278 | P a g e ESCET Journal of Educational Research and Policy Studies (ESCJERPS) Vol. 1 ISSN: Print 2811-2717 https://journal.escetjerps.com MIDDLE EAST CRISIS: RE-ASSERTIVE NATIONALISM OR WAR Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul UC. PhD groupsonpaul@yahoo.com , okechukwu.groupson@funai.edu.ng Department of Political Science Federal University Ndufu Alike Ikwo (FUNAI), Abakaliki – Ebonyi State, Nigeria Agboola, Olugbenga Abiodun Department of Political Science and International Relations, Caleb University, Imota. Lagos State Abstract The Middle East, a region of several conflicts, diplomatic intrigues, problematic peace engagement, terror thriving enclave, where the restive Islamic states with discontent are weighed down by the intimidating influences of outside power. For being Aware that Al Qaeda has outlived its usefulness; that most Arab states are overwhelmed, dominated and suppressed by Israel; that Arab-Spring was meant to do away with Monarchism to Western democracy; that foreign policy of the Middle East were never theirs; that the economy is determined from outside; and aware that in no distant time the region might be a pro-Western sphere. Poised by this hocus- pocus demistyism, the Islamic Jihadist terrorism is revealed to re-assert nationalism course towards reclaiming the Middle East. This study, situated on political conflict and nationalism theory, utilizes secondary data and analytical approach. The study notes that in re-asserting common consciousness, the West and its allies within must be tackled. The study observed that terrorism, a severe mechanism, has become the fastest bait to expressing pains. It revealed the negative actions of the Jihadist in reclaiming their land and prosperity. The study suggests that orderliness in conflict, a possible panacea to the Middle East conflicts be adopted. Keyword: Conflict, Terrorism, Islamic States, Nationalism, Diplomatic Intrigues and Interventionist INTRODUCTION Arguably, the consciousness of oneness, common belief, common identity, common language and common feelings among others are the basic attributes of nationalism. Although, in recent time, these ideas have not only been broken or destroyed but had been tenaciously overtaken by several impediments. This ranges from the drive for power, wealth and riches; the growth of technology and new markets; the drive of neo- democracy and possible re-colonization of states and; the effects of globalization and climate change among others, which are new paradigm in the international politics and governance of states. Nationalism and nationalist drive, though, in the old were said to be subtle to some extent while in some, it was rebellious and violent affront against the masters. It was a great movement that ended several great empires like the mailto:groupsonpaul@yahoo.com mailto:okechukwu.groupson@funai.edu.ng 279 | P a g e Middle East Crisis: Re-Assertive Nationalism or War Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul UC.; Agboola, Olugbenga Abiodun Roman, Byzantine, British, Persia and Ottoman empires among others. It possibly helped also to vanquish great powers after the Westphalia treaty of 1648. Nationalism struggle also took the dimension of non-violent approach to freedom in some regions of the world, just as it also led to the fragmentation of several nation states. However, the Middle East unlike Africa, South America and Eastern Europe is seen as the centre of world politics and politicking in recent time owing to its geography, resources hob, economic centrality and being the most tensed region of the world, several conflicts, diplomatic intrigues and power struggles have made the region and her youths restive. This region, with long years of conflict records in the presence of western influence and dominance could be said to know no peace as long as the interest of the former refuses to change, reduce and/or withdraw. The west’s continued interference in the governance of the region away from the initial economic control was very glaring. It also helped to lightened up like a wild fire in 2011 the zealous spread of neo-democracy, which sent a dangerous signal to the indigenes and occupants of Middle East that neo- democracy, globalization and western technology if completely accepted means that their fate had been sealed and seceded to the new colonization projects of the west. Hence, the probable re- thoughts of the emerging new order of the Islamic States terrorism to querying such western driven agendas in Middle East are not far-fetched. The Islamic States terrorists probably while querying the drastic weighing down of the Middle East power of bargain as due to the intimidating influence and power of the west on their region’s politics and government, also admittedly argued that Al Qaeda and other militant groups has outlived their usefulness; coupled with the domineering and suppressing presence of Israel; and to the obvious fact that the Middle East economy are being determined from outside the region among others, therefore propping up terrorism as the fastest means of being heard. Terrorism, a violent means used to create fear for political, religious and ideological reasons also provokes consciousness while evoking certain feelings of sympathy and revulsion. To seemly suggest that if nothing is urgently done by the Arabs, that the region might be heading towards a rebirth as it might be overtaken by new colonization, new religion, new socialization and new culture. This, thus might have informs the need for them to either re-assert their nationalism or probably if possible, fight the course of reclaiming their land, resources and wealth and independence from the west as their ultimate goal. Premised on this, the study evaluates the international dimension of the Middle East problems hinged on the stated theories, the role of Arab