149 | P a g e  

 

 

DEMOCRACY AND THE FEARED FACTORS THREATENING NIGERIAN 

NATION 

 

BY 

Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul. PhD                      

groupsonpau@yahoo.com 

Department of Political Science 

Federal University Ndufu Alike Ikwo (FUNAI), 

Abakaliki – Ebonyi State, Nigeria 

 

OKECHUKWU, PRISCA CHINYERE 

prispelladiag@gmail.com 

Enugu State College of Education Technical, Biology 

Department 

Enugu Nigeria 

 

ABSTRACT 

Hidden, and operated under fear in the era of dictatorship, the concept, ethnic militias 

and its threat to the Nigerian Nation arose immediately after the ushering-in of Neo-

democracy. Like if hell were let loose, the several ethnic groups, incredible conflict 

paradigm being politicized in the midst of sought to actualize the basis of their self-

acclaimed rights and existences in a united-unity prone state. Thereby imposing a great 

threat to the thriving democratic tenets; as their activities seeks to redefine the 

geographical entity called Nigeria in their separately avowed interest. The perspective of 

this pieces, ‘ethnic militias, democracy and the threat to Nationhood: a negative 

dimension toward Nigerian polity’, is considered a very important area of study, 

referencing the categorical and destructive tendencies of violence in the country when 

everybody supposedly ought to be one. A persistent phenomenon in the past decades, 

and even into the new millennium. More so, this work, mindful of the essence of Neo-

democracy which seek to Unite the world into a global village wished not to be truncated 

to the disfavour of Nigeria, as its benefits need to be explained further. The research 

examines the reoccurring decimal of violence, agitations and the dimensional 

propensities as affecting the inhabitants politically, economically, and socially. The 

implications of the increasing number of displaced people, refugee overflow and poverty 

in the midst of a threaten democracy also need to be revisited. The work, hinged on the 

theory of political rights, explains the reasons for all struggles. Thus, to advocating for 

the enthronement of a virile democracy where everybody will be a co-participator to the 

development of the society is very essential. 

Key Words: National Polity, Neo-Democracy, Ethnicity, Nationhood, Development, 

Instability  

 

mailto:groupsonpau@yahoo.com
mailto:prispelladiag@gmail.com


 

 

150 | P a g e  

 

 

INTRODUCTION 

The perspective of the Nigerian state socio-political landscape had from time to time 

witnessed social instability, ethnic conflicts, and conditions of poverty, ignorance, 

disease, exploitation, injustice, inequality and debasement among others, thereby 

increasing the capacity prone of the society to violence. 

 

Social insecurity of this kind, and in an objective sense, measures the presence of threat 

to acquired value, life and property of the individual and groups within the society. In a 

subjective sense, Anugwon (2001) noted that it relates to the presence of fear that such 

values, life and property of the individual or groups will be denied or attacked. When this 

threat or fear of threat is increased or allowed beyond the bounds of order, a situation of 

social instability results. However, the primary role of the state then goes to the point of 

progressively eliminating the objective conditions of social insecurity by reducing the 

capacity for social instability. 

 

Against this danger in the Nigerian situation, the military, mindful of the uncertainties, 

incapacitation of the people and unacceptance of each other ethnically appropriated the 

people’s shortfall to entrench a long chain of military rule, that had in no measure  be of 

any benefit to the entire society. Thus, Idowu (1999) aptly noted that the Nigerian polity 

has been characterized by mutual suspicious, distrust and hatred amongst the various 

ethnic groups, thereby culminating in unmitigated inter-ethnic rivalry, animosity, and 

hostility and otherwise among others, with the military been the only icon of its corporate 

existence. 

 

With the outlawing of the obnoxious acts of military rules, the ending stage of the 

twenties century and into the new millennium witnessed a new internationalization of the 

structure of the international system, it also confirmed the emergence of a single 

hegemonic power and the universal adaptation of the principle of Neo-democracy. A 

concept of globalization, as the world had increasingly and gradually turned into a 

hamlet, Thomas (1999:9) observed. 

 

The Nigerian state under democracy, however, had opened up many sealed cans of 

contradictions formerly under the suppression of the military. Thus, causing the 

accreditation of identity by groups with aggressive demands of their rights without a 

thought about their obligations to the polity. The worsening social upheaval and political 

instability especially after the advent of the Fourth Republic have however, warranted 

several questions to be asked, especially as regarding the relationship between 

democracy, social instability and the engendering threat to democratic tenets. 

 

For the features of the Nigerian scenario clearly show that, apart from industrial strikes, 

other forms of manifestation of social instability seem to present as ethnic and or 



 

 

151 | P a g e  

 

 

religious conflict or instability. Both ethnic and religious conflicts have tended to evolve 

into more frequently, since the inception of the forth Republic and have tended to evolve 

into more violent and organized, ethnically based movements with stated ethnic agenda, 

Edlyne (2002) asserts. 

 

This new recruit, otherwise called ethnic militias and structural make-up, only interested 

in what they can get from the state, are not only a threat to the Unity of the state and 

democracy but had a preponderance overture of dislocating the sovereignty of the 

Nigerian state. The most worrying aspect of the resent escalation of ethnic conflicts in 

the country seems to be its impact on the nascent democracy and the prospects of 

democratic consolidation. A case the Niger Delta youths, both disgruntled, jobless and 

miscreants had appropriated to show how neglected, their deceptive leader and the 

federal government had played on their ought to be valued welfare. As Nigeria’s 

contemporary history shows, periods of great socio-political instability are usually 

chained with the overthrow of the civilian government and the assumption of power by 

the military. But away from this notion, the present ethnic structure in Nigeria seems to 

be complex with contradiction as many of this groups have acquired sophisticated arms 

and weapons to rubbish the state system. For the number of weapons in the hand of the 

individuals and on the streets, except the military tanks and gun boats among others are 

nothing to compared to, as the level of sophistication shown in the electoral period had 

informed that the police are mere child-soldier to the dread thugs and armed carriers on 

the Nigerian streets. Beside the threat, the growing domestic instability and turmoil in 

the country now seriously negates the ideals of democracy. Hence, the sustenance of 

democracy in a context of heightened inter-ethnic rivalry, social instability, division, and 

distrust seems quite unlikely. Consequently, this envisaged interest and threat, this 

works, taking a recourse into state and group affairs in the world, where groups are now 

more conscious of their interests and the needs to protect competitions with other results 

to violence, will examine other salient features that may impose as a threat or tend to 

derail democratic goals in this era of a thriving institutionalization of the tenets of 

democracy and peaceful governance in Nigeria. 

 

FRAMEWORK OF ANALYSIS OF AN OVER EXPRESSED RIGHTS AND THE 

CONTENDING SOCIAL ISSUES 
The concept of suppression, frustration, deprivation, denial and a growing social 

decimation clogs, which had been an events of a long period, has been noted apparently 

as one of the misfortunes of dictatorship and or weak leadership. Although, they are still 

termed as factors modulating conflicts, but in this respect we are concerned with the 

phenomenon of rights and its attributes to peaceful co-existence. Thus, the situations of 

the fourth Republic may seem desirable with contradictions. For not only have 

democratic enthronement permit national borders porous, and natural economics been 

penetrated by uncontrollable extra national economic forces. The forces of globalization 



 

 

152 | P a g e  

 

 

and technology as noted by Ajayi (2002) have gate-crashed into nation states, 

accelerating identity explosions of groups which aggressively demand their rights, 

without a thought about their obligations to the polity. An implication portends to put the 

state in a chain of confusions and contradictions in future if it fails to meet up the various 

demands of these agitators. 

