

behavioral disposition of persons who 

perform roles within its framework of 

structures. The application of theory of 

structural-functionalism in the analysis 

of election and crises of accountability 

in Nigeria governance is useful. In 



 

 

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Elections and Crisis of Accountability in Nigeria Governance: A Causal Analysis 

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Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul; Onyejegbu Emeka Dominic 

 

relation to elections and governance, the 

structural functionalism with emphasis 

on input and output variables lent 

credence to the fact that the trends and 

dynamics of political process are 

determined by the roles performed by 

the structures of the political system. To 

this extent, election as a process is a 

synergized responsibility of structures of 

Nigerian political system. The 

Independent National Electoral 

Commission, INEC, Nigeria political 

parties (APC, PDP, APGA), the Media 

and social orientation institutions, etc 

perform crucial roles in engineering the 

election process to realize its lofty 

ideals. Hence, the fundamental task of 

these structures or institutions is to 

entrench credibility and transparency in 

the process of transition to power. 

However, when this fundamental 

responsibility is compromised to satisfy 

ordinate interests then the credibility of 

the election is undermined which 

adversely leads to emergence of 

unpopular persons in output structures of 

government (Executive and Legislature) 

occasioned with dysfunctional outputs 

(crisis of governance) which are 

detrimental to the stability and 

development of the political system. In 

Nigeria today, there is a glare loss of 

public confidence in the functional 

responsibilities of the National 

Assembly, and the Presidency inclusive 

of other sub national tiers of 

government. To this extent, the failure of 

governance in Nigeria is the failure of 

structures of Nigeria political system. 

And, this ugly trend is largely attributed 

to elections fraught with irregularities. 

Furthermore, the failure of governance 

is also underlined in the failure of our 

value-system which is within the 

functional responsibility of the social 

structures of the political system such as 

the family, peer group, school and 

church. In Nigeria ethno- diverse 

society, the family values have been 

eroded, educational system is sinking 

and widespread immoralities in religious 

institutions which would have serve as 

check against the excesses of the 

governmental structures of the political 

system. Inclusive is the mass media 

which perform the task of political 

communication immersed in deviances 

that contributes to the crises of 

governance. Subsequently, the function 

of accountability is also expressed by 

interest articulation. The interest group 

serves as a link between the government 

and expectations of the masses. Hence, 

the redundancy or alertness of these 

groups may mar or improve governance. 

In Nigeria today, the Nigeria Labour 

Congress, NLC has over the decades 

remained resilient to challenge arbitrary 

actions and excesses of this present 

government. In a nutshell, structural-

functionalism in this discourse serve as 

scientific and empirical tool to examine 

and analyze trends and challenges of 

elections, governance and accountability 

in Nigeria from the perspectives of 

structures and functions of the political 

system. Therefore, the matrix of input 

and output functions as expressed in the 

structures serve as a framework of 

causal analysis of Nigeria political 

system. 



 

 

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Crises of Elections and Effects on 

Governance in Nigeria 

As earlier indicated, Nigeria's electoral 

democracy is fraught with irregularities 

and chaos. The unpleasant development 

has over the decades undermined 

genuine process towards the country's 

democratic consolidation. In credence to 

this factuality, Madubuegwu (2015) 

argued that Nigeria as an emerging 

democracy is bedeviled with myriad of 

challenges especially irregularities 

which have tendered to undermine her 

efforts towards democratization. 

However, an election in Nigeria since 

her political independence has had a 

chequered history of irregularities and 

violence. Before the advent of the 

current dispensation in 1999, state-wide 

elections held in 1964, 1979 and 1983 

were warfare influenced by murky 

interparty politicking, political thuggery 

and centrifugal tendencies of ethnic 

politics and regionalism. Moreover, the 

past elections under the present 

democratic dispensation with reference 

to 2003 and 2007 elections illuminates 

the abuse of power of the incumbent and 

structural deficiencies of the electoral 

management body with adverse effects 

on governance and political stability in a 

fragile democratizing federation. 

 

Reflecting on the uncertainties of the 

2003 general elections, Iyayi (2005:11) 

assert, 

.... twenty-nine of the 

registered political parties 

that either contested or did 

not contest the elections have 

variously rejected the results 

as announced by the INEC 

declaring the results as 

fraudulent. Both Domestic 

and International Election 

observers documented 

massive irregularities that 

characterized the elections 

and refused to endorse the 

elections as free and fair. 

Some political parties and 

their candidates decided to 

challenge some of the results 

before the various Election 

Petition Tribunals and have 

gone ahead to do so while 

others declared “mass action” 

to pressurize a government 

without popular mandate to 

abdicate power. 

 

Invariably, the uncivil political culture 

of desperation and egocentric quest for 

power among Nigeria political elites 

grossly marred the 2007 elections as 

revealed by Adele (2012:211) 

 

The 2007 elections when it 

actually came were most deadly 

and frightening in nature. Thus in 

Rivers State, a police station was 

attacked and burnt by unknown 

assailant a night before the 

election day. In Anambra and 

Rivers States, voters were faced 

with violence and intimidations. 