springs acting as an eye-opener, the emergent of the 280 | P a g e ESCET Journal of Educational Research and Policy Studies (ESCJERPS) Vol. 1 ISSN: Print 2811-2717 https://journal.escetjerps.com Islamic states of Iraq Sunni terrorism course and or the process of re-asserting Arabs nationalism in the Middle East. THE MIDDLE EAST AND THE WEST: THE INTERNATIONAL DIMENSIONS OF THE PROBLEM Interestingly, scholars had come to accept the contention that Middle East is not a country, not a continent, has no set border, but a land east of Europe, North- East of Africa, West of India and China. That is, the land whose heart stretches from Egypt in North East of Africa to the countries of South Western Asia and East of Europe. It is the land in the middle of Asia, Africa and Europe with a well of over 98% Arab dominance (Mahan, 1902). The West itself, that is, European and American continents are central to the politics of Middle East. This has become their most valued strategic importance in the world politics. The relationship between both had created a huge political intrigues, hiccups, problems and unsettled diplomatic interactions that had greatly affected the world politics and government (Sloan, 2006). The dynamism of this problematic hiccups had consistently and continually kept the world political actors, economists and risk takers among others in a constant motion, dialogue and debates of what peace in the Middle East meant to all, especially in the period where according to Brooke and Arny (2009), the international political economists are raising questions on the issues of globalization, trade liberalization, investment opportunities, markets capitalization, human capital friendliness and sustainable democracy that could aid opening up of states, regions and the global society, to which the Middle East are dwarf of, thereby leaving much to be desired in terms of stability and relative peace. Although, the early contact contrast the period of colonization and independence as war of empireonic occupation and issues of the Eastern questions among others was settled in 1929 and thereafter. According to Karsh (2000), what had helped the issues to linger on was the subsisting interest of the West in the Middle East, which might have contributed to arouse the spate of tension and volatile nature of the region. A course that has been challenged severally with waves of nationalism struggle. This, precipitated by the role of Britain in the 1940s, France and United States in the period leading to cold war and thereafter, to this day have not helped matter in the region (Stockton, 2011). It is imperative therefore to note that right from the period of economic determinacy and conflict of alliance, that there has been a long existing feud in the Middle East between the West and the Arab world. A quarrel that Pan-Arabism had adopted to eliminate the trace of western imperialism (Karsh, 2000). This study thus, not surprise in the words of Al-Mukarramah (2001), that scholars are even confused as to what could be the subtle way of ameliorating this great threat, great hates, great disagreement and unsettled political and economic 281 | P a g e Middle East Crisis: Re-Assertive Nationalism or War Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul UC.; Agboola, Olugbenga Abiodun clandestinism of the actors that the world is witnessing today in that region. Evidence available has revealed that the United States interest in the Middle East is prime. It also informed how all the other European States’ interest has been subsumed into the American interest. These states like Britain, France, Japan and others are meant to key-in towards maintaining their perpetual alliance with the former while exploring the region. Exceptions was however, seen in the period preceding the cold war era as postulated by Magnus (2006), that the politics of Middle East assumed different dimension when oil was discovered in the arid desert at the period prior to the struggle for independence in the 1930s and 1950s respectively and to which since then the region knew no peace. Added to this, Karsh (2000) aptly revealed that the United States is the top consumer of energy in the world. And back then in 1970s, the United States needed sources on where to find its energy. The Middle East such as Saudi Arabia and the UAE had the oil at the time. These two countries were also oil producing states and part of the Southern Nations. The U.S in turn wanted to do business with these people whether they wanted or not. Thereby, agreeing with the assertion of Pipes (2015) that since the World War II, that the Persian Gulf region had been proclaimed to be the national interest of the United States due to oil deposit and proven oil reserves. In the same continuum, Benji (2012), argued that the U.S. involvement in the Middle East oil business in the 20th century was because of the industrial requirement, and because the Middle East oil, especially around the Persian Gulf was very cheap to extract. The U.S interest in the Middle East did not only projects its entire interest but it also double in protecting the interest of its allies such as Britain, France, Japan and all other European nations that chat its course of capitalist – democracy away from the outdated monarchy – sit – tight rules in the Middle East either in war or peace. However, against the U.S making its intension known in the period of cold war, the rivalry with the USSR in the region also took centre stage. Shlaim (1996), in this respect noted that the western powers in exploring the Middle East did not only divide the indigenous people but created a great rivalry among themselves to which the Arab States sheepishly followed without questioning. This feature did not only account for the interest and rivalry that it has evoked but for the whole of 20th century, the Middle East