 

Theory of political rights thus may best describe the period in-review. This is because, 

the precarious era of military rule, civil dictatorship, and civil weakling administration 

of present, with its consequent neglects, unabated corruption of state power, 

malfunctioning electoral system, corruptly-greedy electoral officials and economic 

profligacy had heightened relationship between various ethnic groups in the country 

against possible enthronement of sound social civility. The Nigerian military, itself, 

having an antecedence of a product of interplay of ethnic and geographical forces had 

helped in raising the drive for ethnicity. Therefore, the military utilizes ethnicity as a tool 

to perpetuate its hold on power as well as to negate any attempt by the civil society to 

strive towards democracy and responsible governance. But even more crucial than the 

role of the military in the power equation in Nigeria is the fact that democracy, according 

to Held (1997) is ideally seen as the bastion of equity, freedom and justice. Therefore, 

political rights and democracy, which was denied the populace was rightly expected to 

bring into existence a new socio-political era. 

 

According to Dilys (1996) political rights is something that no one anywhere may be 

deprived of without a grave affront to justice. There are certain actions that are never 

permissible, certain freedoms that should never be invaded, and certain thing that are 

sacred. Thence, marrying this notion to individual human rights norms, Ifowodo (1994) 

observed that human rights are laws, custom and practice that have evolved over the 

centuries to protect ordinary people, minorities, groups and races from oppressive rulers 

and government. This rights, when further examined, could equally be those rights, 

fundamental or otherwise, which uphold the inherent dignity of man and promote the 

quality of his existence by providing the bases for freedom, justice and peace without 

distinction as to race, color, sex or creed Humana (1993:166) posits. 

 

In the Greece city-state, according to Haries (1990), liberty and equality was taken as the 

central mark of democracy as their increase in liberty and equality also led to their 

increase in democratic processed and values. Liberal democrats in their enunciation, 

however, contended that the premise of democracy and democratic rule are the only 

avenue through which, respect and upholdment of the dignity of human person can be 

obtained.  

 

In addition to the views above (Humana, 1993) further opined that anyone who professes 

to take rights either political or economic rights amongst others seriously must accept at 



 

 

153 | P a g e  

 

 

the minimum the vague but powerful idea of human dignity. Thus, freedom of speech, 

movement and participations among others, becomes a great elements of political rights. 

In another realm, Bhegwati (1994:9) observed that he who bids the law, rule, bids God 

and reason rule, but he who bids man rule odds, an elements of the beast, for desire is a 

wild beast and passion perverts the minds of rulers, even though they be the beast of man. 

 

Re-examining the facts above, political rights rest on the consent of the people, on the 

need for the people to rule themselves, make their own laws and desires for themselves 

what seems rights. Contradicting this to the era of military rule, when every ethnic groups 

and people were under fear of the military might, no right was observed as no right was 

recognized, and the oppositions were overwhelmed and contained. In that period, several 

things, apart from taken place were swallowed without questions to the governing body. 

Thereby justifying the facts that under the military or a dictatorial government that human 

rights or political system is not encouraged. Thus, no human rights in the military become 

the order of the day. Comparing this to a civil government, like the Nigerian Fourth 

Democratic Republic, it is obvious that every groups want to be heard. Though, formerly, 

hidden and operated under fear, each ethnic groups organized into ethnic militias, sought 

to actualize their self-acclaimed rights and interest. Increasingly, the main dilemma is 

where one strike a balance between the demand of these to protect the difference in a 

democratic setting through the instruments of violence and the need to protect the 

fundamental human rights of individuals or groups. Where does one strike a delicate 

balance between the need to provide security for all. And yet respect the democratic 

rights of some others. Does the freedom inherent in a democratic system warrant a licence 

to impose threat to the state? How do we demarcate the boundaries of rights in a 

democratic system? Where do our rights end and where do our obligations to one another 

begin? These questions are however pertinent to the growing problems being created by 

the activities of ethnic militias particularly in Niger-Delta where criminality and 

destruction had been the mode of agitation for rights upholdment. 

 

This is because the coming of the Fourth Republic, ought to be for the establishment of 

a peaceful democratic polity, but the activities of the ethnic, religious, geo-ethnic and 

other groups, have punctuated the political process and rendered extremely fragile the 

security of persons, groups and their properties on the context of the fact that they are 

entitled to the necessary rights as provided for by the democratic system and constitution. 

But be that as it may, the so-called rights are not only abused, swapped into antics of 

stealing and crimes’ heaven among others but had also been over expressed to the 

detriment of the general society. 

 

In this realm, a political commentator according to Tempo Magazine (2002:8) had argued 

that, the government’s position explicates the fact that social and ethnic conflicts are 

actually the results of manipulation by elites shows a narrow understanding of the 



 

 

154 | P a g e  

 

 

problem. But the facts remains, that ethnic conflict lies more with the mismanagement 

and malfunctioning of the political system, the economy and associated poverty resulting 

to the citizenship problem and general dissatisfaction with the government and its 

policies, Yusuph (2003) argued. Thus, it is that same dissatisfaction that the people 

mindful of the composition of the present government and seen as not difference from 

other military rules in term of its structure, that they have sought solace in democratic 

tenets to seeks for their rights of total freedom. A course that had not only threatened the 

Nigerian polity but tend to dismember the entity, Nigeria, believing that rights is 

freedom. For the case in Niger Delta, which have a high degree of militant actions and 

activities had to some extent placed the Nigerian state to a no go area to other foreign 

National and businessmen alike. The criminality of the over expressed rights and claims 

of denial had also made mess of the struggle for better welfare by the youths and criminal 

leaders of that region to be dismay of the desires of the Nigeria people and her place in 

the committee of Nations. This criminality leading to fragmentation and faction among 

the militias had not only portrayed Nigeria as a failed state, coupled with riggings and 

thievery of elections results as attendant electoral quagmire, but the combination of 

kidnapping, terrorism and the boldness of the militias to face the Nigeria military in a 

battle confrontation exemplified the notion that Nigeria is on the keg of gun powder, 

wittily expected to explode one day. 

 

ETHNICITY IN THE NIGERIAN POLITY 

a. The Origin of Ethnicity 

Arising from the unmitigated reasons that the colonial master had in welding the 

geographical entity – called Nigerians into one – nation – state, the antecedence of the 

events that followed afterward explains that Nigeria is mix-up of people of different 

ethnic background. The independence era, both post-era and contemporary among others 

according to Babawale (2002) saw a different people coming together to form a quasi – 

federation that was ethnically controlled by the struggle of the three major groups – the 

Hausa, Yoruba and the Ibo. This competition not only affected the entire state system but 

left the nation in a perpetual emptiness and instability. 

 

This grave animosity and other salient elements portend great problems however, 

derailed the reasons that the founding fathers had as a course for making Nigeria one. 

Nnoli (1993) in this respect noted that evolving from this angle is that every child born-

grows up to discriminate and differentiate in both character and political pursuits among 

the three groups. With the control of the military and state power for a long time by the 

North, the South – highly dominated by the Western Yoruba nation and the Ibo nation 

seeks to accept the fact that politics is the unending struggle amongst classes to dominate 

state power through ensuring that the class role in production is dominant over the 

production process (Held, 1997) opined. 

          



 

 

155 | P a g e  

 

 

This domination determines the pattern of distribution of rewards among various roles in 

the process and occupies such strategic position in the process that the sole occupants are 

able to achieve their interests. Once a class dominates state power, it organizes itself and 

society in such a way as to establish and perpetuate control over this power and uses it to 

pursue their interests. 

 

In line to this structure, political associations and parties was formed on ethnic base. 

Thereby nurturing a kind of cyclical ethnic dynasty for eventual winner in the struggle 

to state power. This act, which actually saw to the total political and economic destruction 

of the nation’s wealth amidst impoverished citizenry detriment, becomes the end of many 

hopes about Nigerian. 