The INEC offices in Onitsha 

North, Onitsha South, Nnewi 

South and Local Government 

Office in Awka North, Anambra 

were burnt in protest. In the same 

vein, violence marred election in 



 

 

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other parts of the Nation. Ekiti 

State, there was a confrontation 

between the PDP and Action 

Congress supporters and election 

results were blatantly falsified in 

many areas. Violence was equally 

reported in the Northern State of 

Kastina where opposition 

supporters burnt down 

government buildings in protest 

as the announcement that the PDP 

had swept the state's 

gubernational polls, soldiers 

clashed with angry voters in 

Nasarawa State. In Oyo State, 

PDP thugs beat up opposition 

party officials and hijacked ballot 

boxes. The 2007 election 

therefore was generally perceived 

as the worst in the history of 

election administration in 

Nigeria. 

 

Notwithstanding the irregularities and 

trenchant views that trailed the history of 

elections in Nigeria, the 2011 general 

elections indeed represent a shift in 

paradigm. The election at initial stage 

experienced logistic difficulties in 

reference to unavailability of electoral 

materials. However, the April general 

elections of 2011 were conducted in 

atmosphere of peace and orderliness 

with isolated disruptions in some parts 

of the country. Hence, Nigeria electors 

voted for their choice candidates and 

political parties in isolation of usual 

intimidation and victimization. Also, 

there was no recorded killings and arson 

even in most restive parts of the country 

during the elections. This positive 

development therefore resonates the 

optimism to sustain and advance the 

electoral reform efforts as averred by the 

International Research Agency “Crisis 

Group” (2011:1); 

 

with the April 2011 General 

Elections, Nigerians may have 

taken steps towards reversing the 

degeneration of its previous 

elections but work is not finished. 

Despite some progress, early and 

intensive preparations for the 

2015 elections need to start now. 

Voter registration need not be as 

chaotic and expensive as it was 

this year if done on continued 

basis. Far- reaching technical and 

administrative reforms of, and by, 

the Independent National 

Electoral Commission (INEC), 

notably internal restructuring and 

constituency delineation, should 

be undertaken and accompanied 

by broad political and economic 

reforms that make the state more 

relevant to citizens and help 

guarantee an electoral and 

democratic culture. 

 

Sadly, the 2015 general election came 

with unprecedented logistic crises and 

arson that reversed the gains of 2011 

election reform efforts. The PVCs crisis 

enormously undermined the credibility 

of the historic 2015 general election that 

for the first in the country's transition led 

to the defeat of incumbent President. In 

this vein, Eme (2015), stressed that 

INEC attempted to improve the integrity 

of voter registration and identification 



 

 

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introducing biometric measures. INEC 

reports registering 68.8 million voters, 

an estimated 78% of the total voting age 

population with approximately 82% of 

registrants permanent voter cards, PVCs 

being collected. However, in 11 states 

over 92% PVCs collection reported 

which is implausible given that the 

deceased have not been removed from 

the list since 2010. Regrettably, up to 

100, 000 PVCs which are necessary for 

voting, remained unproduced a day 

before 28th March election day. In an 

explicit manner, Madubuegwu (2016: 

149) revealed the statistics of millions of 

Nigerian voters disenfranchised by the 

inability of Independent National 

Electoral Commission to distribute 

PVCs. It was observed that 37,377,108 

represent the total number of the 

registered voters of the three geo-

political zones in the North. 

Furthermore, 32.1milliion prospective 

voters collected their PVCs and 5.2 

million PVCs were not collected. 

Therefore, the North had 90% rate of 

PVCs collection before the 28th March 

Presidential and National Assembly 

elections. Subsequently, 31,539,941 

represent the total number of the eligible 

voters in the three geo-political zones of 

the South. Hence, 24.2 million electors 

collected their PVCs and 7.2 million 

PVCs were not collected which 

indicated a 40% rate of PVCs collection. 

It is therefore instructive to note that 

over 12 million Nigeria voters were 

disenfranchised by the administrative 

and institutional lapses of INEC. 

Beyond Maubuegwu's revelation, the 

Smart Card Reader also failed to read, it 

was indeed a very frustrating period for 

millions of Nigerians voters. And, the 

recent national election in 2019 was 

immersed with infractions, arson and 

thuggery raising serious doubt on the 

credibility of future elections in Nigeria. 

Undoubtedly, Nigeria state is bedeviled 

with crises of governance and challenges 

of public sector accountability. Many 

Nigerians today are disillusioned with 

the abysmal failure of governance at the 

national, state and local levels. Daunting 

among the myriad crises of governance 

is the insecurity challenge which has in 

the recent time engulfed the nation-state. 

In a stretch of four years, 2017 to 2020, 

over two thousand Nigerians have lost 

their lives and properties worth over 500 

million dollars destroyed in insurgency, 

Fulani Herdsmen killings and banditry 

across parts of the country. Currently, 

there is widespread and consistent 

abduction of school children in states of 

the North occasioned with proliferation 

of insurrectional movements and 

activities in Southern Nigeria. The 

heightened unpleasant security 

challenges today is an indication of 

failed institutional responsibilities in a 

system of collapsed network of checks 

and accountability and cynical attitude 

of persons in governance to do what is 

needful. All points to flawed election 

process where popular choice is 

swindled to satisfy ordinate interests. 