was at their separately avowed geopolitical-strategic importance with its oil being fingered. He further contended that the western powers involvement was not a unique feature but one that affects in varying degrees all region of the world. What distinguished the Middle East from the rest is the intensity, pervasiveness and profound impact of this rate of involvement. That is to say that the 282 | P a g e ESCET Journal of Educational Research and Policy Studies (ESCJERPS) Vol. 1 ISSN: Print 2811-2717 https://journal.escetjerps.com Middle East was terribly caught up in the western powers rivalries that it started affecting them, inspired them and nurtured them into violence. Moreover, in a separate continuum, Stockton (2011), argued that apart from the western powers interest in the Middle East, which their continual support, sponsor and protection of the Israeli statehood and their economic interest to their dismay is absurd. An intent that Shlaim (1996), did not only frowned at but sees the effect as due to the interest of the western powers in the Middle East, and the treatment and declaration of Israel as the Most Favoured Nation (MFN) over the Arab nations, which indeed ignites and intensified the crisis between Israel and the Arabs. The Arab states are noted to have subscribed to the ideal of Arab unity but in practice inter-Arab relations are characterized more by conflicts than co-operation, thereby making Israel to be widely held to be one of the few solid pillars propping up Arab unity. This is because the Arabs seems to largely agree and united in opposing Israel and her allies, but at the operational level, they are deeply divided within themselves, thereby helping to increase the western interest aggregations against their overall weakness. In admitting to this, Pipes (2003), aptly revealed that there is foreign direct control of the economy of the Middle East from outside due to the level of instability and incoherency among the Arabs. In attesting to this observation, Paul (2012), further argued that the U.S. motives in the Gulf is their foreign policy – economic actualization. Although, it does not make them (U.S) safer, but it is a clear indication that the U.S involvement in foreign territories such as the Middle East is evidence of America’s imperialistic foreign policy ideology. Meaning that, the search for oil money and exploration was adopted as a ploy to finger several of the states of the Middle East directly or indirectly. This, also suggestively agreed with the U.S – three cold war doctrines (the Truman Doctrine, the Eisenhower Doctrine and Nixon Doctrine) formulated and states inter alia: ‘that the U.S would use military force if necessary to defend its national interest in the Persian Gulf region. A manoeuvre that has not only set the Arabs against the West since then, but had also aroused and inspired the people of Middle East, especially the youths to chat a new course of Islamic radicalism and terrorism towards eliminating the Western imperialists. Away from these contentious issues, the investigation presupposes to mean that there are several other issues informing the current trend in the Arab – Middle East politics. On one hand is the level of dislocation, distortion, decimation, denial and deprivations, to which the inhabitants had accused the West of perpetuating with devious betrayal of trust, thereby prompting their desires to take what rightfully belong to them – the oil and wealth of Middle East at all cost. 283 | P a g e Middle East Crisis: Re-Assertive Nationalism or War Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul UC.; Agboola, Olugbenga Abiodun The other, being the re-igniting of the Pan-Arabism ideology that is directly linked to Arab nationalism. A movement that is trying to reclaim their lands while clearing the area of anything imperial on the context of re-asserting their common nationalism. THE THEORETICAL ARGUMENT The objective of this paper is to discuss the complex nature of the current trends of event in the Middle East, that is, the sudden appearance of the Islamic States of Iraq Sunni and Al sham (ISIS) against the elites and western powers. The questioning of the latter’s long occupation of the Middle East and the long appropriations of the wealth vis-à- vis the ongoing conflict in the broad contexts of conceptual and theoretical postulations. The focus is, therefore, to probe whether the current events in the Middle East is a course of people trying to reclaim their homeland and its abundant wealth from the Western imperialists presumed second – colonization (using Neo-democracy) or a case of re-assertive nationalism hidden under religious totem of Islamic radicalism to fight the common enemy and its allies – the Western imperialist or both. In the light of this, two theories are examined: a). THEORY OF POLITICAL CONFLICT Conflict, according to Boulding (1962) is an activity that is found almost everywhere in the world of man. Amongst all the categories of conflicts, political conflict seems to be most devastating and destructive, both in idea and actions. Dahl (1987) asserted that conflicts arise as a result of many factors, including struggle for power and privileges, and differences in social status. Such social status as economics class, income, wealth, position and occupation counts. In essence, conflict is a situation of competition, in which the parties are aware of the incompatibility of future positions. According to Coser (1967), conflict occurs among individuals, group, organizational interest and states alike. It can lead to clash among actors, resulting to death, owing to its violent nature. Laue (1990) postulated that conflict is a natural and inevitable part of all human social relationship. It is the escalated, natural competition between two or more parties about scarce resources, power and prestige. Parties