 

As discussed above, Abubakar (1997) in joining issue asserts that urban ethnic identity, 

which had emerged before and during the independent era established itself with 

concomitant manifestation of dysfunctional political system. The colonial powers were 

also seen manipulating this ethnic identity to perpetuate colonial rule. It used the divide 

– and – rule syndrome to create divisions amongst the population, Okafor (1982) noted. 

Furthermore, colonial preferences between the North and South of the country were 

sometimes overt and have blamed for the politics of the North - South divide in Nigeria. 

 

Apart from the colonial distortion, ethnically based political parties and the military being 

highly controlled by the North, loopholes and incapacitations of this ethnic cleavages of 

which their shortfall was appropriated to the debasement of the entire country was 

instituted with over ridding force. 

 

This indigenous ruling class who failed to rise above ethnic quagmire, then created 

several problems amongst others, inquity in politics of development. Consequently, till 

date, the struggle for political power by the different ethnic groups became intensified. 

The intensification of ethnic struggle for political power continued to define Nigerian 

politics up to the present time. 

 

This act which had not only created a more terrifying problems, have in several realm 

armed young men and youths to seek their ethnic nationality as supreme amongst others 

also tend to endanger the national polity with the advent of ethnic militias as a force 

backing their individual ethnic interests. 

 

ETHNIC MILITIAS IN NIGERIAN POLITY 
Imperatively, Nigerian historical past and present cannot be succinctly explained without 

under lining the fact that Nigeria as a nation has a long history of ethnic violence. Few, 

if any, had occurred in the pre-colonial Nigeria except inconsideration of the relationship 

between the conquering Fulani and their Hausa subject, (Okafor, 1982) revealed. 



 

 

156 | P a g e  

 

 

Otherwise, most ethnic groups in pre-colonial Nigeria co-existed peaceful until the 

coming of colonialism. 

 

However, in the present, Nigerians are divided along more lines than just the ethnic lines; 

religion – Christian/Moslem, Cultural (multi-cultural), international affiliation (the 

West/Islamic Arab World), of all these lines of division, the most volatile and often the 

most troublent has been religion, Akinboye (2001) contended. Nigeria has a long history 

of social unrest, traceable to religious differences. 

 

Often, those religious disturbances assume an ethnic connotations and collaboration. This 

is so because the various ethnic groups are identifiable with one religion or the other. 

There is therefore little difference between ethnic and religious divisions. What starts 

most at times as a religious disagreement soon assumes ethnic dimensions and vice-versa. 

Even what starts as a political struggle is often misconstrued as a religious or ethnic 

struggle? The contradictions and confusions played a major role in obfuscating issues 

involved in the military coup of January 1996, (Okafor, 1982) reiterated. What started as 

purely political struggle within the class structure of the Nigerian Army soon assumed 

an ethno-religious dimension that led to the worst case of ethnic killings in the history of 

Nigeria. 

 

However, digressing from this views above, Eghosa (1994) observed that militant groups 

or ethnic militancy operating on the basis of purely ethnic agenda are relatively new, 

except the case of the earliest militant groups of the 1960, under political and economic 

agenda, led by Isaac Adaka – Boro, on the issue of marginalization by the then Eastern 

region government to the present states of Rivers and Bayelsa. The armed struggle was 

quickly pulled down and the leader charged with treason. 

 

Moreso, the Nigerian civil war of 1967 – 70 was ethnically based and after the civil war, 

there have been several other records of civil and religious disturbance, riots, clash and 

social disorder etc. But while these incidents pass for social instability, they are not 

considered as cases of ethnic militancy. They were noted to have occurred as a 

spontaneous reaction to situations. They were not sustained campaigns based on stated 

agenda. They were not organized groups out to achieve some political and/or economic 

objectives. The numerous religious riots in the Northern part of the country belong to this 

groups. So also is the occasional inter or intra ethnic clashes over territorial boundaries, 

lands, and location of some public offices among others. 

 

Against, the degree of social instability and the discontent of the various sections of the 

country during the long chain of military rule and especially in the period of General Sani 

Abacha,  Akinyele (2001) noted that the emergent of ethnic militias became pronounced 

with series of hidden agenda. These ethnic militias did not only exists but they operates 



 

 

157 | P a g e  

 

 

secretly while opposing several programmes of the military juntas. Thus, by May 29, 

1999, with the re-birth of a new democratic government, the highly centralized Nigerian 

federation, of which the centre had for long enjoyed enormous political and economic 

powers with an apparently suffocating hold on the sub-national  states was once again 

questioned like if hell were let loose by the activities of the several ethnic groups. 

 

Hence, at the terminal period of transition from military to civil rule in 1999, there were 

signals of a resurgence of aggressive sub-nationalism, which had been under the 

suppression of the military and General Abacha in particular, Anifowoshe (2002) 

contended. At the hand over period, there arosed a latent aggressive sub-nationalism, 

which exploded to violence, thereby triggering – off the emergent of the ethnic militias 

one after the other to either contain or engaged the activities of the existing ones and 

government. 

 

This politics of engagement and containment amongst the ethnic militias underlines the 

observations of Eleazu (1977) who observed that one effects of the over-centralization 

of power in a purported federal structure, especially in a military regimes was always the 

emergence of a strong centrifugal forces, which felt disadvantaged in the system. Hence, 

many sub-national groups felt that if Nigeria federation were not as centralized as it was, 

they would have had a fairer deal in the federation. Thus, under the present polity many 

of the suppressed ethnic groups and militias found reason to question the so-called 

Nigerian federation and the basic essence of a powerful (but lacking in provision and 

security of the people) centre. It is this categorical questions, the violence and the 

engendering organized marginalization that resulted in each ethnic group trying to seek 

and protect its own. Still on the same situation, few amongst the ethnic militias 

criminalized the individual struggle towards subverting the national integrity of the 

country. However, the following are the known ethnic militias: 

 

NEO – DEMOCRACY, STATEHOOD AND STABILITY IN NIGERIA 

In the 80’s, a remarkable trend toward the establishment of democracy and democratic 

institution was apparent throughout many years of the world. In Latin – America the 

generals and colonels were returning to their barracks, while the end of cold war 

witnessed the emergence of fledging democracies in large parts of the Eastern Europe 

and former USSR and Asian minors. However, this trends wasn’t reproduced in certain 

states of the African continent, where one party autocratic leadership is not only 

implaced, instead the military still has a pivotal role in influencing and directing policy 

and actively suppressing the emergence of democratic tents and institutions. This is no 

more noticeable than in Nigeria, where this entailed a great hardship on the people till 

late 90’s, when it was fully embraced to promote social civility that has provened 

unattainable. 

 



 

 

158 | P a g e  

 

 

Democracy, imperatively, rest on the consent of what is best peaceful for the interest of 

the people. The United Nation in 1992, according to Glieman (1995) observed with 

utmost sincerity that as from 1995, it will henceforth, then cease from allowing or 

admitting any nations whose way of governance does not allow for majority mandate or 

consent. They abhor all form of quasi, autocratic and dictatorial systems of governance, 

thereby substituting it with what was otherwise called Neo-democracy, new form of 

democracy. A democracy being reintroduce by the western world, that must be monitored 

and supervised by the western actors in order to promote international peace worldwide. 

 

To this end, several gains were said to accompany this democratic re-birth ideas. Such 

gains as total integration unto the world economic system, technological improvement 

and stabilization, and trade liberalization among others, were to be embraced by adherers. 

The idea also enhances diplomatic intercourse and relationship as well as the recognition 

of state in the committee of nations. 

 

The OAU, now AU, the APC, and Commonwealth of nations among others  in 1992 

December at Harare Zimbabwe, also agreed that the full implementation of the New 

Democratic agenda should be the icon of every member states’ system of governance 

procedure, Macnuell (1997) enuciated. On this legate, state every where has come to 

appropriate and appreciation the good idea of peaceful governance which at now can 

only be found in democracy. 