Inadequacy of social infrastructure and 

basic services essential to improve living 

standard of people is one of the visibility 

of governance deficit in Nigeria. Today, 

the poverty index is alarming and has 

consistently accelerated over the years 



 

 

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as millions of Nigerians grapple in 

extreme penury and agony. It has been a 

recurring fact that over 50% of 200 

million people in Nigeria today live 

below 1$ while 70% of its population 

cannot have a good meal for nutrition, 

access quality medical service, cannot 

boast of portable drinking water and 

denied opportunity of good education in 

a county where hundreds of trillions of 

dollars are yearly planned (as 

appropriation bill or budgets) and 

released at levels of national and other 

tiers of governments to meet the plights 

and expectations of the people. The 

fundamental question is what is the 

impact of all these monies in situation of 

infrastructural deficit, inadequacy of 

essential services, double digits of 

unemployment? etc. And, the answer to 

this fundamental question is diversion 

and mismanagement of public fund by 

persons entrusted with governance 

mandate in a system where there is 

absence of culture and mechanism of 

checks, accountability and stewardship. 

And, this ugly precedent is attributed to 

elitist political recruitment process 

driven by patronage-client relationship 

that is in contrary to the ideals of 

competition and liberty which represents 

the hallmark of democratic process. 

 

CONCLUSION AND 

RECOMMENDATION 

The failure of Nigerian elections is the 

failure of state institutional roles. As 

Nigerian election is unabatedly 

immersed in infractions, it has 

persistently entrenched crises of 

accountability and stewardship in 

governance. This is on the premise that 

flawed elections adversely facilitate 

emergence of unpopular persons and 

interests in governance structures to the 

dysfunctionality of state institutions and 

misery of the people. In other words, 

sanity and responsiveness in governance 

begins when there is concerted genuine 

efforts to restore lost public confidence 

in the political recruitment process in 

deference to the ideals of electoral 

democracy. To this extent, there is need 

to develop positive orientation 

complemented by sincere and plausible 

actions to save a Nation at the verge of 

collapse. The first step begins with the 

consciousness of the political class to 

realize the fact that the country is in mess 

and sinking. Hence, there is exigent need 

for collective drive and synergized 

efforts which translate in public policies 

and legislations to strengthen relevant 

state institutions, Independent National 

Electoral Commission and other 

statutory agencies to improve on the 

transparency of the election process. The 

need for advocacy and consensus among 

the political parties and politicians from 

varied interests and opinions to decide 

on certain civil practices and refrain 

from politics of bitterness that often 

create upheavals in the political process. 

And, to educate their members on the 

essence of tolerance and civility during 

elections and restrain their youth 

supporters from disruptive behaviour 

that undermines the stability of the 

process. Most importantly, devise 

collective modalities to assist the 

enforcement agencies in ensuring a 

credible process in atmosphere of peace 



 

 

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and order. The advocacy for national 

rebirth is also instructive. Hence, 

Federal Ministry of Information and 

National Orientation Agency, should 

provide robust blue print and framework 

for attitudinal reorientation and 

advocacy on national unity and 

development. Again, the Federal 

government should complement these 

efforts by initiating a process of national 

conservation among the ethnic 

nationalities in Nigeria to examine 

challenges of nationhood and chart a 

way forward towards mitigating against 

divisive interests. The need for the 

governing elite to realize the fact that 

there is widespread agony and anger 

among the Nigerian population because 

of failed governance. Nigerians desired 

and demand accountable governance 

process from the persons in the authority 

structures of the state. Failure to the 

realisation of this factuality, the public 

agony and anger may snowball into 

unprecedented chaos far than what was 

witnessed in ENDSARS protest in 

October, 2020. In other words, the 

government should explore efficiently 

the available resources to respond to 

public plights. Subsequently, Nigerians 

should show enthusiasm on issues of 

governance and demand more 

accountability from persons in 

governance authority structures. This 

effort should be sustained by the 

activism of civil society organisations to 

advocate for governance process which 

observes: 

 

 

 

• strict adherence to the practices of 

checks and compliance to the 

provisions of the  constitution. 

• sense of responsibility and 

indulgence among persons in 

governance structures. 

• sanction of erring persons and 

infractions. 

• periodic public interaction between 

persons in governance and the 

public. 

 

On the level of accountability, the 

culture and practice of responsibility, 

answerability and enforceability should 

be strengthened in governance process 

through relevant legislations and 

policies. Suffice to state Dlakawa 

Triangle Model of Accountability. 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 

 



 

 

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ACCOUNTABILITY TRIANGLE MODEL 

 

 

 

 

 

• Timely release of reliable information 

• Involvement of beneficiaries on decisionmaking 

• Proper and timely documentations 

Source: Dlakwa H.D.) cited Adefila and Adeoti (1992) 

 
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