in conflict believe they have incompatible goals and their aim is to neutralize, gain advantage over, injure or destroy one another. Conflict is a social phenomenon, and is multi-faceted, very beneficial and also destructive. To Scimecca (1990), theory of conflict explains human behaviour in terms of self-interest, and the perpetuation of the social order by the organized coercion of certain groups over other groups. Deutsch (1990) argued that conflict can be positive. Thus, he noted that conflict has many positive functions; it prevents stagnation, it stimulates interest and curiosity. It is the medium through 284 | P a g e ESCET Journal of Educational Research and Policy Studies (ESCJERPS) Vol. 1 ISSN: Print 2811-2717 https://journal.escetjerps.com which problems can be aired and solution arrived at. It is the root of personal and social change. In another realm, Banks (1996) contended that conflict is both inevitable and necessary. It is inevitable, because both people and groups have basic needs, expressed in society through competing values, clashing in order to provide the catalyst for development. Without which life is meaningless. He submitted that conflict can be functional, but that its functional benefits can sometimes be accompanied by dysfunctional costs: hostility, rigidity, violence and destruction. Thus, going by the above contentions, conflicts could be said to be multifaceted; with the frequency and regularity extremely high. Simply because, incompatible goals and over exploitations combined with frustration and deprivation has generated conflicts, to which no region of the world is free of major conflicts as the level of insecurity, instability and chaos are also abnormally high, particularly in the Middle East. Consequently, the examined sequences of cases and events in the area of study showed that several crises had bedevilled the Middle East Region, thereby justifying the adopted theory. b). THEORY OF NATIONALISM This study also adopts the Theory of Nationalism among the several theories that this study is linked to. It informs and tends to partly dictate the pace of events in the Middle East crisis. The importance of which also partly explains the root of the struggle. Scholars of this school have argued that Nationalism arises in response to a condition of society and at a particular stage in its development. To them, Nationalism involves a strong identification of a group of individuals with a political entity defined in national terms, that is, a nation. To this effect, Gellner (1993), opined that nationalism is centered on collective identities. This includes the sovereignty possess by the state, the territorial unit, creed of loyalty within the consciousness of the nation in the minds of the people amongst others, that may equally form in part, some of the factors that informed the unique aspirations. In support of this notion, Oldenquist (1997), reiterated that nationalism focuses on the attitude of a member of a nation when they care about their national identify. This is because it is the collectivism of the identities acting as a force that binds them towards common aspiration. In furtherance to this, Yuval-Davies (1997), posits that nationalism in a wider sense is any complex attitudes, claims and directives for action ascribing a fundamental political, moral and cultural values to nation and nationality and deriving obligations from this ascribed values. Meaning that nationalism varies both in conception of a nation and deals with common feelings of the people, common identity amongst the people and the enabling zeal of achieving a 285 | P a g e Middle East Crisis: Re-Assertive Nationalism or War Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul UC.; Agboola, Olugbenga Abiodun particular desire as deemed right within the consciousness of the people. In the same manner, Coleman (1965), argued that nationalism is the consciousness of belonging to a nation or a nationality. For the inspiration; and aspiration goes between a desire as manifest in sentiment and activity, which helps to maximize its political autonomy. Premised on this, the ongoing crisis in the Middle East is occasioned by the Pan-Arab Islamic States of Iraq Sunni ethnic group and others against the West and some Arab elites. It is evident that the bond inspiring these various actions and movement is the common Arab nationalism. The actions and activities of these groups however, throw up two basic arguments of whether their action are in the course of trying to reclaim their land and wealth under the Western sphere of influence or that this nationalistic movement are meant to re-assert their nationalism towards upholding their values against the long years of western balkanization, exploitation, distortion, dislocation and destruction of values and so on. In view of this problematic issue, the following questions are better posed as against the swollen number of recruitment and volunteers among others, who had joined the struggle: could one vividly accept that this groups are on course to reclaiming, restoring and re-asserting their values in the region against any hindrance, denial, deprivation and abject exploitation? What could have motivated the terrorist in engendering in such actions? Is there any particular passion attached to their present actions or could it be a nationalistic drive and what could have made them to vibrate emotionally? Why have the Sunni people felt that their nationalism is as important as to determine and dictating for the rest of Middle East States? With the already existed division within the Arab world, what is the fate of other ethnic groups like the Kurdish, Shite, the Shia and others who had not keyed into the course of ISIS? Can this struggle and the crisis in the Middle East be both a course of driving away the western powers on one hand and