 

Again for our purpose, democracy was not only accepted and meant to be practice but it 

has become the yearning of people everywhere. Although, democracy has some universal 

principles even if these principles may be adapted to different environments. There is 

therefore no single model of democracy. Democracy, therefore to the notion of the above 

scholar involves, however, certain attitude, or beliefs and emotions of the society, which 

govern the polity. It is however, in awakening to this fact that the ushering in of 

democracy on May 29 1999, that several interest groups who have seen reasons in a true 

peaceful and good system of governance sought to align themselves to the new agenda. 

Certain of this course, they from all angel wants to appropriate the good virtue of 

democratic governance. Democracy, in itself, has certain values which all must accept if 

there is to be a stable sustainable democratic polity. And it is in the quest of this goal that 

since May 29 1999, there has been an explosion of ethnic drives and other forms of 

identities, which to some extent, the individual ethnic groups has used their ethnic 

militias to demonstrate the larger form of communal dissatisfaction with the polity. 

 

Although, in Nigeria, the several ethnic group which has been under military and 

dictatorial suppression was seen rearing their ugly heads due to the extent and freedom 

of democratic liberty, but as Smith (2000) observed that this democratic virtue which, 

preaches freedom and peace are however misappropriated by the each struggling ethnic 



 

 

159 | P a g e  

 

 

group in the sense that democracy is not a panacea for violent aggressive ethnic-group 

militias like the activities of MEND or the NDPVF against a constitutionally formed 

government, and neither is the emergence of ethnic militias a resolute solution to social 

ineptness, but over time, democracy provide avenue for addressing the grievance of 

which led to their emergence. Thence, an effective and constructive response to ethnic 

militias is to be found in within a relatively equitable state structure like in Nigeria, where 

an effective honest, just, fair and democratic governance with natural respect amongst 

the entire country ought to be promoted by all the component groups, as members of one 

polity toward enthroning a stable statehood. 

 

Going along this line, it will be obvious that the idea of democracy to promote peaceful 

statehood was threatened by the spate of violence and ethnic clashes, which the 

criminalization of the act in Niger-Delta bysome of the leaders and the militants 

combined, however may be blamed on the state violation of some of the characteristics 

of democracy. These characteristics, Ghali (1994) argued that the base of authority in 

democratic system lies with the people. And since authority depends on the people, any 

authority that does not emerge from the consent of the people is not democratic. Although 

the manner in which this word consent may be applied may vary from one system, state 

or society to other. Likewise, the said consent does not permit to threat to the corporate 

existence of the system as is found in the Nigerian state. For there is an extent to which 

demands and agitation can be stretched it would be no longer a true intentions of all but 

a criminal intent of few who are gaining from the rackets.  

 

Another point that tend to play on the scale is that a state like Nigeria cannot be in want 

of state stability if the very concept of democratic governance had not been abused by 

the governing elites. This is because, according to Elaigwu (2003), democracy is based 

on rule of law, which helps to sustain statehood and its enabling integrity and 

legitimization. And when a democratic polity is said to be lacking in legitimacy, then the 

basic condiments of true governance is neglected or otherwise wished away. Thereby 

deranking the rights given to the leader to lead from him and subsequently been spotted 

in different hands as each hands will want to display its own make-up in the manner best 

known to them. At the same time the institutional mechanism will not only be moribund 

and desecrated upon, but the growing negativism inherent in the system will equally 

demand for urgent change or group conflicts to survive or shake-off the shackle of blames 

and pains among otherss. 

 

Democracy also calls for choice of the people for any state to enjoy a stable polity. The 

element of choice in a polity rest on the people. The people should have the rights to 

effect changes in the leadership. Choice in a polity includes such values as freedom of 

association, movement, thought, expression, existence, and ownership of properties 

among others. But when an individual or group of criminal intent cabals like Olusegun 



 

 

160 | P a g e  

 

 

Obasanjo and Maurice Iwu personally select and impose leaders on the people as was in 

Nigeria in 2003 and 2007 elections respectively, then the people against whose rights 

had being denied in making their own choice may be left with no alternative than to 

pursue their self –avowed and trodden rights in whatever manner for recognition and 

subsequent actualisation. On the other hand when this is not done against the wish of the 

people, then, the leader who uphold all the desires of the people and the things that benefit 

them is admitted to have accounted well at the end of his tenure to the people. Because, 

every leader whom the people entrusted some values like democratic tenets are held 

responsible for their action as representatives of the people who are entrusted with power 

to achieve particular ends. But when all this basic things mentioned above is lacking, 

then the state and people may sought solace in anything that could give them the required 

protection and happiness. 

 

In view of this, the present government, though were faced with several social problems, 

but the input or mechanism put in implace to submount this upheavals was never focused. 

They only engaged in chasing empty parlance and initiating un-ideal policies to the 

detriment of the people. Thereby allowing the continual escalation of several ethno-

religious violence. They sincerely forgot that Nigeria has a long chain of ethno-religious 

historical problems. And that the only way to welding them is by enthroning a virile 

democratic system that the principle of equity, equality, law and legitimization of every 

component of government are thoroughly uphold, toward promoting stable statehood in 

Nigeria. 

 

Analyzing this contention, it is evident that if the Nigerian polity is anything to go by, 

that the government who are aware that an average Nigerian who have lived under 

suppression, intimidation and deprivation need to be uplifted and provided with succour. 

Thus, OPC, APC, IPC, Ijaw Youth, MEND and other militants among others would not 

have been dissatisfied if the government of Chief Olusegun Obasanjo had come into 

power to attend to those several socio-economic and political neglects and deprivations 

that the people of Nigeria had suffered. The incessant ethnic and militias clashes in the 

past twelve years, which had accounted to the lost of over fifteen (15,000) thousand 

Nigerian to an untimely grave beyond would not have occurred but the most uncultured 

and insincere idea about the present government is their principle of insistence of how 

bad the past military regime was with the retardation of the principle of lets push forward 

and make improvement. The Obasanjo/Yar’adua government had being weakling and 

inefficient in many respect as the former suddenly remembered that he was dyeing a poor 

man hence the craze to amass wealth was his only contribution to the Nigerian outlook 

and existence from 1999 to 2007, while the latter is confused and meshed in a pathogenic 

scenarios of self imposed contradictions. This continual occurrence of those who have 

nothing to offer but to steal and deprave the society had been adjudged as the basic factor 

mitigating an increase in militancy and subsequent threat to democratic tenet. 



 

 

161 | P a g e  

 

 

It is imperatively, reasonable to argue that it is this distrusted and cyclical neglect and 

over-theorizing without food on the table of an average man that do much at times 

instigate people or even tribe or ethnic group or militants not only against each other but 

daring the national army to a battle as the MEND had consistently displayed their 

intention against the status quo. A reference point showed that a derail democracy is an 

abused stability, and a threatened statehood, just the instances below had shown. 

 

Consequently, the above highlighted cases of ethnic militias, militancy and communal 

crises in the country, the Nigerian government since 1999 seemed to have enjoyed more 

crisis, instability and wanton destruction of lives by the so-called militant forces whose 

interest seems to out-weighted the national interest of the Nigerian state in trying to 

enthrone a virile democracy and encourage vibrant development programme. This 

abysmal violence is however a categorical inference of saying that something is wrong 

within the system and that it could equally be adduced that the people enjoy violent more 

than peaceful resolute of a particular crisis or deprivation. 

 

Moreso, evidence arising from the above capitulations, shows that from the inception of 

democratic governance in Nigeria, that the period 1999 to half of 2002 witnessed cyclical 

instabilities, while others from 2003 to 2009 are mostly caused by over endured 

frustration, deprivation and neglects among others. The prevalence of one ethnic conflict 

or another as been the mainstay of Nigeria was not only pronounced, but exacerbated. In 

fact, the preponderance of ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria in the year under review 

has been succinctly captured in the following manner by Ndegwa (1997) who noted that 

from Modakeke – Ife crisis in the South-West to Ijaw_Itsekiri in the South-South to 

ethno-religious crisis Kaduna/Kano and Plateau and Tiv-Jukun conflicts in Benue/Taraba 

states. It is unabating gory tales of endless loss of human lives and materials possessions 

all the way. 