also a juxtaposition to re- asserting their nationalistic values on the others? Is the action of the terrorists not a burden by way of negative implication in reclaiming their land, values and properties? Finally, could terrorism as currently been displayed by the ISIS be seen as the fastest bait to expressing pain or a weep-up sentiment of the group under common consciousness to tackling the west? THE ARAB SPRING AND THE PARADOX OF CHANGE The Arab spring, a political nickname of the western neo-democratic campaign movement in the Middle East, that was widely seen as a water shed event which has irrevocably changed the region and global political landscape and led to the seismic shift in the social contract governing the relationship between Arab ruling elites and their population. Started from Tunisia, Egypt, Libya, Bahrain, Oman, Jordan, Saudi Arabia, 286 | P a g e ESCET Journal of Educational Research and Policy Studies (ESCJERPS) Vol. 1 ISSN: Print 2811-2717 https://journal.escetjerps.com Yemen and Syria among others in 2011, the effect of the changes on state governance between the old sit-tight monarchism or dynastic elite rulers and the youthful Arab-Western educated and enlightened apologists, to which their sponsors were not openly known as compared to the western media who campaigned and discusses the fingered enemies. At the peak of the crisis particularly in Libya, Gadhafi was accused of firing at his people from the air. An allegation that Robert Gates and Marshal Mike Mullen in 2011 could not substantiate. Instead, the speculations were noted to have started from the Western Media (Okechukwu, 2012). A contrasting and contradicting scenario that prompted Kevin (2011), to argue that the western press, especially the BBC, CNN and the French media must be commended for helping to set Libya ablaze with the kind of falsehood and information misgivings that they fed their war marshals in the air conditioned offices, who knew nothing and saw nothing happening in Libya. On the other hand, the West, though, inspired by the peoples’ action, believes that since democratic change is synonymous to the rising of the masses against a tyrant, that Arab spring, which came overnight displayed a considerable hope for the best to come in the region (Pipes, 2015), without knowing the end product in the long run; whether a positive light or darkest dawn awaits the people as being experienced today. To further this notion, Busari (2015), states in affirmative that it is evidence that democracy remains elusive and fragile even in the best of circumstances. The Arab states not speared could be seen engulfed in a deadly struggle between the old elites and some version of Islamic radicalist with sectarian irritant, making matters worse where the ruling elites are also an ethnic or religious minority against the course of the formers. Although, agreeing that in the fourth year running that while the spirit of Arab springs still hover over Syria and Yemen, that the darkest days experienced in the above mentioned states has pulled into the door of abyss with the entire Levant on fire, making the expected change to snowballed into a new theatre of terrorism. Hence, with the armed-twists of Arab democracy, it is abundantly clear that Arab democracy remains a very distant prospect. For we know that there can never be democracy without democrats and a modicum of law and order. Against the absence of these few itemized issues, coupled with the gradual demise of Al-Qaeda and other militant groups, to which even some die- hard Al-Qaeda loyalist were recruited and co-opt to fighting the Arab elites in the days of Arab spring as noted in the case of Libya where Muktar Al-Akhdar and others were used by the West against Mamman Gadhafi at Benghazi (Global Security Consultancy, 2011), the new fighters, new blood, new hopes for the Arabs felt something is missing that might create gap against the future, 287 | P a g e Middle East Crisis: Re-Assertive Nationalism or War Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul UC.; Agboola, Olugbenga Abiodun hence the need to challenge the West who Cruz live with victory becomes a cogent issue. The paradox of change as projected by the Arab spring initiators within its salient observation and articulation might have further inferred that probably the total acceptance of the ideals of pro-western neo-democracy might have caused the drift. The opposite of the self-imposed doom as anticipated might have led to the new struggle against the west and its allies and possibly the re-asserting of their nationalist values with the creation of total Pan-Arabism against the West and its second colonization of the region. This being the best thing that could happen and also pave way for Western powers retreats. Seemingly, the West might have nurtured and believed that the paradox of change from the sit-tight monarchs and despots to neo-democracy would have quickened the re-colonization of the people but opposite has been the case. The irritant youths’ activities have shown the existence of the opposite coupled with the non- disarming of the Youths, which has become one of the undoing of the initiators of the change. Today, the muscle of the guns had been turned against the suppliers, sponsors and motivators of the change mantra. The ISIS fighters, standing the accusation of desecration, distortion, destruction and imperialist discontent in the Middle East has shown that the mantra was used to oust the hate regimes and enemies of the west. The only difference being that they spear nobody, not even man, woman and children to the course. MIDDLE EAST AND THE RE- ASSERTIVE OF NATIONALISM Nationalism, which is the love of a country that is not yet your own… a country that one feel is being occupied or oppressed by another national group, is however, not new to the people of Middle East. This