               

Apart from the alarming and astounding increase in both number and magnitude of lost, 

destruction and wanton human carnage, ethno-religious conflicts in Nigeria, championed 

by militias and privates armies alike since the era of the nascent democracy has become 

fused into the political agitation strategies of groups. While conflicts and crisis may have 

become more rapid and heightened, the nature has undergone considerable change. The 

change has been in the fact that entho-religious violence mitigated by ethnic militias, 

even, while bloody, are now channeled toward garnering more political benefits and 

economic gains for the groups concerned within the context of the new democratic 

dispensation. 

           

Thus, (Anugwon, 2001) in complementing this view above had argued that ethnic 

mobilization even among the very conscious Niger Delta people is nor geared toward 

improving their lot within the ambit of democracy and a free society. In addition, the 



 

 

162 | P a g e  

 

 

ethnic group/associations are not any longer engaged in a zero sum game mobilization 

but seen the prevailing socio-political dispensation as amenable to the fulfillment of their 

separately – individual groups aspiration. But even this sort of ethnic drive as 

championed by each groups organizations has been more after than not contradicted by 

the violent activities of the existing ethnic youth groups. 

           

Obviously, too, the elite leadership of all the ethnic groups in Nigeria appears helpless in 

the efforts to rein in the youthful militant and often sprinter groups. But equally worth 

mentioning is the fact that the actions of the elite leadership have often smirked of a 

subtle collaboration with the militant elements. In retrospect to this notion is the role of 

late Abraham Adesanya who openly endorsed the militant group leader of OPC by 

holding the hands of the faction leaders in the spirit of reconciliation as an indication that 

he does not understand the full implications of the message to the public. More 

importantly too, is the romance between the old elite and militant groups in the various 

ethnic groups in Nigeria and the aiding of the Niger Delta militancy by some criminal 

retired generals as presently unraveled by the federal Government itself, which may serve 

as further boost to the spats of bloodletting tendencies of the militants. 

 

ABYSMAL IMPLICATIONS AND DEMOCRATIC THREATS 
Inference from the aforementioned on democracy and state governance vis-à-vis the 

durability of democratic system, the enabling stability that democracy creates and the 

engendering smooth system of governance, it is imperative to accentuate that if 

democratic tenets are vividly adhered to, that the enabling and working principles of 

democracy will be seen permitting the fabrics of the society. Thus, the idea that a 

democratic polity does gradually build its own culture becomes a reality. But against the 

situations facing the polity now, the whole issues still look dicey as the drive toward true 

democracy are not only far but had been placed in the same messy and trash can that the 

ruling class had dumped the idea of true federalism in Nigeria. Thus, the shortchanging 

of the latter with quasi and criminal foisted centrifigural forces as federation had also 

being blamed as a factor mitigating consistent violence in the polity apart from the ethnic 

aspirations.  

            

It is also evident that in a democratic system, that it is the majority who dictates while 

being sensitive to the interest of the minority. Tolerance of divergent views within the 

political parties, the legislature, executive and judiciary and the general society at large 

are also viewed as a vital pivotal scheme of democratic initiatives in a polity. In the 

parlance of this fulcrum, commitment to upholding of the necessary constitutional legates 

as a supreme guide for operation of a democratic polity is viewed as a necessary evil. 

Adding to this is the acceptance of the rules of the game of politics and being bound by 

its tenets. Thus, both winners and losers see politics as a game and not as a battle in which 

one or the other would win as criminal individual like Olusegun Obasanjo notoriously 



 

 

163 | P a g e  

 

 

see it as a do or die game of gangstars affair in 2007 election. An implication that has 

displayed itself not only on the inactiveness of the imposed president but an act that had 

retarded and debased the political clout of the Nigerian state in the commity of nations. 

In a polity of this nature, it is always necessary for the political elites to be sensitive and 

responsible to those who elect them into such offices but the present failures and 

confrontation with the militants by the federal government could be said to have steemed 

from the fact that the so-called leaders are not elected by the people but imposed by the 

ex-combatants of Obasanjo and Ali. 

           

However, when a polity tries, and adhere to all the above mentioned political culture and 

ideals in a democratic system, such a system will not only be seen as democratical 

enjoying a stable polity but its development and pursuit will be a success to the particular 

society. But on the alternative when such a polity as existed in Nigeria is threatened by 

social instability and war arising from ethno-religious conflicts, and militancy 

confrontations, deliberately championed by ethnic militias, for ethnic interest, the 

political system which is seen as a conversion process where received demands and 

supports inputs are processed to give output becomes negated by the engendering 

quagmires generated by the threats, (Ndegwa, 1997) noted.  

            

Instabilities resulting from the disruption of this process as may occur in the system due 

to the cyclical ethnic violence leads to a democratic breakdown. The break in the 

relationship between input and output due to the failures in the conversion process result 

to anarchy and social upheavals. Instability will also occur in the supposedly feedback 

loop that is already broken, thereby availing the system to several and unwarranted power 

hijackers and absolutist of autocratic dominance.  

           

Applying this notion to the Nigeria nascent democracy, it is obvious that if the current 

democratic threats are allowed or sustained, that democracy in itself will not only be 

defrauded and compromised as already being displayed in the polity but the basic notion 

nursed and intended by the so-called militant groups will extolled their desires. Although, 

it is easy to explaining that the present activities of ethnic militias and it threat to 

democracy and the foundation of the Nigerian nation, might be as a consequence of the 

various policy lapses, decisions unimplemeted and certain practices of the political class 

in governance had portrayed criminal  zeals, but much is absorbed to contravened the 

ideas that they are making the Nigerian democratic system to be valueless and 

unprofitable to the yearns and aspirations of the common electorates’ bargains with their 

mandates. 

             

The fact should not equally be denied that many implications abound when the present 

government fails to creating a melting pot of the various constituent ethnic groups, with 

the manners in which each government official and Nigerians continues to see 



 

 

164 | P a g e  

 

 

themselves first as ethnic national instead of an unbias bureaucrats or person. This is 

evident because the political system is not only been blamed for the attendant crisis but 

on their continual entrenching the feature by which the majority ethnic groups are 

favoured in the distribution of benefits to the detriment of the minority groups. 

            

The utter neglect of certain areas and the consequent denial of infrastructure based on 

ethnic consideration may become one of the negating force against the aforementioned 

democratic cultures, since it is relevant to note that the stability of a federal structure 

demands, equity amongst all ethnic groups as a way of reducing ethnicity, but if 

otherwise becomes the case, say the political conversion processes if negated, will 

produce inequality, exploitation and social stabilities. Thence, the reception that might 

follows will distort the enabling factors for democratic sustenance and peaceful co-

existence.  

           

 This implies that while the government need to check where they have fall short of their 

promises to the people, the society in general should equally resolve in treating all 

problems through constructive dialogue and corporate understanding among parties. The 

idea of any ethnic militia, like OPC, IPC or the Egbesu and APC trying to settle every 

score through violence amongst their neighbour need to be rethinked for national interest 

and the survival of democracy rather than ethnic characteristic drives among others. 

            

Considering other implication toward democratic threat, emphasis need to be drawn on 

the preponderance factors of a separatist ideas nursed by the ethnic groups. For instance, 

the OPC was formed to protect the rights of all Yorubas in Nigeria, by propagating and 

projecting positions, which would enhance the welfare and well-being of the Yoruba race 

is a cosmic abuse on statehood of Nigeria. The Igbos also under MASSOB, IPC and 

Bakassi Boy trying to re-echo the Biafra separatist idea, in which they are only meant to 

project the interest of the Igbo race is a great set back to the Nigerian corporate existence, 

and likewise the APC of the North among others trying to do the same is an idea that 

never go well with an incubating institutions like democracy and democratic tenets in 

Nigeria. 