is because, according to Choueiri (2000), Karsh (2006), Gocek (2002) and Dawisha (2002), the Middle East has experienced some waves of nationalism. The first being the 20th century nationalism, to which period nationalism serves as a driving force in the world affairs; because nationalism fuelled political conflicts around the globe from the Middle East to the rest. Their second experience, however, came at the end of World War II. A period at which Asian and African people demanded national self-determination leading to the rise of revolts against the European colonial masters. What drove these revolts against colonialism was the desire of the people to be ruled by member of their own national groups, rather than strangers of another race, religion or ethnicity. The third wave of nationalism experienced by the people of Middle East was what Hinnebusch (2003) identified as due to the collapse of the last major European Empires of USSR, Yugoslavia and Satellite States, to which some states of Middle East are directly or indirectly connected to. However, agreeing that nationalism asserts a claim to territory on behalf of 288 | P a g e ESCET Journal of Educational Research and Policy Studies (ESCJERPS) Vol. 1 ISSN: Print 2811-2717 https://journal.escetjerps.com one national group that may be resisted by another group that believes it has an equal right to be there. A question being raised here is do the inhabitants of Middle East believe they are one people? Is what divided them not stronger than what brings them together? Are they in any way, people of the same nationality? Is the Arabs a nation? Can language and religion alone qualify them to project self as a nation or nationals of Middle East? Critically examining the above raised questions in line to the view of Karsh (2002), that there is not and has never existed an Arab nation. And that what occurs is the clever play to harness popular support to the quest for regional mastery by successive Middle East dynasties, regimes and rulers alike. It is also obvious in this regard to argue that the goal of unifying all the Arab states at present may not only be a failure due to one, the level of penetration of the West in the region is unquantifiable; two, it seems that the whole issues had been politically motivated toward attaining a goal without considering other disadvantages. Following the fact that Arab nationalism had continued to be a proposition, to which the proponents and the propounded ideas are diluted by parochial concerns… making Arab nationalism to be in deep eclipse (Karsh, 2002). On the other hand, according to Dawisha (2002) and Karsh (2006), if a nation is a group of people sharing such attributes as common descent, language, culture, tradition, common feelings, religion, common consciousness and history, then nationalism is the desire of such a group for self-determination in the specific territory that they consider to be their patrimony. But in the case of the people of Middle East, the only common denominator is the language and the religion, whereas in all other things they are divided and different, thereby informing that their clave for nationalism might be standing on falsehood or otherwise. Sincerely looking at it from the point of view of falsehood, the supporting contention of Dawisha (2002) and Gocek (2003), which states inter alia that in nationalism, history is often falsified and even fabricated to serve a nationalist political agenda might be the case of those trying to forge Arab nationalism, which also explain its degree of weakness and wavering support of ideas. Then the questions to ascertain and or agreeing that Arab nations does not accept or recognized the divisions of whatever nature is in their midst, to which it has been subjected to becomes contentious, especially, when truly there was no strong Arab nationalism in those three stages mentioned earlier above. Against this prevailing contradictions, Pipes (1987), further argued that since there is no Arab nation yet that the people of Middle East may have an intention to be one but that does not mean that it is already in existence; that the Arabs might have the intent of integrating into a much larger entity comprising all the Arab nations but it is 289 | P a g e Middle East Crisis: Re-Assertive Nationalism or War Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul UC.; Agboola, Olugbenga Abiodun still a proposed hope; that they hope to building a state that will eventually comprise all Arabic speaking nations never means that it has existed. Querying the issues of intent and hope as displayed by the Arab nations, can one say that it might be due to the lack of unity and the force to drive home their intentions in the international system that informed the current ISIS offensive in bringing into being the expected Arab nationalism, because going by the word of Raufitab (2015), one of the primary goals of the Arabs and possibly Arab nationalism is the end of western influence in the Middle East, seen as a nemesis of Arab strength and the removal of those Arab government considered to be dependent upon western powers, to which the ISIS is presently tackling. The ISIS trying to re- assert nationalistic agenda of the people might be the new drive for Arab nationalism. This is because nationalistic movement have an in-built tendency towards extremism and xenophobia, self-righteousness on the one hand and demonizing the enemy on the other. And this is exactly what the ISIS seems to have stand for and equalling perpetuating since its emergence. To stand on this observation that the ISIS might have existed to re-assert Arab nationalism following the crisis in the Middle East since 2011, by contrast, had shown that the Arab spring has also forced the western policy makers to pay more attention to Arab secular politics instead of the usual writing off