 

The OPC and MASSOB who had in fact announced their intension to declare an O’dua 

nation and Republic of Biafra among others, respectively standard to inform us that the 

present democratic system is a chimera and has no human face. The past and present 

activities of the MEND, NDPVF, NDRC and NDT among others, which had been 

confrontational to the government of the day also explains the import of denial, 

frustration , deprivation and absence of Human needs in the region where both leaders 

and youths control oil well against the national security requirement and national interest 

of the Nigerian state.  For it is evidence that the same people who fought for the exit of 

the military were the same people funding the OPC, APC, MASSOB, NDPVF, NDTC 



 

 

165 | P a g e  

 

 

and Egbesu among others. It is of recent, due to the fall out among the protem 

commanders of MEND aka Boyloaf that the country were informed that their key sponsor 

is a staff in the presidency, Ogoigbe, (2009) posits. This great accusation that the 

presidency had failed to debunk or accept implies that it is the same government that 

chase and pursues the militant that aids them. A cause which might be due either to 

disagreement between the parties as was in the case of notorious Obasanjo and 

Alammeseya of Bayelsa state in 2006 over oil well and party-issues disagreements. For 

instance, the OPC was mainly financed by the Yoruba politicians, businessmen, 

academics and even foreign agents. The Pan Yoruba group, Afenifere, NADECO and 

some government officials were in support of their course. The MASSOB on the other 

hand enjoy the support of the world Igbo congress council, Ohanaeze group and many 

foreign agencies among others (Yusuph, 2002) revealed. The Egbesu were also enjoying 

the support of the affluence in the South – South for their possible control of the oil and 

resources of the zone. The APC, apart from enjoying the support of the Northern 

elements, emirs, political cabals and religious bigotries etc. are nurtured by the ex-

military class (Thisday, 2001) . 

 

Going by this enumerations, it is evident that Nigeria and Nigerians are still far away 

from the costumes of democracy. That, it seem that everyone is living on democratic 

hocus – pocus, a parlance of self-deprivation and self – negation in an institution that 

everyone seem to be working toward its actualization in a pretence prologue. This 

categorical implication of a democratic threats supposedly informs the international 

community that the attendant crisis are mitigated by the same people who yearns for 

democracy on one hand and perpetuate series of acts to discredit democratic initiatives 

on another. It also decried the level of unpreparedness of the country in actually toeing 

the desired line of democracy. 

 

More factors that seem to imposed a great threat to democracy in recent time is, first, the 

incident of ethnicity or ethnic nationalism, political marginalization and economic 

exploitation by the ruling class. In an ethnically divided society, it is easy to present 

politics as an inter-ethnic struggle for socio-economic resources. Consequently, 

Campbell (1996) aptly noted that most Nigerian have come to believe that unless their 

“own man” is in power, they are unable to secure those socio-economic amenities that 

are disbursed by the government. The failure of government to devolve power have also 

ended up in the over centralization of the government, thereby negating the cardinal 

points of promoting social civility. 

 

Secondly, the existence of MEND, NDPVF, OPC and NDTC among others, which is 

today a national threat, was borned out of the peoples’ quest to shake-off the level of 

marginalization and their perpetual states – stands as opposition group in every 

government. Hence, the intention of the Ijaws and Yorubas to actualize the mandate of 



 

 

166 | P a g e  

 

 

June 12 elections while at the same time allowing the former to control her resources 

implied that their aspiration is a necessary evil. The Igbos who has found their existence 

in the Nigerian Nation as an affair of frustrating interaction in the general scheme of 

things also saw the marginalization as an awful, hence, the vowed by the youthful 

MASSOB groups to lead other people out of Nigerian presumed ‘Babylon’. MASSOB 

is therefore a creation of the willful marginalization of the Igbos. The Egbesu in their 

own saw their exploitation by both government and other ethnic groups as a 

dehumanization and share thieffry to the gifts of God to them. Thus, with poor 

environment, non-availability of foods and continual land degradation that is not only 

hazardous and destructive due to the manners of oils – exploration, (Punch, 2002) 

contended, would prefer controlling the resources and its harnessing and proceeds than 

the abysmal cyclical cheatings. So is the APC, and other ethnic militancy with one 

complain or the other. A course that never promote or project the basic rudiments of a 

democratic system of governance, since it is reasonable to argue that the freedom granted 

by democracy also allows for the proper addressing of the several complaints and 

solutions proffered by the government as their continual neglect and carryover will not 

only be a threat to democracy but a detrimental factor to the Nigerian statehood. 

 

DEMOCRACY, ETHNIC MILITANCY AND THE THREATS TO   

NATIONHOOD: A SUGGESTION 
It is imperative that democracy enthrone social civility, but the contending factors that 

imposes as a threat to it was occasioned by circumstantial necessities affecting the 

adherents. Thus, we cannot categorically agree that the various ethnic groups have acted 

in the wrong direction, instead what I think that ought to be done immediately after the 

erstwhile military regimes that had treated every citizens as an endangered species by 

appropriating their inabilities to opposed them was by instilling suppression and 

autocratic tendencies was that  this ethnic dreams and their individual struggles would 

have been attended to by the present government considering their separately 

existed.needs. The people and the society in general would have been submissive to state 

in strict adherent to the intervening variables and in conjunction with the resolute 

applications of the necessary tenets of democratic changes world over, since we equally 

believe and know that democracy mean different things to different people if their needs 

were addressed with cogency. 

           

However, the terrible manners in which the MEND, NDPVF, OPC, MASSOB, APC and 

Egbesu among others had been carrying out their separately avowed struggle is not in 

anywhere acceptable or could be condole, because democratic freedom does not in 

anywhere allows for the sovereignty of the state to be threatened or subverted. This ethnic 

groups who have turned indecent groups in a bid to explaining their sufferings, pains and 

sorrows among others need not to adopt violence, kidnapping, stealing, or inter-religious 

chauvinism as a way of trying to let their voice to be heard. What they would have done 



 

 

167 | P a g e  

 

 

is to making sure that they have a true representative of the people to present their desires 

and demands before the appropriate authority instead of seeing violence as the alternate 

means of the struggle. 

           

Moreso, under the legal and constitutional frames, their acts are not only termed illegal 

and anti-civility, except by otherwise, the National Assembly or state houses makes law 

for their existence. In the parlance of Nigerian constitution, under sections 214 and 216 

of the 1999 constitution respectively, the Nigerian Police is to maintain law and order. 

The state does not recognize any other law enforcement agent other than the police in 

this regard. Although, (Edlyne, 2002) once blamed the inefficiency of the Nigerian police 

as a prelude or the mitigating force calling for the spring up of ethnic militia in different 

parts of the country. But, in whichever manner one viewed their existence as either a 

measure or necessity to abridge the several discrepancies or loopholes existing in the 

Nigeria security body, the idea of one or many ethnic militias existing to run or takeover 

the function of the Nigeria police is a constitutional defects and abnormalize and unheard 

– off in any democratic system. These militias are otherwise, extra constitutional bodies 

and therefore have no place in a democratic setting. The wanton killings, kidnapping, 

stealing and destruction of lives without due process by the group is a great threat to the 

national security and statehood of the Nigerian – Nation. In the same vein, this groups 

acquisition of sophisticated weapons in addition to the several primitive and barbaric 

weapons for killing and maiming people informs every citizenry that the government’s 

continued adamant shows that excluding the army from the society, the country – Nigeria 

is near ethno-rebellious incursion, whose devastating consequences will be away from 

hell town to unknown oblivions. 