of secular political parties that might want to assert themselves. In the real sense the ISIS in trying to re-assert Arab nationalism has provoked anger and frustration throughout the Arab world owing to the manner of approach. The West on the other hand has acknowledged the rapid growth of Arab nationalist feeling among the Arab population, to which large segment of them saw the events as a valiant struggle against their imperialist outpost. The issue now is how can only Sunni project whip-up sentiment to attract Arab nationalism in a whole or could this struggle be said to have gone beyond Arab nationalism that is religiously camouflaging as a joint effort in expelling the western imperialist and its allies from the Middle East. THE EMERGENT OF ISLAMIC STATES AND THE WAR IN THE MIDDLE EAST: A COURSE OR RE- ASSERTIVE NATIONALISM The war in middle East as occasioned by the emergence of Islamic states of Iraq Sunni and Al.Sham (ISIS), though, a violent problematic course surpassing all other violent groups has also come to be the central rallying point of all other Neo-militant groups opposed to both national and western powers influence in the region. This fast growing violent movement with its unprecedented strength had helped to raise questions of whether such actions are probably a course of war aimed at driving away the western exploiters, the occupants of middle East or a drive meant to re-assert 290 | P a g e ESCET Journal of Educational Research and Policy Studies (ESCJERPS) Vol. 1 ISSN: Print 2811-2717 https://journal.escetjerps.com the middle East ideology of nationalism that had never been attained since the period of Eastern questions? Although, if the course had been a complete Sunni – nationalism movement for the rallying of the Sunni nationals alone then, the action could be termed a Sunni agenda in the middle East but the movement being diluted with massive recruitment from the Arab – tribe and ethnic groups tends to portend danger for the Arab world and her relationship with outside world, particularly the West. According to Adnan and Reese (2015), the ISIS is an anti-government group; initially, a Sunni insurgent group that existed after the fall of Saddam Hussein. The protest was against the decline and exclusion of the Sunni nationality from the Iraq government since 2009. But they became stronger and emerged after the fall of Mosul in June 2014 against the U.S backed government to the militant opposition. Complimenting this assertion, Okereke (2015), revealed that the Sunni, immediately after the demise of Saddam Hussein felt marginalized and dominated by the Shia, Shite and Kurdish, thereby propping up the protest. The Sunni militant and later the Islamic states of Iraq Sunni and al sham was meant to carve out a separate caliphate. A course they can only achieve by camouflaging under religious canopy to aid universal Arab acceptance. The essence not only to re- assertive nationalism but to probably paint a bigger picture of how they hated the west and wants their culture, religion, consciousness, territories and values to be left alone to them by the west. Meaning that the actions are both war against the West and the reintegration of Arab- nationalism falsehood ideology, claimed to haven being in existence all these years. The terrorist activities in this process, according to Hilal (1997), depend on two major factors: money which provides the budget of death; and gun - explosives, which supply the weapons for inflicting death, to which the fundamentalists’ threat are indeed real. Their havoc of unquestionable activities and disturbance had robbed the people and world the needed peace. One of the stake in this ongoing battle in the Middle East also is to nationalizing the business firms with direct challenging of the dominance of the western powers in the region. But what should also not be forgotten in hurry is that in the days of cold war, the west (US) had also encouraged a distorted Arab – nationalism solely meant to checkmate and creating barrier to communism. Hence, if the same people (the Sunni) of the Middle East should engender a protest, leading to the emergent of ISIS and others as seen today, a Sunni project tainted toward Sunni – Arab nationalism meant to establish Sunni hegemony, then, the West needs to have a rethink of when to delinking interests. This is because the activities of the Islamic states of Iraq Sunni and al sham are 291 | P a g e Middle East Crisis: Re-Assertive Nationalism or War Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul UC.; Agboola, Olugbenga Abiodun currently tormenting the Middle East and its neighbor. Agreeing that it is both a course and re- assertive nationalism, even when there is no Arab nation, the view of pipes (2015), that the level of ISIS global Jihad has made every pious Muslim a potential soldier of the caliphate suggests the admission of both a course and re- assertive nationalism as real. This is informed by the fact that the ISIS, a more formidable, not for planning and directing but for simply talking and writing; more evolving and most threatened violent group in the world. However, on what makes the ISIS thick, succeeding and acceptable compared to other Islamist fundamentalist groups – like the Al Qaeda, Pipes (2015), notes that the ISIS does not plan and direct attacks but takes advantage of its high profile to incite Muslims to turn against their non-Muslim neighbours, bad Arab leaders and allies of the imperialist. An instance that tallied with this is the Paris and Oklahoma City attacks among others. What is also Worrisome about the dangerous activities of ISIS according to Pipes (2015), Atran (2015), Okereke (2015) and Busari (2015), is the offers of spiritual guidance, selection of targets and inspiration. Pipes (2015), particularly adds that the ISIS model is very dangerous. It uses inspirational link. It is not in the business of logistic, command and control. And when it claims credit, it claims so for inspiration purpose, meaning that the activities and actions of the group goes with a nationalistic inspiration and possibly a terror attack to establishing its claims and objective. The obvious here is that the ISIS approach is more effective with a high political impact on the general society, which had also paved way for the group in Libya, Yemen, Iraq and Syria among others, in creating discontent, dissatisfaction, disillusioned and divided societies in the Middle East. GENERAL IMPLICATIONS The crises in the Middle East have exposed some problematic issues in the relationship and co-existence of the Arabs to themselves, their visitors and neighbours alike, and has also provoked some reasoning to suggest that both the West and the Arab states’ leaders had not measured up in their responsibilities all these years, leading to the underlined hiccups that had crystalized into severe implications, especially on the impacts of the activities of the Islamist states of Iraq Sunni and Al Sham (ISIS) current aggressions and terrorist attacks. The activities of the ISIS, whether in fighting to drive away the western powers from the Middle East or in trying to re-assert nationalism or reintegrate the Arabs may in many respect affects the entire region; since it is clear that her economy and policies are controlled from the outside by the western world. Chasing them away is like shooting self on the waist to either turn crippled - paralyzed and or remained invalid for life good only for charity recipient or otherwise. 292 | P a g e ESCET Journal of Educational Research and Policy Studies (ESCJERPS) Vol. 1 ISSN: Print 2811-2717 https://journal.escetjerps.com The general implications of over militarization of the region may end up creating an unprecedented catastrophe to affecting the environment, political governance and huge social disequilibrium among others. The West allowing or adhering to the desires of the terrorist – aggressors might create untold hardship not only to the West and the Arab but to the world. Although, the issues raised by the aggressors like poverty, home grown democracy, unemployment, social decimation, economic dislocation and poverty of technology among others should be reconsidered while tackling the ISIS to submission. The agenda should equally include reorientation, rehabilitation and reintegration among others as absence of any may be more destructive than what is currently on. In addition, the West should look inward in re-examining the factors that make Neo-democracy impracticable in the Middle East without imposition against what is obtainable in the West to avoid untold hardship on the people. The basic factors that breed alienation, deprivation and alien to own course or environment as presently observed in the Middle East should be revisited. CONCLUSION The present events in the middle East, to which the activities of the ISIS terrorism had imposed is a great threat not only to the region but to the global society as opposed to the peaceful settlement of crisis in the international system. However, the categorization of the ISIS course in middle East as to whether a course of war against the enemy and or a ploy to re-asserting the incoherent and distorted Pan-Arab nationalism left much to be desired as most events are hinged on religion and faith. Besides, the usage of religion and faith to whip-up sentiment and probably to promote religious radicalization and violence in Islam, the adoption of nationalism as a symbol of struggle is contradicting. As both two factor are not the only ingredient propelling nationalism. The re-asserting of nationalism can only be possible when there is one nation-state with one ideal, one people and one desire and not as obtained today in the Arab projections. This, simply saying that misinformation and misgivings might be the falsehood relied on to recruiting ISIS followers. Meanwhile, exception should also be drawn that the death of Saddam Hussein and the marginalization of the Sunni ethnic groups in Iraq from the scheme of things should not be a pivot to rallying and destabilizing of the entire region, after all when the Sunni held sway to power in Iraq for years they never thought it wise to carve-out a separate caliphate for themselves and neither do other ethnic groups use spiritual inspiration to divide the region. The people and the state should not allow themselves to be used in destroying their own people, properties and wealth. Although, it is true according to Phillips (1995), that terrorism is a cancer that has 293 | P a g e Middle East Crisis: Re-Assertive Nationalism or War Okechukwu, Groupson-Paul UC.; Agboola, Olugbenga Abiodun plagued the Middle East but the course should be separated. As its acceptance is now metastasizing into new and more deadly course imposing a grave challenge to the western powers and the world. The ISIS and Al Qaeda among others who are now striking inside and outside their home region on high profile targets with indiscriminate killings among others should not be seen as a course of self-determination and neither do their human slaughters be seen as a propelling force of nationalism ideals. Terrorism is an outrageous attack carried out either by individual, groups or states against the human being (Al- Mulkarramah, 2001). It is barbaric and destructive. It has no place in religious circle and can never be accepted as a course of faith. Sequel to this, there should be a profound global discourse separating religion from Islamic radicalism, terrorism and religious violence in whatever form, especially now that terrorism is a transnational problem, no longer contained within the borders – or the jurisdiction of a single state. 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