            

It is evident, however, that a democratic regime, provides avenues through which 

aggrieved people or group and issues can be settled, but it seemed that the several ethnic 

groups are abusing that opportunities by not only trying to declare their own interest and 

possibly state, without minding what happens to the larger state and people of Nigeria, 

as they go on and on threating the nascent democracy. Importantly, also, we know that a 

democratic system in the course of any face-off, first, must try to neutralize every sources 

of grievance by either dampening conflicts and striking a balance with the adoption and 

implementation of certain democratic values, but the present government in many 

instances must be blamed for playing the role of unconsignment, especially on those 

issue, that could impose threat to the corporate existence of the Nigerian - nation. 

Examples of this is the manner of handling certain state matters, sensitive religious 

matters and political acts of hullabalooitic tendencies among others. 

         

While this work, mindful of the growing implications, deters not to be in support of any 

of the existing or intended ethnic groups drives in the name of militias, and their 

perpetuated violence, wishes to recall that terror, they say, does not alter opinions, but it 



 

 

168 | P a g e  

 

 

only drives the views underground, thereby trying to gather storm for a dangerous days 

ahead. Better also, the government inefficiency and failures can neither be supported, 

instead, the state system should be revisited in the engendering years by ways of 

amendment and redirection of policies. 

         

 It is important also to note that these militias are rooted in the interest of the common 

people. They are like revolutionary armies fighting to liberate the people from an 

oppressive regime. This explains why inspite of repressive measures including outright 

ban by the federal government, they continue to thrive. Federalism, no doubt, allows for 

the plurality of viewpoints but when groups takes up arms against themselves and/or the 

state, the indication is federalism has failed. The failure of federalism or its severe 

shortcomings in Nigeria has been responsible for the upsurge of these militia groups. 

           

Nigeria’s future lies in the reconstruction of this federalism wholesale or piecemeal with 

the necessary attendant democratic values. Demands for sovereign National conference 

have been sustained at serious level by these militias especially those in the South-South. 

When politicians echo such demands it is for the usual game of political posturing, 

(Elaigwu, 2003) maintained. 

          

Ethnic militias activity can also be seen to be the effective response and reasons why the 

failure of the state security services to provide security to the people was very obvious in 

the past ten years. Already, the outlines of the future of Nigeria’s federalism are being 

defined: power devolution; fiscal federalism; increased autonomy of constituent units; 

recognition of ethnic/language groups as constituent units among others. Incidentally, 

these coincide with the demands of these ethnic militias. These militias in themselves 

have been redefining Nigeria’s federalism even if their contributions are not recognized 

as such. The questions now, is, how would the future of Nigerian Democracy be in the 

midst of this several problems with the daily growing threat on the Nigerian nascent 

democracy and sovereignty.  

            

Premised on this, the following stand out to be few amongst the many intend suggestions: 

i. Political culture and democracy must develop along the lines suitable for 

plural societies. This implies that any form of belief, whether sacred or 

secular, which claims that the final truth for society lies in some supreme and 

esoteric knowledge that is beyond question by the uninitiated and to which 

political authority must be subject is compatible with democracy. 

ii. Secondly, societies divided by clearly defined and historically antagonistic 

cultural groups like Nigeria usually have great difficulty sustaining 

democracy. The lesson here is that at all time, the Nigerian state must keep 

working hard at building democracy and should see it as work in progress. 

iii. Political institutions for sustainable democracy must be established and 



 

 

169 | P a g e  

 

 

constantly maintained. The electoral system comes clearly to mind. Questions 

have been asked as to how truly independent the Independent National 

Electoral Commission (INEC) is. The time for keeping or imposing a criminal 

as electoral officer like the present Maurice Iwu should be rethinked if this 

nation must attained statehood through democratic posture. This dismay is at 

the heart of the credibility of the entire electoral process and by extension, the 

democracy project that is still at a transition state. For given the kind of show 

of shame perpetrated by the above name mindless character as electoral 

officer, the country is still far from any iota democratic tenet and initiatives. 

iv. The incursions of the ethnic militias and militancy are borne out of the failure 

and poor treatment of issue that border on national interest by the federal 

government. The tackling of the following may pave way for national stability 

and the thriving of democratic virtues in the country. 

--------attention to the lopsided allocation of revenue, development project 

and resources with fair sharing of national resources. 

---------checkmating of still existing colonial implications 

---------the proper placement of the returned Ex-military men from Liberia, 

Sierra Leone – both the wounded and dejected and the importation of arms 

for survival. The level of production of recruitment among others among this 

depraved citizens. 

-----------the treatment and attention to persistent injustice in the land. 

-----------what is seen as crisis of development structure in the country as 

affecting the Niger Delta people. And the removal of the syndrome of ethnic 

majority and minority status from the body politics. 

           

With stage of development, both political, economic and other angle triving to attain a 

certain degree of balance, combined with free and fair elections, ethnic militias and 

militancy confrontation with federal government may not arise as no one or section is 

shut off the political development process. They may be encouraged to pursue their 

objectives through the political process. But where the state and stage is seen to be 

manipulative of the electoral process, the only option open to the oppressed poor may be 

ethnic militancy. Particularly true of ethnically and  regionally divided countries are that 

democratic sustainability is improved by a system of devolved regional government. The 

recent demands for regionalism are very instructive. 

           

Moreso, in every democratic course, the economy really stand out to be one amongst the 

best in term of importance in state’s pursuit, because no one will care about democracy 

if he or she cannot put food on the table or pay for children’s school fees and other 

necessities of lifeamong others. Thus, it is this pains and suffering that arouse ethnic 

grievance to ethnic militias and militancy incursions. If we must deal with ethnic militias, 

our production and extractive level must be relatively equitable and fair. Government 



 

 

170 | P a g e  

 

 

roles in this regard is not only a necessary evil but it is vital, hence everything that could 

led to pain or even unemployment need to be disabused on the faces of the poor masses, 

because this can easily cause ethnic militancy. 

           

The leadership questions in Nigeria also need to be revisited. For our leaders are self-

seeking, conceited and hypocritical. They rans away from transparency and 

accountability and engage in opposite activities. That is another reason the so-called 

corruption war had been deluded with hanky-panky of the powers that be being above 

the law and so on. At this juncture, we need a leader who lives by example and not 

sycophants or apologist because this is the only thing that could compel other citizens to 

make sacrifices. The wide spread unemployment and rapid fluctuation of market 

economics render citizens vulnerable to demagogic mobilization in favour of ethnic 

militancy and even authoritarian and exclusive forms of politics. This implies that socio-

economic policies must pay serious attention to the welfare of the people. Those left 

behind by the market reforms, recruitment, prodruction capacity must be assisted. The 

majority of the people must be assisted to live a decent life to make their citizenship 

meaningful. 

 

CONCLUSION 
The emergence of ethnic militias and militancy in Nigeria’s political scene has provided 

alternative political voice to the common people. Born of ethnicity, they have turned 

ethnic passions into serious political demands for the benefit of the people. 

 

This contrasts significantly with the use of ethnicity by the factions of the governing elite 

in their competitive bid to control and exercise state power for class interest. The new 

political opposition constitutes a credible compliment to the efforts of bourgeois 

politicians to force the hand of the state to provide answers to the ethnic questions. 

Otherwise referred to as the National Questions in the Nigerian context. 

 

However, having argued several factors as a means at achieving a stable and sustained 

democratic tenets, it is imperative that while implementing or initiating the necessary 

democratic values toward sustainable polity, that the severally exploded ethnic identities 

should be contained with the engendering individual dissatisfaction attended to by the 

necessary government and its agencies. 

 

Then, against the fact that democracy extol total freedom and provide avenue for 

attending to all dissatisfied sections of the society, it is important also for those 

championing ethnic course to bear in minds and never to undermines the legal 

implications of using their individual interest to impose threat on the state. Democracy 

is not a resolute solution to the chants of ethnic desires, and neither is it a panacea to all 

social problems. Only that protagonist had relied on the carvet it provides in term of 



 

 

171 | P a g e  

 

 

rights and its freedoms, in appropriating as such.  They should be mindful to note also 

that the same democracy informed that where ones rights stop is where the others’ own 

begins. Thus, all parties should tread with carefulness to avoiding collision of rights and 

the necessary infrigments. Ethnic drives should be constructive and responsive to 

national goals, rather than violence and threats to nationhood. A virile democracy should 

be allowed to have its course with all the necessary democratic values and tenets. 

Although Nigeria may have successfully witnessed a transition from military to civilian 

rule since 1999 and the subsequent civil to civil in 2007, but it should equally be accepted 

that it has not been able to resolve the numerous inter-ethnic, inter-religious, militant 

confrontations and criminal activities, and the mindless act of kidnapping, killings and 

destructions of high magnitude among others. Feud that have contributed in no small 

measure to threaten and possibly towards the subversion of the goals of nationhood. 

Likewise, the several threats to democracy has not in any measure made it possible to the 

consolidation of democracy in the country coupled with the ineptitudes of the corrupt 

electoral umpire like Maurice Iwu still holding on to the power to rig and short change 

candidates in future elections in Nigeria. It therefore, believes on the government to 

creating an enabling environment toward accommodating all interest group for a healthy 

development and peaceful co-existence. 

 

REFERENCES 

Abubakar D. (1997), “The Rise and Fall of the First and Second Republics of   Nigeria” 

in F. U. Okafor, (ed) New Strategy for Curbing Ethnic and   Religious Conflicts. 

Enugu: Fourth Dimension Pub.  

Ajayi, F. (2002) “Promoting Inter-Ethnic Harmony in Nigeria: A Collective Task” in The 

Daily Post Express, January 4th.  

Akinboye, O. S (2001), “The Matrix of Ethnicity and Ethno-Religious Crisis in Nigeria’s 

Nascent Democracy” in Agwonorobo E. Eruvbetine (ed) The Humanistic 

Management of Pluralism. Lagos: University of Lagos Press.  

Akinyele, RT. ( 2001) “Ethnic Militias and National Stability in Nigeria: History as Tool 

for Managing the problems of Cultural Pluralism” in Agwonorobo E. Eruvbetine 

(ed). The Humanistic Management of Pluralism. Lagos: University of Lagos 

Press. 

Anifowoseh, Remi (2002) “Urban Violence in Nigeria: the case of the Oodua Peoples 

Congress (OPC) Militia” , in Industrialization, Urbanization and Development in 

Nigeria, 1950 – 1999 and Beyond, in Faculty of Social Science Conference of the 

University of Lagos. November 15 – 16,  

Anugwon, E. E. (2001) “The Military Ethnicity and Democracy in Nigeria” in Journal 

of Social Development. Vol. 16, No. 2: 93 – 114. 

Babawale AC. (2002) “The Rise of Ethnic Militias, De-Legitimization of the State and 

the Threat to Nigerian Federalism”, in West African Review. Vol. 3,No. 1,  

Bhegwati, P.N. (1994) “Balancing Activism and Judicial Restraint” in Journal of Human 



 

 

172 | P a g e  

 

 

Rights Laws and Practice. India Cablol Pub.  (2002),Daily Post Express, January 

4,  

Campbel, Ian (1996) “Nigerian Continual Crisis” in The Commonwealth Journal of     

Conflict and Terrorism Institute of Studies. London, Vol. 25, Sept. – Dec. 

Edlyne, A. (2002) Is Democracy Rally the Answer: State of Ethnic Conflict in   Nigeria. 

Lagos: Clopas Pub.  

Eghosa, Osaghae(1994) Ethnicity and its Management in Africa: The   Democratization 

Link. Lagos: Malthouse Press Pub.  

Eleazu, Uma (1977) Federalism and Nation Building: The Nigerian Experience 1954 – 

1964. Great Britain; Arthur Stockwell Pub. 

Elaigwu, JI (2003) “Ethnic Militias and Democracy in Nigeria”, in Defence Newsletter 

January – March Federal Republic of Nigeria, 1999 Constitutions, Sections 214 

and 216. 

Ghali, B. B (1994), “Tropical Issues in Democracy: the African Case”, in UN Journal of 

Political and Economic Issues. New York: UN Press Council Pub.  

Glicman, H. (1995) (ed), Ethnic Conflict and Democratization in Africa. 

Atlanta    Georgia: African Studies Association Press.  

Godwin, M. (1997) Democracy and United Nation: The Force Behind Peaceful 

Governance. New York: City Cronwell Pub.  

Haries, Richard (1992) Human Rights for the 1990, Legal, Political and Ethnical   Issues. 

England. Doven Wonell Pub. (2002) “Hausa, OPC war” in The Week Magazine. 

Vol. 15, No. 20, Feb. 18,  

Held, Johnson (1997) “Democracy and Globalization”. In Global Governance  Journal 

of Cmbridge., No. 3: 251 – 267. 

Hill, Dilys (1996) Human Rights and Foreign Policy Principles and Practice. London: 

Cambridge University Press  

Humana, Charles (1993) Democracy and Equality. U.S.A. Cap XI Piles Pub.  

Idowu, W.O. (1999) “Citizenship Status, Statehood Problems and Political Conflict:  the 

case of Nigeria”. In Nordic Journal of African Studies. 8(2): 73 – 88. 

Ifowodo, Ogaga (1994) “Human Rights under the Military in Nigeria”. In Civil Liberty 

Organization Quarterly Magazine. Lagos: Vol. 5.  (2003) “Ijaw Militias Group 

Attack Oil Installations”, in Vanguard Newspaper, April 25, (2000) “Kwara Boils 

as OPC – APC Clash” in The News Magazine, October 17, (2000) “Kwara Boils 

as OPC – APC Clash” in The News Magazine, October 17, (2002) “Mr. President 

and Violence” in Tempo Magazine, Vol. 18, No. 6, (2002) “NBA Chief and Wife 

Murdered at Onitsha” in Champion Newspaper 

Ndegwa, S. (1997) “Citizenship and Ethnicity: An Examination of Two Transition 

Moments in Kenya Politics”, in American Journal of Political Science   Review. 

No. 3,  

Nnoli, Okwudiba (1993) “Ethnic Politics in Africa”, in African Association of   Political 

Science Series. No 1,  



 

 

173 | P a g e  

 

 

Ogoigbe, E. (2009) “MEND’s Sponsor in Presidency: Boyloaf Spills the Bean”in  Daily 

Sun Newspaper August 7. 

Okafor, SO (1982) Indirect Rule: The Development of Central Legislature in 

Nigeria. Lagos: Longmman pub. (2000) “The Odour of Bakassi Boys’ Mayhem 

Scared Men of Underworld”, Daily Times Newspaper, Feb. 16. (1999) “Warri 

Mayhem: A Violent Clash” in Thisday Newspaper, May 31(2000) See the News 

Magazine June 10, (2001) See Newswatch Magazine October 29,(2001) See 

Guardian Newspaper, May 16,(2001) See Thisday Newspaper, Jan. 12.(2002) 

See the Punch Newspaper, April 4,   

Smith, Zeric-Kay (2000) “The Impact of Political Liberalization and Democratization on 

Ethnic conflict in Africa: An Empirical Test of Common Assumptions” in Journal 

of Modern African Studies. Vol. 38,   

Thomas, Caroline et al (1999)., Globalization, Human Security and the African 

Experience. London: Lynne Lienner Pub.  

Yusuph, Olaniyonu, et al. (2002) “danger ahead: An Examination of the Potential Threats 

to our Nascent Democracy as we Inch towards the Crucial 2003 Election”. In 

Thisday Newspaper,